STUDIA TIBETICA

Quellen und Studien zur tibetischen Lexikographie

Band II

TIBETAN STUDIES
Proceedings of the 4th Seminar of the
International Association for Tibetan Studies
Schloss Hohenkammer - Munich 1985
edited by
Helga Uebach and Jampa L. Panglung

KOMMISSION FOR ZENTRALASIATISCHE STUD lEN

BA YERISCHE AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN

Miinchen 1988
 STUDIA TIBETICA
Quellen und Studien zur tibetischen Lexikographie

herausgegeben fiir die

Kommission fur zentralasiatische Studien
durch

Herbert Franke

Band II

TIBETAN STUDIES
Proceedings of the 4'" Seminar of the
International Association for Tibetan Studies
Schloss Hohenkammer - Munich 1985

edited by

Helga Uebach and Jampa L. Panglung

KOMMISSION FUR ZENTRALASIA TISCHE STUD lEN

BA YERlSCHE AKADEMIE DER WlSSENSCHAFTEN
Miinchen 1988
 TIBETAN STUDIES
Proceedings of the 4th Seminar of the
International Association for Tibetan Studies
Schloss Hohenkammer - Munich 1985

edited by
Helga Uebach and Jampa L. Panglung

KOMMISSION FOR ZENTRALASIATISCHE STUDIEN

BA YERISCHE AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN
Miinchen 1988
 Vignette: glegs-ral
drawing byv.n. 'Jam-dbyan. A-'ga from tha-phren

CIP-Titelaufnahme der Deutschen Bibliothek

Tibetan studies : Sch10B Hohenkammer - Munich 1985 /

Komm. ror Zentralasiat. Studien, Bayer. Akad. d. Wiss.,
Miinch.n. Ed. by Hdga U.bach and Jampa L. Panglung. -
MUnchen : Komm. fUr Zentralasiat. Studien, Bayer. Akad. d.
Wiss.,1988
(Studia Tibeuca ; Bd. 2) (proceedings of the .•• seminar of the
International Association for Tibetan Studies j 4)
ISBN 3-7696-1001-6
NE: Uebach. Helga [Hrsg.]; 1. GT; International Association for
Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the ...

© Kommission fUr zentralasiatische Studien

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by
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Printed in Germ~y
 Editor's Preface

The Committee for Central Asian Studies of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences is pleased that the
Proceedings of the 4th International Seminar on Tibetan Studies are now published as volume II of the
series Studia Tibetica. It would not have been possible to organise the scholarly meeting at Hohenkam-
mer and Munchen without the substantial assistance provided by several institutions and persons and
the gratitude of the organisers has been duly expressed in the Preface. The editing and publishing of the
many contributions to the Seminar has been an exacting task for which I am greatly indebted to Dr.
Helga Uebach and Dr. J. Panglung. They have not only shouldered the considerable burden of
preparing the meeting but also the no less difficult task of bringing the individual articles submitted by
the participants into a publishable shape. The great diversity of subject matter in these contributions in
several different languages has required an unusual attention to detail in editing the manuscripts for
publication. For the excellent typography of sometimes rather complicated texts I am indebted to the
Allgauer Zeitungsverlag GmbH. A particular debt of gratitude is owed to institutions and persons
whose financial assistance has made this publication possible, namely, the Bavarian Academy of Sci-
ences, the Society of Friends of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences and, above all, the unfailing help
given by Senator Gunther Klinge and Mrs. Gertraud Klinge.
The Proceedings will certainly revive the memories of a stimulating scholarly encounter for the
participants whose contributions are now available in print. It is also to be hoped that the Proceedings
will be a testimony of the great vitality of Tibetan studies which have made such progress in many
countries during the last few years. There is hardly a field for which the volume does not include
substantial research increasing our knowledge of Tibetan civilisation in all its aspects, and it may be
assumed that the contents will help to stimulate more scholarly research on one of the most fascinating
cultures of Asia.
Herbert Franke
 Contents

Preface . . • . 11
Abbreviations 13
MICHAEL Ams, New Light on an old Clan of Bhutan: The sMyos-rabs of Bla-ma gSan-snags . 15
BARBARA NlMRI AZIZ, Women in Tibetan Society and Tibetology . . . . . . . . . . . 25
DIETER M. BACK, Zur Interpretation der tierkopfigen Gottheiten im Bar-do thos-grol 35
ROLAND BmLMEmR, On Tone in Tibetan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
ANNE-MARm BLONDEAU, La controverse soulevee par I'inclusion de rituels bon-po dans Ie Rin-
chen gter-mjod. Note preliminaire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
KRYSTYNA CECH, A Bonpo bca-yig: the rules of sMan-ri monastery 69
EVA K. DARGYAY, In Search for Gesar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
ELENA DE ROSSI-FILIBECK, The Biography of Thar-pa'i rGyal-mchan . 95
HILDEGARD DmMBERGER and CHRISTIAN SCHICKLGRUBER, Preliminary Report on Use of Ar-
chitecture among the Khumbo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

SIGLINDE DIETZ, Remarks on four Cosmological Texts from Tun-huang (Pelliot tibecain Nos.
958,959,966 and 967) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 111
DOBooM TULKu, The Distinctions between the Siitra and Mantra Vehicles from Tibetan Sources 119
PASCALE DOLLFUS, La representation du bouquetin au Ladakh, region de culture tibetaine de
l'Inde du Nord. . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 125
FRANZ-KARL EHRHARD, Observations on Prasangika-Madhyamakain the rNin-ma-pa-school 139

HELMUT EIMER, Two Versions of a Volume Within the Lhasa Kanjur • . . . . . . . . . . . " 149
ALExANDER FEDOTOV, Some Aspects of the Influence of Tibetan Literature over Mongolian
Literary Tradition . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 157
ELISABETH FINCKH, Dber tibetische Pharmakologie: Geschmack (ro) und Wirkung (nus-pa) der
Arzneien . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
GYATSHO TSHERING, A Short Introductory Note on Porcelain Cups of Tibet . 171

JEr'S-UWE HARTMANN, The Triratnastotra Ascribed to Matrceta . 177

AMY HELLER, Early Textual Sourcesfor the Cult of Beg-ce . . . 185
SILKE HERRMANN, Possibilities for New Perspectives in Epic Research on the Tibetan Gesar . .' 197
 Contents

ZOLTAN HORVATH, The Classification of Valid Lot;ical Reasons in Tenns of their own Nature
(ha-ba) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
PATRICK KAPLANIAN, Les Mikha au Ladakh et Ie mikha speCha (mi-kha dpe-cha) . 209
SAMTEN G. KARMA,y, The Etiological Problem of the Yar-lwi Dynasty •... 219
JOSEF KOLMAS, The Symbolum Fidei in Tibetan (Text, Translation, Gloss¥y) 223
IRINA N. KOMAROVA, Grapheme and Phoneme in Tibetan . . . . . . . . . . . 231
PER KVAERNE, A New Chronological Table of the Bon Religion. The bstan-rcis of Hor-bcun
bsTan-'jin-blo-gros (1888-1975) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
EVGENlY 1. KYCHANov, Views of the Tanguts on the Origin of the World and Man . . . . . .. 245
MAREK MEIOR, Klmi rdol bla rna's Explanatory Notes on the Abhidharmakaia of Vasubandhu 249

BEAT~CE D. MILLER, Lhasa: An International Politico-Economic Center Through the Centu-

ries: A very Preliminary Examination. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 253
Roy ANDREW MILLER, The First Two Tibetan Grammatical Treatises as Known to the Sa skya
Pru;u;\ita. . 0' • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 263
KATSUMI MIMAKI, A Tibetan Index to the Pentaglot Dictionary from the Qing Dynasty . . . .. 279
MARCELINE DE MONTMOLLIN, Some More on the sa ba sa khyi 'cham - a Bhutanese 'cham on
the Conversion of the Hunter mGon po rDo rje by Mi la ras pa . 293
BRAHAM NORWIcK,LocatingTibet. The Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301
JAMPAoL. PANGLUNG, Die metrischen Berichte uber die GrabmaIer der tibetischen Konige.°Ihre
Dberlieferung und ihr Beitrag zurIdentifizierung . . . . . '. . . .,,-'. 321.
LUCIANO PETECH, Yuan Organization of the Tibetan Border Areas 369
WINFRIED PETRI, Die Astronomie im KaIacakralaghutantra . . . . 381
PETER R.:!CHARDUS, Some Remarks on M. A. J. van Manen's Contribution to Tibetology . 387
RINZIN THARGYAL, The Applicability of the Concept of Feudalism to Traditional Tibetan
Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391
• .t"
ANDRAs R6NA-TAS, Tibetan Linguistics. History, State-of-the-Art, Tasks 397
NAMGYAL G. RONGE, Thag-lcags of Tibet . 405
VERONIKA RONGE, Modelling in Butter . . 413
JEFFREY D. SCHOENING, A Bibliography of Tibetan Historical Works at the University of
Washington : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 421
DIETER SCHUH, Zu den Hypothesen uber die Ursachen des tibettschen Burgerkrieges der la1Ire
1727-1728 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " 427
PETER SCHWIEGER, The Biographies of the Grand Lamas of Dagyab (Brag-g.yab) as a Contribu-
tion to the History of East Tibet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 435
NAWANG TSERING SHAKSPO, The Revival of Buddhism in Modern Ladakh . 439
GYORGY SOMLAI, The Lineage of Taranatha According to Kloil-rdol bla-ma 449

BRIGITTE STEINMANN, Le Tamba, barde ou lama? Role du Tamba dans I'expansion du Boud-
dhisme chez 175 Tamang de l'Est (Nepal) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 453
 Contents 9

HEATImR STODDARD, The Long Life of tDo-sbis dGe-bses 5es-rab rGya-mcho (1884-1968) 465
MARK TATZ, Maim-pa and Atisa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 473
fuLMUT TAUSCHER, paramartha as an Object of Cognition - paryaya- and aparyaya-paramar-
tha in Svatantrika-Madhyamaka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 483
TOM}. F. TILLEMANS, On bdag, gzan and Related Notions of Tibetan Grammar . . . . . . . .. 491
HELGA UEBACH, Konigliche Residenzen und Orte der Reichsversammlung im 7. und 8. Jahrhun-
dert. Ein Beitrag zu den Ortsnomen der KoniglichenAnnalen Tibets. . . . . . . . . . . 503
GEZA URAY, New Contributions to Tibetan Documents from the post-Tibetan Tun-huang . . .. 515
ROHIT VORRA, Ethno-Historicity of the Dards in Ladakh-Baltistan: Observations and Analysis 529
WANG YAO, Introductory Notes on Ancient Tibetan Wooden Slipsfrom Nob-ChuIi . . . . . .. 547
ALEx WAYMAN, The Tibetan Negatives med and ma yin, and the Maiijusn-nama-sa11;lgiti VI, 19
Commentaries. . . . . . . . . . . • • . . . . . . . . . . 551
YONTEN GYATSO, Le monastere de Bla-braIi bkra-sis 'khyil . , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 559
ZHANG LIANSHENG, A Quantitative Study of the Preservation in Modem Tibetan of Ancient
Tibetan Final Stop *-k . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 567
 Preface

The International Seminar on Tibetan Studies, which took place at Schloss Hohenkammer, near
Munich, from July 21st to tbe 27tb, was called "Fourth" such Seminar by design, so as to demonstrate
that it resulted from tbe initial Seminar restricted to young Tibetologists held at Zurich by Martin
Brauen and Per Kvaeme in 1977. In continuation Michael Aris convened the next (Second) Seminar
"open to all scholars witb a major interest in Tibetan Studies" at St John's College, Oxford, in 1979,
while Barbara Nimri Aziz organised tbe third one at Columbia University, N ew York, in 1982. The
proceedings of tbese conferences have been duly published:
Martin Brauen and Per Kvaeme: Tibetan Studies presented at the Seminar of Young Tibetologists,
Zurich, June 26-July 1, 1977, Zurich 1978; "
Michael Aris and Aung San Suu Kyi: Tibetan Studies in Honour of Hugh Richardson, Proceedings of
the.International Seminar on Tibetan Studies, Oxford 1979, Warminster 1980;
Barbara Nimri Aziz and Matthew Kapstein: Soundings in Tibetan Civilization, Proceedings of the 1982
Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies held at Columbia University, New Delhi
1985, dedicated to the late Turrell V. Wylie.
In tbe Fourth Seminar more tban one hundred colleagues from twenty-two nations participated. Due
to tbis number tbe schedule was ratber tight, and we failed to keep to the rule established in tbe
preceeding seminars that each participant should read a paper, this time accepting observers as well.
During tbe Seminar seventy-nine papers were delivered. Since many participants did not ultimately
submit their papers for publication for various reasons, only fifty-five of tbe papers are presented in
tbis volume. The paper read by Herbert Franke has since been published in tbe Tucci-Festschrift,
Orientalia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata, SOR LVI,l, Roma 1985, p. 401-416. The paper of Amy
Heller, who was unable to attend personally, has been included, and our papers, originally delivered at
the Csoma de Koros Symposium at Visegrad, are published here for tbe first time.
We refrained this time from demanding a uniform length for each paper, so as to facilitate the
inclusion of texts where tbe autbors felt it necessary to elaborate tbe papers. However, we gratefully
acknowledge that the autbo"rs kept to tbe transliteration system required for our Kommission's series,
tbe specimen of which has been published in tbe first volume. Apart from introducing a standard
system of abbreviations for tbe most frequent titles and for typographical uniformity, tbe contributions
have not been altered in any way. The articles are tbus in tbe author's own responsibility.
It would neitber have been possible to convene tbe Fourth Seminar nor to publish the proceedings
witbout generous personal and institutional assistance. We express our sincere thanks to Prof. Dr. Dr.
Herbert Franke, head of tbe Kommission fiir zentralasiatische Studien, tben President of the Baye-
rische Akademie der Wissenschaften, who from tbe very beginning supported tbe idea of convening
tbe Seminar. His experience and advise were a great benefit. The Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft
provided financial support for tbe organisation of the Seminar as well as for airtickets and/or the daily
allowances of tbe participating colleagues from Eastern European countries, India, Tibet and tbe
People's Republic of China. Last b':'t not least, we sincerely tbank Mrs Gertraud Klinge for her
generousity, which enabled us to support financially the participation of colleagues who otherwise
would not have been able to attend.
12 Preface

We are obliged to tbe Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, represented by Dr. Karl Dachs, Head of tbe
Manuscript Department, and our colleague Dr. Giinter Gronbold, Head of tbe Soutb Asia Depart-
ment, who greatly contributed to tbe success of tbe Seminar by arranging the exhibition "Tibetica in
der Bayeriscben Staatsbibliotbek', the catalogue of which was presented to tbe participants. Before and
after tbe Seminar, many participants took advantage of tbe large Tibetan collection of tbe Library and
tbe ever-ready helpfulness of Giinter Gronbold.
The publication of tbis volume would not have been realised witbout the financial help of Mrs
Gertraud Klinge and Mr Giintber Klinge and a grant of the Gesellschaft der Freunde der Bayerischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften.
We also owe tbanks to Mrs Irene Brugger, retired clerk of the Academy, who during the Seminar
took care of many practical problems, the most fatiguing extension of permits, tbe reconfirmation of
airtickets etc. We tbank our graphical designers Mr G. Sturm and Mr F. Weinrich, who kindly drew
maps and graphics for the volume. Finally, we want to tbank Dr. Peter Mohr for his computer
expertise witb tbe insertion of Chinese characters.

Helga Uebach
J ampa L. Panglung

The International Association for Tibetan Studies (IATS)

The International Association for Tibetan Studies was founded in 1979 on the occasion of tbe (Second)
Seminar at Oxford. In tbe business meeting of tbe (Third) Seminar at New York/Arden House, tbe
need for statutes and a formal head of IATS had been expressed. On tbe same occasion, Andras Rona-
Tas was elected President. The convener of the next Seminar had tbe task of prep'tring a draft of tbe
statutes. The statutes were discussed and passed at the business meeting at Hohenkammer, but since
some formal corrections of terms and a general improvement of tbe English were still necessary, tbe
statutes will have to be passed definitively at tbe next Seminar. In tbe statutes an advisory board and a
secretary general have been introduced. Elected as members of tbe board were:
Michael Aris Roy Andrew Miller
Barbara Nimri Aziz Katsumi Mimalti
Anne-Marie Blondeau Marceline de Montmollin
Janet Gyatso Luciano Petech
Samten G. Karmay Ernst Steinkellner
Per Kvaerne Zhang Liansheng
Furthermore Prof. Dr. Shoren Ihara was commissioned to convene tbe next Seminar at tbe Naritasan
Institute for Buddhist Studies in 1989.

Helga Uebach
IATS-Secretary General
 List of Abbreviations

AM Asia Major, London

AcAs Acta Asiatica, Tokyo
AMG Annales du Musee Guimet, Paris
AOH Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest
ASHP Academia Sinica. The National Research Institute of History and Philology, Shanghai
BDC Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute, Pune
BEFEO Bulletin de l':Ecole Franl'aise d'Extreme-Orient, Paris
BIHP The Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica
BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London
BSOS Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, London
CAl Central Asiatic Journal
D sDe-dge edition
DTH J. Bacot, F. W. Thomas, Ch. Toussaint, Documents de Touen-houang retatifs a ['histoire du
Tibet, AMG, Bibliotheque d'Etudes, T. 51, Paris 1940.
HJAS Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Cambridge, Mass.
IA The Indian Antiquary, Bombay
lAIC International Association of Indian Culture
IBK Indogaku bukkyogaku kenkyu Uournal of Indian and Buddhist Studies), Tokyo
ISCLAA Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo
JA Journal Asiatique, Paris
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JASB Journal of the Asiatic Society, Bombay Branch
]BORS Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Patna
JIPh Journal of Indian Philosophy
LTBA Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area, Berkeley
MASB Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
MCB Melanges Chinois et Bouddhiques, Brussels
MTH Monumenta Tibetica Historica, Abteilung, Band, St. Augustin
P Peking edition
RSO Rivista degli Studi Orientali, Roma
SOR Serie Orientale Roma
SPS Sata-Pi\aka Series, New Delhi
TP T' oung Pao, Leiden
TPhS Transactions of the Philological Society, Oxford
WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes
WZKS Wiener Zeitschrift fUr die Kunde Siidasiens
ZAS Zentralasiatische Studien, Bonn
ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft
 New Light on an Old Clan of Bhutan:
The sMyos-rabs of Bla-ma gSail-snags*
MrCHAllL ARts (OXFORD)

The purpose of this paper is to draw attention to a recent work of historical scholarship from Bhutan
which has till now failed to attract the critical notice it clearly deserves. The author, Bla-ma gSail.-snags,
lias set himself the formidable task of revealing the origin and development of all the noble families of
Bhutan which descend from a certain thirteenth-century Tibetan lama. This member of the sMyos (or
gNos) clan! was called bDe-mchog, alias'sMyos-ston Khrul-zig Chos-r]e (1179-1265), and waS the
founder of the Sum-phraiJ. temple which still stands in the U-ra valley of the Bum-thail. region to this
day. To achieve his purpose the author traces the origin of the sMyos clan back to 'its mythological
beginnings in what he takes to be the fifth century A. D. and forward through what may be called the
·stem" family of the Sum-phrail. Chos-r]e2 down to the present. Mter discussing each of the forty-six
generations which make up this line, providing dates for thirty-four generations from the mid-tenth
century onwards, he then goes on to explain the complicated interrelations of a whole constellation of
families which branch out from the stem. (See Table 1.) Without exception the families which make up
this constellation came into being as a result of the movement of the descendants of bDe-mChog to
different parts of the central and eastern regions. There they married into local families and, by virtue
of their individual prestige, each came to be reckoned later as the founder of a new household that had
gained temporal and spiritual power in the locality. These households in turn produced further collat-
erallineages until it could be said that practically the only noble families of any substance after the
seventeenth century were those descended from sMyos bDe-mchog.' What is sure is that the ideology

,. I am greatly indebted to Gene Smith for the gift of the book reviewed' here, and to Nicholas Allen, Melvyn Goldstein and
Karma Ngawang Ura for their most valued comments on the first draft.
I I use the term "clan· in this paper to render the term ruslgdun whose primary sense is the "bone· passed down a lineage and
its collateral lineages in a male patriline. I am, however, sensitive to the sociological and historical inadequacies of the term,
particularly in the later Bhutanese context where the real function of the ruslgdun is difficult to perceive.
Z The key term chas-rie (lit. "Lord of Religion"') seems to correspond on a lower level to Chos-rg:yfll (lit. "King of Religion"),

suggesting a quasi-independent spiritual hierarch possessing local authority in a region. Although the term is frequently
applied to Tihetan hierarchs, nowhere does it seem to have gained such wide currency as in Bhutan, where almost all the
nohility use it as a title. Just as ChOS-rgyfll renders Sanskrit dharmaTajfl (a term adopted by the British in referring to the former
heads of state in Bhutan, the Zl!lbs-drun, possihly under the influence of Indian munshis at the Bhutanese court), so Chos-rfe
may be a literal rendering of Sanskrit dharrnaSfJ4min.
] Bla-ma gSail.-sJiags has very usefully listed. the noble families who do not belong to the sMyos in his "'Brug-IuJi-pa'i rnam-
ghgD, 'Brug blo-gsal (1982)i no. 1, pp. 3-9: (A) The Va-can zaI-no, sGati-kha'i 2:al-no, gSaiI.-ma'i :lal-no and Hum-ral :ZaI-
no descending from Pha-jo 'Brug-sgom :l;g-po (1162-1251); (B) The Sa-la-brag Chos-rje descending from 'Jam-dbyaiIs
Chos-kyi Don-grub (dbon-sras of Pa-ri-ba, the disciple of gean-pa rGya-ras, 1161-1211); (C) The rJon-brag Chos-rje
descending from Grub-thob mGon-po,rDo-rje (15th cent. 1); (D) The gZar-Chen Chos-rje descending from Grub-thob sPyi-
dkar-ba (disciple of rGod-chan-pa, I f89-1258); (E) The rTa-mChog Chos-rje descending from Grub-thob Than-ston rGyal-
po (1385-1464); (F) The mChams-brag Bla-ma and Me-Items ~al-no descending from the sKU-fa clan of Tibet; (G) The
Mail-sde sBon-sbis Chos-rje and Bum-than mChams-pa'i Bla-ma descending from the Tibetan royal dynasty; (H) The
families of Bya-dkar !Ha-khan and O-rgyan Chos-gliIi in Bum-than descending from rDo-rje GIiIi-pa (1346-1405); (I) The
sKur-stod Cu-sa Chos-rje and bKra-sis-sgail Yon-phu Chos-rJe descending from Ratna Glin-pa (1403-1479); The sKur- m
srod Na-Iam gDwi and Lug-khyu Chos-rje descending from Gu-ru Chos-dban (1212-1270); (K) The Khyuti-mkhar Chos-
rje, Sis-na-mkhar Chos-rje and gDwi-dkar dGon-pa'i Chos-rje descending from bsTan-pa'i Ni-ma (1567-1619, father of the
first ~abs-drun).
16 Michael Ans

of these hereditary Tantric priests of the rNin-ma school gradually supplanted that of the former ruling
families of central and eastern Bhutan, which had looked for their legitimacy either to a Tibetan royal
ancestry or else to divine origin from a pre-Buddhist deity.' The rise of the new religious aristocracy,
typified by the term ,hos-rle, coincided with the gradual emergence of Bhutan as an independent and
unified nation; the rise of these families, and their later association with the ruling theocracy, may
therefore in part be explained by the way in which they fulfilled local aspirations towards a non-
Tibetan source of legitimacy. This was made possible because the ancestor these families looked to in
particular was not the shadowy Tibetan figure of bDe-mchog, but rather his own descendant of two
centuries later, the famous "text-discoverer" Padma Glin-pa (1450-1521), who was himself every bit a
Bhutanese.
Another factor in the rise of the new ,hos-rle families may have been economic. We may speculate
that while lateral communications between the hitherto isolated Bhutanese valleys improved and as the
routes from Tibet through Bhutan to India opened up to permit an increase in trade and barter, so the
new situation of economic growth may have led to a shift in social stratification; in this process some
families, particularly those which could adjust successfully to the new economic opportunities, may
have attracted the scions of Padma Glin-pa into their families to add social and religious prestige to the
profits of trade. Doubtless there are many causes to be adduced in a historical process as deeply rooted
as this one, but here I want to underline its continuing importance for the legitimacy and authority of
the present dynasty. The royal family of Bhutan, now only in its fourth generation, arose from the
family of the Dun-dkar Chos-rJe of sKur-stod. (See Table 2.) They owe their position partly to the
expression of popular will which brought the first king, Urgyan dBari-phyug, to the throne in 1907,
but also to their illustrious descent from Padma Glin-pa of the sMyos, already mentioned.
So much, then, for the book's general scope and purport. Before introducing the author and discuss-
ing the work's sources and overall significance it will be useful to set out here its basic structure:
Author: Bla-ma gSan-snags (alias mDo-snags bsTan-'jin). Title: 'Brug-.tu 'od-gsallha'i gdun-rabs
'byun-chul brfod-pa sMyos-rabs gsal-ba'i me-Ion ["A Discourse on 'the Coming to Bhutan of a
Lineage of the Gods of Clear Light: The Mirror which Illuminates the Generations of the sMyos"].
Thimphu, 1983. 469 pages.
Foreword {[pp.]3-6}, Contents {7-21}, Preface {23-26}
I: sMyos-rabs brcam-dgos-pa'i don ["The Reasons for Composing the sMyos-rabs"] {26-29}
II: Rigs-rus giiis-la dbye-ba yod-chul ["The Divisions which Exist among Both Families and Clans"]
{29-40}
III: Rigs-rus giiis-la bzan-nan yod~c1,ul ["The Good and Bad (High and Low) which Exist among
Both Families and Clans"] {40-45}
IV: Lus-rten-gyi khyad-par dan rigs-rus mthun-min-las 'bras-bu 'byun-chul ["Physical Differences,
and the Results which Stem from Ordinary and Extraordinary Families and Clans"] {45 - 56}
V: sMyos-kyi 'byun-rabs mi-'dra-ba khag-nas khuns bcun-sos-ltar-du 'chad-chul ["An Explanation
of the Various Origins of the sMyos According to the Most Authentic Account"] {56-62}
VI: bsTan-pa sna-dar skabs-su IHa-sa sKyid-sos-nas mched-on Kha-rag-tu byun-ba'i sMyos-rabs
["The sMyos Lineage as it Spread from lHa-sa sKyid-sos during the Early Flourishing of the
Teachings and Came to Kha-rag"] {62-67}
VII: bsTan-pa phyi-dar skabs-su Kha-rag-tu dar-ba'i sMyos-rabs ["The sMyos Lineage as it Pros-
pered at Kha-rag during the Later Flourishing of the Teachings"] {67-99}
VIII: Bod Kha-rag-nas mched-cin 'Brug Sum-phran-du byun-ba'i sMyos-rabs ["The sMyos Lineage as
it Came to Sum-phran in Bhutan after it had Spread from Kha-rag in Tibet"] {99-224}

4 The m~jor work dealing with these families and clans is the rGyal-rigs 'byun-khun gsal-ha'i sgron-me by a certain Nag-dban
(1728), edited and translated in my Sources fOT the History of Bhutan (Wiener Studien ZUT Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde,
Heft l~' Wien, 1986). For discussion, see my Bhutan: The Early History of a Himalayan Kingdom (Warminster and New
Delhi, 1979), pt. 1, chs. 4-5.
 New Light on an Old Clan of Bhutan: The sMyos-rabs of B/a-ma gSan-snags 17

IX: Sum-phran-nas Kha-bii so-sor 'gyes-pa'i smyos-rabs ["The sMyos Lineage as it Spread in Differ-
ent Directions of (lHo-mon) Kha-bZi (i.e., Bhutan) from Sum-phran"] {224-473}
X: rGyal-ba IHas-gnan-pa'i lun dan don-mthun 'byun-chul dan / sMyos-rabs de-nid-kyi khuns-
dpyad /i-yod sogs ["The Fulfillment of the Prophesy of rGyal-ba IHas-gnan-pa and a List of the
Various Sources Used in this sMyos-rabs"] {473-491}
Concluding verses and colophon {491-494}
The author, Bla-ma gSan-snags, was born in 1934 into a branch of the Sum-phran thos-r)e family that
descends from a brother in the twenty-ninth generation, 5es-rab Grags-dpal (b. 1500) {VIIL13 :169 /
IX.65:421-422}.s The author's own father bKra-sis Che-rm (1873-1941) was evidently a highly gifted
lama, one of several Bhutanese disciples of the famous Khams-pa master rTogs-ldan Sakya-sri
{IX.66:422-432}. The author's paternal grandfather was one bSam-grub brTan-pa (b. 1844), who is
well remembered as a champion and hero during the civil wars of the later nineteenth century and in
particular for his courage during the Anglo-Bhutanese War of 1865-1866 {IX.66:422-432}. Bla-ma
gSan-snags accepts the notion that he himself is the incarnation of a minor, unidentified lama from
Khams {IX.68:464-471}. He was schooled from birth by his father and other accomplished teachers
to play the role, later in life, of a married lama of the rN-m-ma-pa school. At the age of nineteen he
became the incumbent of his wife's family temple at Cakakiiri in Zon-sgar, but at the age of twenty-six
he was summoned by the government to work as an artist in the capital for three years.' This period.
was followed by a further seven years as a teacher of traditional subjects at a modern school at Mon-
sgar. Since then he has acted as a representative of eastern Bhutan in the National Assembly, a Royal
Advisory Councillor and a judge of the High Court in Thimphu, a post he continues to occupy today.
He has been chiefly responsible for drafting the modern law codes of Bhutan concerning land, marriage
and so forth, and he is the author of several articles on Bhutanese traditions in the periodical'Brug blo-
gsal, focusing in particular on the historical origins of Bhutanese art, calligraphy and astrology.'
Nowhere in the book under review or in his other writings does Bla-ma gSan-snags question the
assumptions of his own culture, but what he lacks in scepticism he makes up for in a rigorous approach
to his sources and a driving curiosity. Moreover, whereas most other local scholars seeking to underline
the specificity of Bhutanese culture either discount or negate all Tibetan influence in the past, Bla-ma
gSan-snags is by contrast quite happy to call a spade a spade. Beyond doubt it is the stimulus provided
by the tempo of modernization in the last three decades and the powerful, some would say deleterious,
effect this has had on the structure of Bhutanese life and thought which has served to turn the attention
of scholars inwards and backwards to what they see as the roots of the Bhutanese tradition. Whatever
disadvantages modern development mayor may not have brought to Bhutan, this recent outburst of
historical scholarship is surely to be welcomed. The tensions in society produced by violent change are
revealed in the deliberately conservative, even reactionary, tone of the book, which is composed in
elegant i':hos-skad rather than in the vernacular rJon-kha that is now gaining currency in written form.
The book is expressly aimed at the youth of Bhutan today who deny the divisions of high and low
birth. The first four parts are consequently mainly taken up with a survey of the scriptural, karmic and
prophetic justifications for the existence of social dasses. In particular it is said that when high and low
families intermarry, it disturbs the guardian deities of these groups (the srun-rna and the 'go-ba'i Iha) to

S References within swung brackets in the text are to the divisions and pagination of the sMyos-rabs as follows: part no. in
upper case roman numerals, stop, followed by section no. in arabic numerals, colon, followed by original pagination.
6 Bla-ma gSan-snags continues to practise his skills as an artist. He is said to be engaged at present in formulating the
iconographic representations of each member of the lineage of the Sum-phran Chos-rje for a set of wall paintings in a new
retreat centre above the main temple at Sum-phran.
7 The articles by Bla-ma gSan-snags which I have seen only extend to 1982, but more have probably appeared since then. They
include the following: "sNail-'Char 'khrul-med-kyi gtam-glen", 'Brug blo-gsal (1979), no. 3; "rCis-kyi no-sprod", ibid,
(1980), no. 2; "'Brug-pa lha-bris byuti-khuns", ibid. (1980), no. 4; "Ran-lugs 'Brug-pa'i mgyogs-yig", ibid. (1980). no. 1;
''''Brug-rgyal bii-pa'j gdun-rabs dan 'khruns-dkar dus-chen", ibid, (1980). no, 3; "sKar-rcis dan nag-rcis giiis-kyi mam-
giag", ibid. (1981), no. 4 and (1982), no. 4; '''Brug-Iun-pa'i mam-giag", ibid. (1982), no. 1.
18 Michael Aris

the extent that "sickness and death befall humans, cattle become barren, all work turns out unsuccess-
ful, married couples suffer strife and divorce, and enjoyments are turned upside down" {IV.2:54-55}.
If, however, on the one hand the book is an attempt to turn back the clock and to retard the changes
which are now undermining the privileges of a traditional elite, on the other hand it points forward and
breaks new ground in its use of sources. For more recent history the author has depended on the
detailed oral testimony of forry-two named informants {X.2:488-489}. This he has combined with
evidence drawn from sixry-seven listed textual sources covering the earlier period {X.2:483-487}.
Among these are found, besides the hagiographies hitherto known or unknown, a whole class of texts
whose existence in Bhutan has not been properly realized till now. These are referred to collectively at
the beginning of the work as "books in the form of incidental lists, also draft notes and scrolls of paper
concerning the sMyos" (zur-tho-ltar-gyi dpe-cha dan sMyos-kyi zin-bris dan sog-dril) {I:28}. Each of
these works, which together constitute a whole new type of local history for the region, are itemized
collectively or separately among the sixry-seven listed sources in the bibliography. Among them we
find for instance a group referred to as "Twenry-One Scrolls [Containing] the Divine Generations (lha-
rabs) of Sum-phrw bSam-grub Chos-rjon" (that is, of the ancestral temple of the stem lineage referred
to above) {X.2:483-484}. Now according to a family tradition, the Sum.phran Chos-rje were com-
manded by the Sixth Dalai Lama to maintain biographical sketches of each generation of their family in
perpetuiry {IX.45 :395}. It is these scrolls which the author has now used for the first time. It should be
recalled that this Dalai Lama was himself descended from the Sum-phran Chos-rje family through
Padma Glin-pa's youngest brother O-rgyan bZan-po, who had settled near rTa-van in what is now
Arunachal Pradesh.' The story holds that Chans-dbyans rGya-mcho sent two household officers
(gzim-sgar) to U-ra bearing this command for the family to record their history in future. The officers
also took with them gifts in the form of a golden roof ornament for the temple and a pair of cymbals
which are known to this day by the name of Chans-dbyans-ma. Another set of eleven scrolls used by
the author and described as sMyos-rabs sog-dril carne from the collection of the late Che-rin rDo-rje, a
well-known antiquarian universally known as dGe-slon gRer-chen dGres-paT'The Monk who is a
Retired Steward") {X.2 :486}. Another six scrolls are identified either according to their present owner
or according to the branch lineage which they treat, and the same holds for the six sets of so-called
"draft notes" referred to as sMyos-rabs zin-bris, gdun-rabs zin-bris, Iha-rabs zin-bris or mi-rabs zin-
bris, and also for just two local "registers" (dkar-i'hags), one of the gYag-sgan Chos-rje of Zon-sgar
and the other of the Lug-khyu Chos-rje of sKur-stod {X.2:486-487}.
The proper evaluation of this whole literature of extremely localized origin must await its eventual
publication, but in the meantime we can onl}l rejoice at the full use to which Bla-ma gSw-snags has put
it in his own work. At the same time we can only express our thorough dismay at the total absence of
footnotes and our consequent ignorance as to the source from which each statement is derived. If only
the influence of our friend and colleague Yoshiro Imaeda, who is credited in the foreword {5} for
insisting on the inclusion of a western-style dating system throughout, had extended to the full
provision of a critical apparatus! Let us hope above all that Bla-ma gSan-snags is persuaded to leave
accurate copies of all his sources in the archives of the National Library of Bhutan for the benefit of
future generations.

The legendary origins of the sMyos clan and its early history in Tibet need not detain us here beyond
noting that the author weighs up five versions which seek to account for the name sMyos having the
primary meaning of "Insane" {V.56-62}. According to two versions, the widow of a king of 'Jan Sa-
tharn becomes mad on seeing her three sons swept away in ariver one after the other. A divine son is
then sent to comfort her, the first of the clan. The three other versions account for the name by telling

8 See my "Notes on the History of the Mon-yul Corridor", in Michael Aris and Aung San SUll Kyi (ecls.), Tibetan Studies in
Honour of Hlfgh Richardson: Proceedings of the International Seminar on Tibetan Studies, Oxford, 1979 (Warminster and
New Delhi, 1980), pp. 9-20.
 New Light on an Old Clan of Bhutan: The sMyos-rabs of Bfa-rna gSan-snags 19

the story of a divine son of the Gods of Clear Lighf who, on descending to .earth, turns mad when he
comes into contact with human impurities. This take; place either at IHa-sa or at Kha-rag, from where
the descendants of the mythical progenitor (known as Bya-thul dKar-po, "White Bird-Cloak") spread
the clan in different directions. All five versions seem to agree that Kha-rag in the gCaIi province was a
major centre for the sMyos at the time of Mar-pa's rival, sMyos Lo-ca-ba Yon-tan Grags-pa
(967-1072), and this is certainly borne out by the Blue Annals and other sources.'
The next stage in the story takes the destined bla-ma of the sMyos to Bhutan, and again there are five
versions for the author to assess {VIII.1:99-10S}. All agree that the bla-ma, identified as bDe-mchog
(alias sMyos-ston Khrul-zig Chos-rje) cast his drum!· into the air and it came down at Sum-phran by
the side of a pillar which marked the site of the temple he later founded. (I have argued elsewhere that
the pillar, still to be seen inside the building today, is one of a group of prehistoric megaliths in Bhutan
which were adapted for Buddhist purposes.)l1 From here on the narrative is taken up with the twenty-
nine generations of the Sum-phraIi Chos-rje and all their collateral lineages {VIII.2-29:106-224}. It is
a success story which can best be explained in two ways: firstly by the choice of an effective marriage
system which diffused the lineage in all directions; and secondly by the continuing vitality and appeal
of their religious rites aJ}d teachings. As we shall see, the two are intimately connected.
Not only are the marriages of each principal incumbent explained in this work, but wherever
possible the author also provides information on the marriages contracted by his siblings. For the first
five generations the Sum-phraIi Chos-rJe sought alliances with similar families of Tantric priests. In
particular, for three generations the family exchanged brides with the Lug-khyu Chos-rje of sKur-
stod, the immediate descendants of the famous rNiIi-ma-pa bla-ma Gu-ru Chos-dban (1212-1273),
who. also visited Sum-phran {VIII.3-S:118-131}. The first to marry a lady from outside a priestly
family was 'Jam-dbyans Grags-pa 'Od-zer in the late fourteenth century {VIII.7:13S-142}: he and
then many of his descendants were provided with brides from the older, lay aristocracy of Bum-than
known as the gDuIi,!2 but they continued also to forge alliances with the local religious nobility. As
time passed they made more and more such ties with families to whom they were already related
collaterally, particularly after the sons of Padma GIiIi-pa had produced their own noble households.
The stage is eventually reached when all these lineages are so intermixed that they form a powerfnl
network stretching from the centre of the country right across to the eastern border and beyond. From
the seventeenth century onwards this development was given a special impetus by the practice whereby
noble families lacking a male heir to continue their line, but having a daughter, would obtain for her a
husband from the Sum-phraIi family or from one of their agnates. The husband would be known as the
gdun-'jin, the "maintainer of the patriline". Although the term implies that the husbaod was "bor-
rowed" to keep the line intact, what actually happened was this: the rigs (the "family", representing the
female principle of descent in the mother's patriline) of his issue continued to be reckoned to be that of
his wife, but the children's rus or gdun (the "bone" or "clao", representing the male principle of
descent, the father's patriline) ceased to be linked to their maternal graodfather aod was instead taken to
be that of their own father and his forefathers. Thus a whole series of noble families on the point of
extinction were reprieved by being captured aod losing their identity to the sMyos clan. The most
important of these families seem to have been the Na-mkhar gDuIi {IX.46:396-399}, the Van-20m

, The Blue Annals, trans. George N. Roerich, 2nd. edn. (Delhi, 1976). see the index under gNos.
ID The drum, which has the name of rNa-chun gsait-ba'i 'brug-ldir ("The Little Drum [which Produces] the Secret Roaring of
Dragons"), is said to be the one preserved in the temple of Sum-phrati to this day. It is the only drum of its- kin~ known to me
which has the faces of guardian deities painted on its two panels, one red and one blue.
H See my Bhutan: The Early History of a. Himalaya.n Kingdom, pp. 37-38; also plate 4 (bottom), for the photograph of two
further megaliths standing outside the temple. In that work I have used the alternative spellings gSum-'phran ("Three Narrow
Paths") and So-'bran: the latter comes nearest to the present pronunciation. "Sombrang", which is supposed to mimic the
sound of the dium as it hit the ground at this place. We may speculate that the original meaning was "Border Settlement" (50-
bran). a place name suggestive of the expansion that took place during the royal dynastic period in Tibet.
12 See Ads, op. cit., pt. 1, th. 5.
 20 Michael Aris

Chos-rje {IX.48:400-402}, the Yon-phu Chos-rje {IX.49:402-404} and the Siri.-mkhar Bla-ma
{IX.50:404-405}. One cultural effect of this movement was the diffusion to the "captured" families of
the religious rituals and traditions of the sMyos.
If thus far the pattern of a hereditary nobility sharing a common ancestry and proliferating against
the background of a weak central authority is expected and normal, when we perceive the opposing
attitudes to marriage revealed in this work we isolate one of the prime areas of tension which gave
religious society in Bhutan its peculiar shape by both determining and confusing its later development.
The tensions are clearly to be seen at work in the following simple incident in the life of the Sum-phrari.
Chos-rje Padma rTa-mgrin (1539-1609) {VIII.14:172-173}. After marrying a lady from the ancient
gDuri. family of sTail and producing four children:
He wrote a letter to a lady of U-ra who possessed the signs [of a <;lakinI] saying he wanted "body contact" (lus-
~brel) with her. [His wife] dPal-sgron-ma got to know about this and out of jealousy she gave him no peace
during the day and would not let him sleep at night, thus causing him great anguish. Moreover on countless
occasions he was insulted in front of his disciples, children and servants. On account of this, the lord felt a total
revulsion for the worldly ways of a householder and at the age of thirty he fled by night to Tibet ...
There he took to a monastic life, studying with the great 'Brug-pa scholar Padma dKar-po (1527 -1592)
and others, eventually becoming a brilliant debater. He returned late in life to U-ra to find his whole
family either dead or dispersed, with the exception of one son who continued the line.
Society clearly expected and demanded monogamy, though if one could bring it off (as Padma rTa-
mgrin did not) there were tantric justifications for having several consorts; at the same time the ideal of
monastic celibacy posed a real threat to the perpetuation of a lineage. The rivalry between these
opposing principles is constantly manifested in the lives of the Bhutanese religious nobility. Several
incumbents, trained in the ideal of renunciation from an early age, had to be compelled to marry to
produce an heir. Many, after producing one or more children, would then revert to a life of celibacy.
Others, however, could beget children from several ladies without incurring the ceI)~ure of society, but
only if they had inherited all the charisma of a tantric saint. The best example of this is provided by
Padma Gliri.-pa himself, who is quite candid about his many consorts in his autobiography." Indeed it
is not difficult to see that the multiplicity of consorts credited to the divine Padmasambhava in the gter-
rna discoveries of Padma Gliri.-pa served as the theological justification for the gter-ston taking several
wives or having several liaisons. In this modified form of "resClurce polygyny" (to use the modern
jargon), women are acquired not by using the resources of wealth but rather by using the power of
one's spiritual authority. Whether or not this interpretation takes too cynical a view of the matter, what
is sure is that the custom served to produce a !J}ultiplicity of legitimate heirs from whom the nobility
traced their descent. In the end it was just as effective a system of reinforcing the sMyos nobility as the
more formal matrimonial tactics already discussed.
Another development which can only be touched upon here saw the principle of the recognized
rebirth being used to strengthen and reinforce a lineage from within. Thus apart from a gap of five
generations in the fourteenth century a continuous line of incarnations appeared among the Sum-phran
Chos-rje down to the nineteenth century, passing from great-grandfathers or grandfathers to their
great-grandsons or grandsons. (See Table 11.) Similarly, five out of the six incarnations of Padma Gliri.-
pa (the Pad-gliri. gSuri.-sprul) who have appeared since 1819 have done so in the families of the sMyos,
and the same principle can be seen at work in the recognition of the IHa-Iuri. Thugs-sras incarnations of
Padma Gliri.-pa's son, mKhas-grub Kun-dga' dBari.-po (b. 1505) {X.1 :475-477}. A residual trace of
this system can be seen in the present dynasty of hereditary kings, the descendants of the sMyos,

13 Bum-than gter-ston padma glin-pa'i mam-thar 'od-zer kun-mjes nor-bu'i phreit-ba ies-bY4-ba skal-ldan spro-ba skye-ba'i
chul-du bris-pa (completed by rGyal-ba Don-grub), 254ff. in vol. pha of his collected works. See also my Hidden Treasures
and Secret Lives: A Study of Pemalingpa (1450-1521) and the Sixth Dalai Lama (1683-1706) (forthcoming New Delhi,
1988).
 New Light on an Old Clan of Bhutan: The ,Myo.-rab. of Bla-rna gSan-snags 21

among whom the third and fourth kings have been rec~gnized, albeit rather informally, as the rebirths
of their grandfathers.
The genealogical success of the sMyos, however, in diffusing and in reinforcing their lineages cannot
be explained in tactical terms alone. The basis of their strength lay in their guardianship of a set of
teachings that conferred on them a divine aura. Not only did each generation inherit the initiations and
rituals peculiar to their lineage but many became highly accomplished scholars in their own right.
Again and again we find the names of the very finest masters of the rNm-ma-pa, bKa'-rgyud-pa and
Sa-skya-pa"schools mentioned among their teachers. Although this encouraged a recurring' vitality in a
tradition that could so easily have stagnated, what seems to have perpetuated their popular appeal on
the most local level was their hereditary function as priests who had control of the local spirits. And in
this connection it was their close involvement over many centuries in the composition and performance
of sacred dances ('chams) aimed primarily at subduing or coercing these spirits which deserves special
mention: for the first time something of the scale of the tradition is apparentfrom the researches of Bla-
rna gSaIi-snags. The Bhutanese tradition of gter-'chams is normally linked solely to the name of Padrna
Gliti.-pa, whose autobiography is replete with accounts of his composing dances on the basis of the
scenes he had witnessed in the heaven of Padmasambhava while in a state of dream or trance. Now we
are able to see that he was simply carrying on a family tradition, one that is first noticed in the life of his
great-uncle 'Jam-dbyaIis Grags-pa 'Od-zer (1382-1442) {VIII.7:135-142}. This chos-rje had visions
of the local protective deity of U-ra, Brag-bcan rDo-rje dGra-'dul, and his retinue. The dances (bcan-
'chams) in which he reproduced their movements were then spread by his descendants, for instance to
VaIi-Ziti. by a certain Kun-dga' Nor-bu (b. 1670) when he became the gdun-Yin of the chos-rje family
there {IX.48:402}. Grags-pa 'Od-zer had himself introduced the earlier rTa-'Chams ("Horse Dance")
of Sum-phraIi and the worship of its lha-STUn to all the district temples he had founded in eastern
Bhutan, and it is still performed there today {VIII.7:140}. His own son Nam-mkha' bSam-grub
(1398-1459) was also a visionary; his 'Ca'-gm has similarly survived {VIII.8:145}. Even after Padma
Glm-pa had codified a large number 6f dances in his gter-ma the tradition continued to surface in later
years. His descendant Kun-dga' sNin-po (b. 1557) was instrumental in disseminating the 'Phag-'chams
("Pig Dance") of gTam-Ziti. and the famous drum dance which came to be known later as the sBra-mi-
ree rNa-'chams {IX.26:329~330}. Another descendant, Pho_lha Ca'u-ci-A-ci (a somewhat legendary
figure, brother of the first Dun-dkar Chos-rje), returned from entranced visits to Orgyan-yul and his
compositions are still performed every year in the eleventh month during the festival of the Dun-dkar
skaIi-gsol chen-mo {IX.13:271}.
It is not known at what point the gter-'Chams of Padma Glin-pa were taken to western Bhutan and
from there introduced to the major rjon festivals on a national basis, but it is likely that one sKu-sog
sBra-mi-rce-pa, alias Mes-mes bSod-nams Don-grub (1816-1877), may have been involved since we
find him ordering the whole sequence of songs and dances at the ches-bcu festival of rTa-Iog, the
residence of the Zabs-drun incarnations who acted as heads of state" (the so-called D harmarajas)
{IX.40:355}. Today, while the Pad-glin gter-'chams are now performed both during the rjon festivals
and in Thimphu for groups of wealthy foreign tourists, the Sum-phran Chos-rje still makes an annual
tour (sgar-Hal) with a troupe of his dancers to temples in adjoining districts linked to his own
household by all the past bonds of marriage. He returns to his home in the U-ra valley loaded with the
same customary tribute his ancestors received before him.

Turning now to the later course of history, it seems that the high point in the rise of the nobility was
reached when the expanding power of the state, which had been founded by the 'Brug-pa school and
was centred in the west of the country, offered the eastern aristocracy the opportunity of participating
in the national government. From the mid-seventeenth century onwards we find more and more of the
sMyos nobility winning high office as regional governors either in return for their allegiance or simply
from the force of arms. Significantly none of these families appear among the local rulers of the east
who opposed the expansion of the central government in their direction: the opposition was provided
solely by the older rgyal-rigs whose ruling clans were already being gradually supplanted by the chos-
 22 MichaelAris

rfe.!4 Unfortunately the story of how the chos-rfe won tax exemptions, the right to keep their own serfs
(known appropriately but confusingly as "monks", grva-pa, pronounced "drap"), and other privileges
which ensured their rise and prominence during the time of the theocracy is not yet known and will not
be revealed until the records of correspondence and proclamations (bka'-sog) come to light. Indeed the
whole economic background to the pattern of kinship and marriage revealed in the work of Bla-ma
gSari-sriags is a closed book which must some day be opened. Until then we can only speculate vaguely
on trends and causes. One safe assumption, however, is that the more the religious nobility participated
in the central government and contributed to its success as the final source of power and authority in
the country, the quicker their own demise was hastened. Consider for example the moral in the
following story {IX.40-42:354-365}.
In 1831 the fourth incarnation of the :labs-druri, the head of state, was discovered in the family of the
sBra-mi-rce Chos-rje. When he died, after causing endless trouble by breaking his monastic vows and
taking a consort, the next incarnation was found again in the same sMyos family of sBra-mi-rce, who
had brought in the gTam-ziri Chos-rje as their gdun-'jin. The new :labs-druri incarnation was the
grandson of the brother of the one who had died. The father of the new :labs-druri (the chos-rje of both
gTam-ziri and sBra-mi-rce) then went on to produce, from the two sisters he had married, a further
three "state') incarnations among his sons - the sprul-sku of rTa-mgo,15 sGan-sten and Ni-zer. All four
incarnations were led off one by one to the capital in the west, leaving behind two daughters who failed
to produce a single male heir. Although there seem to have been no less than four more sons, at least
two were celibate monks and the remaining two were, for reasons unexplained, incapable of succeeding
as the chos-rfe of sBra-mi-rce. Thus despite having been elevated to the very highest position in the
theocracy (or rather because this had happened) the line of this <hos-rfe family died out. The family
temple and estates were promptly sequestered by the government - in whose hands they have
remained ever since. In 1907, three years after the death of the :labs-druri who would otherwise have
perpetuated the line of sBra-mi-rce, the first king of Bhutan (who also descended from the sMyos)
came to the throne. The old, unstable theocracy was thus replaced by a hereditary monarchy that has
since brought all power into its own hands. The final triumph of one branch of the sMyos has seen the
virtual eclipse of all the other branches. The vestiges of authority to which they still cling today exist
only by favour of the monarchy.
Let it be said in conclusion that one is certainly entitled to doubt whether the actual name of the
sMyos meant very much at all by 1907. It may be doubted if any of the chos-rfe by that date could have
traced their descent with anything approaching the competence shown by our author. It may even be
questioned whether in Bhutan they ever constituted a "clan" in any of the accepted meanings given to
that term. What is sure is that all those families claiming common descent in the sMyos lineages had
together made up an exclusive and powerful stratum in society, strengthened and perpetuated by
intermarriage. As such they came to supplant the older lay aristocracy, but were eventually themselves
taken over, or rather made redundant, in the rise of the monarchy which the twentieth century has
witnessed. If on the one hand Bla-ma gSari-sriags has documented their rise with such dedication and
skill, he can on the other hand surely be forgiven for having omitted to tell us the true story of their
continuing decline. As it is, we stand very greatly in his debt.

J~ See the account of the campaign organized by the 'Brug-pa government to take over eastern Bhutan contained in the Lo-rgyus
gsal-ba'i me-Ion by the same Nag-dban who composed the rOyal-rigs 'byun-khuns gsal-ba'i sgron-me cited in note 4 above,
also edited and translated in my Sources for the History of Bhutan.
15 For a photograph of the rTa-mgo sPrul-sku taken in 1905 by John Claude White, see his "Castles in the Air: Experiences and

Journeys in Unknown Bhutan", National Geographic Magazine, xxv, no. 4 (1914). p. 415; also India Office Library. London,
Photo 20 (12) and Photo 613 (9).
 New Light on an Old Clan of Bhutan: The sMyos-rabs of Bla-ma gSan-snags 23

TABLE I
THE RELIGIOUS NOBILITY OF CENTRAL· AND EASTERN BHUTAN CLAIMING
DESCENT FROM PADMA GLIN-PA (OMITTING GDUN-'JIN FAMILIES)

I~UM.PH~AN ~-----
. CHOS.RJE ' SMYOS

I
Don-grub bZan-po

(;rother of A·lce Grub·thob bzanro, consort of Than·ston rGyal.p~)

"
O-rgyan bZan-po Gu-ru Padma Glin-pa
(settled at Mon rTa·van) 1450-1521

6 gen~rations
::
incarnations of
the Pad-glin
: gSmi-sprul
I at IHa-Iun
6th Dalai Lama Chans-dbyails
rGya·mcho 1683-1706

A·lce Thugs-sras Thugs-~ras Thugs-sras Thugs-sras Thugs-sras Thugs-sras

Orgyan Zla-ba dKon-mchog Grags-pa Kun·dga' Raksi rOyal-sras
bZan-mo bZail·po rGyal-po dB an-po (alias Kun) gSan-bdag

\IH..lun
Thugs~sras
incarnations
 TABLE II
THE RELATION OF THE KINGS OF BHUTAN ('BRUG RGYAL-PO)
TO THE SUM-PHRAN CHOS-RJE OF U-RA .
17 generations of the sMyos chm: from the legendary Bya-thul dKar-po to rGyal-ba lHa(s}-(g)nan-pa gZi-brJid-dpal (1164-1224)
and thence to his son the 1st
SUM-PHRAN CHOS-RJE
bDe-mChog (aMyos-stoD Khrul-Zig Chas-rje)
117'J-1265

Zig-po bKra-sis Sen-ge

1237-1322

Bai·u. 'Ow-pa
1262-1296

hOe-ha'j dPal-'byor
1291-1359

dPal-ldan Sen-ge
1332-1384

i I
1am-dbyans Grags-pa 'Od-zcr bsTan-pa'j Ni-ma
1382-1442 1382-1

Nam-mkha' bSam-grub
Don-grub bZati-po
1398-li59
I-I
gZon-nu Che-dbilli
1422-1494 Padma GIiD-pa
1450-1521
dPal-ldan bZaia-po
1447-1507
MKHO-CHUN CHOS-RJE
Grags'-pa mKhas-grub Kun-dga' dBail-po
1-462-1523 1505-1

gZon-nu brTan-pa Nag-dbaJi

1479-1527 lS39-?

gSaia-bdag rTa-mgrin rGyal-ba (Kun-dga' rGyal-mchan)

incarnation 1562-1
1496-1569
lineage
Padma rTa-mgrin DuN-DKAR CHOS-RJE
1539-1609 GJm-kha
1578-1
gOun-'jm Kanm.
1567-1631 bsTan-pa'i rGyal-mchan
1598-16~
dNos-gruh ruf2l-mchan
1610-1666 bsTan-pa'i Ni.-ma
1623-1689
Padma Chos-nh
1627-1687

O-rgyan dGe-Iegs hlITan-'jin

1667-1746
gTub-zon·
dBan-Chen Nor-bu 1674-1
1701-1775
Padma Rig-llYn
dBait-grags rGya-mcho 1706-1763
1130-1748

lHa-dban ('::hos-sbyin bZm-po

1748-1808
Fadm.
Phrin-Ias rGya-mcho 1757-1
Im-1B2S
Pi-Ia mGon-po rNam-rgyal
Dam-ehos SeD-ge 1782-J
1792-1816
'ligs-lllcd rNam-rgyal
Chul-kbrims rDa-rJe 1825-1881
1809-18n

Nor-bu dBati-rgyal 'BRUG RGYAL-PO

1841-1891 Urgyan dBaiI...:phyug
1862-1926
rNam-rgyal mKha.'-'gro
1869-1888
'Jigs-med dBa.n-phyug
Kun-bzail. dNos-grub 1905-1952
1887-1953
).
'Jigs-med. rDo-rJc dBm-phyug
che-dban rTa-mgrin 1928-19n
1910-19n
dBan-drag rGya-mcho 1949- 'j'P-mcd Scli.ge dBaIi.-phyug
1955-
gSali-sliags Rig-'jin 1976-
 Women in Tibetan Society and Tibetology
BARBARA NIMRl AZIZ (NEW YORK)

Women's Studies, now well established in Western thought, is responsible for many new insights and
for recent transformations in our ways of living. The writings of scholars, poets, novelists and social
reformers have changed the way we think about our human society now as well as through time.
Largely generated by the forceful observations of Simone de Beauvoir, Margaret Mead and Betty
Friedan I at the beginning, they have been followed by an entire generation of women thinkers whose
increasingly refined discoveries have demanded the attention of men as well as women. Their truths
and criticisms force us to re-examine our entire intellectual history. All fields of social and cultural
inquiry are undergoing this healthy re-evaluation and experiencing new growth. All, that is, except
Tibetology. Somehow it has effectively managed to remain outside this process.
If asked to comment on women in Tibet or to refer a student to materials on the subject, what can we
say? The list of references (including Tibetan) is embarrassingly short. Tibetan sources are only now
begin;'ing to be searched out. 2 As for western language materials, out of those thousands we and our
predecessors have compiled, only two books, Women of Wisdom and Sky Dancer, focus on women and
both of them appeared just two years ago, in 1984. 3 For a long time, only B. Miller's short survey
represented any kind of scholarly treatment of this area. 4 This genuine pioneer effort has been followed
by a handful of short articles. 5 Although these, like the two volumes by Allione and Dowman, are
concerned with women in religion, the investigation they inspired promises a wider range of materials
may be forthcoming as scholars from different disciplines take up the challenge. Meanwhile, in re-
sponse to today's querries, having exhausted the present list, we may draw on anecdotal sources or cite
examples of Mary Taring and Perna Gyalpo, two members of the exiled Tibetan aristocracy even while
we know they are in no way typical. Predictably, they cannot help us address basic questions of what
Tibetan women share with others in Asia and across the rest of the world; we cannot begin to account
for their uniqueness or to assess their accomplishments. We do not know what is Tibetan women's
contribution to this extraordinary civilization: to art, literature, economy, religious thought and all

I De Beauvoir's major work is The Second Sex available in English in 1953; all M. Mead's writings noted biases and called for
their study; Friedan's seminal work is The Feminine Mystique, 1963, N. Y.: Norton.
2. Tashi Tsering's bibliographical review, "Tibetan women", read at the Tibetan Studies Seminar, Munich, 1985, is the first such
compilation. It will greatly facilitate and direct new studies of Tibet's women religious leaders.
J Tsultrim Allione, 1984, Women of Wisdom, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul; and Keith Dowman, 1984, Sky Dancer: the
secret life and songs of the lady Yeshe Tsogyal; London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
>\ Miller, B., "Views of Women's role in BuddhistTib~t", in Studies in the History of Buddhism, ed. A. K. Narain. 1980, Delhi:
B. R. Publishing.
S Gyatso, J., 1985, "'The development of the gcod tradition'" in Soundings in Tibetan Civilization, eds. Aziz, B. N. and
M. Kapstein, pp. 320-341; Delhi: Manohar; Klein, Anne C., 1985, "Primordial purity and everyday life: exalted female
symbols and the women of Tibet", in Immaculate and Powerful: The Female in Sacred Image and Social Reality, eds.
C. W. Atkinson, C. Buchanan and M. Miles, pp. 111-138, Boston: Beacon Press; Na Zhen, 1981, "Women marriage and the
family", in Tibet, eds. Chodra and Cai, pp. 95-100, N. Y.: Macmillan; Willis, J. W., 1984, "Tibetan Ani-s: the nun's life in
Tibet", in The Tibet Journal IX: 4, Dharamsala; and my own short paper Aziz, B. N., 1976, "Ani Chodon: portrait of a
Buddhist nun", in Loka 2, Journal of the Naropa Institute, Boulder, pp. 43-46, N. Y. Doubleday/Anchor; and scattered
references in my Tibetan Frontier Families, 1978, Delhi: Vikas.
26 Barbara Nimri Aziz

those events that together make Tibet a special place. What is their skill and role in the practice of
polyandry, a system of marriage which no other women in the world have managed to maintain? What
rights and obligations does this arrangement carry; what kinds of difficulties or assets does it entail?
How do concepts of pollution, power lineage in this culture apply to women here? And how do folk
religion and Tibetan Buddhism view women and the feminine?
Our neglect in this area then raises questions about our purview as specialists in this region of Asia.
Do we not need to concern ourselves with women's knowledge here because they are so completely
interchangeable with men? If so, does whatever we know about Tibetan men apply to the entire
population? Or is there another explanation? Perhaps we feel our time is too valuable for something
which seems marginal. There may be valid reasons for believing that women here have nothing to say
to us or to other women of the world. Perhaps we see nothing here that could possibly further our
interests in linguistics, Buddhism, political history, etc. and the truths we seek.
Whatever is responsible for this glaring neglect, it must end. Those few recent studies of women I
referred to are encouraging, a sign that a reversal in attitude in underway. And those investigations are
supplemented by a few reports about Ladakhi women, Sherpa nuns' and other Nepali women, not to
mention the enormous volume of work now available about women across India which could well hold
direct relevance for women in Tibet. We can look forward to the reports of women scholars now
working closely with Tibetan women, including those western women who adopted Tibetan Bud-
dhism and live as Ani.
In the present paper, my immediate aim is to examine the conditions responsible for the neglect I
have pointed out, for the opportunities lost, and for misconceptions we may hold. I take this opportu-
nity with the hope that by removing some of the obstacles and correcting misconceptions in this field,
new research may move ahead all the more effectively.
To begin this self-examination, let us first cast our eyes across the members of our scholarly
community. We note that our ranks have been swelled and our research bolstered by an ever increas-
ingly number of Tibetan born scholars (and those born in Ladakh and India). W-e welcome these men;
we need them; we enjoy their fellowship; and we benefit from their collaboration. However, note that
with the exception of Ms. Chime Wongmo in Bhutan, all of them are men. As we praise their mastery
of our traditions, as we applaud their achievements, as we accept their counsel, do we not wonder at
this imbalance? Furthermore, it applies not only in the circle of scholars. In the arts, in educational
leadership, administration, political affairs, journalism and publishing, religious teaching and commen-
tary, it is the same. In India and wherever Tibetans have migrated, almost all positions of influence and
power are held by men. Moreover, among t\l~most successful of them are monks (or ex-monks) whose
accomplishments extend into the international arena. They have crossed cultural divides with apparent
ease, overcoming differences which should pose no obstacles for women by comparison. Yet, in the
international forum, while their brothers enjoy such success, Tibetan wom~n are completely absent. 7
What is blocking the entry of women into these ranks?
Before trying to answer this, let us continue our general pan across the landscape of Tibetology,
looking at our most prolific area of concern: Tibetan Buddhism. Tibet's religion is given a central place
in our interpretation of its culture and history. We claim that religion and Buddhism in particular is
responsible for all Tibetan values, that it underlies all cultural expression here. If this is valid, should we
not be able to determine how Buddhism thereby shapes the lives of Tibetan women? Where have our
countless studies in Buddhism led us on this issue?

6 See Fiirer-Ha~endorf, C., 1976, "A nunnery in Nepal", Kailash 4: 121-154; Grimshaw, A., 1983, "Celebacy, religion and
economic activity in a monastic community in Ladakh", in Recent Research on Ladakh, eds. Kantowsky, D. and R. Sander,
pp. 121-134, MiincheD: Weltforum Verlag; Ortner, S. 0., 1983, "The founding of the first Sherpa nunnery and the problem
of women as an analytic category'" in Feminist Revisions, eels. Patraka V. and 1. A. Tilly, pp. 98-134, Ann Arbor: U. of
Michigan Press; March. K. S., 1984, "Weaving, writing and gender", Man (NS) 18: 729-744; and Reis, R., 1983, "Reproduc-
tion or retreat: the position of Buddhist women in Ladakh", in Recent Research on Ladakh, eds. Kantowsky, D. and
R. Sander, pp •. ~17-229, Miinchen: Weltforum Verlag.
1 In India, besides Taring and Gyalpo, a very small number of women is active in public affairs; one is a medical doctor.
 Women in Tibetan Society and Tibetology 27

Not very far, we have to admit. We knciwvirtually nothing about nunneries and nuns, to begin with.
Not only in the past, but today in India and Nepal. Many new monasteries house thousands of monks
who also receive special training in advanced centres of learning. Yet how many nunneries have been
constructed and how many Tibetan nuns are practicing today? We know of only two ani-ganpa in
India. Then, of the hundreds of monks - young and old, erudite and servant - who regularly.visit
Europe and beyond for lecturing, touring or performing, is there one nun? I believe not.
Our thorough dismissal of the Chas-ma traditions is further reflected in all our publications. It is
most graphically evident in the captions under photographs of Tibetan women. It seems hardly worth a
researcher's time, so we suffice with the oft-repeated caption "Old nun spinning prayerwheel", or
'Women with beads". In the illustrated literature on Tibet, try to recall having ever seen a photograph
of a Tibetan nunnery.
The disparity we see in our treatment of Tibetan men and women might be understandable if we
believed that these women were suppressed, abused and denied basic rights, or if we knew no divine
female forms. We do not however. Our impression of social values in regards to women here is highly
favourable. We hear no stories about them being sold into slavery or abused like women in parts of
China and India in former times. There are no reports from Tibet about female infanticide or widow
sacrifice. So we felt right in concluding that here is a society where women enjoy liberty and equality
with men, and we hasten to attribute this condition to Buddhist influences.
One brave author, Anne Klein (1985), has been trying to assess this supposed co-relation between
Buddhist egalitarian ideology and the conditions of women in Tibet. But until we have substantially
more sociological data and a better grasp of what many more things mean in this culture, we persist
with our ideals. And in the absence of alternative information we seek affirmation from the impressions
we gather from afar: polyandric wife at the hub of the household; nomadic herder churning her butter
and mounting her hill pony; lady pilgrim free to cross those daunting deserts; and the bejewelled and
proud noblewoman. They all looked straight into our cameras, eyes laughing. When we met Tibetans
in India, women seemed as approachable as men; some were literate; and in the new refugee schools,
girls were enrolled in equal numbers to boys. When we watched couples interact we remarked at the
open dialogue between a woman and her husband; we noted her willingness to share a drink and a
ribald tale. Tibetan ladies, we agreed, were "fun at a party" (which Hindus were definitely not). Surely
this was an indisputable sign of their egalitarian ethnic, and the merits of Buddhism.
Thus satisfied, we did not notice how regularly girls dropped out of those selrools at 10th class,' how
none were selected as tulkus, how none were sent to the elite schools in Mussoorie or abroad. Nuns
never became teachers, and young women moved into nursing careers and carpet weaving. We did not
expect them to paint tangkas or to receive appointments in government offices in Tokyo or New
York.'
Seeing these facts, we cannot deny that something is amiss. Moreover, the failure of oUr research
efforts to test out our impressions and to correct misconceptions in order to bring things in line with
reality exposes basic flaws in our methods and our use of Tibetology. These discrepancies call for
serious rethought and a re-examination of the entire range of Tibetan traditions. We must redefine
what constitute Tibetan culture and civilization and we are obliged to reconsider what being "tradition-
al Tibetan" really means. We need to honestly evaluate the egalitarian claims of Tibetan Buddhism and
ascertain to what degree this society is Buddhist (as Kline does, op.cit.). We can also benefit from an
asSessment of Tibetology by reflecting on its European foundation and its "orientalist" derivations,
using recent analyses of "orientalism" and "colonialism".
In the remainder of this paper I offer a few examples of how we can begin these re-evaluations.

8 After I had noticed this in the Nepal and Indian Tibetan families who I was in regular contact with over the years, Samdong
Rinpocbe. the leading educational administrator in India confirmed mat by 1980 this was the pattern in Tibetan schools
throughout India; and V. Ronge, affirmed this from her many years of contact with Tibetans in India.
, This was so even though we were aware of the effectiveness and accomplishments of a few those few Tibetan women in India.
 28 Barbara Nimri Aziz

Traditional Tibetan Social Beliefs and Practices

Birth and household rituals, work and play, like marriage rules and inheritance laws, are laden with
gender value. It has been well established (by studies such as those reported in Ortner and Whitehead)!O
that these are the social and psychological contexts in which status and value of men and women are
established. Our data on Tibetan customs in these areas remains too weak for a thorough analysis. Yet
some aspectsof women's lives come into focus if we look more carefully at even a few practices. Letus
begin with the birth of a child.
Through Tibet (including Dingri), II when a child is born the entire house falls under a taboo.
Whether it is male or female, a newborn's arrival is treated with complete silence and the house is
isolated from the rest of the community. This taboo lasts for up to ten days, ending only after the house
and its occupants have been ritually purified. During that critical time, no one may enter or leave the
dwelling. Furthermore nothing is said about the child; but to announce the birth the householder
places a stone outside, at the front of the house. If the newborn is a girl, a black stone is used; if a boy, a
white stone is placed at the gate. The values are explicit since according to Tibetan color symbolism,
black is unfavourable whereas white is auspicious. In any case, one need not read the symbol since
Tibet",·lS are themselves quite explicit when asked about their preference for boys and their disdain for
girls. Men who have no male children or a surfeit of girls curse and frown and complain about their ilI-
luck, pointing enviously to families with sons, and forecasting the demise of their own household.
A private household ritual which acts to re-inforce the special value of the male is enacted just after
he is born. In general boys are better cared for in the early months; besides that, the mother clasps her
son's penis with her own finger ring. Applied when the child is newborn, this is done to protect his
sexuality, there being a 'danger' that he may change into a girl during those critical first days of his life.
On the surface, there seems to be nothing wrong with this, but we can evaluate it against the absence of
a parallel practice for girls. There is no ritual to ensure that she retains her sexual distinction.
One must consider actions such as these in the context of jealous witches, spiries who are particularly
active when children are born. These malevolent beings are especially menacing to boys since it is a boy
who arouses greater jealousy among the neighbours. Namgyal Ronge explains that it is for this reason
that a family sometimes deceptively announces they have a girl, hoping thereby to thwart the jealous
spirits and quell the danger. In Ladakh, from Kaplanian's presentation,12 we· learn how amulets are
placed outside the house to ward off witches. This too may be practiced in Tibet when a boy is born to
a house. But there is much more to be researched here; not only through understanding these domestic
rituals. Myth analysis (again parallel to Kapl3Pian's work in Ladakh" may also help shed light on these
matters.
The patterns of adoption practiced by Tibetans can also express their preferences for one gender over
the other. Earlier offhand statements that girls go with the mothers while boys go with their fathers
really tell us nothing. First of all these rules apply only in cases of illegitimacy where the parents are not
co-habiting. If the illegitimate child is a boy, his father should support him. Furthermore the father
may take the boy into his own home and frequently this happens, with the lad being absorbed into the
household so completely that his maternal origins are soon obscured. He may be treated as an equal
with his stepbrothers and share the household property with them. If a man has no male issue, he will
certainly adopt this child and take his mother into the house as a junior wife. Those boys who remain
with their mother in any case do not suffer greatly since they can be adopted into the Ashan (MB)

10 Sexual Meanings: The Cultural Construction of Gender and Sexuality, 1981, eds. S. O. Ortner and H. Whitehead, Cambridge
and N. Y.; Cambridge U. Press.
II Based on my studies and long contact with Dingri refugees who migrated to Nepal, documented in Aziz, 1978, op.cit.
12 Kaplanian. P., 1985. paper "The mi-kha in Ladakh and the book of the mi-kha", presented at the Tibetan Studies Seminar,
MuncheD; s. bdow.
13 Kaplanian. POJ 1983, "Quelques aspects du myme et des structures mentales au Ladakh", in Recent Research on Ladakh. eds.
Kantowsky. D; and R. Sander, pp. 93-106, Munchen: Wdtforum Verlag.
 Women in Tibetan Society and Tibetology 29

hou~e, or they may be taken on by a monk relative. None of these options is available to an illegitimate-
ly born girl. Her mother will never be accepted as a junior wife, and no house makes a provision for the
girl. True, the mother may not be denounced or banished as we see happen in neighbouring cultures,
but the fate of the woman's daughter is the worst one can find in Tibet. The most miserable, rejected
Tibetan women I met were in this unfortunate class of child.
It is also true that Tibetans prefer that their first child be a girl. But it is not a sign of woman's
favoured status as we may first suppose. One has only to ask a family why they feel this way to be told
how much an older daughter is an economic asset; she helps her mother raise the family's sons. So it is
as a valued labourer that she is welcomed and little more. So, let us be clear that in searching for
women's place in society, we are not doubting her economic value to the family and her contribution to
production. That value is self evident. Here we seek to know is how she is rewarded for her labour,
what benefits and power and status accrue to her in comparison to her brothers, and what alternatives
are open to her to apply her labour and talents in different directions, to limit abuse, to assert her
choices.
These few references are in no way intended to be comprehensive, only to suggest useful areas for
further serious investigations. Still, we have her irrefutable evidence of male preference operating in
Tibetan society. That now confronts us with a new set of questions. For example: Why does a house
need a male? In the absence of a strong ideology of clan gods or patrilineages, we might suppose that a
son is not essential to the performance of funerary or anscestral rites. In the absence of a son, can a
daughter be substituted in a ritual? The same question can be asked about economic matters. We know
that women in Tibet are forbidden to plough, as they are in many cultures. I do not know how widely
this proscription applies but it may affect many spheres of the economy - pottery, hunting, tanning,
herding - indicating that in Tibet, a strong division of labour by sex is in effect. This then calls for a
sociology of economy - the carpet factory or the pastoral unit or the curio shop - and the rituals and
myths imbued with symbols of labour. (Again se~ Kaplanian's treatment of the male and female
spindles that appear in a Ladalthi myth; op.cit. 1983, pp. 93-106.)

Buddhist Ideology and Monasticism

As far as I am aware, our scholarship does not yet include a discussion of how Tibetan Buddhism
addresses women. Does this mean that Tibetan savants and teachers had nothing to sayan a subject
about which Indian and Chinese texts are quite explicit?
Without knowing what Tibetan Buddhist texts say about women's capacities for rebirth, about
pollution in relation to women, and about discipline for nuns, we mllst question the claim that
Buddhism supported egalitarian principles in this society. Anne Klein has begun this questioning in an
honest and careful examination of religion and female symbolism in Tibet. Putting aside the standard
assumption about women's equal status, Klein identifies many of the inequalities imposing on their
lives." She concludes from this inquiry that the social condition of women in general "did not mirror
the exalted status of the symbolized female" (p. 134) and does not justify the claim of an egalitarian
principle at work through Tibetan Buddhism.
Janice Willis, after her study of outstanding lady masters of Tibet, also cautions us that their
accomplishments cannot be taken as evidence of a general condition. Those were rare and fabulous
women, she reminds us. 15 Then there were the nuns. Although we know that so many women lived as

H Klein, 1985, Klein's assessment of women's status contrasts with Miller's more favourable impression and with Miller's claim
that Tibet's Buddhist religion accounted for their strength. Both authors, like I, have had only fragments of disparate
information to draw from. This again points to the urgent need for quantitative data which also takes class and regional
differences into account.
IS Willis, J. D., 1984, op.cit. p, 15,
 30 Barbara Nimri Aziz

nuns in Tibet and ani-gonpa existed all across Tibet we know very little about them. Until reliable
studies are available - and some are forthcoming - we might benefit from a review of nuns' lives in
neighboring Buddhist societies. Diana Paul's recently revised and expanded collection of translations
and commentaries called Women in Buddhism,16 is a good place to begin. Quoting passages from the
sutras, Paul shows explicit Chinese and Sanskrit Buddhist statements about the inferiorities and limits
of women, cleric as well as laywomen. The Indian Vinayapi\aka, book of discipline, specifies that a nun
is inferior to the youngest novice. It declares that all women must defer to monks, even a young novice;
the nuns did not have the right to perform initiation ceremonies for nun pupils and had to take theirs
from monks. Also we learn that whereas 250 precepts apply to a monk, 500 are imposed on a nun.
A case study of nuns in the Siitii Zen sect in Japan illustrates the futile struggle of those women to
question the rules of discipline and gain more self-respect and parity with monks. Author Kumito
Uchino '7 cites the explicit misogynist sutra, called the Hakkeikai or Eight Laws, applied to women of
the Zen sect. Despite constant resistance and occasional support from the sect's hierarch, those women
were never able to secure the right to initiate their own nuns, or to gain parity with monks.
One wonders if the patriarchal views expressed through rules applied to Japanese nuns derive from
Confucianism or originate in the earlier Indian Vinayapi\aka. If it is the latter, one would expect them to
appear in Tibetan Buddhism to some degree or other. Anyone with even a little contact with Tibetan
nuns will have noticed the discrimination and extra hardships they endure in comparison to male
clerics. (I noted above that none are teachers and not one has been invited abroad for study or ritual
performance). But we cannot yet say with certainty if this discrimination is only social, or if it is
grounded in more fundamental misogynist textual law imported from Indian Buddhist or adapted by
Tibet's great scribes and teachers. Although John Blofeld long ago reported "the Tibetan canon does
not speak of women attaining Liberation in this life,» we nevertheless need to know just what texts said
about women's possibilities and how Tibetan scholars approached related issues when they adapted
Buddhist teachings from India to Tibet. At present we have ouly Diana Pa':!!'s collection, and it is
drawn largely from Indian and Chinese sources. We learn from the (ChineserSutra of the Child and
His Five Mothers (p. 67) how women are determined to be "bound and severely limited by maternity,
tied to a social relationship with children that is a perpetually binding state". The oft cited temptations
that a Tibetan monk is exposed to, we find repreatedly mirrored in the Indian sutras. Again drawing
from Paul's valuable compilation, from the Tale of King Udayana of Vatsa (pp. 25-50) we learn how
women are viewed as "a problem of insurmountable proportions and men are warned that those with
close relations with women have closer relations with evil ways" (p. 26). These dangers do not derive
from the character of women as much as ff<fm their biology, and the sutras can be quite explicit about
this. Here we can supplement our discussion with a study on Japanese Buddhism by Momoko
Takemi. l8 In this scholar's careful examination of the sutras is a critique of the Ketsubonkyii or Blood
Bowl Sutra which condemns to hell women who die in childbirth; this scripture also specifies that the
blood regularly shed by women is one of the most polluting things on earth (p. 240), and another
condemns even childless women (presumably this includes nuns) to the blood hell.
How Tibetan religion addressed these matters will be clear when we have translations of the relevant
sutras. Meanwhile, to complement those sources, we may profitably draw on many other texts whose
translations we have made available. Now we may tum to them for symbolic or explicit interpretation
of gender differences. The biographies and autobiographies, legends, Shambhala journeys and guide
books, folk tales and akn-tamba stories, ribald jokes and proverbs, wedding songs and work chants will
surely reveal a pattern of meanings about women and how Tibetans view them. These sources are

16 Paul, D. Y., 1985, second edition, Women in Buddhism: Images of the Feminine in the Mahayana Tradition. Berkeley:
U. California Press.
11 Uchina, K., 1983, "The statw elevation process of Sow sect nuns in modern Japan ", in Japanese Journal 0/ Religious Studies.
ed. K. Nakamura; pp. 177-194, Vo!. 10: 213. ,
II Takemi, M./1983, fe'Menstruation Sutra' belief in Japan", in Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, ed. K. Nakamura;
pp. 229-246, Vo!. 10,213.
 Women in Tibetan Society and Tihetology 31

essential supplements to any textual commentaries ~p the subject since they represent an ongoing oral
tradition which may have touched the lives of people as texts could not. They may be imbued with
Buddhist values, reinforcing them or they may present important alternatives in the question of gender
values.

Tibetology and Western Patriarchy

Why did it take until 1984 for a full-length book on a Tibetan woman to be written in our language?
Even if we claim secular issues were not our concern, we would have expected to have translations and
commentaries on any of. several outstanding religious women whose careers were never secret. Texts on
figures like Ma-gcig Lap-gron or Yeshe Tsogyel were not so rare, and there were sufficient references
to their teachings that we knew they were central to many issues in Buddhist history. If it was not from
lack of sources, is it possible that Tibetan male teachers somehow devalued these women and led us in
other more pressing directions? Perhaps we ourselves believed that Tibetan women -lay and religious -
remain marginal to what we call civilization.
Looking at the body of work we have accumulated, we must agree that contributions of women to
society and the ramifications of being a woman here lay well beyond our interest. We are not so
different from other classical scholars in this respect. We had a limited definition of history, one that
focused on leadership, wars and treaties, and major institutions such as monasteries. Furthermore, we
relied largely on textual sources compiled almost exclusively on by men and on which men's authority
was sanctioned. Since in Tibet, as elsewhere, women were excluded from upper levels of power, absent
from centres of learning, and denied advanced literary training, they were automatically excluded from
the places where (our idea of) history and culture were made. The process by which women are
"hidden from history" throughout the world, including Europe and America, is now well documented.
(It could also apply to our area of interest.) An important contributor to our new understanding is
historian Gerda Lerner. 19 She warns us that it is not sufficient to record women~s "contribution to ... "
We must recognize how history is itself circumscribed by what men did and wrote, a result of
fundamental patriarchal perspectives imbibed by us all. Those views, so deeply rooted and subtly
applied, similarly defined what is literature, religion, and art.
Tibetology was no more able to resist this pattern of viewing the past and present than were other
disciplines rooted in the same intellectual tradition. This is the reason we remain essentially a gathering
of classicists, well meaning but nevertheless concerned with material culture of the highest sort (!).
Without in any way meaning to discriminate, we defined art as tangka painting, as statuary, woodcarv-
ing and architecture. (It is incidental and accidental that these arts are passed patrilineally from one
generation to the next, or taught only in monasteries, or for other reasons confined to men.) Yet these
circumstances of production are all that is needed to exclude women from these fields and thereby to
remove women from our purview of culture. Weaving, a women's creative work, is not of much
interest to us. Like pottery which is the profession of a low caste of Tibetans, weaving is treated by
scholars as a lower form of art. Except for studies by Hanna Rauber and Veronika Ronge20 the vast
important field of Tibetan handcrafts has been largely ignored.
OUf attention to men's activities and the corresponding neglect of areas of women's production also
reflect our Western value of scale. So those grand monasteries, richly decorated, crowned with gold and

19 Lerner, G., 1979, The Majority Finds its Past: Placing Women in History, N. Y.: Oxford University Press.
20 Rauber, H., see Rauber-Schweizer, H., 1976, Der Schmied und sein Handwerk im traditionellen Tibet, Tibet-Instirut, Rikon:
Zurich. Range, Veronika, 1982, Die Bauern in Tibet, Die Nomaden in Tibet, Das Handwerkertum, pp. 127-201, inDer \Veg
zum Dach deT Welt, Pinguin-Verlag, Innsbruck.
V. Range, 1978, "Cataloguing Mongolian and Tibetan objects in European museums and Collections", pp. 209-214, in
Tibetan 'Studies, Eds. M. Brauen and P. Kvaerne. V61kerkundemuseum: Zurich. Other books which deal exclusively with
Tibetan carpets are largely illustrative, treating carpets almost as if they were texts.
 32 Barbara Nimri Aziz

dominating the valley, occupied by religious hierarchs with their magnificent hats and capes, naturally
claimed our attention. Women's retreats were small and modest, just as their arts were 'soft'; and when
nuns attended rituals in a monastery they are hardly visible seated well bebind the monks, in the darker
recesses of the 'du-khan without those crasbing cymbals or immense horns, or flamboyant garb. We
also preferred monasteries with a long tradition and there was little likelihood of that happening to a
retreat without a lama to hold the patriarchal line. We may also feel that the nuns are not doing
anything that monks could not be doing better, and for longer, and under the eye of an exalted tulku.
Since Tibetology is itself a literary tradition, we naturally feel closer to the literary traditions of
Tibet; commentary and critique belong to our genre, and oral traditions do not. 'So Tibetan oral
traditions have always been a minor area of our study. When we consider how much falls into this area
of Tibetan experience, very few scholars have given their time to it. Except for the great Gesar tradition
which is after all the history of a King! But this too results in a discrimination since in contrast to the
literary tradition which is the repository of men, the oral traditions actively involve a great many
women. Although in general their authority in oral traditions is not exclusive, women do excell in this
dimension of Tibetan culture and this is where women's knowledge is concentrated and transferred.
The source of Cbina's newly assembled 2 million line Gesar is a 19 year old woman from a pastoral
community in Tibet. From my work with the. Dingri people, I know that the contemporary 'singer,
Aama Dekki from Gagar,21 is considered the most outstanding in the area, and another woman, Aama
Tseten from Gon Lha-dong was the best story teller during her days, possessing an extraordinary
repertoire of parables and poems which passed on with her ten years ago.
Tibetan women are talented in more than secular poetry. In the religious traditions such as the songs
of Milarepa and the music of the grad and ii-by ed, Tibetans claim that the nuns offer the sweetest and
and truest renditions. In both cases I know that they are specifically trained to excell in these songs, and
I have heard experts of both. In the case of the Milarepa songs, there is a recording available22 but I do
not know of anyone having studied and recorded the techniques and art of the Tsarong nuns singing
the ii-byed ritual. Both traditions have been preserved and they continue in Nep.al and India today,
although their future is very much in doubt. This is another aspect of Tibetan cuiture which, although
widely recognized and praised by Tibetans, has been overlooked by scholars. If we now decide to
attend to them we must be careful that in the process of recording them we do not insist they be written
and thereby move them into a literary tradition and out of the sphere of women. Take note.
What I am suggesting by these accounts is the role we play in rilting the balance in favour of men's
sphere's of work and study. Their authority is what we reflect and define as Tibetan tradition. Our role
may be particularly effective at this time in Tibetan history when we see ourselves involved in helping
to preserve an endangered culture. We rushedl'to assist Tibetans, imbued as we were with a sense of
urgency and concern over the destruction of their culture, in particular their Buddhist institutions
which bore the brunt of the destructive forces set against Tibet. Those traditions received most of our
attention while others marginal to Buddhism may have been neglected. Shamanism, spells and songs,
local myths and legends, journeys to hell (by 'das-log-ma) - all areas of knowledge where women were
most active - were put aside for a long time while attention was focused on the monastic traditions -
assisting lamas and monks, locating and printing texts. Perhaps we applied our own cultural prejudices
here, assigning real knowledge to men, and superstition to women. We may never know how many of
those folk or women's practices were lost during those years: the minute routine rituals she performs in
the house, over her children ·or beside the hearth, for a pregnant neighbour or an ill relative, when her
daughter-in-law arrives, or when the harvest is threatened, when the pillar is set into a house, or when a
calf is born, when a srillborn child is buried, or when her son returns from afar. Perhaps by attention to

:U Aama Dikki was also a major sources for Bielmeier and Herrmann's compilation of Dingri songs. 1982, Viehziichter-
erziihlungen sowie Erziihlgut aus sKyid-gron und Din-ri. Band 3 of Marchen, Sagen und Schwanke vom Dach dec Welt, Sankt
Augustin, VHG Wissenschaftsverlag.
22 The Songs of Mtlarepa: Mahayana Buddhist Nunnery, TiIokpur. Lyrichord Stereo, LLST 7285, N. Y.
 Women in Tibetan Society and Tibetology 33

these'surviving traditions in Bhutan .and Ladakh we shall be able to trace those lost traditions and
restore them to their owners.
In the forgoing discussion I have alluded to the bias of Tibetology being part of a more general
process of evaluation and bias. Our discipline is part of two "western» processes which we now must .
try to limit, partly because they affect our perceptions of Tibet in general and of the value of women
there in particular. One is the process of Orientalism. The other is Colonialism. Both are complex and
major areas of concern which require careful comprehensive analysis. It is a major undertaking but I
make note of it here because it too affeots views of women.
Orientalism as a process of viewing the East IS brilliantly diciphered imd documented by Edward
Said who applies Michel Foucault's method of criticism to our treatment of non-western soeieties.23
Said convincingly argues that areas of study like Tibetology are essentially a history of a discourse
between two cultures, ours and theirs, which reflects our political relationship and our current position
of dominance based On military, economic and Christian expansion. None of this is overt of course. It
is a subtle process supported by minute attachments of value, and is related to our interest in possessing
art objects and so forth. Fortunately the current involvement at a personal level of many western
scholars practicing Buddhism and dedicating themselves to individual lama promises to alter that
Orientalist base. And things are bound to change as more Tibetans work directly with us. But Tibetol-
ogy is like other area studies founded on Christian interests in the East and military intelligence work
in earlier times. We have certainly shed some of the cultural biases carried into our early efforts. Yet,
our grossly lopsided treatment of women and men calls for ongoing re-evaluation of our methods with
constructive changes in our scope.
Recent studies by anthropologists and historians continue to uncover the root causes of gender
imbalance and the subordination of women in various cultures of th~ world. Not all inequalities are
indigenous with roots in local religion. Weare finding that they can be generated by outside forces and
one of the major influences is Colonialism. It is now widely recognized that foreign aid programs often
give men' advantages over their sisters, and create new status differences just as economic class differ-
ences are formed out of a once homogenious culture. Christian missionaries, as part of colonialist
structure played an important role in this process but it continues today in· other forms even among
people not directly colonialized. One population so affected is the Tibetan refugee community in India.
First the difficulties of refugee life called on families to alter their economic structure and skills in order
to survive. When carpet manufacruring became a promising business for Tibetans, young women were
recruited to do the skilled labour. Eventually parents removed their daughters from school for this
purpose. Women were also encouraged to become nurses since these skills were needed in the many
clinics and schools. Meanwhile boys trained to become drivers, managers, artists. Foreign aid and
Indian aid programs for Tibetan refugees were clearly not meant to be discriminatory; they assisted
people through years of suffering and today Tibetans are a prosperous community. Nevertheless there
are specifib programs which favoured young men, particularly monks. Influential centres such as the
Institute for Advanced Tibetan Studies in Sarnath cater to young men. An acknowledged center for
creating an elite leadership in exile, the school has no female students and a program to train women
there was small and closed after two or three years. The foreign education program for Tibetans was
even more discriminating. From the earliest stage of their arrival from Tibet, young monks were taken
to train abroad. Monks continue to travel in large numbers to the West, but to my knowledge no nun
has yet been afforded this opportunity and facility. Another special boost to Tibetan men was fostered
through a foreign sponsored select school for boys in Mussoorie, India. There were other factors at
play in the resulting imbalances, of course. Yet, it seems some differences between Tibetan men and
women today among the refugee community may well be what authors Etienne and Leacock first
identified and described in their important collection of paper on women, Women and Colonization. 2;

2l Said, Edward, 1978, Orientalism, N. Y.: Random House.

24 Etienne, M. and E. Leacock;eds., 1980, Women and Colonization: Anthropological Perspectives, N. Y. Praeger Publishers.
34 Barbara Nimri Aziz

In a number of well documented cases in several books on this process which followed this pioneer
study, no authors report the Tibetan example. There are sufficient indications nevertheless that West-
ern contact with Tibetans has either generated new gender imbalances or reinforced traditional ones.
Our Tibetan experience should be considered in a comparative perspective. Much evidence is available
from elsewhere and the theories are gaining strength.
This brings me to my final remarks. The foregoing discussion is an exploration, not a refutation. I
hope it will be received in that light and lead to constructive research rather than provoke defensive
claims. An immense amount of research is needed in the subjects I have only here touched upon. Until
that documentation is well under way, we cannot be conclusive about women and Buddhism and so
many related features of this culture. Furthermore, we cannot contribute to mainstream thought, and
our descriptions will have no comparative value. Most important, we need to recognize the immense
heuristic value of women's studies in all fields of scholarship. It began more than two decades ago and it
is growing. Unless we participate in this process, applying the insights of others and work with them to
refine our research contributions, Tibetology is doomed to remain an esoteric speciality with limited
relevance to the rest of modern human experience.
 Zur Interpretation cler tierkopfigen Gottheiten
im Bar do thos grol

DIETER M. BACK (FREIBURG)

Unter den zornvollen Gottheiten (khro boY des Bar do thos grol (im folgenden: BTC) tauchen am 13.
und 14. Tag eine Reihe von tierkopfigen Gottheiten auf, deren Herkunft und Bedeutung innerhalb des
Textes einiger Uberlegungen wert sind. Der Leser des BTC wird sofort auf tantrische Vorstellungen
schlie!!en, und das ist insofemrichtig, als die 14 Tage der fried- bzw. zornvollen Gottheiten (ii khro)
zur tantrischen Schicht des BTC gehoren. Nun beinhaltet aber "tantrische Vorstellung" neben der
formalen Zuordnung auch eine inhaltliche Aussage. 1m Zuge der Intention des BTC, als eine Art
Bewu!!tseinsschulung zu fungieren, stehen diese Gottheiten symbolisch fur verderbliche Gedanken des
Verstorbenen (und auch des noch lebenden Lesers), denen zufolge diese Gottheiten auch aus den
verschiedenen Gehirnregionen auftauchen.' Der Entschlusselung dieses symbolischen Gehaltes eroff-
net eine psychologische Interpretation ein weites Feld,2 die man hier getrost au!!er acht lassen kann.
Wenn sich nun diese Gottheiten auch sonst in der tantrischen Literatur finden lassen, was nur teilweise
moglich ist, so erklart dies noch nicht ihre ursprungliche Herkunft und ihre Bedeutung innerhalb des
BTC. Dieser Frage soli im folgenden nachgegangen werden.
Bei den cierk6pfigen Gottheiten des BTC handelt es sich urn die Erscheinungsformen von insgesamt
48 Gottinnen, die auf zwei Tage verteilt sind: 16 am 13. Tag und 32 am 14. Tag.
Die 16 Gottinnen des 13. Tages lassen sich leicht idencifizieren, verraten doch schon ihre Sanskrit-
namen ihre zumindest literarische Herkunft. Es handelt sich dabei urn acht Gottinnen der Gauri-
Gruppe und den acht cierkopfigen Goitinnen der Himmelsrichtungen zusammen mit den vogelkopfi-
gen Gotcinnen der Zwischenhimmelsrichtungen. Diese Gottinnen stimmen genau mit den in der
Ni;pannayogiival,beschriebenen iiberein.' Damit ist wenigstens eine literarische Beziehung hergestellt.
Dieser literarischen Beziehung (mit Ausnahme von vieren, s. u. S. 38) verschlie!!en sich die Gottinnen
des 14. Tages. Ihre Anzahl JaIl! darauf schlie!!en, da!! es sich urn die 28 Mondhauser handelt, wei! die
ersten vier von den genannten 32 G6ttinnen mit den letzten vier identisch sind. Somit bleiben lediglich
28 Gottinnen ubrig. Ihre Namen haben jedoch keine Dbereinstimmung mit den Namen der indischen
nak;atra oder der tibetischen rgyu skar!

I Eine derartig groBe Ansammlung von Tieren als Symbole fUr moralische Ubel kennt man sonst nicht. Bekannt sind die drei
Grundiibel (dug gsum), die mit Hahn, Schwein und Schlange symbolisiert werden, Die symbolische und psychologische
Interpretation geht schon auf Evans-Wentz zurUck: The Tibetan Book of the Dead, London 1960, p, 56f. - Ob die Tiere hier
im Text tatsachlich moralische Ubel symbolisieren, is! sehr fraglich; eher handelt es sich urn allegorische Abwehrkrafte gegen
dieselben. S. u, S. 40.
1 Vgl. hierzu D.-I. Lauf, Die Geheimlehre tibetischer Totenbiicher. Frciburg 1975, Die dann verkiindeten "Geheimlehren"
beziehen sich auf die symbolischen Ausdeutungen aller im BYG erscheinenden Gestalten,
3 B, Bhattacharya. The Indian Buddhist Iconography, Calcutta 21958, pp. 309ff. und 319ff.: die Gauri-Gruppe, bestehend aus:
Gaun, Cauri, Vetali, Ghasmari, Pukkasi, Sabari, CaQ.Q.ali, '(:lombi, Die acht tierkopfigen Gottinnen der acht Himmelsrichtun-
gen, bestehend aus: Hayasya (Pferd), Sukarasya (Schwein), Svanasya (Hund). Sirphisya (Lowe), Kakasya (Krahe), Grdhrasya
(Geier), Garu<;lasya (Garu<;la/Adler), Uliikasya (Eule) .
• Vgl. Mvy 3187-3214.
36 Dieter M. Back

Es gibt drei Grunde, die dafur sprechen, dall es sich bei den Gottinnen des 14. Tages urn die
Mondhauser handeln mull:
L ihre Anzahl von 28;
2. ihr weibliches Geschlecht;
3. ihre partielle Ubereinstimmung mit dem tibetisch-chinesischen Zodiak.

Fur die weitere Untersuchung werden die Gottinnen. hier tabellarisch aufgefuhrt, wobei nur die Primar-
attribute (Name, Kopf, Attribut) aufgefiihrt werden, mcht aber deren Farbe, Himmelsrichtung und
ihre Tatigkeiten.' Zugrunde liegen folgende Textausgaben des BTC:
B: Photokopie eines Blockdrucks (Rikon/ZH).
Bh: Photokopie des MS aus der India Office Library (Bonn).
Bb: Blockdruck aus Bonn.'
G: Kar ma glin pa'i it' khro dgons pa ran grol gyi chos skor. Gangtok 1976, Bd. III.
K: Bar do'i thos grot. The Tibetan Book of the Dead. By the Great Acharya Shri Sing-ha. E. Kalsang,
Buddhist Temple; Sigra Varanasi 1969.
KI,: sKu gsum bla ma'i mal 'byor gyi gsol 'debs dug gsum span ran grot. Blockdruck aus Indien 0.0.
und J.
Kl,: Bar do thos grol gyi skor. Nachdruck eines Blockdrucks aus Indien 0.0. und J.'

Name Kop£ Attribut

Pferd (rta)' Stachelstock (lCags kyu rna)
2 Schwein (phag) Schlinge (iags)
3 Lowe (sen ge) Eisenkette (trags sgrog)
4 Schlange (sbrul) Glocke (dril buY
5 snn mo 9 Yak (g.yag) Vajra 10
6 chans pall Schlange (sbrul) Padm,,!2
7 lha chen Leopard (gzig) Trisuia
8 gtogs 'dod" snon mo Wiesel (sre man)" Rad ('khor 10)
9 gion nutS Hyane (dred) Kurzspeer (mdun thun)16
10 brgya byin Braunbiir (dam) Darmschlinge (rgyu zags)

5 Eine Abbildung von einer Sechsergruppe aus clem "Museum van Aziatische Kunst" (Amsterdam) ist in Griswold u.a.:
Burma, Korea, Tibet (Kunst der Welt), Baden-Baden 1963, p. 247, zu finden. Nur handelt es sich dabei nieht, wie der
Begleittext sagt, urn Gottinnen des 13., sondern urn die des 14. Tages.
6 Dieser Blockdruck ist druckidentisch mit clem Bar do thos grol aus der British Library, von der allerdings nur Bd. cha
existiert, und mit clem Blockdruck aus der Staatshibliothek PreuBischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin; vgL Verzeichnis der orientali-
schen Handschriften in Deutschland XI, 7, S. 139, Nr. 421. An dieser Stelle darf ich Herrn Dr. H. Eimer (Bonn) danken, der
mir die in Bonn befindlichen Ausgahen zuganglich gemacht hat.
7 Diese Ausgahe ist ein verkleinerter und nachtraglich verhesserter Nachdruck von Bb. Fur weitere Einzelheiten iiber die
Beziehungen der einzelnen Textsammlungen vgl. D. M. Back, Rig pa ;/.0 sprod geer mthon. Die Erkenntnislehre des Bar do
thos grol, Wiesbaden 1987, Freiburger Beitrilge zur Indologie, 18.
B Bb/K13 : stag (Tiger); ebenso Evans-Wentz, op.cit., p. 143.
9 Bh:srin.
" Bb/Kl,: thod pa (Schiid,},chal,).
11 Bb/Kl3 : chans rna. Hier ist die einzige Namensverhindung zu den indischen nalqatra: chans ma = skt. hrahmllrohinI.
" B: 'khor 10 (R.d).
13 Bh/Bh: gtogs [togs.
14 Evans-Wentz, op. cit., p. 144: Monkey-Headed.
15 Bh: giu nu.
16 Bh: sgyu iags.,Schreibfehler von Bh: der Abschreiber iiherspringt eine Zeile, so daB er das Attrihut von Gotmeit Nr. 9 und
die Gottheit N~. 10 auslaBt und somit das Attribut von Gottheit Nr. 10 der Gottheit Nr. 9 beifiigt.
 Zur Interpretation der tierkopfigen Gottheiten im Bar do rhos grol 37

11 ;do rfe" Schwein (phag)" Rasiermesser (spu gri)19

12 iti ba Wasserdamon (chu srin) Flasche (bum paY
13 bdud rei Skorpion (sdig paj10 Padma
14 zla ba Falke (khra) Vajra
15 be can Fuchs (va) Keule (dbyug to)
16 srin mo Tiger (stag) Schale mit Blut (thad khrag)
17 za ba Geier (bya rgod) Keule (be can)
18 dga' ba Pferd (rta) groBer Korper (khog chen)
19 stabs chen Garu~a (khyun) Keule (dbyug to)
20 srin mo 9 Hund (khyi) Vajra und Rasiermesser (rdo Tfe, spu grit')
21 'dod pa Wiedehopf (pu sudi! Pfeil und Bogen (mda' gzu)
22 nor sruiz 22 Hirsch (sa ba)" Flasche (bum paY
23 y[un lha Wolf (spyan kiP Flaggenstab (ba dan)
24 mi mo 25 Bergziege (skyin) Spitzpfahl (gsaZ sin)
25 phag mo Schwein (phag) Schlinge aus Zahnen (mche 26 zags)
26 rdo rfe Kriihe (khva tar kleine Leiche (itin chun)
27 sna chen Elefant (glan chenl' groBe Leiche (bam chen)"
28 chu lha Schlange (sbru!) Schlinge aus Schlangen (sbrul zags)
29 rdo rfe dkar moJO Kuckuck (khu byug) Stachelstock (lcags kyu)
30 rdo rfe ser mo Ziege (ra) Schlinge (zags)
31 rdo rfe dmar mo Lowe (sen) Eisenkette (llags sgrog)
32 rdo rfe ljan nag Schlange (sbrul) Glocke (dril bu)

Die Gottinnen 1-4 sind mit den Gottinnen 29- 32 hinsichtlich der Farbe, der Himmelsrichtung und
der Attribute identisch. Lediglich zwei Gesichter wurden geandert. So alternieren Pferd/Tiger und
Schwein mit Kuckuck und Ziege. Fiir dieses Phanomen habe ich noch keine befriedigende Erkliirung
gefunden; doch muB man moglicherweise mit schlechten Druckvorlagen rechnen.'! Diese Gottinnen
werden zu Anfang der Reihe Tiirhiiter (,go ma), am Ende jedoch Yogin!s der Tiirhiiter (,go ma'i mal
'by or) genannt. Man konnte zwar annehmen, daB es sich urn vier Tiirhiiter mit Partnerinnen handle,
doch spricht ihre Trennung durch 24 Gottinnen gegen diese Annahme. Diese vier wurden offensicht-
lich als Kardinalpunkte des Himmels gesondert an den Anfang gestellt. Diese vier sind ebenfalls aus der
tantrischen Literatur bekannt und werden (jedoch ohne Tierkopfe) in der Sadhanamala als Vajraitkus!,
Vajrapas" Vajraspho\! und Vajraghal)\a vorgestellt.'2

17 BblBhlKl,: dga' ba.

18 BblBh/Kl):pha van (Fledermaus); ebenso Evans-Wentz, op.cit., p. 144.
I~ Bh: phu gri.
20 Bh:sdigs.

21 So auch E. Dargyay, Das tibetische Buch der Toten, Weilheim/Obb. 1977, p. 144. Eine Abbildung gibt E. Conze, The
Buddha's Law among the Birds, Delhi (repr.) 1975 auf dem hinteren Umschlag.
22 B: sruns; Bb.: bsrun; KlJ: srun (das Priiskript wurde nachtdiglich eliminiert).
2J Kl): Iva ba.

2~ K: spyan gi; Bb/Kl3 : sbrul (Schlange).

25 Bb: ma mo.
16 Bh: the.

" Kl" kata; Bb: khya rta; Bh: khra (Falke).

" Bb/Kl,: glan (Och,e).
Z~ BblBh/Kh: be con (Keule).
30 Bb/Kh; rdo rie phag mo; Bh: rda rie nag mo.

31 Die Ligatur von rta und stag ist leicht zu verwechseln, ebenso die zweite Silbe von khu byug mit phag.

J2 B. Bhattacharya, op.cit., p. 242. - Evans-Wentz, op.cit., p. 136 gegenuber gibt eine Abbildung der 58 bluttrinkenden
Gottheiten. Der auBerste Ring des Mat;u;lala wird von 28 tierkopfigen Gottheiten ausgefullt, wiihrend die Gottmnen 1-4 der
Tabelle im inneren Ring de! 8 Phra men des 13. Tages zu finden sind.
38 Dieter M. Back

Obwohl der 14. Tag der zornvollen Gottheiten 32 G6ttinnen ziihlt, geh6ren die ersten vier laut
eigener Aussage des Textes nicht zu dieser Reihe. Eingangs spricht der Text namlich davon, daB aus
den 30 Herukas 28 G6ttinnen hervortraten: he ru ka drag po'i lha sum cu tham pa'i phyi rim du dban
phyug ma iii SU rca brgyad rngo briian sna chogs pa dan bcas teo Der Text zieht also die vier Tiirhiiter-
Nr. 1-4 in der Tabelle - zu den anderen Gottheiten, obwohl er sie erst am 14. Tag auftreten laBt. Die
Zahl30 ergibt sich dabei folgendermaBen: 5 Herukas mit ihren 5 Partnerinnen (8.-12. Tag); 8 Gaur;
und 8 Phra men (13. Tag), 4 sGo rna (14. Tag) ergeben zusammen 30 Gottheiten. Aus diesen treten
dann die 28 G6ttinnen des 14. Tages (Nr. 5-32 der Tabelle) hervor. Diese ergeben dann wiederum mit
den 30 vorher genannten Gottheiten die insgesamt 58 bluttrinkenden Gottheiten. Der Text spricht
zwar davon, daB aus den 30 Herukas 28 G6ttinnen hervortreten, trennt aber doch 32 G6ttinnen des
14. Tages abo Der Grund hierfiir liegt in der tantrischen Zahl 32; damit werden die 32 G6ttinnen
offensichtlich mit den 32 Adern des Scheitels identifiziert:"
»Wenn man die Adern darlegt. so werden es 21600 Adern. ZusamrnengefaBt sind es 120 (wichtige) Adern. Und
noch mehr zusammengefaBt sind (die wichtigsten) drei: Lalani, Rasana, AvadhutI. Diese drei sind auf clem
Scheitel wie ein Knoten. Die 32 Adem sind einem Schirm iihnlich ... " (p. 97). Undo "Auf dem Rade der groBen
Freude, das sich auf clem Scheitel befindet, gibt es 32 Adern. Rasana, Lalana 'Ind Avadhiiti, die drei, schaffen das
Ademrad" (p. 103).

Dies erklart die Diskrepanz zwischen der Zahl28 und der Zah132; letztere ist eine dem Tantrismus
verpflichtete Zahlweise. Die Zahl 28 deutet jedoch auf eine altere Vorstellung hin. Die Amahl 28 und
die Tatsache, daB es sich urn weibliche Gottheiten handelt, weist darauf hin, daB es sich bei den
Gottinnen urn eine Darstellung der 28 Mondhauser handelt. Hinzu kommt noch folgender U mstand,
der diese These erharten ki:innte. Einige Tiere weisen auf den tibetisch-chinesischen Zodiak hin, wobei
allerdings fiinf Zeichen fehlen: Ratte (by i), Hase (yos), Affe (spre'u), Drache ('brug) und Schaf (lug).
Nun zeigen aber die Abweichungen innerhalb der Tierreihe (s. Anm. 8-30), daB das System entweder
nicht ganz starr ist, oder aber mit erheblichen Verderbnissen zu rechnen ist. Das "'?{5irde andererseits auf
den sekundaren Charakter der Gi:ittinnen innerhalb des ETG hinweisen, weil es
bei ihrem Auftreten
urn ein ganz bestimmtes Prinzip geht. Es bleibt aber die Tatsache bestehen, daB ungefahr die Halfte der
angefiihrten Gottinnen, gerade wenn man aile Varianten in Rechnung stellt, mit den Tieren, die mit den
chinesischen Mondhausern verbunden sind, iibereinstimmen. 34 Dber die gegenseitige Beeinflussung
soll hier nichts gesagt werden;" entscheidender ist hier die Frage, welche Bedeutung und Funktion
diese Gi:ittinnen innerhalb des ETG haben. Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage kann man diese Gi:ittinnen
unter zwei Gesichtspunkten betrachten:
1. Sternenhimmel als Grenze zwischen Dies~~its und Jenseits;
2. die Rache der Tiere.

}} P. Zieme/G. Kara, Ein uigurisches Totenbuch, Wiesbaden 1979.

3~ Folgende Tiere aus den chinesischen Mondhausern stimmen mit den tierkopfigen GCittinnen des ETG iiberein:

Fuchs/Dachs ~ Fuchs ~ Tiger L'i:

Leopard f,) Ochse, <'j=. Fledermaus ~

Eber JIl Woll m. Hund ~1!J

Aile II Pferd ,Il'!j Hirsch Ire

Schlange rtl
35 Grundsatzliches zum Problem der Beziehungen des indischen und chinesischen Tierkreises bei H. Liiders, Zur Geschichte
des ostasiatischen Tierkreises. In: Philologica Indica, p. 727ff. - R. de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Oracles and Demons of Tibet,
Graz 1975, p.}08, merkt an, daB die rgyu skar indischen Ursprungs seien, weist aber p. 540 auch darauf hin, daB die
Personifikatio~ der Sternzeichen ebenfalls in schamarustisch gepragten Volkerschaften auftritt.
 Zur Interpretation deT tierkopfigen Gottheiten im Bar do thos grol 39

Ad 1) Auffallig ist in erster Linie die Aufstockung von fiinf auf sieben bzw. vierzehn Tage. Der
Ausgangspunkt war die Fiinfheit der Tathagatas: Vairocana (roam par snan mjad), Ak;obhya (mi
'khrugs pal, Ratnasambhava (rin chen 'byun ldan), Amitabha ('ad dpag med) und Amoghasiddhi (don
yod grub pa): Die Siebenzahl weist jedoch auf die sieben Himmelsspharen hin, die aus dem Schama-
nentum (aber nicht nur dort) bekannt sind."
Liest man den BTG, wie er sich selbst erst einmal darbietet, vom Klarlicht ('ad gsal) her, daim
strukturiert sich die Welt im Laufe der nachfolgenden 14 Tage in immer vielfaltigerer Weise. Denkt
man nun aber umgekehrt und nimmt den 14. Tag nicht nur als letzte Station der Reise im Zwischenbe-
reich, sondern sogar als deren Zielpunkt, dann ware unter Riicksicht dar.uf, daB im BTG noch ein
schamanischer Himmelsflug verborgen ist, eine Ankunft im Sternenhimmel nur logisch. Unmittelbar
darauf macht der Text die Aussage: "Leere kann Leere kein Leid zufiigen" (stan pa iiid la stan pa iiid
kyis glags mi med do). Das bedeutet: sowie der Verstorbene leer ist hinsichtlich einer Wesenheit,
genauso sind auch die Gestalten, die ihm erscheinen, leer. Eine soIche Aussage hat aber nur einen Sinn,
wenn man an einen Endpunkt gelangt ist.
Dadurch, daB der Text aber in absteigender Linie zu lesen ist, wird der Sternenhimmel zur untersten
von den 14 Stufen degradiert; eine von der Idee des Himmelsfluges her befremdliche Vorsteliung, in
der buddhistischen Intention des Textes aber zulassig und folgerichtig: alles, was in den vorhergegan-
genen 13 Tagen geschehen ist, spielt sich (kosmologisch) iiber dem Sternenhimmel abo Unter dem
Sternenhimmel beginnt dann unser irdischer Bereich, der Bereich def Wiedergeburt. 1m Text folgt
denn auch ganz richtig der Srid pa bar do. Diese kosmologische Betrachtungsweise bedeutet eine
Uminterpretation schamanischer Vorstellungen. Nach der Intention des Textes wiirde sich die bud-
dhistische kosmologische Struktur erst jenseits des Sternenhimmels eroffnen. Der Sternenhimmel und
seine tierkopfigen Geister haben dann eine Wiichterfunktion,37 die den irdischen, der Wiedergeburt
unterworfenen Bereich von clem ;enseitigen trennen.
Wenn man den BTG als tantrischen Text betrachtet, dann gewinnt die Idee des Himmelsfluges
ebenfalis an Wahrscheinlichkeit. Das BewuBtsein (roam ses) steigt vom Herzen, den friedlichen Gott-
heiten der ersten sieben Tage, zum Gehirn, den zornvollen Gottheiten der letzten sieben Tage, auf. Am
letzten Tag ist die Grenze, die Schadeldecke, erreicht, und das BewuBtsein tritt moglicherweise aus der
Avadhiiti aus. In der tantrischen Idee, daB alles mit aliem zu tun habe, ist die Schadeldecke gleichsam
das Himmelsgewiilbe als der Grenze des Himmels zum Jenseits, durch die man in die Befreiung
gelangen oder aber in die Wiedergeburt zuriickkehren kann. Diese Grenze wird von Grenzwachtern
bewacht.
Nun ist der BTG ein Totentext, und es ist die Frage, was tierkopfige (Sternen)gottinnen mit dem Tod
zu tun haben. Es gibt den Brauch, die zwolf tierkopfigen Gottheiten des Zodiak als Grabbeigaben
mitzugeben. Dafiir gibt es zahlreiche Beispiele aus der Han- bzw. T'ang-Zeit." Diese Tiere haben
sowohl Abwehr- wie auch Gerichtsfunktion."
Diese abwehrende Funktion haben die Tiere auch in der No-Zeremonie, die am Jahresende gefeiert
wird;'o die Verbindung von Jahresausgang und Tod bedarf keiner weiteren Belege. Diese Tiere, von
denen W. Eberhard annimmt, daB es sich urn die zwolf Geister des Zodiak handelt, fressen alies Bose.'!
Mit dies em Motiv laflt sich eine gute Verbindung zu den Gottinnen des BTG herstelien.

36 Siehe M. Eliade, Yoga. Immortality and Freedom, Boulder (repr.) 1970, p. 326f. und die dortigen Belege.
37 Fur die Unterwedung der rgyu skar durch Padmasambhava unter den Dharma und ihre Aufteilung in je sieben s. R. de
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, op. cit., p. 308.
38 Schone Beispiele dafiir in C. Hentze, Les figurines de la ceramique juneraire, Hellerau. Tome I, p. 15 (Abb. A) und p. 54
(Abb. A-D); ebenso in K'4!J ku Nr. 6/1980, Tafel 7. (Diese Angaben verdanke ich Frau Prof. N. Naumann, Freiburg.)
39 C. Hentze, op. cit., p. 65: "Ces foncuonnaires celestes forment un ministere de la justice ... III
10 Siehe W. Eberhard, Lokalkulturen im Alten China. 1. Teil: Die Lokalkulturen des Nordens und Westens, Leiden 1942,
p. 188f£.: Die No-Zeremonie. - Auf den etymologischen Zusammenhang von chin. "no" und tib. "nad" hat D. Bodde,
Festivals,in Classical China, Princeton (N.].) 1975, p. 77, hingewiesen.
41 W. Eberhard, op.cit.• p. 189; vgl. auch D. Bodde, op.cit" p. 85H.: The Devouring Creatures.
 40 Dieter M. Back

1m 'chi bslu, der ,;Oberlistung des Todes", einem Teil der BTG-Literatur, wird ebenfalls mit den
zwolf Zodiaktieren magisch operiert. Je nach Ritualanweisung wird das Papier, auf das die zwolf
N amen der Tiere geschrieben sind, vergraben, verbrannt oder in ein Gefafl gelegt, das noch andere
Elemente enthalt, den Tod von einem kranken Menschen abzuwenden.4Z
Bemerkenswert ist auflerdem, dafl die 28 Gottinnen des 14. Tages sich im Erleben des Verstorbenen
in Dharmarajas (gsin rle) verwandeln, d. h. es wird hier das Gericht, wie es aus dem Srid pa bar do
bekannt ist, in wesentlichen Zugen vorweggenommen. Die Verfolgung des Verstorbenen durch die
Gottinnen haben den Sinn, das dem Verstorbenen anhaftende Bose auszutreiben. Dieses Bose mull
nicht unbedingt nur im moralischen Sinne verstanden werden. In einem tieferen Sinne sind es die
falschen Vorstellungen, denen der Verstorbene verhaftet ist: diese Gottheiten haben keine Realitat
auBerhalb von ihm, sondern sind Gestalten seines eigenen Gehims.
Ad 2) Ein weiteres Motiv scheint sich hinter den Gottinnen mit ihren Tierkopfen zu verbergen: die
Rache der Tiere. Die Attribute der Gottinnen deuten teilweise auf J agd bin, wie Eisenhaken, Eisenket-
te, Schlingen, Keulen etc. Der Eisenhaken dient zum Fischen,43 mit der Eisenkette bezwingt z. B. Gesar
einen Tiger.+! So deutet der Gebrauch soleher Waffen in den Handen der Tiere genauso wie ihre
Tatigkeiten wie Leichen fressen, Blut trinken, Schlagen und Schneiden darauf hin, dafl sie Rache dafur
nehmen, was ihnen angetan wurde. Doch handelt es sich dabei wahrscheinlich nur um ein Teilmotiv,
weil nicht alle angegebenen Tiere ausgesprochene J agdtiere sind; manche sind z. B. auch Haustiere, wie
Ochse, Ziege etc. (doch auch diesen kann man Pein zufugen), manche sind auch nur gefahrliche Tiere,
wie z. B. der Skorpion. Doch scheint es sich im wesentlichen urn das Motiv der umgekehrten Welt im
J enseits zu handeln, das sowohl seine Spuren in lndien hinterlassen hat" als auch in Zentralasien eine
wichtige Rolle spielt. So stellt S. Hummel46 in seiner Beschreibung einer J enseitsdarstellung fest: "Links
von dieser Holle zeigt die Malerei einen Sunder in einem gluhenden Kasten. Dieser Ort der Pein Tsa ba
(= Hitze) ist denen vorbehalten, die in ihrern Leben Tiere gerostet haben" (5. 238).
1m Gesar-Epos wird dazu folgende Geschichte erzahlt: 47 A stag dpal rno ist .gestorben, erfahrt das
Totengericht und fahrt dann zur Holle. Gesar macht sich mit seinem pferd auraie Suche nach ihr. Er
kommt an den Pall namens rrna si gson bye ma'i la kha ("Sandpafl der Lebenden und Toten"), wo er
von funf tierkopfigen Gesellen in Empfang genomrnen wird: Lowe, Ochse, Schwein, Affe, Bar. Nach
Auffindung von A stag dpal mo durchschreitet er mit ihr alle Hollen und erklart ihr, was die Leidge-
plagten auf der Erde verbrochen haben:'
Die erwahnten funf Wachter sind alte Bekannte aus der Aufzahlung der tierkopfigen Gottinnen im
BTG. Das gleiche gilt fur solehe Tiere, die eine besondere Rolle Un Schamanismus spielen, wie z. B.
Hund und pferd. Der Hund friflt die Toten,1md das pferd ist das Seelen geleitende Tier par excellence.
Das gleiche gilt fur Vogel oder Tiger. Und als Hilfsgeister erscheinen in Tiergestalt Bar, Wolf, Hase,
Ente, Adler, Krahe, Eule oder Hirsch:'

42 reh zitiere im folgenden aus der Ausgabe G, Bd. 3, S. 205-218: "Man schreibt die Namen der zw61f Jahre(stiere) auf ein
Weidetafelchen" (S. 215: 10 beu gfiis kyi min; glaiJ ma'i byah bu la bris te}j ferner: "auf ein 5 em groBes Blatt Papier schreibt
man die eigeneJahreszahl und die Namen der himmlischenJahre(stiere)" (S. 216: sog gu sor bii pa gog fa! ran gi Lo dan gnam
10'i min bris fa); ferner: "Man macht ein Halzfeuerund verbrennt die zwolfJahre(sciere)" (S. 216: sin me btan naslo beu gflis
bsreg pa'o); ferner: "Aus Tonerde verfertigtman die zw61f Gestalten des Jahreskreises" (5. 217: khampa fa Lo skor beu griis kyi
gzugs byas La).
43 M. Hermanns, Das NationaLepos der Tibeter. Cling Konig Ce sar, Regensburg 1965, p. 830.
~~ Zu diesem Motivkreis s. W. Heissig, Geser-Kangruenzen, in: AOH 34 (1980), p. 42ff.
45 Siehe H. Lammel, Bhrgu im Jenseits. in: Paideuma 4 (1950). p. 93ff.
4(,S. Hummel. EineJenseitsdarstellung aus Tibet. in: Act. Ethn. VI, 1-2 (1957). p. 233-242.
47 M. Hermanns, op.cit., p. 852-856.
~8 M. Hermanns, op. cit., p. 853: Hier wird z.B. erkliirt, warum Reiter auf verschiedenen Tieren im fluB abgetrieben werden:
well die Betreffenden in ihrem Leben die entsprechenden Tiere get6tet hatten, urn sie zu verzehren. Jetzt rachen sich diese
Tiere dafiir.
49 M. Eliade. Sthkmanismus und archaische Ekstasetechnik, Frankfurt 1975, pp. 97; 148; 430ff.
 Zur Interpretation der tierkiipfigen Gottheiten im Bar do thos grol 41

Auch beim Totengericht im BTG erscheinen tierkiipfige Gottheiten in Yamas (gsin Tfe) Gefolge, die
uns ebenfalls als alte Bekannte aus der Reihe der 28 tierkiipfigen Giittionen erscheinen. !hre Anzahl ist
schwankend; so gibt D.-I. Lauf ihre Anzahl mit 13, G. Tucci bingegen nur mit sieben an. 50 Diese
Zahlen sind auffiillig: die sieben hangt mit der Zahl28 zusammen; die Zah113 weist auf eine Damonen"
gruppe (sri) hin, deren Entstehungsgeschichte beinhaltet, daB sie aus 13 Eiern ausgebriitet wurden und
allesamt Tierkiipfe haben.'l
Zusarnmenfassung: die tierkiipfigen Giittinnen des 14. Tages im BTG lassen sich m.E. in ihrem
Grundmuster als die 28 Mondhauser bestimmen. Doch zeigen die Abweichungen in den Tierkiipfen,
daB diese Giittinnen ein ganzer Motivkomplex umgibt, der mit den Tieren und ihrer Funktion bei Tod
und Jenseits verbunden ist. Dieser Motivkomplex laBt sich folgendermaflen aufschliisseln:
1. Sternengiitter als Grenze des durchfliegbaren Himmels;
2. Hiiter der Schwelle;
3. Verschlinger des Biisen; und
4. Rache der Tiere.
Dieser Motivkomplex gruppiert sich um die tierk6pfigen G6ttinnen, die Yom Standpunkt der buddhi-
stischen Lehre, die der BTG vertritt, leer (stan) sind. Gerade aber diese Miiglichkeit der Vereinnah-
mung unter den Dharma laflt Gestalten Revue passieren, die von den komplexen religiiisen Vorstellun-
gen, die es in Tibet in vorbuddhistischer Zeit, aber auch noch neben dem Buddhismus gegeben haben
mag, Zeugnis ablegen. Die Literatur des BTG ist dafiir in besonderer Weise geeignet, weil sie als
Literatur fur das einfache Laienvolk auf die Vorstellungen dieser Beviilkerungsschicht eingehen muB.
Hinzu kommt noch ein missionsgeschichtlicher Aspekt: die Literatur des BTG setzt die Tradition fort,
die das missionarische Prinzip Padmasambhavas war, n1imlich die vorhandenen Gottheiten dem Dhar-
ma zu verpflichten.

50 Nach D.~I. Lau£, op. cit., p. 151, handelt es sich um folgendc Gottheiten: Damon (srm po), Ochse (glaiz). Damon (srm po).
Affe (,pre'u), Tiger (stag), Wiedehopf (pu sud), Skorpion (,dig), Hund (khyi), Lowe (sen), Eber (phag), Bar (dom), Furle
(dred) [korrekter wire Hyme, n.M.B.] und Schlange (sbrul). - Nach G. Tucci, Illibro tibetano dei marti. Torino (rist.)
1975, p. 190, handelt es sich urn folgende sieben Gottheiten (in Klammem sind die Namen de! Gottheiten beigefiigt): Elefant
(rak;a), Aff. ('byun po), Wildsehwein (dur), Seblange (,dug pal, Bas (gtun po), Lowe (mom pal, 'kbyun ('dab ,hag,). D.s
letztgenannte Tier ist entweder em Adler oder Garu4a ('khyun = khyun) oder aber eine Dohle ('khyun = skyuiJ. /Cun).
51 R. de Nebesky-Wojkowitz. op.cit., p. 300E.: Wolf, Kamel, Wiesel, khyun (s. Anm. 50), Eule, Schwein, Schwein, Schlange,
Yak, Hirsch, Fuchs, PEerd und Ziege.
 On Tone In Tibetan

ROLAND BIELMEIER (BONN)

Since the description in H. A. Jiischke's dictionary (German version 1871) certain modern Tibetan
dialects with contrastive pitch in the pronunciation of words have been traditionally called "tonal", and
the contrast between a low and a high pitch has been connected with devoicing of initial voiced
consonants and with simplification of initial consonant clusters. Jiischke (1871, XVII and 1881, XIII)
further On described the dropping of certain final consonants which affects the pronunciation of the
preceding vowel. Moreover, the loss of final consonants may affect pitch movement. Jiaschke, I. c., also
mentioned the accent which" ... generally rests on the root of the word. In the case of compounds, it
more frequently falls on the last than on the first of the component parts." Discussions on the historical
development of tone in Tibetan have taken the first two factors into account, but nobody has yet
touched on the question as to whether stress has played a role in the development of tone in Tibetan.!
The aim of this paper is not to give a synchronic consistent tonal description of a single dialect but
rather an analysis of the origins of tonal features in Tibetan dialects. In comparison to other tone
languages we have the unique situation of knowing through Written Tibetan (WT) sources a genetically
closely related language variety which was fixed in a highly conservative orthography more than one
thousand years ago.
In my opinion, the development of tonal features in Tibetan dialects is due to three factors:
1) devoicing of initial voiced consonants together with simplification of initial consonant clusters,
2) placement and shift of stress in polysyllabic words, and 3) loss of final consonants.
To document these statements by a comparative study of Tibetan dialects on the phonological level I
use data from different dialects of western, southwestern and central Tibet interpreting their differences
diachronically in relation to WT.
WT renders a language with many complicated initial consonant clusters. In the orthographic
structure of a syllable the "radical", preceding the vowel, can have certain prescribed, subscribed or
superscribed letters, or certain combinations of these. The radical has to be interpreted as stem initial
consonant and the prescribed and superscribed letters as "prefixes" to it, possibly with a historical
morpheme boundary in between. The two subscribed letters (y) and (r) must be interpreted as Ijl and
Irl immediately following the stem initial consonant.' If the syllable does not end in a vowel, certain
plain consonants can close the syllable, to some of which a final -§ can be added.

I Cf. e.g. the penetrating analysis in R6na-Tas 1966, 176-197. "Tone" and "stress" in Tibetan, as far as I see, are distinguished
by Jaschke, l.e., G. de Roerich UU. N. Rerich) in his later work, d.: Roerich/Lhalungpa 1971,24, Rerich 1958, 111, Rerich
1961, 53f£., by members of the Summer Institute of Linguistics in works on Tibeto-Burman languages of Nepal (including
e. g. Sherpa, Jire!, Lhomi etc. which I consider linguistically as Tibetan dialects) of the late sixties till the mid seventies (cf. also
Hari 1979, 103, 220), and by Mazaudon 1973, 88ff. See also the explanation of "stress" in Gurung by Mazaudon 1977, 105,
referring to Glover 1969. Generally stress rests on the first syllable, but for some languages there is a different description for
disyllabic-words, d. e.g. for Sherpa H. Schoettelndreyer 1971, 5: "Co-occurrant with a rising pitch contour we often find
stress on the second syllable of the disyllabic morpheme. A falling Of level pitch _contour may co-occur with stress on the
initial syllable. It will be noted, however, that pitch contour rather than stress placement is the predominant feature."
2 The only ,exception is subscribed 1. which has to be taken as the stem initial and the "radical" as a "prefix". For a more detailed
description see Bielmeier 1982, 406.
44 Roland Bielmeier

The westernmost Tibetan dialects which constitute the main body of "Western Archaic Tibetan"
(WAT):' Balti (Pakistan, Kashmir), Purik and (most varieties of) Ladakhi (Indian Kashmir) are conser-
vative on the phonological leveL They have retained voiced initial consonants, initial consonant clusters
and final consonants to a large extent. They show neither pitch contrasts nor breathy articulation: In
southwestern and central Tibetan dialects, however, where simplification of initial consonant clusters
and devoicing of initial consonants have taken place to a large extent, we find breathiness with low
pitch in word-initial syllables in contrast to high pitch and clear voice in word-initial syllables with old
voiceless initial consonants. Therefore breathiness must be considered the marked feature in these
dialects. The correlation of breathy voice and low pitch is called low register and the correlation of clear
voice and high pitch is called high register by Hari. 5
The basic correlations of the consonant systems in WT and in W AT are determined by voicedness
and aspiration in a threefold system:
voiced : unvoiced : unvoiced aspirated
Comparing WT plain voiced initial radicals with the corresponding ones in W AT, we find in Balti and
Purik usually voiced correspondences and in Ladakhi variation between voicedness and unvoicedness
with stops and affricates. In the dialect of Zariskar, however, they are all regularly devoiced. Koshal
(1976,38 and 1979,266, cE. also 1979, 10) e. g. gives Igozlakl besides Ikozlakl 'clothes (sg.), for the Leh
standard dialect of Ladakhi, which is pronounced [gonlak1with stress on the second syllable by my
informant, whose mother tongue is a variety of the Sham dialect from lower Ladakh.' For Zariskar
Hoshi/Tsering 1978, 5 give Ikoelakl 'id: and WT has gas beside gas-lag 'garment, dress'. All WT
voiced stops and affricates with prefixes and all voiced fricatives with or without prefixes have voiced
correspondences in W AT and in the dialect of Zariskar. Initial consonant clusters are retained to some
extent. A similar situation is found in the Spiti dialect (Himachal Pradesh) investigated by Sharma.
According to this material all WT radicals consisting of voiced stops, affricates and fricatives remain
voiced in the Spiti dialect, when they have prefixes in WT, but become devoicedwhen they are plain in
WT. No initial consonant cluster is retained.' In the southwestern dialect of Kyirong (north of central

J Following R6na-Tas 1966, 21f., who uses "the term 'archaic' for those Tibetan dialectS which do not have pitch as a
phonematic suprasegmental feature, and have preserved in a more or less complete form the preradical system of Old
Tibetan", But it has to be noted that overlapping is possible. In the Kyirong dialect e.g., we find distinctive register and initial
consonant clusters consisting of labial stops + Ir/ and the sequences Ipja-I and Iphja-I.
~ For Balti see Sprigg 1966 and Bielmeier 1985. The s~tuation is probably similar in Purik. But I have only very limited first
hand knowledge of Purik in respect of stress or tarle" and must abstain from detailed judgements for the present. Bailey 1920
and the new works of K. Rangan (1975, 1979) on Purik do not provide any information on stress or tone.
5 Cf. Hari 1979, 61 ff. Since at least historically the development of register is connected with word-initial consonants, in this
paper "initial" always means "word-initial",
Particularly interesting is Hari's "claim that voice quality and not pitch is the primary exponent of the register contrast"
(ibid. 66). I can support this statement from my own observations with certain southwestern and central Tibetan dialects,
where I found breathy voice more prominent than low pitch and voicedness. But according to her ..... it follows that if these
were the only tone contrasts in L(hasa) T(ibetan) we would not need to call it a tone language. Register is superimposed on
vowels and can be said to be of the same nature as creaky voice or nasalization". (ibid). As she interprets the abrupt falling of
the pitch contour, originating from the loss of final dental or velar stop, segmentally by a glottal stop as "CV?" (d. ibid. 76)
she considers the remaining pitch movement contrast to be of "... a purely tonal nature, and therefore LT still deserves the
designation 'tone language''', (ibid. 66). But I think that this remaining pitch movement can explained historically by an
original and in certain dialects still underlying stress pattern, i. e. placement and shift of stress.
(, Nawang Tsering (NawaD. Tsherin) from Nunla; "Nuda" on the maps, WT siiun-la, in lower Ladakh. It has to be noted that
Sham is apparently not at all a homogeneous dialectal area. Nawang Tsering e.g, uses Maol 'buckwheat', but in Khalatse,
about 12 km from Nuda, it is pronounced Ibrol (d. B.P. Ibrol and WT brabo 'id.' etc.). The designation "Sham n , abbreviated
"Sh." throughout the paper therefore relates only to the variety of Nuda. We need more information on Ladakhi, especially
on the dialectal varieties of lower Ladakh,
7 For the data from the dialect of Zanskar see HoshiiTsering 1978, IV f. Unfortunately there is no remark on pitch, tone or

stress. A few initial consonant clusters still occur in this dialect. Sharma's (1979) remarks on tone in Spiti are too brief and
Sharma 1981 a9.ds no information to that. Therefore I do not dare to draw any conclusions on tone for the dialect of Spiti.
 On Tone in Tibetan 45

Nepal) the reduction of initial voiced consonants is more advanced: all WT radicals consisting of voiced
stops and affricates with or without prefixes, except voiced stops and affricates with the nasal prefixes
tp.- or ~- ('a-chun),' are replaced by their voiceless counterparts and all prefixes have vanished. Original-
ly fricatives with prefixes also have lost their prefixes but remain voiced. Ipr/, Iphr! and Ibrl are the
only initial clusters corresponding to WT labial stops as radicals with following (r)" In the dialect of
Dzar Gharkot) in southern Mustang (north central Nepal) no initial consonant cluster occurs and the
process of devoicing is again further advanced. We still find voiced stops and affricates initially, but no
voiced fricatives. This is in correspondence to the fact that the voiced fricatives ~ and ~ as radicals in
WT are never accompanied by nasal prefixes. The occurring voiced stops correspond in the same way
as in Kyirong to voiced stops as radicals with nasal prefixes in WT. But it is very difficult to find
minimal pairs with voiced and voiceless stops initially. And the situation is not much easier with
affricates. Apparently the functional load of phonemic distinction already rests mainly on contrastive
pitch and hardly on voicedness features. 1O
In the dialect of the western Drokpas and in Lhasa Tibetan we find aspirated devoiced initial stops
and affricates with low register corresponding to WT plain voiced radicals, whereas the devoiced
unaspirated initial stops and affricates ~ith low register correspond to WT voiced radicals with any
prefix. Old voiced radicals with any prefix have completely merged. An occasional variation between
voicedness and unvoicedness is not longer restricted etymologically, but is a phenomenon on the
synchronic level: initial unvoiced unaspirated stop or affricate with low register can vary freely with
their voiced counterparts. II
Roughly spealting we can say that the number of voiced initial consonants becomes smaller in the
dialects from west to central Tibet. But the low register of these syllables in the "non-cluster-dialects· 12
is retained throughout, also after devoicing. There is only one regular tonal "flip-flop" in that the WT
clusters !l.11- and !l.l1y- result in high register instead of low register.!'
Initial consonant ~Iusters are mainly simplified by three processes: 1) the prefixes are dropped, 2) the
stops with following Ijl merge into palatal stops or Ijl is simply dropped, 3) stops with following Irl
merge into retroflex stops. To our present knowledge, the beginning of a dialectal area where register is
phonemic may be supposed to be somewhere in uppermost Ladakh or south and east of it.'· But we
have to consider the fact that in certain dialects register and voicedness can both be distinctive. I may
refer to the situation in the dialect of Dzar (d. note 10). For the dialect of Kyirong this coexistence can

8 I label these two prefixes as Dnasal" in accordance with Rona-Tas 1966, 184ff. and the other prefixes as "oral",

, See note 3 and for details Bie1meier 1982. In the Kyirong dialect we usually find IbriD-1 <to follow' corresponding to WT
Jbran-ba tid:. (For notation of register and pitch movement see note 15.) In retaining these clusters the Kyirong dialect is
more conservative than Ladakhi, cf. 14raDsas' <id: in Sham. But one of my informants from another part of Kyirong uses
clearly Ipv;il/ tid:. This is a case of cluster simplification and devoicing while maintaining the low register with breathy voice
within one dialect area. Thus in his speech we already have to establish a minimal pair in contrast to /pan/<meadow·. WT span
<turf, meadow'. This contrast is regular in the neighbouring dialect of the western Drokpas, cf. Kretschmar 1986, 19. The
question as to which factor the variation in Kyirong is due to is very important and requires a special investigation.
to Nagano 1982, 86 gives priority to the voicedness features for phonemic distinction with the stops and the affricates, but has to
admit register distinction for all other series. My data on the dialect of Dzar are based on field work, d. Bie1meier 1986.
11 The data of the Drokpa dialect are taken from Kretschmar 1986. The informants are from the Tibetan districts Bawa (WT
'ba'-ba) and Bongba Tshogu (WT 'bron-ba cho-dgu) northwest and north of MustanglNepal. For Lhasa Tibetan I have relied
mainly on Chang/Shefts 1964 including the tapes and on GoldsteiniNomang 1978. Apparently not all speakers of the Drokpa
dialect as well as of the Lhasa dialect use this system. Instead of the aspirated stops with low register also unaspirated stops
with low register are found. For Lhasa Tibetan see GoldsteinlNornang 1978, XIIIf...... Mr. Nornang is one of those speakers
who almost always uses the aspirated stop in low tone, ... however, ... there are Lhasa speakers who use unaspirated stops in
low tone .....
12 For this term vs "cluster-dialects" see Sprigg 1972, 553 ff.

Il Cf. e.g. WT dban 'power' corresponding to Lhasa Tibetan /ww, for more details see Bielmeier 1983; WT dbyar <summer',

Balti /ybjar/ or Izbjar/. Sham /jar/, Kyirong and Dzar /jarka/. Lhasa Tibetan /ja:ka/j on the term "flip-flop" see Henderson
1982, 19f. This unexpected development has already been treated by Nishida 1975, 46f. The last example also shows that the
simplification of the consonant clusters favours secondary derivational formations .
.. Cf. already Francke 1904, 364.
46 Roland Hielmeier

be clearly documented. As mentioned before, WT voiced stops as radicals with nasal prefixes remain
voiced in Kyirong, and minimal pairs can be established, e.g.:"
It?,i1l WT dan 'and' vs Id~1 WT mtian 'yesterday'
Ip~nJ WT sban 'to wet' vs Ib?,i1l WT 'ban 'people'
Ikgl WT sgo 'door' vs Iggl WT mgo 'head'
On the other hand, due to devoicing and loss of prefixes, minimal pairs of different registers can also be
established, e. g.:
Ipanl WT span 'meadow' vs Ip~nJ WT sban 'to wet'
It6Iibai WT ston-pa 'void' vs ItgIib:il WT gdon(-ba) 'face'
Thus it is easy to find minimal pairs with both distinctions including aspiration, e. g.:
Iphiil WT phu 'upper valley' IthOl WT tho 'list'
Ipiil WT spu 'feather' ItOl WT Ito 'food'
Ipyl WT bu 'boy, son' Itgl WT rdo 'stone'
Ibyl WT 'bu 'insect' Idgl WT mdo 'lower part'
Here we see that the marking of the low register with voiced initial consonants and the marking of the
high register with unvoiced aspirated initial consonants is redundant, as we still have to take voicedness
and aspiration as distinctive. Only syllables with unvoiced unaspirated initial consonants show register
distinction, originating from a split ofWT voiced radicals. Only voiced radicals with oral or zero prefix
are devoiced keeping their low register in Kyirong which leads to the register distinction. WT voiced
radicals with nasal prefix remain voiced ill Kyirong. We therefore have a "mixed" fourfold series
resting on three distinctions in this dialect:
voiced : unvoic. (low) : unvoic. (high) : unvoic. aspiry
If we leave aside the at best marginal distinctive voicedness in the dialect of Dzar, it would yield us a
threefold series, resting on the two distinctions of register and aspiration:
unvoic. (low) : unvoic. (high) : unvoic. aspir.
The fact that the register distinction in both dialects does not extend to the aspirated series recalls the
idea of the "old prefixless voiceless (aspirated) stops as the neutral series ill the split" .1.
In the Drokpa dialect and ill Lhasa Tibetan, however, we also filld aspirated devoiced initial conso-
nants with low register, corresponding to prain voiced consonants of WT. We have again a fourfold
series:
unvoic. (low) : unvoic. aspir. (low) : unvoic. (high) : unvoic. aspir. (high)
To sum up in respect of the historical development of register, the relevant changes took place with the
old voiced series, where the fricatives may develop in a another way than the stops and affricates.
According to the available material from different dialects with register contrasts, it is convenient ill the
case of the stops and affricates to distinguish plain WT voiced radicals and two kinds of clusters, WT
voiced radicals with nasal prefixes and radicals with oral prefixes. We can interpret this as a split illto
three groups which merged again ill a different manner in different dialects. In Kyirong atjd Dzar the
old plain voiced and the old voiced radicals with an oral prefix merged illto unvoiced correspondences

15 Line above the vowel = high register (i), line below the vowel = low register (i). slanting line above the vowel shows either
non-leva! (falling) pitch movement (3.) or stress (a).
16 Cf. Mazaudon 1977, 52. In WT only the nasal prefixes occur with voiceless aspirated radicals. This is in accordance with the
reported fact: ..... high tone following a modern aspirated initial is pronounced with a mid variant", (ibid.). It is also in
accordance with the fact that in the dialects of Kyirong and Dzar the voiced initial stops and affricates correspond to WT
voiced radicals with nasal prefixes. Apparently the nasal preHxes yielded a maximum of voicedness, breathiness and low pitch
level. .' y
 On Tone in Tibetan 47

with low register. The old voiced radical with a nasal prefix remained voiced with low register. In Lhasa
and in the Drokpa dialect, however, the old voiced' radicals with oral and nasal prefixes merged into
unvoiced correspondences with low register, and the old plain voiced ones remained as unvoiced
aspirated correspondences with low register. Their systems can therefore not simply be considered'a
further development of the systems of Dzar and Kyirong.
In relation to the old voiced fricatives, the dialect of Kyirong is more conservative than the dialect of
Dzar because the latter has completely lost voicedness with initial fricatives. They all are voiceless with
low register. The dialect of Kyirong, however, reflects a split in the voicedness feature. All of course
show low register. The old plain voiced radicals became devoiced and the old voiced ones with oral
prefixes - no others occur - remain voiced. .
I will touch only very briefly on the question of pitch movement caused by the loss of final
consonants. It is, perhaps with the exception of the loss of final -~, a very recent phenomenon in
western, southwestern and central dialects. The main source for the development of pitch movement in
word-final syllables is the loss of final stops, especially of the velar or dental stop, whereas the labial
stop is widely retained. Pitch movement caused by the loss of final -~, also after !,!, I only know from
Lhasa Tibetan. In most of the dialects we find besides pitch movement variation between retention and
loss of the final velar or dental stop, or their replacement by glottal stop. These phenomena may
depend on context, speed of utterances, careless or careful speech etc. Thus a segmental analysis of this
phenomenon on the phonemic level is often stil1 possibleY
In the Drokpa dialect a final dental stop is replaced by a glottal stop which can be dropped with
compensatory lengthening of the vowel. In this case vowel quantity is distinctive and pitch movement
only concomitant, d. e. g. Itg?1 'remained' (WT bsdad) and Ike:1 '(a) call' (WT skad). Both the velar
and the labial stop are retained. In the dialects of Dzar and Kyirong, the dental and the velar stop have
the tendency to merge into the glottal stop, whereas the labial stop is again retained. But especially in
Kyirong the glottal stop can also be dropped, the high falling pitch contour thus becoming distinctive.
The same tendency is more advanced in Lhasa Tibetan, there with compensatory lengthening. Vowel
quantity in Lhasa Tibetan is distinctive because we also find long and short vowels with level pitch, d.
e.g. lkaJ 'order' vs Ika:1 'pillar' etc. To show the tendencies of the development of the final velar and
dental stop two examples are given:
Written Tibetan (blugs) 'to pour' (skad) 'sound'
Ladakhi (Sham) Iluk(s)1 Iskatl
Drokpa lliik! Ike:1
Dzar lliikl or llii?/ Ike?!
Kyirong Ilu(/)1 Iks(?)1
Lhasa Ilu:1 lke:1
To get an idea how stress played a role in the historical development of tonal features in certain Tibetan
dialects it is best to start with WAT, where we find neither breathy articulation nor a distinction
between high and low pitch, but a characteristic stress pattern in polysyllabic lexemes. In the
phonologically very conservative Balti dialect, the overwhelming majority of polysyllabic lexemes is
stressed on the second syllable. For a small group of polysyllabic lexemes stressed on the first syllable
see Sprigg 1966, 186ff. Grammatical suffixes never carry a fixed stress. Derivatives may be stressed on
the second syllable, C£. e. g. B. Ildzit-canl 'heavy' « B. Ildziti 'weight') etc. Sentence intonation can
. alter the picture to some extent. This, however, cannot be dealt with here.. The stress remains on the
second syllable, regardless of affixation or compounding:
Itshoskhan/ 'ripe', but Imatshoskhan! 'unripe'
Irdukcan/ 'pretty', but IbulUxcan/ 'hero, strong man'
lapO/ 'grandfather', lapocol 'id.(hon.)" but Ijanapol 'great-grandfather' etc.

11 Cf. the ,discwsion in Mazaudon 1984, 92£. In this paper I cannot treat extensively lengthening and palatalization of the
preceding vowel due to loss of final consonants.
48 Roland Hielmeier

Stress therefore delimits the initial boundary of a lexical word to a great extent. Nevertheless, we must
consider stress as marginally phonemic, since monosyllabic stem morphemes with grammatical suffixes
carry stress on the stem morpheme and minimal pairs can be found:
Irkunmal 'to steal (verb. noun)' vs Irkunma! 'thief, theft'
Ikhurbal 'to carry (verb. noun), vs Ikhurba! 'bread'
Ixhitpal 'to be tired (verb. noun)' vs Ixlatpa! 'brain'
Ith6nmol 'arrival' vs Ithonm61 'high'
16tii (manpo)1 '(until) coming (gen), vs 10MI 'milk (gen),
Ibutshal 'male, man' vs Ibutsha! 'son, boy' etc.
For further minimal pairs see Sprigg 1966, 189.
Due to the differences in word formation between Balti and Ladakhi we cannot find minimal pairs
there corresponding to those in Balti!8 and stress has lost its marginally phonemic character. This fits
well with the fact that the group of disyllabic words with stress on the first syllable has grown
considerably even in the phonologically conservative Sham dialect of lower Ladakh in comparison to
Balti. Again, grammatical suffixes do not usually carry stress, but deriv.tional suffixes may do so. In
some disyllabic words of the Sham dialect I recorded fluctuation of the placement of stress, which may,
besides free variation, depend on different factors. In pausa forms the stress tends more to remain on
the second syllable, whereas in contextual forms I more often found the shift to the first syllable. The
general tendency to shift the stress apparently also depends on word formation and in case of certain
old derivational morphemes perhaps to some extent on their phonetic structure. Compounds such as
Sham lzan-rk6n1 'famine', Irgoti-zaol 'evening meal', Irgja-mtsh61 'ocean', IlCaks-thaki 'iron chain',
Izu-rgjut! 'bow string' etc. are with very few· exceptions always stressed on the second syllable as in
Balti (cf. e.g. B. lzan-rk6nl 'famine' etc.). This pattern extends further, cf. e.g. B.Sh. Istijasl 'pillow'
with Istijazb6V 'id.' in upper Ladakh. We find coincidences between Balti and the Sham dialect even in
the small group of Balti lexemes with stress on the first syllable, cf. e. g. B.Sh. Idawan/ '(small) drums',
B.Sh. Im6skut! 'walnut sauce', B. In6tiol Sh. In6mol 'younger sister', but quite a number of finally
stressed disyllabic words in Balti have shifted their stress (optionally?) to the first syllable in the Sham
dialect, cf. e. g. B. 150ybUi 'book', Sh. 15Ugul 'paper', B. Iphadfti/, Sh. Iphatitil 'dried apricot', B.
Istare/, Sh. Istaril 'axe', B. Ixpera/, Sh.!spera/ 'talk', B. Iskutpa!, Sh. IskUtpal'thread', B. lmitim6l, Sh.
Imftibol 'brother', B. ibjati6l, Sh. lemol 'hen', B. Irkonm6/, Sh. Irk6nmol 'rare', B. Iltia!, Sh. Ikeal
'navel', B'!tshatima/, Sh. Itsh:itimal 'all' etc. As to a possible influence of the phonetic structure of the
old derivational morphemes it seems that nouns in I-pol less often have shifted their stress to the first
syllable in the Sham dialect, more often wellnd examples in I-bol with the shift, and mostly with
nouns in I-mol we find fluctuation or stress on the first syllable, cf. leap61 'cock' but lemol beside
leam61 'hen'. Examples for the fluctuation of the placement of stress, which I recorded, are Sh. Ibom61
beside the more usual Ib6mo/, B. Iboti61 'girl, woman', Sh. Istotibal beside Ist6tibal, B. Istotimal
'empty', Sh. Ikanba! beside Ikatibal, B. lkatimal 'foot', Sh. Irkunmi/ beside Irkunmal, B. Irkunmal
'thief', etc.; cf. also the derivatives Sh. Irgjaeaol 'extensive', Ikhakeanl 'important', Iwaticaol 'power-
ful' « Iwatil 'power'), but 15etcanl 'powerful, strong' « 15et! 'power, strength'), or Sh. Itshosk:inl
beside Itsh6skan/, B. Itshoskh:inl ,ripe' (cf. Sh.!matsh6skanl and B. Imatsh6skhanl 'unripe'), etc.!'
Generally speaking, the stress pattern in the Sham dialect is clearly less prominent and of minor
siguificance than in Balti. In a disyllabic word very often both syllables seem to be rather equally
prominent, which r~sembles already a level contour of tonal dialects.

18 Cf. e. g. Sham Ladakhi /rlWa/ 'to _steal (verb. noun)', Irkunm:V 'thier, Ikhurbal Cto carry (verb. noun)' I /khurv 'special bread,
to be eaten at new year's time', Ildatpa! 'brain', Ith6nb6! 'high', lomal'milk',
19 The occ~ional desaspiration of aspirated stops in second syllables in the Sham dialect is also apparently a general increasing
tendency. We know it very well from southwestern and central dialects. It also points to the decreasing compound character
of the word iiL-lhe west.
 On Tone in Tibetan 49

IIi southwestern and central "tonal" dialects, stress is still less prominent, but we can find traces of an
underlying stress pattern, which help us to understand tonal phenomena.
In spite of the weakness of the stress the tendency to shift it from the second to the first syllable is
more developed and besides word formation and context conditions the register of the first syllable
plays an important role.'o The whole picture of course may alter from dialect to dialect. A possible
influence of the phonetic structure of the second syllable and variation due to context conditions are
still to be further investigated.21 Leaving aside these factors we can summarize as follows: The shift of
stress from the second to the first syllable in disyllabic words depends 1) on the dialect, 2) on the
register of the first syllable and 3) on word formation.
In disyllabic words, where a morpheme boundary is not evident or only historical,. we find four
kinds of suprasegmental patterns. 1) High register and prominence of the first syllable. 2) Low register
of the first syllable and prominence of the second syllable. 3) Mid-high register (with initial aspirated
stops) and .rather equal prominence of both syllables or slight prominence of the second syllable. 4)
Low register and rather equal prominence of both syllables or slight prominence of the first syllable.
A tonal interpretation of both syllables together renders in the first case a high slightly falling
contour (contour 3),22 in the second case a low rising contour (contour 1), and in the third case a
basically level contour, lower in register than that in the first syllable of the first example (contour 4). H
we accept Hari's observation (1979, 86) that the second syllable always has a medium pitch level, it
accords perfectly with Miller's and Sedlacek's observation "... that the high tone following a modern
aspirated initial is pronounced with a mid variant",2' and also to the fact that in most dialects the
register opposition does not extend to first syllables with initial aspirated stop.'· In the fourth case the
contour is low and basically level (contour 2).
In my opinion these suprasegmental or tonal patterns can be explained historically by register
distinction and a still traceable stress pattern. Stress, which is a clear suprasegmental feature in WAT, is
weakened and tends to shift from the second to the first syllable in southwestern and central dialects. It
has shifted in all cases of a high registered first syllable (> contour 3), but did not shift in most cases
with low (> contour 1) or mid-high registered first syllables (> contour 4). In some dialects and cases
(especially in contextual forms) it also has shifted in cases with low registered first syllables (> contour
2). This last shift, however, still occurs rarely. More often we find shift in cases with mid-high
registered first syllables, rendering also contour 3.
Comparing e.g. Dzar Infrcil 'nose' (contour 3) with prominence of the first syllable and IkhircU
'mouth' (contour 4) with a slight prominence of the second syllable, we can interpret this through an
underlying stress pattern as shift of stress with lnircil and lack of shift with lkhircU.
Till now I could not find any support for Hari's moving contour in phonemic contrast to basically
level contour within CV or CVC syllables, if we exclude CVN syllables in Lhasa Tibetan. This concept
was first applied to Tibeto-Burman languages of Nepal and goes back to the late sixties, d. Hari 1979,
129ff. and is called "melody, as an independent feature" by Mazaudon 1984, 93. This does not include
the abrupt pitch fall, usually with lengthening, replacing glottalized syllable final vowels in certain
dialects, d. Hari 1979, 76ff.

20 As we do not find register in WAT, the occurring shift in Ladakhi cannot be due to it nor is it connected with the nature of the
initial consonant or consonant clusters.
2\ It is self-evident that it would he necessary to include as many dialects as possible to get a more complete picture. hut up till
now we lack proper data on most Tibetan dialects. The problem of free or conditioned variation in all Tibetan dialects)
especially in connection with sentence intonation patterns has to be investigated further. The question of the phonetic
structure of the second syllable may be connected with the different tonal behaviour of suffixes (d. Hari 1979, 122ff.,
Hoeh!iglHari 1976, 45, O. and M. Vesalainen 1976, 53 ff., H. Schoettelndreyer 1971, 27 ff., and for Tibero-Burman languages
also Han 1970, 19ff. and Hari 1971, 29ff. etc.). As far as Tibetan dialects are concerned, however, we· must take stressed and
unstressed suffixes into consideration, as we know them from WAT.
22 The numbering of the contours is that of Hari 1979.
2l Cf. Mazaudon 1977. 52. By "'aspirated stop" the inherited aspirated Stops are always meant here and not the completely
secondary aspirated stops with low register in Lhasa Tibetan and some other dialects, d. note 11.
lot Cf. note '16.
50 Roland Dielmeier

Neither can I find support for a phonemic distinction between contour 1 and 2, or between contour
3 and 4 in disyllabic words or morphemes consisting of CV or CVC syllables, again excluding CVN
syllables in Lhasa Tibetan. To the different situation, whereby a morpheme boundary exists between
the syllables, I will turn later.
Disyllabic words with no or only a historical morpheme boundary, with high registered first syl-
lable, but without aspirated stop initially show the promiaence of the first syllable in all dialects
considered here. A phonemic contrast between contour 3 and 4 cannot be detected: cf. WT spyan-kul
ki, B. IspjaJikU/, Sh. IsaJikU/, but Kyirong Ic:lngu/ 'wolf'; WT skam-po, B.Sh. Iskamb6/, but Leh
dialect Islcim.po/,zs Kyirong IHmbo/, Kagate IHmbuf2' with contour 4 and Dzar IHmpu! 'dry'; WT
stag-pa, B.Sh. Istaqp:i/, but Dzar Ititkpal 'birch'; WT dpral-ba, B. Ispalb:i/, Purik Ispralb:i/, Sh.
Irpalb:i/, but Kyirong Ipr~laI and in central and Lhasa Tibetan with secondary suffixation, d. Hari
1979, 198 Ip~:ko?1 (contour 41) 'forehead' etc.; cf. also WT glan-po-the, B. IxlaJiphoco/, Sh. llaJipoee/,
but Kagate II~Jibucel (contour 3), Dzar II:lnpo-chel and II~Jipo-Cho/, Hari 1979, 122 !l:lnpu-che/.27
The most conservative group of disyllabic words with no or only historical morpheme boundary
have low registered first syllables. In the overwhelming majority, they show promiaence of the second
syllable, i.e. the shift has not taken place (contour 1). It seems, however, that in some dialects a slight
tendency. is developing to shift in this case too (contour 2). We have to add that most members of the
small group of lexemes, carrying stress on the first syllable in Balti also belong here. Cf. WT gdon, B.I
ydoJi/, P.Ld. IrdoJi/, with secondary derivation or composition in southwestern dialects but not in
Lhasa Tibetan, d. the derivatives in Kagate and Kyirong Itgilbaf" and the compound in Dzar lilgt6.ti.1
all with contour 1 'face'; WT rgyal-po, B. Irgjalph6/, Sh. Igjapo/, the items of Kagate IqlbU/, Kyirong
Ic§:bU/, Dzar Ic~lpU/, Mustang Ic~pul and Hari 1979, 192 Ic§:pU/ are all with contour 1 'king'; WT
rgyu-ma, B.Sh. Irgjum:i/ beside Sh. IrgjUmal, the items of Kagate, Kyirong and Dzar IcymM are with
contour 1, but Hari 1979, 192 gives a long second syllable and attributes to each syllable contour 1 (ef.
Lhasa Tibetan with high falling second syllable in GoldsteinINornang 1978, 357) 'intestines'; WT byi-
ru, B.P. IbirU/, Sh. Icurn/, the items of Kyirong IpirU/ and Dzar leurn?1 'coral',with contour 1, but
Kagate Ipirukl 'necklace' with contour 2; WT bran, B.P. IbraJi/, Ld. IqaJi/ beside l;aJi/, with second-
ary derivation in southwestern and central dialects: Kyirong !br~go?/, Dzar I;~kokpal and Hari
1979, 198 Ip~okl (ef. GoldsteinlNornang 1978, 334 Ip~:/) 'chest' with contour 1, but for Kagate
Hari gives Iprailgokl with contour 2; WT bomo, B. Iboilo/, P. Ibomo/, Sh. Ibomol beside Ibomo/,
Kagate and Kyirong Ipgm6/ with contour 1, but Dzar and Hari 1979, 198 Ip~u/ with contour 2 'girl,
woman'; WT nu-mo, Balti Inoilol and Purik Inomol belong to the minority pattern with initial stress,
d. Sham Inomo/, the items of Kagate InQmol and Dzar Inymul accordingly with contour 2 'younger
sister'; etc. ~.t'
Disyllabic words with no or only historical morpheme boundary, which have initially an inherited
aspirated stop hold an intermediate position. Their first syllables are usually considered high on the
phonemic level, yielding thus contour 3 or 4. Only in Kagate does Hari find low rising contour 1 with
such items. From the point of view of the stress pattern this means that no shift has taken place. The
same interpretation applies to contour 4. In Kagate contour 1 seems to follow aspirated affricates and
the difference may rest upon the fact that in this dialect aspirated affricates may have significant lower

" Francke 1901, 6f. gives /,kampo/, probably for the Leh dialect, cf. the Leh form /,kampo/by Ko,halI982, 182, unfortunate-
ly without information on stress.
16 Kagate is a Tibetan dialect in Nepal, which is in several respects fairly close to the dialect of Kyirong. It has been investigated
by H.oehlig/Hari 1976, and it is a pleasure for me to thank A. M. Hari for allowing me to we the unpublished Kagate
dictionary compiled by HoebligIHari. In numbering the Kagate contours I use Hari's system of "Lhasa Tibetan- to avoid
confusion, because her Kagate contour 1 corresponds to her "Lhasa Tibetan" contour 3 (high-falling) etc.
" Hari 1979, 122; for Lhasa Tibetan cf. GoldsteinINomang 1978, 345 11[:«:/ 'elephant'.
28 In the Kyirong dialect a disyllabic word could still be characterized by distinctive stress instead of distinctive register. The

register opposition Itgilbal "face' vs Itonbal "void, empty' could be des~ribed in terms of a stress distinction with concomitant
different registers: Itonbat "face' vs Itoilbal "void, empty'. But such a description is not valid for the whole language, as it is
not applicable:.~p' "monosyllabic words.
 On Tone in Tibetan 51

register than aspirated pI~sives. Again the Kyirong dialect- seems to be close to Kagate in this respect.
But I prefer to subsume the basic pattern: mid-high register of the first syllable and underlying stress
on the second syllable, at least for the dialects of Kyirong and Dzar under contour 4 and in case of shift
under contour 3, as I find the phonetic label "high" for the non-phonemic register in these cases more
appropriate. Cf. WT pbyug-po, B. Iphjukp6/, Sh. lehukp6/, Kagate IchgkpUl (contour 1), Kyirong
lehukp61 (contour 4), Dzar and Hari 1979,195 lehukpUl (contour 4) 'rich'; WT chil, B.P.5h. ItshiI/,
but with secondary derivation in Kagate ItshiIukl (contour 1), Kyirong ItshiIUI and Dzar Itshilu?1
(contour 4) 'fat, grease'; WT tbag-pa, B.P.lthaqpa/, Sh. Ithakp:i/, Kagate Ithakpal and Hari 1979, 197
Ithak-pa"/29 (contour 4), but Kyirong and Dzar Ithakpal with contour 3 'rope'; WT khur, Sh./khurl
and sometimes Ikhuru/, with secondary derivation in Kagate IkhiirpUi and Dzar Ikhuru?1 (contour 4),
but Kyirong Ikhurul with contour 3 'load'; WT (')khur-ba 'bread', B. Ikhurb:i/ ,special bread', Sh.
Ikhur:i/ beside Ikhural 'bread, to be eaten at New Year's time', Kagate Ikhliral with contour 3
'unleavened bread'; WT phyag-ma, B. Iphjaxma/, Kagate Iphja:mal (contour 4), but Dzar lehakmal
with contour 3 'broom'; WT mtho-ba and mthon-po, B. Ithonm6/, Sh. Ithonb61 beside Ith6nbol,
Kagate Ithomb61 (contour 4), d. Dzar Ith6wal with contour 3 'high'; WT 'thugs-pa and stug(s)-po, B.
ltuktukl and Istukp6/, Sh. Ithukm61 beside Ithukmo/, Kagate Ithukpul (contour 3), cf. Dzar IthUwal
with contour 3 'thick' ; etc.
In this third batch of words beginning with inherited aspirated stops, the difference between contour
3 and 4 is, due to the weak stress, extremely slight. Contour 3 is slightly falling in the second syllable,
whereas contour 4 may be level or slightly rising, and there is no phonemic distinction whatever
between the two, but rather a free or contextual conditioned variation.
The question of a morpheme boundary between two syllables has a strong historical aspect and has
to be considered for every dialect separately.
In a word like Dzar le;!ktakl 'iron chain' we can separate leakl ,iron' and I-takl, which does not exist
independently, but goes back with desaspiration in second syllable and loss of nominalizing I-pal to
Ithakpal ,rope'. This morpheme boundary has apparently a different quality from the morpheme
boundary in the same etymon in Sham IlCaks-thaki 'id.', where no desaspiration has taken place. In
Dzar le~ktakl the compound character has become less visible. Even less visible is the boundary in
Dzar Itgnc6k1 'cup (han.), (d. Dzar Iph6ral 'cup (non-han.),). In a descriptive analysis we cannot
separate the word into two morphemes. The morphemic separation of this etymon, however, is
transparent in the Sham dialect, where we have Idon-skj6k1 'id.' (/korol beside Ik6rel 'cup (non-
han.),), d. Sh. lehu-skj6k(s)1 'water-pot', and in WT we find both morphemes as independent words,
d. WT don '(real) sense, meaning, etc. (han.)' and WT skyogs 'drinking-cup'. If we now turn to the
suprasegmental features, we see that the two Dzar items follow the rules of uncompounded disyllabic
words: stress on the first, high registered syllable and on the second syllable with a low registered first
syllable respectively. On the other hand Kyirong ISe;E:I 'tax for dairy products' < Isel 'dairy products'
and l,hE:I 'tax', again with des aspiration of the second syllable, shows stress on the second syllable,
despite of the high register of the first syllable. If we keep in mind that in Ladakhi, where we already
find fluctuation of stress, compounds are always stressed on the second syllable, we may suppose this
to be the old pattern, which has changed in the case of Dzar le~ktakl, because it has lost its compound
character. With low registered first syllables, the stress, however, has not shifted. Even in Nornang's
Lhasa Tibetan I find stress on the second syllable with words like Is.ktl 'restaurant', Ic.H:1 'India',
In.mry:1 'season', etc., but I clearly hear Ith;jlol 'this year' (d. Chang/Shefts 1964,29). The shift might
be connected with the short vowel of the second morpheme.

29 Hari 1979 symbolizes the "assimilating" or toneless suffixes by a quotation mark, e.g. I_pan/. I understand them as inherited
stressless.
The Lhasa Tibetan tendency to reduce short final vowels is an argument among others in favor of underlying initial word
stress, whose shift to the initial syllable has developed in Lhasa Tibetan to a maximum. In the same way the loss of fmal
consonants in southwestern and central dialects is an argument for stress and the shift of stress to the first syllable in contrast
to W AT 'with stress on the second syllable and no loss of final consonants.
 52 Roland Bielmeier

With suffixes we must distinguish between (originally) stressed and unstressed suffixes. In WAT
derivational suffixes are often stressed, pure grammatical suffixes usually not. The distinguishing line
between both categories is, however, not always clear. Suffixes may have both functions, and these may
be different from dialect to dialect. It is therefore better to illustrate the tonal developments under the
influence of a stress pattern with a few examples. The "infinitive" morpheme I-casl always carries the
stress in Balti and Purik. In Sham we find fluctuation. In Kyirong the etymologically corresponding
suffix I-C8(?)1 is used in verbal morphology to form a modal future tense, and shows some prominence,
even with high registered first syllables, cf. e. g. Kyirong ItancE(?)1 (contour 4) 'will send' or Ip~cE(?)1
'will do' with B.P.Sh. Itaribisl beside Sh. Itancasl 'to send, give' and B./bjacasl, P. Ibacasl 'to do'."
The "infinitive" in Dzar, formed by adding I-kenl to the present tense stem of the verb is more adapted
to the suprasegmental pattern of underived disyllabic words. This means that the tendency to shift the
stress to the word-initial has become stronger. Cf. e. g. Dzar Its6kenl 'to cook (vt)" Itsh6kenl 'to cook,
ripen (vi)', Il!!rikenl 'to rise, get up' and Sham Its6kanl 'the one, who is cooking (by boiling)',
Itsh6kanl 'the one, who is grazing (animals), herdsman', Itshoskanl beside Itsh6skanl 'ripe(ned)',
Ilariskanl 'rising' and Balti Itsoskhanl 'cooked (vt)', Itshoskhanl 'ripe(ned), cooked (vi)" Ilarikhanl
'rising'.31 The shift has gone so far that in Dzar we even find the stress on prefixed verbal negation in
case of a high registered verbal root, cf. e. g. Dzar Imatal 'do not look!', Imithol 'I did not see', Im!!l:iril
'did not get up', B.Sh./malt:i/ 'do not look!', Imath6ri1 'did not see', B.! malari/, Sh./malansl 'did not
get up'.
Hari 1979, 207 describes the assimilating suffix l-pa"l rendering contour 3 with high registered, and
contour 2 with low registered first syllables, but makes no distinction between e. g.l;hi:pal 'ask (verbal
noun), (contour 4)32 vs Ilhi:p:i/ 'question' (contour 1), which is best explained by comparing Balti
Irkunmal 'steal (verbal noun)' vs Irkunm:i/ 'thief, theft'. But Sh. lliwal beside l;lwal 'question' shows
no prominence of one syllable. Moreover, one of my informants for central Tibetan insists on the same
difference e. g. for Isampal (contour 3) 'think (verbal noun)' and Isampal (contour 4) 'thought (noun)'
(cf. Sh. Is:imbal 'opinion').
Comparing the Lhasa Tibetan data on the tape belonging to Chang/Shefts'l964 and spoken by
Nawang Nornang, e. g. the pausa form Ic~:m61 'a (ruling) queen' (ibid. p. 3) shows clearly prominence
on the second syllable (accordingly with contour 1 in Hari 1979, 192), the context bound form
Iphgmol 'girl, woman' (ibid. p. 36, nr. 10), however, stress on the low registered first syllable (accord-
ingly with contour 2 in Hari 1979, 199). The point is that in the first case the morpheme boundary is
still more present. We have in Lhasa Tibetan also Ic~:p61 'king', Ic~:sal 'capital', or in the dialect of
Dzar Ic!!lm61 'queen', lc"Ip61 'king' and even the verb Ic"I-kenl 'to win'. We have a clear morpheme
boundary in WAT, d. e. g. B. Irgjalbal 'to ",Ih', P. IrgjaV 'victory', Sh. IrgjaV 'conquest', Irgjalcesl 'to
conquer, win' etc. But there is no independent first lexeme in the second example, not even in W AT. It
is true, we have e. g. in Dzar In~mu/ and Kagate Ingmo/ 'younger sister' with contour 2 and a morpheme
boundary comparable to that of Ic~mUl, if we take Dzar In1!c1 'younger brother' into consideration, but
we have to point out that it already in Balti and Sham belongs to the minoriry pattern with stress on the
first syllable B. In6rio/, Sh. In6mol.
It has to be pointed out, however, again that stress and shift of stress is in most cases not a distinctive
feature, leaving aside minimal pairs like Balti Irkunmal 'thief, theft' vs Irkunmal 'steal (verbal noun)
and Central Tibetan I\hi:pal 'question' vs I;hi:pal 'ask (verbal noun)'. The basic suprasegmental
phonemic distinction in the southwestern and central Tibetan dialects is the register distinction. Stress
features largely depend on the register. And pitch movement is largely determined by register and
stress features. We have an "underlying accentual representation turning into a surface tonal represen-
tation."))

~o For the etymological connexion d. also the forms I-cesl in Leh and I-eel in Upper Ladakh according to Francke 1901, 26.
31 For the formation d. Bielmeier 1985, 125f.
)2 As long as the past tense and the present tense stems of a verb do not differ, the verbal noun is homophonous with the past
tense participle. For this Had 1979, 206 also gives contour 4.
" CI. Gold,miili:)980, 415.
 On Tone in Tibetan 53

Hari 1979, 160 ff. tries to explain her pitch movement contrasts historically with the Tibetan orthog-
raphy, i. e. with the word-initial consonants and consonant clusters of WT. This must remain rather
unsuccessful, simply because she has to cover more than a thousand years of language development
with the data of one central Tibetan dialect. The more dialects of languages we can use in historical
linguistics for comparison, filiation and reconstruction the more reliable the results, but we have to
keep in mind the extremely important principle of relative chronology. Hari supposes that the pitch
movement contrast is historically older than the register contrast, and WT morpheme final clusters do
not provide an explanation for this. This is correct insofar as stress has partly determined the pitch
movement, and stress preexisted register, as we can see in WAT. I think we should not suppose a
"preexisting melodic contrast" (d. Mazaudon 1984, 95), but rather in internal proto-reconstruction of
Tibetan we should start with stress. The simplest way to explain how the prefixes of WT became non-
syllabic is to assume a strong word-final stress, which is in complete accordance with the situation in
Balti.

REFERENCES

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1-45.
BIELMEIER, R., 1982, "Problems of Tibetan Dialectology and Language History with Special Reference to the sKyid-gron
Dialect". ZAS 16, 405-425.
-,1983, "Zum Alter eines Lautwandels im Ladakhi", Documenta BarbaroTum. Festschrift fur W. Heissig zum 70. Geburtstag.
Ed. by K. Sagaster und M. Weiers. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 17-21.
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westtibetisch vergleichendes Glossar. Sankt Augustin: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag.
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schung des Himalaya. Ed. by B. Kolver. Sankt Augustin: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag, 431-450.
CHaNG, K./SHEFTs, B., 1964, A Manual of Spoken Tibetan (Lhasa Dialect). Seattle: University of Washington Press.
FRANCKE, A. H., 1901, Sketch of Ladakhi Grammar.JASB 70, part I, Extra No.2, repr.: Ladakhi and Tibetan Grammar. Delhi:
Seema Publications 1979.
-,1904, "'A language map of West Tibet, with notes".JASB 73, part. I, No.4, 362-367.
GOLDSMITH, I., 1980, Review of Tone: A Linguistic surney. Ed. by V. A. Fromkin. New York 1978, Lg. 56/2, 413-418.
GOLDSTEIN, M. C.INAWANG NORNANG, 1978, Modern Spoken Tibetan. Lhasa Dialect. 2nd rev. ed. Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak
Bhandar.
HARz, M., 1970, A guide to Tamang tone. Mim., S.I.L. and Tribhuvan University. Kirtipur, Nepal.
-,1971, A guide to Thakali tone. Mim., S.I.L. and Tribhuvan University. Kirtipur, Nepal.
-,1979, An Investigation of the Tones in Lhasa Tibetan. Language Data. Asian Pacific Series No. 13. S.I.L. Huntington Beach,
California 92648: Thai Gospel Pres., 10-12 Sukhumvit 6, Bangkok.
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HOEHUG, M./HARx, M., 1976, Kagate Phonemic Summary. S.I.L. and Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies. Kathmandu:
Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu, Nepal.
-,Kagate-English Dictionary. Englisch-Kagate Index. UnpubL
HOSHI, M./TONDUp TSERING, 1978, Zangskar Voca.bulary. A Tibetan Dialect Spoken in Kashmir. Monumenta Serindica No.5.
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IXscHlCE, H. A., 1871, Handworterbuch der tibetischen Sprache. Gnadau: Universitatsbuchhandlung.
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-,1979, Ladakhi Grammar. DelhiNaranasilPatna: Motilal Banarsidass.
-,1982, Conversational Ladakhi. DelbiNaranasilPatna: Motilal Banarsidass.
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ROERICH, G. N.lLoBSANG PHUNTSHOK LHALUNGPA, 1971, Textbook of Colloquial Tibetan. Second Revised & Enlarged
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R6NA-TAS, A., 1966, Tibeto-Mongolica. London/The Hague/Paris: Mouton.
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 La controverse soulevee par I'indusion de rituels bon-po dans
Ie Rin-chen gter-mjod. Note preliminaire
ANNE-MARIE BLONDEAU (PARIS)

n est inutile de presenter Ie Rin-chen gter-mjod, 1 cette grande collection de rituels afferents aux gter-ma
que Kon-sprol Blo-gros mtha' -yas a tassemblee au 1ge siecle. Or, parmi tous ces rituels bouddhistes, se
trouve une serie de rituels bon-po.2 S. G. Karmay a, Ie premier, signale leur existence dans son
Catalogue of Bonpo Publications,' et i'en ai moi-meme parle brievement ii la £in d'un article aparaitre
dans les Miscellanea in memoria Pr. Tucci! Cette sequence des rituels bon-po repete en effet la
structure principale de la collection: de meme que Kon-sprul fait preceder les rituels bouddhiques de
plusieurs biographies de Padmasambhava (dont Ie bKa'-than Zans-glin-ma), parce que - dit-il- c'est
Padmasambhava qui se trouve ii I'origine de ces rituels et de leur transmission, de meme fait-il preceder
les rituels bon-po d'une vie de Padmasambhava «selon la tradition du bsGrags-pa Bon., ou il est
presente comme Ie fils du Sage bon-po Dran-pa nam-mkha'.
Comme Ie remarque la cQurte introduction en anglais du volume 63 de I'edition de Para, I'inclusion
de ces rituels bon-po a souleve une vive controverse chez les contemporains de Kon-spru!. Pour
comprendre les fondements de cette controverse, et les raisons pour Iesquelles Kon-sprul a introduit
ces rituels dans sa compilation de textes essentiellement rmn-ma-pa, il faut examiner ces rituels bon-po
de plus pres.

1. Raisons de l'inclusion de rituels bon-po dans Ie Rin-chen gter-mjod

La premiere explication qui vient ii l'esprit, et qui a ete utilisee de maniere voilee par les detracteurs de
Kon-sprul, est que I'on doit y voir I'influence de son origine et de sa premiere education bon-po, tres
utilement mises en lumiere par E. Gene Smith dans sa preface au Ses-bya kun-khyab. 5 Mais, sans se
contenter de cette reponse facile, on peut trouver d'autres explications par une double investigation: ii
travers ce que Kon-sprullui-meme en dit, et en analysant les rituels.
Dans Ie volume kha du RCT]: Kon-sprol explique ses choix et fournit les lignees de transmission
des textes de la collection, depuis I'origine iusqu'ii lui-meme. Dans un premier passage7 OU il iusmie la
collection et les gter-ma en general, il place les rituels bon-po pratiquement sur Ie meme plan que les
rituels bouddhiques en remarquant: .[En rassemblant ces textes] ie n'ai eu dans I'esprit que d'excel-
lentes motivations de plusieurs ordres: comme la caracteristique des Tibetains dans leur ensemble est
d'etre attires par la nouveaute, la plupart des gter-ma anciens etaient pres de sombrer dans la lethargie,
leur flat (de transmission) etait rare et pour quelques-uns, coupe; j'en etais afflige. Quant auxgter-ma

1 Desormais RCT]. Ed. de Paro, 1976.

2 Vol. ti et thi; ed. de Paro, vol. 63, pp. 247-542.
, A Catalogue of Bonpo Publicatiom, The Toyo Bunko, Tokyo 1977, p. 174.
.. «mKhyen~brce'i dban-po: La biographie de Padmasambhav4 seton la tradition du bsGrags-pa Bon, et ses sources., in
OrientaliaJosephi Tucci memoriae dicata. ed. R. GnoH et L. Lanciotti, SOR LVI, 1, Roma 1985, pp. 111-158.
5 Kongtrul's Encyclopaedia of Indo-Tibetan culture. SPS vol. 80, New Delhi 1970.
, Titre en marge: dkar-Chag. Ed. Paro, vol. 2.
, P.59.
 56 Anne-Marie Blondeau

anciens nouvellement reapparus (SOllS forme de yan-gter), je les considere camme aussi precieux que Ie
cc:eur mais cependant, a part leur nom, ils n'avaient pas pu parvenir aux oreilles des hommes impor-
tants. La plupart des gter-ma nouveaux aussi (a partir de mChog-gyur gliri.-pa), etant extremement
utiles pour soi et pour auttui, j'ai considere que c'etaient des instruments pour amasser des richesses
(spirituelles). Comme, de leur cote, les occasions de demander et d'obtenir les autorisations (rfes-gnan),
les rituels mdos, gtad, etc., executes par les specialistes bon-po pour leur subsistance,8 etaient rares, j'ai
a
espere que si je les rassemblais la file, cela aussi serait utile; et j'ai pense: en quoi serait-il inconvenant
que des gter-ma authentiques qui se sont reveles efficients pour quelques-uns, deviennent Ie joyau de
sinciput pour tous les disciples de Guru Rinpoche?»
Plus loin (p. 390), a la fin de son expose sur les lignees de transmission des rituels se rapportant aux
bKa'-brgyad, classes dans la section Mahiiyoga, il note: «Ayant fini d'etablir ce cycle (des chos-srun),
... ensuite, parce qu'ils lui sont lies de maniere necessaire et particuliere, j'ai place la biographie de
Padmasambhava ecrite selon la tradition bsGrags-pa Bon par man Seigneur Lama Mi-sig gYuri.-druri.
'byun-gnas real (mKhyen-brce'i dbari.-po)>> et les rituels bon-po. Suit la description des transmissions
du lun, du dban, pour la Biographie et pour chacun des rituels. En conclusion, Kori.-sprul repond par
avance aux critiques: les gens aux vues etroites opposent doctrine heterodoxe et orthodoxe, Bon et
bouddhisme. Mais la compassion des buddha est sans parti-pris, et sans limite dans leurs reuvres. De
meme que Ie Buddha a pris les apparences des dieux hindouistes pour les convertir, de meme, il n'y a
pas un etre au Pays des neiges qui ne soit destine a devenir Ie disciple de Padmasambhava. 9 Comme
justification supplementaire, Kon-sprul cite les gter-ston bouddhistes qui ant egalement decouvert des
gter-ma bon-po, et les ont pratiques. «Ainsi, dit-il, camme il apparait que, d'une manie.re generale, Ie
systeme du Bon est tres utile pour autrui; et que quelques gter-ma bon-po de leur cote sont en accord
ctroit (zun-'jug) avec les gter-ma bouddhiques, ... j'en ai insere ici l'essentiel.»
Cette derniere phrase clait retenir l'attention. Ce ne sant pas, en effet, n'importe quels rituels bon-po
qui figurent dans Ie ReT]; ils appartiennent a quatre cycles differents:
- Le Bla-chen Dran-pa yab-sras bcud-dril (pp. 247-321), decouvert par rI:5o-r)e glin-pa comme
l'indique Ie titre en marge; mais les colophons des ritueis places SOllS ce titre Ie nomment Ie plus souvent
sous son nom bon-po: Bon-zig gYun-druri. gliri._pa. 1O Bla-chen Dran-pa yab-sras est bien silrDran-pa
nam-mkha' et ses deux fils supposes: Che-dbail rig-'jin et Padma mthon-grol, alias Padma 'byuri.-
gnasY

Le cycle comporte ici sept rituels, qui parfois se subdivisent, par exemple en: 'pho-ba, che-sgrub,
gegs-sel ... Quatre d'entre eux ont ete enonces par Vairocana qui y a reuni I'elixir de Bon et Chos (bon
,has giiis kyi bcud bsdus-nas); illes a caches ·it'sTag-chail de Paro, en prophetisant que Ie receptacle de

8 lto-phyir bon gyer-mkhan rnams: I'expression revient regulierement sous 1a plume des ecrivains bouddhistes. (Sur Ie sens de
gyer, .. incantation», d. D. 1. Snellgrove, The nine Ways of Bon, London 1967, p. 293; et pour une etude generale du terme:
R. A. Stein, ",La langue Zan-iun du Bon organise», BEFEO LVIII, 1971, pp. 238-242. Pour les Bon-po actuels, gyer est
l'equivalent zan-zun de bz/as, reciter.)
L'interpn!tacion de lto-phyir est equivoque: pour Yontan GyatSo, lettre dge-Iugs-pa, elle est pejorative envers Ie Bon; ce
sont les rituds accomplis pour leur subsistance par les Bon-po. Mais mKha'-khyab rdo-rje (dris-ian gnu-pa, p. 429) glose la
prophetie «Dans la derniere periode de dnq cents ans de la Doctrine, les tantra etant recites/chantes en rituels bon-po (bon-du
gyer-iin), ils seront alteres», de la maniere suivante: .. Les tantra etant prives (dans leur pratique) des stages d'evocation et de
resorption (bskyed rjogs), et etant recites/chantes en rituds bon-po pour leur subsistance (par les bouddhistes), ils seront
alteres.»
9 11 faut remarquer que cette explication selon laquelle Padmasambhava a pris 1a forme d'un Bon-po et donne des enseignements
bon-po, pour mener ala delivrance ceux que leur karma avait fait na:itre comme tds, est largement reprise et commentee par
les defenseurs de Kon-spru!. A leur suite, c'est aussi celle qui est fournie par les maltres rnin-ma-pa actuels, heritiers de la
tradition n's-med.
10 V. man article ",Le <decouvreur, du MatJi bka'-'bum etait-il bon-po?», in Tibetan and Buddhist Studies Commemorating the
200th Anniversary of the Birth of Alexander emma de Koras, ed, by Louis Ligeti, Budapest 1984,
It V. article cite eli":'n. 4,
 La controverse soulevee par I'inclusion de rituels bon-po dans Ie RID-chen gter-mjod 57

ses ~nseignements, pratiquant sans distinction Bon et bouddhisme (bon rhos gnis med), Bon-zig gYmi-
druri mi-sigs rDo-rJe gliri,les decouvrira. Mais, comme I'indique Ie colophon du quatrieme ntuel (Las-
byan chog-khrigs byin-rlabs sprin-phun ies bya-ba), la transmission textuelle s'etait remplie avec Ie
temps de toutes sortes d'incorrections, et il etait difficile de trouver une source authentique sure. Aussi;
rnKhyen-brce'i dbari-po a-t-i! demande a son disciple bon-po ICari-luri Druri-mu, alias gYun-druri
bstan-rgyal,12 de corriger les manuscrits, et d'ecrire des textes explicatifs et complementaires, ce qu'il fit
en 1868 (sa-sbrul). L'essentiel du cycle est un sadhana de Dran-pa yab-sras, autour duquel s'organisent
exorcismes, rites de purification, d'offrandes, du dban ... II se termine sur des instructions qui doivent
rester secretes pour dessiner un charme a porter sur soi et qui fait devenir buddha.
Dans l'article mentionne en commen~ant, j'ai montre comment a la fois Kon-sprul et mKhyen-brce'i
dban-po se trouvaient dans la lignee de reincarnation de rDo-rJe gliit-pa, ainsi autorises areactiver ses
gter-ma et ales corriger, completer ou eclairer par leurs propres visions. La double appartenance de
rDo-rje glin-pane semble faire aucun doute; rappelons que sous son nom bon-po, il a «decouvert» une
biographie de Padmasambhava relevant du bsGrags-pa Bon-lugs.
- Le deuxieme cycle est Ie rCa-rlun mkha'-'gro gsan-mjod (pp. 323-488), decouvert - certains
textes composes - par Kun-grol grags-pa 'la' -chon sfiiri-po, a des dates allant de 1741 a 1745, selon les
colophons.
C'est un ensemble assez etonnant sous la plume d'un Bon-po, car les rituels sont entierement
bouddhiques: la divinite principale est rDo-rje phag-mo, les invocations sont adressees a Padma-
'byuri-gnas, Ye-ses mcho-rgyal, etc. C' est Padmasambhava qui a donne cet enseignement a Ye-ses
mcho-rgyal qui Ie lui demandait; elle I'a confie a Vairocana qui I'a emporte dans son exil au rGyal-mo-
ron et I'y a cache. Les rituels proprement dits sont precedes de plusieurs textes redig;;s par Ie gter-ston,
qui indiquent l'origine et l'histoire de ce gter-ma, sa lignee de transmission ... Aux colophons, il donne
son nom comme O-rgyan Las-'phro gliri-pa 'la'-chon sfiiri-po; si bien que, si I'on n'avait pas Ie dKar-
chag de Kori-sprul au Ie gter-ston est appele Kun-grol 'la'-chon sfiiri-po, on penserait qu'i! s'agit du
grand gter-ston bouddhiste.13 C' est la une assimilation tout a fait volontaire de 1a part de ce representant
du Bon-gsar, syncretique, qu'est Kun-grol grags-pa (ne en 1700). Ses propres oeuvres et Ie Legs-Mad
mjod14 confirment par ailleurs qu'il a decouvert un cycle du nom de rCa-rlun mkha'-'gro gsan-mjod.
Les textes qu'en reproduit KOIi.-sprul comportent, outre les trois premiers, explicatifs, composes par Ie
gter-ston, Ie recit mis dans la bouche de Ye-ses mcho-rgyal relatant l'histoire du cycle, qui so termine
par une prophetie designant Ie gter-ston; ensuite de courtes instructions sur la pratique tantrique qui
concement d'abord Ies six enseignements de Naropa (NarD chos-drug), puis qui detaillent des techni-
ques yogiques, Ie vocabulaire tantrique, et qui se terminent par un sadhana de rDo-rje phag-mo sans
ma114ala externe, rnais base sur Ie corps de vajra (rdo-rie'i Ius).
La lignee de transmission du dban de ce cycle est la suivante, selon Kori-sprul:15 sNan-ba mtha'-yas
-'> rTa Phag yab-yum --> Padma 'byun-gnas --> Ye-ses mcho-rgyal-;. Vairocana -'> Rig-'jin Kun-grol
grags-pa -'> sa fille gYuri-druri Iha-mo -'> Ie gter-ston IHun-grub rab-brtan -'> Zur-mari dBon bla-ma
Karma bstan-pa -;. rGyal-sras Padma dbari-drag --> Kori-spruL Quant a la transmission du lun, bien
que Ie gter-ston lui-meme !'ait conferee a l'Omniscient Chos-kyi 'byuri-gnas, du temps de Kori-sprul
elle ne semblait plus exister. Je ne suis pas en mesure d'identifier pour I'instant taus les persorinages
figurant entre Ie gter-ston et Kori-sprul, mais cette lignee apparait bien camme bouddhiste, depuis les
ongmes.

- Le troisieme ensemble n' est pas a proprement parler un cycle, mais un ritue! suivi de deux textes
complementaires. Le texte de base porte comme titre: Che-sgrub Bairo'; thugs-tig gsan-ba'i rgya-can
(pp. 489-595); c'est done un sadhana de longue vie, rattache a Vairocana. Le titre en marge: rfes-dran

12 Representant du Bon-gsar. V. quelques ceuvres de lui dans S. G. Karmay, Catalogue of Bonpo Publications, pp. 167, 178, 179.
I) 'ta'-chon siiin-po, 1585-1656.
14 S. G. Karmay. The Treasury of Good Sayings: a Tibetan History of Bon, London 1972, p. 185.
IS kha, ed. Paro, vol. 2, pp. 392-393.
58 Anne-Marie Rlondeau

Bairo'i thugs-tig, signale qu'il ne s'agit pas d'un gter-ma aproprement parler, mais d'un texte redecou-
vert dans la memoire par Ie souvenir d'une naissance anterieure. Effectivement, I'origine de ce rituel est
fournie au debut: Lan-gro dKon-mchog 'byuil-gnas, I'un des vingt-cinq disciples proches de Padma-
sambhava (rfe 'bans ner-ma), a demande a Vairocana une realisation de longue vie, profonde et
condensee. Apres que Vairocana lui ait donne cet enseignement, Lan-gro dKon-mchog 'byun-gnas
demande si il faut Ie diffuser maintenant, ou Ie cachero Vairocana lui dit de Ie cachero .Un jour, a la fin
de tes renaissances, gYun-drun 'byun-gnas real Ie retrDuvera.» Ainsi annonce sous son nom bon-po,
c'est mKhyen-brce'i dban-po qui s'est «rememore. ce rituel. n est notable qu'il soit probablement Ie
plus bon-po de la serie: Dran-pa nam-mkha' est celui qui preside au rituel, et il est seul invoque, sans
aucune mention de Padma 'byuil-gnas ou Padma mthon-grol.
Les deux textes complementaires ont ete ecrits par Kon-sprullui-meme, sous son nom de gter-ston
bon-po: 'Chi-med bstan-giiis gYuti-drun glin-pa rcal (ou I'on reconnait sa filiation avec rDo-rje glin-
pa I Bon-zig gYuti-druti glin-pa), selon les enseignements qu'il avait re~us de la bouche meme de
mKhyen-brce.
Le premier texte etablit la lignee de transmission du rituel (pp. 497-498): Bon-sku Kun-tu bzan-po
--> rjogs-sku Chad-med 'od-ldan --> sprul-sku 'Chi-med gcug-phud --> Gyer-spulis Dran-pa nam-
mkha' --> Lo-chen Gan-jag than-ta (nom bon-po de Vairocana) --> Lan-gro dKon-mchog 'byun-gnas
--> Mi-sig gYun-druti 'byuil-gnas (mKhyen-brce) --> Kon-sprul.
Le deuxieme texte (pp. 499-524) est un ajout au texte de base, lequel est suffisant lorsqu'on I'execute
pour son bien propre, mais qui doit etre complete lorsqu'on I'execute pour autrui. Dans un colophon
tres interessant, Kon-sprul indique que dans Ie texte de base, certains points n'etaient pas clairs: selon
les instructions memes de mKhyen-brce, il a pris pour source Ie rituel de longue vie extrait de Zan-zan
lha-brag par dPon-gsas Khyun-rgod rcal, alias Rig-'jin rGod-ldem-can. n semble ainsi ajouter foi a
I'identite de ces deux gter-ston, affirmee par Kun-grol grags-pa, mais que Kon-sprul parait mettre on
doute dans son g Ter-ston brgya-rea. 10
- Un quatrieme cycle enfin porte comme titre: Bon-reis phra-men skor-rnarts. Deux rituels seule-
ment en sont donne., sans relation apparente avec Ie titre. Le premier est un siidhana de Bon-sras dBan-
drag 'bar-ba17 (pp. 525-529), donne par Padmasambhava aVairocana qui I'a cache; mChog-gyur glin-
pa I'a extrait de 'Bur-mo brag. Une courte priere ala lignee des Lamas (dBan-drag 'bar-ba'i bla-brgyud
gsol-'debs) ecrite selon les paroles de mChog-gyur glin-pa par son disciple direct rGyal-ba gYun-drun
bstan-'jin indique la transmission, OU Bon et bouddhisme sont melanges: Bon-sku Kun-tu bzan-po -->
Ions-sku rGyal-ba 'dus-pa --> sprul-sku Padma 'byun-gnas --> dByans-Can Ye-ses mcho-rgyal--> Lo-
chen Vairocana --> O-rgyan mChog-gyur glil'i-pa.
Le deuxieme rituel est un siidhana de rMa-rgyal spom-ra (pp. 531-536). La formule d'hommage est
adressee a Bon-sras (= gsas) dEan-drag 'bar-ba; c'est un rituel bon-po utilisant Ie gsan (au lieu du dril-
n
bu) et invoquant des divinite. bon-po. se termine par un «appel de la bonne fortune» (g.yan-'gugs).
Le colophon indique: «Pour que les generations futures en ce pays du Tibet obtiennent la jouissance de
la bonne fortune de rMa (rMa-g.yan), moi Bon-sras (= gsas) Che-dban rig-'jin, j'ai cache (ce texte)
pour Ie bien de l'avenir. Qu'un etre predestine Ie rencontre!. mChog-gyur gliti-pa I'a trouve, et rGyal-
ba gYuti-drun en a etabli Ie texte.
- Un dernier rituel est rattache a ce cycle (pp. 537-542): c'est une combinaison de la consecration
des gtor-ma (gtor-dban) de Bon-gsas dB an-drag 'bar-ba, et des instructions confiant la garde de cet
enseignement (bka'-gtad) a rMa-chen spom-ra. Le colophon indique que Ie grand gter-ston O-rgyan

16 Kmi-sprul, gTer-stan bTgya-Tca~i rnam-thar. Tibetan Nyingmapa Monastery, Tezu, Arunachal Pradesh, 1973; pp. 307-310,
et pp. 136-138 (dPon-gsas khyun-thog). Sur ce probleme, v. A. M. Blondeau, Annuaire de ['Ecole pratique des Hautes
Etudes, VI! section, tome XCill, 1984-1985, pp. 109-110.
17 Bon-sras est ac;;orriger en Bon-gsas: d. Ie titre du ritud compl&nentaire ecrit par Kon-sprul, plus loin. dBan-drag 'bar-ba est
certainem.ent .~_.,,~ fonne terrible de Che-dbaiJ. rig-'jin: d. Ie colophon du deuxieme ritud.
 La controverse soulevee par I'inclusion de rituels bon-po dans Ie Rin-chen gter-mjod 59

mChog-gyur glin-pa, reincarnation du prince Dam-'jin Mu-rub bead-po, avait trouve quelques gter-
rna bon-po en des endroits differents, mais qu'il ne les a pas codifies. Quant aces textes trouves aIHa-
mdo 'Bur-mo bde-chen padmo bkod, il n' en avait codifie que Ie texte de base. Apres avoir realise la
combinaison des deux rituels ei-dessus, il a auto rise ses disciples a la pratiquer. Ce texte d' eclaircisse:..
ment resume a ete diffuse a I'ermitage de rJOIl-sod par Blo-gros mtha'-yas: Kon-sprul signe donc ici de
son nom.
Ainsi, les rituels indus par Kon-sprul dans Ie ReT] ne sont pas purement bon-po: ils relevent de
cette tradition syncretique connue chez les bouddhistes sous Ie nom de bsGrag-pa Bon-lugs, dont j'ai
montre 18 qu'elle derivait des Grags-byan; tradition qui s'est maintenue ehez les Bon-po jusqu'au Bon-
gsar, et chez les gter-ston bouddhist~s, jusqu'a sa resurgence eclatante dans Ie mouvement ris-med.
Alors que cette tradition est si anciennement ancree dans celle des gter-ston bouddhistes, il para'it
normal que Kon-sprullui ait fait une place dans Ie ReT], sans qu'il soit besoin, peut-etre, de faire appe!
a ses origines bon-po.
Cette rapide enquete sur la nature veritable des rituels incrimines etait necessaire pour comprendre
l'arriere-plan de la eontroverse qu'ils ont soulevee.

II. La controverse

Elle n'est connue qu'a travers les textes de refutation ecrits en rcponse aux attaques (dgag-Ian ou dris-
Ian), et par la tradition orale. II est possible que des critiques se soient elevees de divers cotes contre
Kon-sprul: la Preface au ie-chen chos-'byun,19 citant la reponse ecrite par Ze-chen rgyal-chab Padma
rnam-rgyal, remarque: «This work is, in effect, a refutation of allegations made by several purist
Rnying-ma-pa lamas that the Rin-chen gter-mdzod was Bonist in inspiration.» A I'appui de cette these,
on trouve dans la Reponse elle-meme I'indication suivante (f. 55b): «De nos jours, quelques-uns,
reputes comme savants et saints (mkhas-grub), sans chercher la pensee profonde ni les raisons exposees
ci-dessus, ont souleve des doutes sur (Ie ReT]) ... » Par ailleurs, dans sa troisieme Reponse, Ie Karmapa
mKha'-khyab rdo-rle ecrit (p. 68): «En ces circonstances OU de hauts savants connus sous Ie nom de
bsTan-grags et dPal-sen, cherchant a obtenir profit et renommee, corrigent la pensee et meme les
paroles des buddha ... » Je n'ai pas pu encore determiner I'identite de ce dPal-sen; cependant toutes les
reponses qui naus sont parvenues s'adressent a un adversaire unique, bsTan-grags. Il parait done
vraisemblable qu'il ait ete Ie seul auteur d'attaques ecrites; il en est a coup sur Ie chef de file. C'est un
rNin-ma-pa, rGya-ron bsTan-'jin grags-pa, dont on ne possede que tres peu d'elements biographiques,
apparemment contradictoires. Je fournirai d'abord ici I'ensemble des informations que Ie Ven. Mat-
thieu Ricard a eu la grande obligeance de recueillir pour moi aupr.s de son Maitre Dis-mgo mKhyen-
brce Rinpoche:20 rGya-ron bsTan-'jin grags-pa etait un disciple de dPal-sprul Rinpoche et de mDo
mKhyen-brce Ye-ses rdo-rje. 21 C'etait un veritable ermite et il avait une certaine erudition, mais c'etait

18 «Identification de la tradition appelee bsGrags-pa Bon-lugs», communication au Bicentenary Csoma de Koras Symposium,
Visegrad-Budapest 1984, a paraitre dans les Actes de ce congres.
19 Smanrtsis Shesrig Spendzod, vol. 10, Leh 1971: p. 2 n. 3. Dans ce chos-'byun ecrit en 1910, quelques pages (pp. 548-556)
presentent brievement l'argumentation etayee de citations canoniques que Ze-chen rgyal-chab developpera ulterieurement
dans sa Reponse. pour justifier les textes bon-po du ReT].
20 Lettre du 12. 10. 1984.
21 rJa dPal-sprul O-rgyan 'Jigs-med chos-kyi dbari-po (ne en 1808), emanation de la Parole (gsun-sprul) de 'jigs-med glin-pa
(1730-1798), tandis que mDo mKhyen-brce Ye-ses rdo-rje (c. 1800-1859) en etaitl'emanation du Corps (sku-sprul), et '}am-
dbyans mKhyen-brce'i dban-po, l'emanation de la Pensee (thugs-sprul). V. E. G. Smith, Preface a The Autobiographical
reminiscences of Ngag-dbang-dpal-bzang, Late Abbot of Kaq-thog Monastery, Gangtok 1969, pp. 13-14, et Preface au Ses-
bya kun-khyab (v. ref. n. 5), pp. 27-28 et n. 53. Je n'ai pas trouve dans l'Autobiographie de mDo mKhyen-brce (The
Autobiography of mDo mKhyen-brtse Ye-ses rdo-rje, Gangtok 1974), qui appartient plutot au genre des gsan-ba'i rnam-thar,
de renseignements sur bsTan-'jin grags-pa.
60 Anne-Marie Blondeau

un homme acerbe et ses critiques incessantes n'epargnaient presque personne. II rencontra aussi 'Jam-
dbyans mKhyen-brce'i dban-po;22 a cette occasion, i1 lui 1an9a: «VallS signez ves ecrits du nom
d'ermite (bya-bral), mais vous portez de la soie et buvez dans de la porcelaine!»
II rencontra egalement mChog-sprul Padma dban-chen, un disciple de Kon-sprul, a I'epoque ou
celui-ci avait entrepris de faire graver les planches pour I'edition du ReT] a dPal-spuns. 23 C'est alors
que bsTan-'jin grags-pa critiqua Kon-sprul pour ne pas avoir indus les gter-ma de Ni-ma grags-pal.
dans sa collection, et avoir «a la place>, introduit des gter-ma bon-po. Il redigea a ce moment sa
critique. 25
mChog-sprul Padma dbari-chen demanda alors au XVe Karmapa, mKba' -khyab rdo-r)e
(1871-1922), et a dPal-spuns Si-tu" d'ecrire une reponse, ce qu'ils firent. On adressa la meme demande
a 'Ju Mi-pham rgya-mcho (1846-1912), mais il se recusa: selon lui, repondre a bsTan-'jin grags-pa
n~etait pas judicieux car son attaque etait reciigee de fa90n tres ordinaire, sans s'appuyer ni sur Ie
raisonnement dialectique oi sur les Ecritures; eIle ne meritait pas de reponse qualifiee. II ajouta qu'il
aurait pu defaire bsTan-'jin grags-pa sur son propre terrain de la critique verbale," rnais que l'autorite
de Kon-sprul etait fermement etablie, et que les critiques s'ecrouleraient d'eHes-memes avec Ie temps.
Plus tard, mChog-sprul Padma dbari-chen offrit au principal disciple de 'lu Mi-pham, Ze-chen
rgyal-chab Padma rnam-rgyal,28 un thanka de gTer-bdag glin-pa benit par Ie gter-stan lui-meme, un
volume du Rig-'jin thugs-tig avec I'empreinte du pouce de gTer-bdag gliri-pa, et un rda-rle en fer
meteorique (gnam-lcags);29 a la suite de quoi, Ze-chen rgyal-chab Padma rnam-rgyal composa sa
reponse a bsTan-'jin grags-pa.
Si I'on en croit mKhyen-brce Rinpoche, bsTan-'jin grags-pa aurait ete essentiellement un ermite.
Cela cadre mal avec les informations fournies par mes maitres et amis dGe-Iugs-pa, Dvags-po Rinpoche
et Yontan Gyatso. Selon leur temoignage, bsTan-'jin grags-pa a sejourne pendant longtemps au Tibet
central au il etait Ie precepteur de families nobles a qui il enseignait la grammaire, la poetique, etc. Mais
la aussi sa science semble avoir ete controversee, puisque Ie dGe-bIes 5es-rab rgya-mcho (1884-1968;
maitre de dGe-'dun chos-'phel a 'Bras-spuns, et I'un des correcteurs de la nOllyelle edition du bKa'-
~gyur au 1:01 par-khan de Lhasa), avait commence a rediger une reponse critici"ue au commentaire de

22 Mais il ne fut pas son disciple: v. plus lorn, les n!ponses de mKha'-khyab rdo-rJe.
D Aux environs de 1889: cf. E. G. Smith, Preface au Ses-bya kun-khyab, p. 59 n. 7.
2~ Le lien qui unit bsTan-'jin grags-pa au gter-ston Ni-rna grags-pa n'est pas elucide. D'apres une breve indication de l'Autobio-
graphie de mDo mKhyen-brce Ye-ses rdo-rJe, on peut supposer que les gter-ma de Ni-ma grags-pa etaient pratiques au
monastere de rGya-ron: mOo mKhyen-brce relateq1le, en 1818 au juste avant, sur les instructions de son Lama, ilse rendit de
rJogs-chen dgon-pa a rGya-ron dgon-pa, allpres de rje-bcun Nam-mkha' che-dban mchog-grub Rin-po-che. Celui-ci, entre
autres enseignements, lui donna dban et lun des textes de Ni-ma grags-pa (iii-grags chor-skor; op. cit. en n. 21. pp. 162-163).
Les raisons pour lesquelles Kon-sprul a ecarte de sa compilation les gter-ma de Ni-rna grags-pa, et du gTer-ston brgya-rca'i
rnam-thar sa biographie, sont exposees dans R. Prats, Contributo allo studio biografico dei primi gter-ston, Napoli 1982, p. 73
n. 14. Les informations orales qui forment sa source sont corroborees par celles recueillies allpres de Dis-mgo mKhyen-brce
Rinpoche. En bref, ce gter-ston, contemporain du Cinquieme Dalai Lama, aurait par sa magie provoque 1a mort du Xe
Karmapa, Chos-dbyms rdo-rje. Dans cette meme note, R. Prats reprend 1es donnees biographiqlles sur ce Rig-'iin Ni-ma
grags-pa fournies par E. G. Smith dans la Preface de la reedition de ses gter-ma: The Collected Rediscovered Teachings of Rig-
'dzin Ni-ma grags-pa with Rituals Qf the Char Ni-grags Tradition, 2 va!., Bir 1979. A l'examen, Ie premier volume est surtout
consacre arTa-mgrin, Ie deuxieme a des ricuels de bsans.
25 Le gTi-mug klu-yi gdon-nad sel-byed, v. S. G. Karmay, Catalogue of Bonpo Publications, p. 174. Seule la Reponse bon-po

fournit Ie titre de l'attaque de bsTan-'jin grags-pa.

2~ 11 ne peut s'agir du dixieme, Padma kun-bzari chos-kyi rgyal-po, mort en 1885, avant la mise en chancier de I'edition de dPal-
SpllllS du RCT] (c. 1899, v.n. 23). Mais Ie onzieme. Padma dban-mchog rgyal-po (1886-1952) etait trap jeune al'epoque. Si
l'on se base sur la date de redaction des reponses demKha'-khyab rdo-rJe: de 1906 a 1908, on peutse demander si l'attaque de
bsTan-'jin grags-pa a ete redigee aussi tot que 1889?
27 Ce qui laisserait supposer que, outre ses eCrltS, bsTan-'jin grags-pa repandait oralement aussi ses critiques.

20 Le rca-ba'i bla-ma de Dis-mgo mKhyen-brce Rinpoche, ce qui explique sans doute que ce demier soit si au fait de la
controverse.
2~ V. plus loin 1~p7ersion un peu differente donnee par Ie colophon du dgag-lan meme de Ze-chen rgyal-chab.
 La controvene soulevee par l'inclusion de rituels bon-po dans Ie Rin-chen gter-mjod 61

bsTan-'jin grags-pa sur Ie jam-dbyans gan blo-ma ..30 Mais sKu-no Zur-khan qui etait son disciple, lui
demanda de l'interrompre, pour ne pas creer de problemes. On trouve effectivement dans Ie gSun-'bum
de ce maitre un texte inacheve: «Examen suave du commentaire au Gait blo-ma par Ie lama de rJogs-
chen, bsTan-'jin grags-pa.»" Le colophon d'edition apporte la meme information: «Ie bKa'-drun
che-ba Padma db ail-chen, fils de la famille Zur-khan, s'y etant fortement oppose en disant: ,Ne Ie faites
pas!> ce texte a ete !aisse in.cheve.» Dans les quelques pages redigees, Ses-rab rgya-mcho critique
bsTan-'jin grags-pa sur sa mauvaise explication des termes rGya-gar skad-du et Bod-skad-du qui se
trouvent au debut des textes canoniques, et sur son interpretation des deux verites. Par ailleurs, Dvags-
po Rinpoche me signale que dans sa correspondance, dGe-bses Ses-rab rgya-mcho ne cache pas la
mediocre opinion qu'il avait de bsTan-'jin grags-pa.
La troisieme Reponse de mKha'-khyab rdo-rle" confirme Ie sejour de son advers.ire au Tibet
central, et jette un eclairage peu sympathique sur Ie personnage: Ie Karmapa l'accuse, lorsquJil etait aUe
au Tibet central, de s'etre vante aupres de beaucoup de gens d'etre Ie disciple direct de mKhyen-brce'i
dbari-po, alors qu'il ne l'etait pas, et de s'etre ainsi attire des dons abondants et une grande renommee.
mKha'-khyab rdo-rle poursuivant: «Et maintenant encore, tout en n'etant pas lib ere (smin-grol) toi-
meme, tu acquieres des richesses en donnant mensongerement des enseignements liberateurs», il semble
que bsTan-'jin grags-pa etait revenu au Khams.
·C'est encore dans sa troisieme Reponse que mKha'-khyab rdo-rle acheve Ie portrait de son adver-
saire en Ie reconnaissant dans une prophetie de Padmasambhava decouverte par «I'un des cinq grands
gter-ston rois» (gter-chen rgyal-po lna-yi ya-gyal, p. 89): «Un nomme Grags-pa, qui aura des vues
perverties amon sujet, a moi O-rgyan, apparaitra dans Ie mDo-khams sMad. Ceux qui s'incuneront
devant lui seront acoup sur trompes par Ie demon. Quiconque Ie croira verra apparaltre magiquement
des signes inauspicieux. A cause de cela, la malheur apparaitra au Tibet. Aucune des pensees du roi du
Tibet ne sera realisee et, sans raison, il aura des soucis en nombre inconcevable.»
Cependant, il semble que cette polemique n'ait fait grand bruit qu'a I'interieur du mouvement ris-
med, les disciples des grands ma'itres de ce mouvement prenant successivement la plume pour les
defendre. On en trouve la confirmation dans une derniere reponse qui nous est parvenue, du cote bon-
po cette fois: Reponse polemique, exposee franchement, a bsTan-'jin grags-pa, appetee Disputation qui
rejouit les dieux et les hommes. 33 Le texte n'est pas date, et l'identification de son auteur pose un
probleme: dans sa traduction du Legs-Had mjod,34 S. G. Karmay attribue Ie texte a Khod-po sKal-bzan
rgyal-mchan; mais dans son Catalogue of Bonpo Publications,35 Ie texte est inclus dans la publication du
Nam-mkha' mjod, I'un des sept mJod composes par Ie grand maitre bon-po Sar-rja bKra-sis rgyal-
mchan (1859-1935), et S. G. Karmay note: «The author has not signed this work, but there is no doubt
that he composed it, a fact proved by the spar-byang statements of his disciple Khod-spungs sKal-
bzang rgyal-mtshan and the rTsis byang me tog phreng ba (dans la meme collection).» En effet,la
reponse proprement dite se termine assez abruptement au f. S1a, sans colophon. Elle est suivie par des
stances redigees par Khod-spuns sKal-bzan rgyal-mchan a I'occasion de I'edition xylographique (spar-
du sgrub-skabs) de ce texte. Ces stances commencent par un eloge de Sar-rja bKra-sis rgyal-mchan, ce
qui paralt un indice assez probant que ce dernier est bien l'auteur.
L'identification des personnages qui ont incite l'auteur a fepliquer a bsTan-'jin grags-pa apportera
sans doute une reponse definitive; ils sont cites au debut (f. 3a-4a), dans I'expose des motifs de

)0 Selan Yantan Gyatso, priere aMail.jusrl commen9ant par les mots: gan bla-ma ... , qui se trouve dans Ie bsTan-'gyur. Je n'ai
pas identifie Ie texte.
JI rJogs-chen bla-ma bsTan-'jin grags-pa'i Gait bio-ma'i 'grel-ba-la 'jam-por brtag-pa, gSun-'bum, mCha-snan mi-rigs par-

khan, 1982; vol. II, pp. 89-93. D'apres ce titre, it semble que bsTan-'jin grags-pa etait attache au manastere de rJogs-chen?
32 Dris-lan gsum-pa, p. 96.

3J bsTan-grags kyi brgal-lan draiz-par bsad-pa iha-mi dgyes-pa'i 'bei-gtam ies bya-ba, xyl., 53£., CaHectian Migot n° T. 0188,

Ecole Franr;aise d'Extreme-Orient.

J~ A Treasury of Good Sayings, p. 186 n. 1.
35 P.174.
62 Anne-Marie Blondeau

l'ouvrage: I'auteur avait ete exhorte arepondre autrefois par Ie moine de dPal-spuns, sKu-chabs Kar-
dga', mais il avait pense que Ies merites de Kon-sprul etaient repandus partout et que, si pour Ies etres
munis d'un bon karma Ie ReT] etait Ie chemin qui mene aIa Delivrance, pour Ies etres au mauvais
karma, il representait une source de peche. supplementaires (a cause de leur haine et de leurs vues
perverties); il valait mieux ne pas s'en occuper, et il n'avait done pas ecrit de reponse polemique (rcod-
Ian). Mais quelques annees plus tard, il re9ut de nouvelles exhortations de rTogs-ldan Sen-ge Iii-rna et
de Ni-ma bdud-'duI, moine de sTag-zig (un monastere bon-po), qui chacun lui donnerent un exem-
plaire de I'attaque de bsTan-'jin grags-pa. Re£Iechissant en outre que, selon Ies vceux tantriques (snags-
sdom), il ne convient pas de produire Ia Pensee de I'Evei! envers Ies demons ennemis de Ia doctrine,
mais il faut Ies detruire, il composa ce texte.
La discussion ne porte que sur Ies erreurs comsuises par bsTan-'jin grags-pa sur Ie Bon, mais I'auteur
connait Ia litterature mm-ma-pa, et il tire argument des bKa'-than ou des ecrits de certains gter-ston.
Les Iouanges qu'il adresse aKon-sprul, et Ie fait qu'un moine bouddhiste lui ait demande de repliquer a
bsTan-'jin grags-pa - ce qui parait incroyable en regard de Ia suspicion ou du mepris manifeste
generalement envers Ie Bon par Ie clerge bouddhiste - sont une preuve indemable de Ia comprehension
mutuelle et dela collaboration existant a I'interieur du mouvement ris-med. Est-ce cela que des rNiti-
ma-pa puristes a I'esprit partisan, comme semble I'avoir ete bsTan-'jin grags-pa, n'ont pas pu sup-
porter?

III. Les reponses it bsTan-'jin grags-pa

Des textes cites precedemment, seul celui de dPaI-spuns Si-tu n'a pu encore etre retrouve: mKhyen-
brce Rinpoche affirme qu'il ne se trouve pas en Inde; peut-etre existe-t-il encore au Tibet? Chronologi-
quement parlant, Ia replique de mKha' -khyab rdo-rle est Ia plus ancienne de celles qui nous sont
:;§
parvenues.

1. La reponse du Karrnapa mKha' -khyab rdo-rle

La reedition recente du gSun-'bum a permis de connaitre cette reponse qui se developpe en realite sur
trois textes, suivis d'un chant d'invectives ironiques a I'adresse de bsTan-'-jin grags-pa.lO
La premiere reponse porte Ie titre: Discours qui triomphe de la dispute entamee par autrui, appele
Pluie de feu adamantine, Pour/endeur de tai:ervelle des malfaisants, Fete qui fait apparaitre la recti-
tude.'7 Le colophon (p. 409) indique que Ie texte a ete ecritle troisieme jour du 6e mois de I'annee 1906,
a I'instigation (p. 408) de sku-zabs sprul-pa'i sku Blo-bzati Inti-rig, Yon-tan bzan-po et Padma dbati-
chen, Ies deux freres." Ce meme colophon annonce que cette reponse polemique en forme de bref
resume (brgal-Ian nun-nur bsdus-pa'i chul) sera suivie «ulterieurement d'nne explication developpee au
moyen d'arguments detailles base. sur Ies Ecritures et Ia dialectique•. "
C'est cette reponse detaillee que I'on trouve dans Ie troisieme dris-Ian: Texte appele Grand rire du
mantra puissant de Che-mchog Ie violent, forme irritee de Vairocana; (rire) vainqueur du discours

J6 gSun-'bum, ed. de dPal-spuns, reed. par Lama Ngodrup, Paro 1981. Premier dris-Ian (titre porte dans la marge): vol. 12, pp.
323-409; deuxieme dris-lan. ibid., pp. 411-431 i troisieme dris-lan, vol. 13, pp. 1-103. Le chant, qui porte Ie titre «Chant qui
montre Ies apparences, appde Trait de la £leche de l'archer habile» (snan-chul ston-pa'i glu skyen-pa~i mda~-yiIul-lam ies bya-
baY occupe les pp. 105-112 du mme volume, et porte en marge Ie titre gdams-pa, «instructions». nse termine en effet par des
conseils. '
37 Phas-rgol'joms-pa~i gtam rdo-rJe'i me-Char rna-runs klad-'gems )lan-dag snan-ba'i dga'-ston ces bya-ba.

31 Ou: ... Yon-tan bzait-po, Padma dban-chen et son Frere (Yon-tan bzan-po I Padma dban-chen mched giiis). En dehors de

Padma dbait-chen, responsable de l'edition des ceuvres de KOIi-sprul a dPal-spuns. je n'ai pas encore pu identifier ces
personnages.
3' slad-nas lun-nss"gtan-chigs iib-mo'i sgo-nas rgyas-par 'chad-par 'gyur-ro.
 La controfJerse souievee par l'inciusion de rituels bon-po dans ie Rin-chen gter-mjod 63

insense de stupidite de l'individu semblable au renard et a la comeille, qui est dMar-rgyan sous une
fausse apparence."" Le colophon comporte seulement la date de redaction: Ie deuxieme jour du premier
mois d'ete de I'annee 1908, soit I'annee meme ou mKha'-khyab rdo-r)e entreprenait I'edition xylogra-
pbique du RCT] a mChur-phu. 41 On peut se demander alors, si ce n'est pas ce projet d'edition qui I'a
decide a repondre aux attaques de bsTan-'jin grags-pa, se protegeant du meme coup contre celles qU'on
aurait pu lui adresser pour I'edition du RCT]. L'etat actuel de mes lectures ne me permet pas 'd'en
decider'"
Entre ces deux textes s'intercale une seconde reponse (dris-lan gnis-pa), sans date ni colophon:
Deuxieme discours qui vainc les tenebres de vues fausses et de lamentations des hommes abrutis qui
fabriquent des semblants de textes religieux, appele Soleil aux cent rayons adamantins.<' Le texte se
termine par des vceux OU I'auteur se designe comme Rlans-kyi snags-bcun. n n'est pas date mais, etant
insere entre la premiere et la troisieme reponse qu'a son tour il annonce (p. 419), il n'a pu qu'etre redige
entre 1906 et 1908. La raison de ce texte supplementaire n'est pas exposee clairement; elle est suggeree
dans une phrase introductive, et confirmee par la structure meme du texte: bsTan-'jin grags-pa semble
avoir replique a la premiere Reponse de mKha'-khyab rdo-r)e, et celui-ci reprend dans ce Deuxieme
discours des passages de sa premiere reponse critiques par bsTan-'jin grags-pa. Par exemple: .Quand tu
dis que je me suis trompe (a propos de la prophetie du Buddha) <Apres que je sois passe dans Ie nirvii1'/a
etc.>, c'est toi qui es un ignorant .... De ce fait meme, Ie texte est difficile a comprendre car il est
extrement allusif. En outre, mKha' -khyab rdo-r)e ,deborde parfois la reponse aux critiques sur son
premier ecrit, pour poursuivre la revue des erreurs de bsTan-'jin grags-pa dans plusieurs de ses ou-
vrages, comme ill'indique en conclusion (p. 430): .n y a encore beaucoup d'erreurs: mauvaisecompre-
hension, expressions fautives, dans Ie bsTan-bcos 'dul-smon (traite sur les vceux du Vinaya) et les trois
attaques, anterieures et posterieures (dgag-yig sna-phyi gsum mams), que tu as rediges ... ; mais comme
tu ne possedes pas la sagesse de I'intelligence parfaite, quoi que I'on dise, to ne verrais que les mots et
non I'essence parfaitement pure des choses (yan-dag gi gnas-lugs).•
Faute de posseder les ouvrages incrimines, il est impossible de decider si les trois atraques de bsTan-
'jin grags-pa etaient toutes dingees contre Ie RCT], ni si leur audience a ete grande puisque meme Dis-
mgo mKhyen-brce Rinpoche ne parle que d'un texte.
En ce qui concerne sa critique du R CT], on en a une idee assez precise grace aux trois reponses de
mKha' -khyab rdo-r)e qui, selon Ie modele des textes polemiques, cite d'abord les phrases de I'adver-
saire qu'il refute ensuite. On constate ainsi que, outre les attaques personnelles contre Kon-sprul,
accuse d'etre un faussaire et d'etre la renaissance de Than-nag bon-po (traducteur des textes bon-po au
temps de Khri-sron Ide-bcan, selon les bKa'-than), bsTan-'jin grags-pa rejette en fait toute la traditic;m
rii.iIi-ma-pa des gter-ston .syncretiques» qui ont integre une partie du Bon en rattachant ces enseigne-
ments a Padmasambhava sous sa forme de fils de Dran-pa nam-mkha'. Pour lui, cette forme n'est pas
authentique: c'est une invention apocryphe.

~o Va-skyes dan khva-ta ita-bu'i gan-zag dMar-rgyan zog-por brju-ba'i gti-mug gi ',hai-gtam 'Joms-byed rNam-par snan-mjad
kbros-pa Che-rnChog gtum-po'i drag-snags kyi gad-rgyaiu Ies bya-ba. dMar-rgyan est Che-spon bza' dMar-rgyan, l'epouse
de Khri-sron Ide-bean hostile au bouddhisme et favorable au Bon, devenue I'ennemie de Vairocana qui avait repousse ses
avances, selon les bKa'-than. lei, mKha'-khyab rdo-rje explique; maliciewement I'acharnement de bsTan-grags contre Kon-
sprul, reincarnation reconnue de Vairocana, par cette naissance anrerieure.
>41 KhetsUn Sangpo, Biographical Dictionary o/Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism, vol. VII, Dharamsala 19n, vie de mKha'-khyab
rdo-rje: p. 278. Les corrections de cette edition furent faites en 1910 (ibid. pp. 279-280).
42 nfaudra lire en parciculier Ie skyes-rabs (vol. 1) ede rnam-thar (vol. 15) contenus dans Ie gSun-'bum de mKha' -khyab rdo-rle.
4) Chos-Itar boos-pa'i skye-bo rmons-pa'i log-nog smre-nag gi mun-pa 'Joms-pa'i gtam giiis-pa rdo-rJe'i 'od-zer brgya-pa'i iiin-
byed ees bya-ba.
 64 Anne-Marie Blondeau

2. La reponse de Ze-chen rgyal-chab Padma rnam-rgyalH

C'est un texte de 72 folio qui porte comme titre: Petit discours clair, enonce franchement, qui fait suite
au RCT], appele Son du tambour divin." En marge, au recto: gTer-mjod dogs-sel (qui ecarte les doutes
sur Ie R CT]), et au verso: padma sastran:>. A la fin du texte, quelques lignes de conclusion et Ie
colophon (f. 71a-72a) expliquent les raisons et les circonstances de la redaction: «De nombreux saints
savants, tels que Ie Karmapa, emanation en ces temps de degenerescence de l'Arya excellent PadmapaQ-i,
et l'Omniscient Si-tu paI,l-chen,46 ont clarifie de mieux en mieux, et asatiete (Ie su;et par leurs reponses).
Puisque, au moyen de l'arme aiguisee de la logique triplement argumentee (chad-ma gsum-Idan), des
Ecritures et de la dialectique (Iun-rigs), ils ont totalement coupe l'artere vitale des explications fausses et
mauvaises, que ceux qui parlent d'abondance sans examen, et qui se contentent d'etre l'echo qui repete
ce qui est dit par autrui, fassent aleur guise! Pour moi, insecte al'esprit faible, bien que je n'aie pas
l'excellence de la profonde pensee planant dans l'espace des .Arya, cependant, a cause de l'objurgation
press ante d'un ,frere de vajra, (rdo-rje'i mched), j'ai pense qu'il n'y avait pas d'objection a p;esenter cet
enonce partiel ... » Suivent une serie de vreux, puis Ie colophon: «Ainsi, parce qu'il avait realise la
puissance du vceu initial en ce grand receptacle religieux des enseignements secrets extra-ordinaires (Ie
RCT]), muni de l'armure d'une production de pensee de bodhi et d'un zele sans egaux pour diffuser les
explications qui menent it la Delivrance, pour rassembler les sommes necessaires al'impression de touS
les livres, etc., mon ,frere de vajra> Khyun-sprul Rin-po-che rGyal-sras Blo-gros dri-med grags-pa,
alias Rig-'jin Padma dbari-chen bstan-'jin phrin-Ias, m'avait exhorte depuis longtemps avec (Ie don d')
objets divins auspicieux: comme support du Corps, un thanka de rle sMin-glin gter-chen rin-po-che
(gTer-bdag glin-pa) avec l'empreinte de sa (ses?) main(s); comme support de la Parole, Ie Rig-'jin thugs-
tig (gter-ma de gTer-bdag glin-pa), imprime (phyag spar-ma) par Ie grand gter-ston lui-meme; comme
support de la Pensee, un vajra en fer meteorique rempli d'efficience (by in) que lui avait donne en
support de realisation des bKa'-brgyad Ie Seigneur lui-meme (Kon-sprul); comme support des Vertus,
du remede amrta; comme support des Activites, un ma1'JeJaia en toutes sortes d~joyaux. C'est pour-
quoi (moi) Ie savant appele 'Jam-dbyaris blo-gros rgya-mcho'i sgra-dbyans, ou fDo-rle dban-mchog
dgyes-pa'i rcal,47Ie dernier disciple protege par les bienfaits incommensurables des deux Vajradhara,4B
j'ai ecrit ceci dans rna propre residence, l'ermitage bDe-mchog bkra-sis dge-'phel de Ze-chen bsTan-
gilis dar-rgyas glin, Ie jour de la grande fete de la Descente du Buddha de chez les dieux, de l'annee 1922
(rna-chen).»
Ainsi, parce que les ouvrages de ses predecesseurs, detaillant une a une les critiques erronees de
bsTan-'jin grags-pa, les avaient pleinement reduites a neant, Padma rnam-rgyal ne suit pas Ie schema
lisuel des reponses polemiques: non seulement41 ne nomme pas une seule fois bsTan-'jin grags-pa mais,
apart une allusion aux opposants de Kon-sprul (v. ci-dessus II), il n'enonce pas les critiques auxquelles
i1 repond. Son ouvrage se deroule de maniere cursive, presentant d'abord la justification des gter-ma
par l'expose: de leur origine divine et de leur transmission jusque chez les hommesj des preuves de
l'authenticite des gter-ston, et de mKhyen-brce et Kon-sprul en particulier; de la maniere dont les
a
Ecritures ont ete compilees, pour aboutir aux gter-rna et la compilation du RCTJ. aborde ensuite les n
opinions fausses qui se sont developpees depuis les origines meme de la Doctrine, en particulier celles
concernant les rNin-ma-pa, et il en vient enfin a la justification de la naissance de Padmasambhava

+4 Jusqu'a recemment, je ne connaissais de cette reponse que son titre, cite, comme je J'ai indique plus haut, dans la Preface au
Chos-'byuft de ce maitre; The Collected Works of ie-chen rgyal-tshab Padma rnam-rgyal, publies a Paro en 1975, ne
contiennent pas ce texte. Le gSun-'bum est en cours de reedition sous Ie patronage de Dis-mgo mKhyen-brce Rinpoche, et je
veux remercier ici Ie Ven. Matthieu Ricard qui m'a fait parvenir une photocopie du texte.
45 Ritz-po-the gter-gyi mjod chen-po las 'phros-pa'i gtam iiun gsal dran-por br/od-pa IHa'i rna-5gra ies bya-ba.
~6 mKha'-khyab rdo-rje et dPaI-spuris Si-tu.
47 Ce dernier nom est son nom secret: v. Preface au Chos-'byun. Le premier nom cite ici n'est pas releve dans cette preface.
4B mKhyen-brce'i dbari-po et Kori-sprul. Cf. Preface au Chos-'byun, p. 1: «The author, Zhe-chen RgyaI-tshab Padma-rnam-
rgyal, had certai!J~Y met both of these great masters in his childhood.»
 La controverse SQulevee par l'inclusion de rituels bon-po dans Ie Rin-chen gter-mjod 65

camme fils de Dran-pa nam-mkha', et des enseignements bon-po qu'il a delivres SallS cette forme. Dans
une derniere partie, il expose les bienfaits retires par Geux qui ont compile les Ecritures, designant ainsi
a la louange Kon-sprul.
L'argumentation developpee par Padma rnam-rgyal n'est pas originale: elle ne fait que reprendre
celie de mKha'-khyab rdo-rje et des defenseurs de la tradition des gter-ma rnin-m.-pa: les actes des
buddha sont inconcevables par la pensee humaine; en particulier, ils prennent toutes les formes ne'ces-
saires pour convertir les etres, en leur prechant la Doctrine sous les modes que ces etres peuvent
recevoir; de meme que Ie Buddha, Avalokitesvara, ant pris Ia forme de dieux hindouistes, de meme
Padmasambhava a pris une forme bon-po. Mais si Fargumentation est repetitive, Ie grand interet de la
reponse de Padma rnam-rgyal est I'abondance des citations de textes canoniques qui etayent sa de-
monstration, dont tres peu sont choisies dans la litterature rfiin-ma-pa: la plupart des textes cites se
trouvent dans Ie bKa'-'gyur et Ie bsTan-'gyur et ne peuvent pas etre recuses, meme par les gSar-ma-pa.

3. La reponse de Sar-rja bKra-sis rgyal-mchan (?)

Cet ouvrage ayant ete presente precedemment (v. II), avec les doutes qui planent sur son attribution a
Sar-rja bKra-sis rgyal-mchan, on examinera seulement ici Ie plan suivi par l' auteur bon-po.
On revient avec ce texte ala composition classique des ouvrages polemiques: citation de la these de
l'adversaire, argumentation prouvant son erreur, et mepris affiche pour sa persoone et ses capacites.
L'auteur suit un plan en quatre parties (annoncees aux f. 4a-4b):
a) Refutation des erreurs sur Ie Champ pur (iin-khams) Oll est apparu Ie Buddha (gSen-rab mi-bo). n
s'.git de 'Ol-mo lun-rin dont I'auteur explique la localisation et la signification d'apres les sources
bon-po.
b) Refutation des erreurs sur Ie Buddha .ppam dans ce Champ pur. L' auteur rep rend une phrase de
bsTan-'jin grags-pa sur gSen-rab mi-bo et sa doctrine: «Ce nomme gSen-rab mi-bo, tenant de la
doctrine des Tirthika qui enonce Ie vide comme verite absolue (nihilisme), volait en tous sens dans
l'espace; il disait soudainement toutes les actions .boones et mauvaises d'autrui; il etait capable de se
saisir (du mantra) essence de vie (srog-siiin) des lha-'dre du monde visible.» (Ce qui Ie decritcomme
un sorcier.) En reponse, I'auteur developpe la «carriere» de gSen-rab mi-bo comme buddha. II
expose aussi comment gSen-rab mi-bo et Ie Buddha Sakyamuni ne sont que deux emanations d'une
meme essence, Ie dernier ayant ete par ailleurs envoye dans Ie Jambudvtpa par gSen-rab pour
soumettre Ie demon Na-min chos-po, forme bon-po de Rudra." Quant a Padmasambhava, il est,
avec Dran-pa nam-mkha' et Che-dban rig-'jin, l'emanation de gSen-rab comme maitre de sa Parole.
L'auteur poursuit en decrivant gSen-rab comme samyak-sa1?lbuddha, et en rejetant par des phrases
ironiques la these soutenue par bsTan-'jin grags-pa: les sources bon-po ne sont que des plagiats des
textes bouddhiques.
c) Refutation des erreurs sur les enseignements de gSen-rab. Une nouvelle citation de bsTan-'jin grags-
pa conceme les sacrifices san gIants, pour les morts et pour Ies vivants, institues par gSen-rab et
diffuses au Zan-iun et au Tibet, selon les paroles memes de Padmasambhava. Mais I'auteur bon-po
conteste I'authenticite de ces paroles, citation des bKa'-than aI'appui; puis il demontre que gSen-lha
'od-dkar, mis en cause dans la citation de bsT.n-'jin grags-pa, ne peut pas etre un demon ('dre), mais
qu'il est un dieu du plan noumenal, de meme essence que Kun-tu bzan-po rDo-rje 'chail des
bouddhistes. Ensuite, revenant a la citation initiale, l'auteur y voit l'insinuation que les Bon-po ne
prennent par refuge dans les Trois Joyaux: il explique donc ce qu'est Ie Refuge pour les Bon-po.
Incidemment, il critique les expressions rdol-bon, 'khyar-bon, bsgyur-bon, utilisees par les boud-

~~ La source de cette these se trouve dans les Grags-byan, repris par Ie Srid-kyi rgyud-kyi kha-byan chen-mo: v. l'article cite en
n.18.
66 Anne-Marie Biondeau

dhistes pour caracteriser les differentes epoques de diffusion du Bon au Tibet. II y reviendra encore a
la fin de I' ouvrage.
d) Reponse pour chaque expression erronee relevee au fil du texte. L'auteur reprend ici une a une des
phrases de bsTan-'jin grags-pa, affirmant: que les enseignements bon-po ne sont pas mums des
quatre sceaux signes d'authenticite de la Parole du Buddha (bka'-rtags kyi phyag-rgya bii), que la
tradition liant Padmasambhava au Bon n'est pas authentique, que si I'on place ses espoirs dans Ie Bon
ne £tlt-ce qu'un instant, on renait sous une forme humaine vile et meprisable. Puis I'auteur reprend
des citations faites par bsTan-'jin grags-pa, mal interpretees par lui: sur la naissance de Padmasam-
bhava comme fils de Dran-pa nam-mkha', sur la doctrine de non-Ego volee par les Bon-po aux
bouddhistes. n refute ensuite d'autres affirmations de bsTan-'jin grags-pa: les Bon-po foulent aux
pieds les images du Buddha et des bodhisattva, pour en faire les serviteurs du Bon. n critique: son
interpretation de la suppression d'une certaine forme de Bon par Khri-sroIi Ide-bean, et de la
controverse entre Bon-po et bouddhistes a I'epoque; une serie de phrases accusant les Bon-po de
conduire les etres dans les mauvaises renaissances par leur doctrine demoniaque qui s' appuie sur la
propitiation des demons au moyen de sacrifices animaux; I'affirmation que les Bon-po sont pires que
les Tirthika carvaka (rgyan 'phen-pa, materialistes).
A la suite, I'auteur cite des propheties - dont une de rGod-kyi Idem-'phru-can - annon9ant I'appari-
tion de pecheurs aux vues fausses qui repandront des calomnies sur Ie Bon: ne s'appliquent-elles pas a
bsTan-'jin grags-pa? Puis il refute I'argument avance par bsTan-'jin grags-pa pour prouver que les
textes bon-po inelus dans Ie ReT] ne sont pas un enseignement authentique parce qu'ils sont melanges
(c'est-a-dire syncretiques); il se contente de citer les bKa'-than et un gteT-ma de rDo-r)e gliIi-pa, qui
attribuent I'origine de ce syncretisme a Vairocana lui-meme.
Revenant sur des citations faites precedemment, I'auteur les refute plus precisement, en particulier
celie qui assimile la doctrine Bon a celie des hindouistes (Tirthika); il revient aussi sur la naissance de
Padmasambhava comme fils de Dran-pa nam-mkha', qui n'est pas ne de maniere impure de la matrice
de Chad-ma 'od-Idan, comme Ie croit bsTan-'jin grags-pa, mais de son flanc,'-tomparable en cela a
gSen-rab mi-bo. Quant aux affirmations de bsTan-'jin grags-pa selon lesquelles Dran-pa nam-mkha'
n'est pas un siddha car il n'y a pas de siddha dans Ie Bon, et les siddha du Bon tels que sTag-la me-'bar
etc., n'ont de siddha que Ie nom, des citations de propheties de Dran-pa nam-mkha' decouvertes par
rGod-ldem suffisent a les contredire.
L'attaque suivante de bsTan-'jin grags-pa porte sur rDo-r)e gliIi-pa lui-meme, qui n'est pas un
veritable gter-ston parce qu'il soutient que Ie Bon possede Ie Corps excellent des tantra (gsan-snags kyi
sku-mchog), alors que les Ecritures montr<:'}t bien qu'il n'y a pas de tantra (gsan-snags) dans Ie Bon.
Apres la refutation de cette derniere these, I'auteur expose comment bsTan-'jin grags-pa a contrevenu a
tous ses vceux, en se livrant a une telle attaque. L'ouvrage se conelut sur une citation du Srid-Tgyud
racontant comment, sur I'ordre de Khri-sroIi Ide-bcan, bouddhistes et Bon-po ont conelu un pacte de
non-agression mutuelle, et sur des stances de I'auteur, veritable profession de foi syncretique.

J'ai developpe plus longuement cette demiere reponse parce qu'elle permet de voir que, a de rares
expressions pres, ce ne sont pas les memes passages de I'ouvrage de bsTan-'jin grags-pa qui sontrefutes
par les auteurs bouddhistes et Ie Bon-po. Lorsque la refutation porte sur Ie meme passage, I'argumenta-
tion est differente puisque les bouddhistes continuent a considerer les enseignements du Bon comme un
pis alI:er, et non COmme une doctrine de salut; leur seul objectif en repliquant a bsTan-'jin grags-pa est
de justifier la forme bon-po de Padmasambhava, et non Ie Bon en tant que tel.
La juxtaposition des citations de bsTan-'jin grags-pa faites par mKha'-khyab rdo-r)e et Ie Bon-po
montre a quel point les reponses polemiques sont selectives, l'auteur ne choisissant de repliquer ason
adversaire que sur les points qui I'interessent (au ceux sur lesquels il est assure du triomphe?).
Mais I'un des interets majeurs de cette reponse bon-po est que c'est Ie seul ouvrage, a ma connais-
sance, qui polemique avec un bouddhiste et fasse enfin justice de toutes les allegations meprisantes et
malveillantes"l'I1vers Ie Bon, repetees d'age en age, sans que quiconque s'avise d'interroger les textes
 La controverse sDulevee par l'inclusion de rituels bon-po dans le Rin-chen gter-mjod 67

bon-po eux-memes. Le developpement de cette controverse sur tout Ie premier quart du vingtieme
siecle, et I'insistance avec laquelle les disciples de Kon-sprul veulent justifier la presence des textes hon-
po dans Ie ReT], prouvent I'incongruite qu'il y avait, aux yeux des bouddhistes, a etaler au grand jour
Ie courant syncretique qui existait chez certains gter-ston des l'origine.
Un dernier point a souligner dans cette polemique est son originalite: il ne s'agit plus cette fois de
de£endre les positions riiin-ma-pa face aux attaques des autres ecoles, mais la controverse se deroule a
Pinterieur meme de l' ecole riiin-ma-pa ou de ceux qui y reconnaissent leurs maitres. Elle met ainsi en
lumiere la multiplicite des courants et des points de vue al'interieur de chaque ecole, mettant en garde
contre la tendance occidentale ales considerer camme monolithiques.
 A Bonpo bca'-yig:
the Rules of sMan-ri Monastery1
KRYSTYNA CECH (OXFORD)

This paper is concerned with an analysis of the sale surviving Bonpo bca'-y;g brought out by refugees
from Tibet. It is the bca'-y;g of what was the leading Bonpo monastery in Tibet, bKra-sis sMan-ri in
gCati province.' Today, it is read out in the head Bonpo monastery of dPal-gzin bstan sMan-ri gliti in
Himachal Pradesh, India.'

1. Monasticism in the Bon Tradition

Prior to rhe elevenrh century A. D., the collective religious life of the Bonpos was centred around
certain family lineages in Central Tibet, the six major ones being gSen, Bru, Zu, sPa, rMe'u and
Khyun.' These lineages were constituted on the principle of patrilineal descent, one family member
managing wordly affairs and another, religious affairs. Spiritual succession usually passed from uncle to
nephew. The family lama lived in the bla-bran, which was more like a family shrine-room than a
monastery. Later on, members of rhese lineages, especially rhose of Bru and rMe'u, became active in
establishing monasteries. One such monastery, gYas-ru dBen-sa kha was founded by Bru-rje gYun-
drun bla-ma in the central Tibetan province of gCan in 1072. It was founded by the order of gSen-chen
k1u-dga' (996-1056), (a famed Bonpo gter-ston one of whose disciples was Bru-rje gYun-drun) for the
purpose of the dialectical study of mjod-phug and gab-pa (cosmogony and the doctrine of Great
Perfection).' This monastery became a seat of learning for the Bon doctrine contained in the teachings
of gab-mjod-sa gsum. 6 Many of its monks became eminent scholars who wrote treatises which are still
studied by Bonpo monks today. There was a succession of eighteen head lamas before the monastery
was destroyed in 1386 by a deluge (which was probably caused by an earthquake). Its ruins can still be
seen in the area which is nowadays called E-ja-kha. Another Bonpo monastery which was established
in the e1evenrh century in central Tibet was sNe-mo bZan-ri. Its founder was rMe'u mKhas-pa dPal-

1 I would like to acknowledge my thanks to Kundun Lungtog Tempai Nyima for introducing me to this bca'-yig, Lapon
Tenzin Namdak and Tenzin Wangyal who answered my many queries, Michael Aris for helpful and constructive comments
on the first draft of this paper, Samten Karmay for corrections of the translation and last, but not least, Per Kvaerne who took
a version of this paper to Dolanji for final comments. The research for this paper was made possible by a studentship from the
ESRC (Economic Science Research Council).
2 See Per Kvaerne, "Remarques sur l'administration d'un monastere bon-po",jA, 1970: 187-192, for an introduction to the
organisation of this monastery.
3 A separate bca'-yig written for the Dialectics School by Lapan Tenzin Namdak in 1977 exists. It is read out on the day the
school resumes after the New Year break (i.e. T. 2: 1).
4 For the genealogies of these important lineages see: Samten Karmay, The Treasury of Good Sayings, London Oriental Series,
vol. 26, London, 1972: 3-14.
5 See my: History, Teaching and Practice of Dialectics According to the Bon tradition, Yungdrung Bon Monastic Centre,
Dolanji, 1984 (reprint forthcoming in The Tibet Journal) for an introduction to Bonpo dialectics.
6 gab mjod-sa gsum: texts dealing with the subjects of cosmogony) the doctrine of Great Perfection and the Graduated Path to
Enlightenment.
 70 Krystyna Cech

chen (b. 1052) and it also produced many scholar monks. This monastery survived until the present
century.
However, it is in gYas-ru dBen-sa kha that the roots of the present Bonpo monastic tradition are to
be found. After its destruction, mNam-med 5es-rab rgyal-mchan who had been abbot of one of its four
glin (colleges) founded the monastery of bKra-sis sMan-ri in gCari Thob-rgyal in 1405. It became the
leading Bonpo monastery, the abbot of which was regarded as head of the Bon tradition. In the
nineteenth century two other important monasteries were founded nearby, that of gYuri-druri gliri,
established in 1834 by Zla-ba rgyal-mchan, and mKhar-sna founded by 5es-rab g.yuri-druri (b. 1838) at
the site of caves used by Bonpo ascetics for centuries. Collectively, these three monasteries were known
as grva-sa and they constituted an important Bonpo pilgrimage site. It is curious to note here that
although these were the three most important Bonpo monasteries, they were situated on the giis-ka
(family estate) of the Lha-klu family and of bKra-sis !hun-po monastery and there were little more than
fifty Bonpo households in the near vicinity. In addition, almost all the monks in these monasteries were
from the east (mDo-stod and sDo-smad). This was a situation that was partly encouraged by the
monastery itself. Local monks were discouraged out of a fear of nepotism. All this reflects the gradual
decline of the Bon tradition's sphere of influence in central Tibet after the fifteenth century, when
sMan-ri monastery was established. This decline became more acute when first one member of the Bru
lineage, Blo-bzari ye-ses (1663-1737) and then bsTan-pa'i dbari-phyug (1854-1882) were recognised
as the second and fifth Panchen lamas, respectively. All the family land and property reverted to bKra-
sis Ihun-po.
More and more Bonpo monasteries were established elsewhere and by this century there were no less
than 350 Bonpo monasteries throughout central Tibet, sTad, Khams and A-mdo.'
After 1959, Bonpo refugees in India established the monastery of dPal-gzin bstan sMan-ri gliri at
Dolanji in Himachal Pradesh. 8 This is now the head Bonpo monastery. The abbot is sKu-mdun Luri-
rtogs bstan-pa'i iii-rna (more commonly known as Saris-rgyas bstan-'jin). He is the thirty-third abbot
in the line of succession from mNam-med 5es-rab rgyal-mchan and the head o(,he Bonpo sect. This
monastery has tried to preserve the monastic tradition developed over more than 900 years in Tibet.
However, there are significant changes in the present-day organisation which I shall discuss below.

2. The bca'-yig

Every monastery should possess a bca'-yig -La list of rules which is ceremoniously read out to the full
assembly of monks once a year. The sMan-ri bca'Cyig was read out not only in sMan-ri monastery but
also in gYuri-druri gliri and mKhar-sna. In addition, it was the bca'-yig used by all the monasteries
which followed the sMan-ri tradition. If they had their own specific bca'-yig they could add that, too.
It was compiled in 1810 by sKu-mdun bSod-nams bio-gros (b. 1784) who was the 22nd abbot of bKra-
sis sMan-ri monastery.' Before this, there is evidence of the existence of a bca'-yig written by mNam-
med 5es-rab rgyal-mchan.
Today, the sMan-ri bca'-yig is read out on the anniversary of the birth of mNam-med 5es-rab rgyal-
mchan (T. 1: 5). It is commemorated with a two-day ritual called Me-tog mchod-pa (Invocations to the
1000 Enlightened Ones) on the fourth and fifth of the first Tibetan month. The bca'-yig is read out on
the afternoon of the second day. After all the monks have finished the prayer known as sKyabs-mchog

7 See: tans bod gait riJi lfons dar g.yun drun bon gyi dgon deb (A survey of the Bonpo convents in Tibet and Zan-zun) in g Yuh
drun Bon gyi bstan 'byun vol. 2, by dPal-ldan chul-khrims, Delhi, 1972: 563-643.
J

8 See Tadeusz Skorupski, "Tibetan g.Yung-drung Bon Monastery at Dolanji", Kailash. vol. viii, 1981, nos. 1-2: 25-43 for
details of organisation, religious practices and education.
9 bSod-nams bio-gros was from rGya-ron and his biography may be found in dPalldan bla ma'i rnam thar mu thig 'phren pa,
Delhi, 1982: ~S._~.ff. His family name is rJi'u rgya-gar and his esoteric name, Ses-rab dgons-rgyal.
 A Bonpo bca'-yig: the Rules of sMan-ri Monastery 71

dam-pa, a short recitation is made by the proctor (dge-bskos) about the Srid-pa bskos-kyi chags-sin 10
("The sceptre which orders existence"). As soon as he finishes, the steward (gner-pa) reads out the bca'-
yig from a long scroll. It takes about forty-five minutes.
Some of the rules contained in the bca'-yig are directly derived from the Bonpo 'dul-ba (disciplinary)
texts, in this case, the 'Dul-ba rgyud-drug contained in the Kanjur and the commentary by mNam-med
5es-rab rgyal-mchan of the 'Dul-ba kun-btus of Me-ston 5es-rab 'od-zer (1058-1132). These are the
rules concerning vows, monk's attire, deportment, eating, drinking and sleeping. The other rules may
be regarded as being more specifically relevant to sMan-ri monastery itself. Of special interest are the
changes which have appeared in the monastic life in India and I shall deal with this issue after
presenting the translation of the bca'-yig which follows.

Translation of the bca'-yig

{Srid-pa bskos-kyi chags-sin]

This is the sceptre which orders existence. This is the upright stick of truthful Bon. This is the attribute
of all the Bonpo siddhas. If you raise it into the sky, it will reach the summit of the Three Existences. l1
If you strike it on the ground, it will govern the Three Worlds;12 so it is said. "The rules of a king are
like a golden yoke. The rules of Bon are like a silken knot."
So I request your attention, you Ocean Assemblage of [10] the priesthood who have entered the
door of the precious doctrine. I now request you to listen very attentively, to [the rules] which are clear
in the precious bca'-yig of our great saviour, mNam-med Ses-rab rgyal-mchan, which are wholly
famous and renowned like a white flag fluttering on the summit of existence.
Having said that you should strike the ground with the precious iron stick to make the "thag" sound
three times. Immediately after that, the zla-bdag, 13 [or the] [20] senior dge-bskos, opening the precious
bca'-yig should start to read it from the beginning. Blessings!

[The sMan-ri bca'-yig]

I o~fer salutations reverentially and with supplication and devotion [with my] body, speech and mind
to the Ocean Assemblage of Lamas, Enlightened Ones, the Bon which teaches the two truths, H the
tutelary divinities, the knowledge-holders, the Oilinls, protectors of the religion and monks.
I worship the 80 sages and the 300 teachers, [the gter-ston] [30] gSen, Gyer, rMa and dByil, [the
lineages of] Bru, Zu, sPa, rMe'u and Khymi,15 and the ornamented head of sMan-ri abbots and their
successors with remembrance of their kindness in every respect.

10 While the Chag-lin is a sceptre unique to the Boopes (see: Snellgrove, D. 1., The Nine Ways of Bon, Boulder. 1980: 284 for an
illustration), it also in the context of the beaJ-yig refers to the ieag-rgyud. an iron (sometimes wooden) staff carried by
proctors on ceremonial occasions as a mark of office.
II The nsee Existences (srid-g,um): 1. ran bim ye ,rid kyi srid pa, 2. rgyu}J'thun 'byun ba'i ,rid pa, 3. byed po, by., pa'; srid pa.
For a detailed explanation see: mDzod phug rtsa ba dang spyi don dang gangs ri ti se'i akar chag~ ed. Tashi Dorji, Delhi, 1973!
181/7ff.
11 The Three Worlds (khams gsum): 1. 'dod khams. 2. gzugs khams~ 3.'gzugs-med khams. For a detailed explanation see: Thun
mong bsdus grva'i rnam bshad rig pa'i blo 'byed pa'i sde mig phas rgollog Ita 'joms pa'i thog mda' gshen bstan pad tshal r&:ya5
pa'i nyi ma, by Nyi-ma bstan-'jin, ed. Khedup Gyatso, Delhi, 1983: 19/1-2211.
1) zla.-bdag is short for zla-bdag las-pa meaning ..the las-pa of the month .. , a las-pa being the annually elected head of a glin
(college) of which there were four.
14 The two truths (bden-giiis): 1. kun rjob bden pa. 2. don dam bden pa.. For a detailed explanation see: Gal mao, Tenzin
Namdak, Delhi, 1972: 193/6ff.
IS See note 4.
72 Kryst:yna Cech

The bca'-yig of bKra-sis sMan-ri monastery, the "Golden Ruler" has three sections: srol-bSad
(customs and their explanation), no-ti (intrinsic nature) and dgos-chul (required behaviour).
Firstly, most-honoured, all-knowing Lord gSen-rab mi-bo [40] himself, for the sake of all beings,
came down through the Four Holy Places,16 imbibing faith from the very essence of purity and taking
into consideration the Five Ways of Seeing and the Five Considerations. 17
Although his mind was liberated, his appearance was that of a human being. At the time of complet-
ing the Twelve Deeds,18 he had taken human form. For the sake of all beings who follow, he abandoned
the enjoyments offered by his kingdom and family and became ordained a monk. He divided men and
women into different religious [50] establishments. Having ordained [men and women] in accordance
with their own wishes, he spread the excellent and very precious doctrine. [Thereafter], he established
the three groups of Abbots, Teachers and Bodhisattvas. Relying chiefly on the law for protecting the
Three VOWS,19 he established the core of the doctrine of the Three T rainings20 and [caused] the doctrine
of the Three Classes of Sacred Writing.'1 to spread so that it could remain (in the world) for a long
time.
[60] Secondly, the Protector of Beings of the time of degeneration [had] the all-assembled intrinsic
nature of all the Victorious Ones. [He was] Knower of Everything, the sovereign master of the Three
Classes of Sacred Writings, the altogether perfect example [of one having] the attributes of the Second
Lord. He was the great sovereign of the teachings of the Scriptures and discursive knowledge, and the
upholder of the teachings of the Three Trainings. [70] Through the sight, mind and deeds of the
Peerless Protector of Beings, the all-knowing Ses-rab rgyal-mchan, famous in the Three Worlds,22
gYUli-druti Bon was brought very graciously to fame and it was established in the heart of the Eighteen
Large Countries2l satisfying the Ten Conditions" [at a place] called sMan-ri, where, at the end of the
period during which human beings [initially] lived for five hundred years [and gradually lived shorter
lives], came all the Eulightened Ones of the Ten Directions and the [80] Bodhisattvas. Because of a
good omen indicating that it would be a large Bonpo [place of] assembly, he- founded there the
monastery called bKra-sis sMan-ri. There the doctrine of the Eulightened One "'1.4 especially of gYuti-
druti Bon, spread and became diffused and continued to exist for a long time. fu order to release the
[spiritual] disposition of all beings and to develop it and make it ripe, he especially developed the
doctrine of the Three Vows and the way of practising the Outer Manner and the Inner Rules through
[90] physical, mental and verbal behaviour. [He acted] in harmony with the vinaya rules, monastic
discipline and the Outer, Inner and Secret Teachings contained in the Siltras and Tantras. Whilst the
moon was waxing he followed studies. While the moon was waning, he meditated [and performed]
rituals. He always established the Three Trainings and gave ordinations. He hoisted the huge flag of the

16 The Four Holy Places (gnas rigs Chen po bii): 1. Yesans, 2. Gun sans, 3. mGon bcunphyva. 4. Barlha Jod~gsal. For details see:
'Dus pa Tin po ooe'i Tgyud dr; ma med pa gzi brjia Tab tu 'bar hajj mao. 1967-1969, vol. 1: 193/6ff.; Samten Kannay, A
General Introduction to the History and Doctrines 0/ Bon. The Toyo Bunko, Tokyo, 1975: 195. .
17 The Five Ways of Seeing and the Five Considerations (gzigs chad Ina; dgons chad ma) were the ten conditions governing the

descent of sTon-pa gSen-rab to ..,-th: The Five Ways of Seeing: 1. .in khams la gzigs pa, 2. gdul bya la gzigs pa, 3. glm la gzigs
pa, 4. ~khor la gzigs pa, 5, rigs Ia gzigs pa. The Five Considerations: 1. 'Julla dgoiu ,a, 2. mkhar fa dgons p4, 3. nOT la. dgons pa,
4. yab Ia dgons P4. 5. yum fa dgoiu pa. For details see: Dus p. Tin po ,he'i rgyud gzer mig. Bonpo Foundation, Delhi, vol. 1:
48/5-50/5; gZi-brjid, op. cit.: 55812-56212.
II The Twelve Deeds (mjad p. beu giiis): These are the twelve deeds accomplished by sTon-pa g~en-rab in this world and they

form the subject of both gZi-brjid and gZeT-mig, op. cit.

t9 The Three Vows (sdomgsum): 1. so thaT gyi sdom pa, 2. byan Chub serns kyisdom pa. 3. gsan ba snags kyisdom pa. For details

see: sDom gsum skoT. Topden Tsering. 1972.

'" The Three Trainings (bslab gsum): 1. chul khrims by; bslab pa, 2. tin ite 'iin gyi bslab pa, 3. Ies Tab kyi bslab pa.
ZI The Three Classes of Sacred Writings (sde snod gsum): 1. 'dul baJj sde mod, 2. mdo sde'j sde snod. 3. mnon pa'i sde mod.
Z2 The Three Worlds (ston gsum): 1. spyi phud kyi 'fig rten, 2. bar pa~i ~Jig rten. 3. mthar thug gi 'fig rten. For details see: mJod
phug: Basic Verses and Commentary. Tenzin Namdak. Delhi, 1966: 29/12££.
2J The Eighteen Large Countries (yu[ chen boo brgyad); for details see: Kun las btus pa srid pa'i mjod phug, ed. Tashi Dorji,
Delhi, 1974: 308/6ff.
24 See note 17.
 A Bonpo bea' -yig: the Rules of sMan-ri Monastery 73

doctrine of the Enlightened One in the sky of the Three Worlds. He blew the great melodious conch in
all Ten Directions and [100] proclaimed the doctrine' of the Conqueror which he thus spread far and
wide.
Thirdly: I; rJi'u rgya-gar dBon-po, [my] abbot's name [being] 5es-rab dGons-rgyal, follower of that
Conqueror, will write down briefly the bca'-yig of bKra-sis sMan-ri monastery, the seat of the Peerless
Lord situated in the centre of the Land of Snows which the Enlightened One visited in order thai the.
doctrine be spread and remain for a long time.
[110] In order that the Enlightened One's doctrine may be diffused, the priesthood of monks and
lamas should grow and spread. In order that the priesthood may grow and spread,"the doctrine ofthe
Three Trainings must be diffused. In order that it be diffused, the monastic rules must be observed.
Along with this basic procedure, vinaya, the essense of the doctrine, is to be taken as the principal
discipline: the best ones [i.e. monks] must practise the Three Trainings [together]; the less able ones
[must observe] [120] appropriately the rules of the novice; those who are unable must make an effort to
practise the Ten Virtues and to avoid the Ten Vices.2S
And now for, externally, the monastic rules, internally, the four distinct [kinds of] activities" which
are upheld and abstained from and, finally, confession of all your offences.
Firstly, the monastic rules: The monks cells are arranged with the bla-bran like a chief and his
servants. Avoid disputes and quarrels and [130] give up (a passion) for grudges and doing mischief and
causing damage to each other. Everybody should be in agreement with each other.
Each monk's cell should be just the right size [neithertoo large or too small]. It is forbidden to have a
monastery concerned with wordly fame and [for it to be] a place for laymen having wordly affairs. If
each monk co;'structs a cell in this celibate monastery, it will act generally as an ornament for the
teachings of the Enlightened One; particularly as a means of taming [140] one's being and as a place
where virtue may be amassed and thirdly, as an example for beings in the future (by means of a pure
mind). Inconceivable benefits will accrue from this. The rwo sgrib-pa (defilements)27 will be cleansed
.and the rwo accumulations of merit will be accomplished.
Secondly, [Concerning] the rules of the dran-sron as well as those of the gcug-phud: 2' one must
observe them in accordance with the texts of the vinaya: the 'Dul-ba [150] rgyud-drug, the ['Dul-ba]
mdor-bsdus, the ['Dul-ba] kun-btus and all their long and short commentaries."
What are the rules which should be avoided and those which should be followed: There are rwo
typeS of vows: the vows for khyim-pa (householders) and those for the rab-byun (ordained) monks.
Only the rab-byun can enter the monk community. There are rwo types of rab-byun, the pure dran-
STon of 250 vows and the gcan-gcug of 25 vows. They are all in accordance with the Four Root Vows
which are: [160] not to kill, not to steal, to observe celibacy and not to lie.
One must be strictly on guard against committing the sin of breaking the Root and Branch vows by
oneself or urging others to do it or congratulating others when they do it. The Four Root Vows are like
the legs of a horse, hence, it is very important that they remain unweakened. The authoritative work
says: "If the four root vows are weakened, then there should be no delay in expelling the monk from
the monastery. He should [170] leave naked with ashes thrown on him. He should not settle in the
same area [as the monastery]." Thus, if you infringe the Four Root Vows, then all your property will
be confiscated by the monastic community. You will receive 500 strokes with the horse-whip and then

" The Ten Virtues (dge blu) and the Ten Vices (sdig blu); for details see: gZi brftd, op. cit., vol. iii: 4nI5-50012: 449/5-47215.
26 The Four Activities: 1. .za ba'i spyod lam, 2. iial baJj spyod lam. 3. 'gro bali spyod lam. 4. 'dug pa'i spyod lam.

Xl The Two Defilements (sgrib pa gnu): 1. non -mons pa'i sgrib-pa. 2. Ies bya'; sgrib pa.

21 gcug pbud is the Bonpo term for dge chul.

29 The 'Dul ba rgyud drug is the source text of the Bonpa Vinaya. It is a c:anonical work (bka') and most of the Bonpo
commentaries on monastic discipline are based on it. It is being published in Delhi. 'Dul ba mdar 'Jus and 'Dul ba kun btus
were written by Me stan Ses-rab 'od-zer (1058-1132); the former provides the explanation of the twenty five vows, the latter,
of the two hundred and fifty vows. Both were published in Kalimpong in 1960 by Yam Lama and Samtin Jansin (alias Sangye
Tenzin and Samten Karmay).
 74 Krystyna Cech

leave "naked" carrying ashes on your back (which are bound in place), a paper hat covering your head
with all the monks clapping behind you. The conch will be blown and the ghan-dhe" will be beaten.
There is no way for [the culprit] to make confession. In case of deep regret [180] arising and the abbot is
in agreement, he [the penitent] should arrange for making the Three Supports" of body, speech and
mind to be written, manufactured and read, [respectively]. He should make arrangements for the
ceremony of me-tog mchod-pa,32 for offering tea to the monks, offering kha-btags (white scarves) to
the protective deities and raising prayer flags within his means. He has then to take his vows again.
As for the Branch Vows: [190] Concerning the types of vice: One must, in accordance with scrip-
ture, avoid rough language, senseless speech, meddling and interfering [in other's affairsJ, bad disposi-
tion, and be on guard against heretical views and malice.
Concerning [the types of] food: Forbidden are meat," ale," garlic, onions and evening meals.
Concerning seats: Forbidden are elevated, jewelled, [seatsJ with rainbow [200J designs as well as good
or dirty seats. One must guard one's vows, like the fruit of the eye, without [thinkingJ either of
[keeping themJ private or public, against the impure activities of one's own actions, body, speech and
mind, using scent, jewelry and accepting gold and silver.
Those who are best must observe the Root and Branch vows; those who are less able must observe
the Four Root Vows and some of the important Branch Vows; those who are least able must observe
the Four Root Vows. If [210J they have weakened their Branch Vows, [they must], on an auspicious
day, preferably in the presence of their own abbot, if not then in front of the Three Sacred Supports or
at least near one's sacred staff, make full confession.
As for the external manner, the most excellent ones should always have the six kinds of garments"
and the mat, the six permitted articles," the precious rosary, etc. Even the least perfect should always
have the stod-gos (the upper garment), gzan (shawl) and sams [220] (skirt) and rosary, etc. Saffron dyed
clothes, white, skag-ram (green)" and black colours are not permitted. One must always have upper
and lower garments which have been dyed red or yellow. Within the four tho (boundary markers) of
the monastery, one must avoid wearing skin garments and sleeved garments. Dur!n,g the Assembly, one
is not allowed [to enter the temple] without the zla-gam cloak and the rce-ihva hat. Also, one is not
allowed to walk on the chogs-gdan [carpet on which the monks sitJ in one's boots.
[230] The manner pertaining to moving and sitting: Do not leap athletically or run, walk sideways or
roll along. Walk as a duck walks with slow, leisuredly even-sized steps. Whenever you wish to go in
any direction, it is necessary to ask permission from the bla-bran [first]. If there are four monks
grouped together, the rules of the monastery have to apply to them. If property, food, etc. are not given
you by others, you are not allowed to take.
As for the manner of eating and drinking: X.ou should not make noises like a pig or dog. You should
not gnaw (looking fearful) like a demon. You should not eat without chewing like a duck. You should
not laugh, talk or eat at the same time. You should eat food in rightsized pieces the size of a lark's (lcog-
m~) egg [not too big and not too smallJ. While sleeping you must not lie on your back or face-
downwards and with your arms and legs flayed out [but ratherJ you should sleep in the position of the
Enlightened Ones when they sleep, that is, lying on your right side.
[250J The good behaviour of the exalted teachers whom you have observed with your own eyes is to
be taken [as a good example]. You must try and be well-behaved. Those possessed of wisdom and

JC The ghan dhe is a block of wood about a metre long which the dge hIes hoists on his shoulder and beats with a stick to
summon the monks to gso-sbyon (or mchan-iiid),
31 The Three Sacred Supports (rten gsum): 1. sku rten; an image of the deity, 2. gSIl':' rten: a volume of the holy writings, 3. thugs
rten: "the holder of the mind" as manifest in a holy person.
32 me tog mchod pa - Invocation to the One Thousand Enlightened Ones.
33 man-thun is the Zait-zun for sa (meat).
31 yu ti is the Zait-zun for chan (ale).
3S The six articles of clothing (na bza' gos drug): see Nine Ways of Bon, op. cit.: 270.
36 The six permitted articles (gnan rjas drug). Nine Ways of Bon: 273.
37 skag is a juice" ~~9m a tree from which lacquer wax is made and is used for red or brown dye; ram is indigo.
 A Bonpo bca'-yig: the Rules of sMan-ri Monastery 75

leariling should teach to all those without it. Those who are mischievous should not have their own
way. It is very important for younger monks to listen to older monks and behave in a careful manner.
At [the place ofJ this celibate monastery, the pure Way of Avoidance is essential. Here again, the
Four Root [260J Vows are essential, particularly celibacy. Therefore, women are not allowed within the
area marked by the four tho in the four directions of the monastery. They are not allowed whether they
are of high or low birth, even if they are the mothers and sisters of the monks - they may not pass the
four tho.
It is forbidden to go onto the roof of the monks' cells except for the monks themselves. If there is a
need to go there [such as] for the purposes of cleaning, or for the erection of tents or playing [270]
instruments in the cells, one must seek the abbot's permission. If the abbot is not present, you have to
ask the chaplain of the sgrub-khan.
Without permission of the dge-skos andlor the four las-'iin-pa, it is not permitted for lay people to
come inside the monastery except for those who serve the bla-bran, those who look after animals and
those who bring wood.
Inside the monastery, except for such Bon religious discussion and chanting groups, meaningless
chatter, [280J telling inside news outside, dancing, singing and shouting are forbidden. Further, it is not
permitted for anyone to enter the monastery, be he lama or layman, on horseback, to dispute or quarrel
or carry any arms.
Except for the chan (ale) used in the sgrub-pa rituals and dgu-gtor offerings, it is forbidden to take
any into the monks' cells or wherever you go. The most excellent ones should give up chan completely.
The least perfect should only drink to satisfy the mouth [290J and not too much.
If you go to the village, you should not stay overnight unless you have a friend with you. Even if you
go to your own home, you should not stay a long time. Without the lama's permission, you may not do
a single act of your own volition. You must avoid acting in accordance with your own wishes. In
general, for doing a service to the Enlightened One's doctrine, it is very important not to have selfish
desires and partialiry. As for the duty of the monks, each person must do his own duty as (300J ordered
by the lama.
As for the activities of the Abbot of this monastery: He must possess the unwavering thought
together with Four Immeasurables," and be in"lpartial in his upholding, supporting and diffusing the
doctrine of the Three Trainings. Like the rising sun in the cloudless sky, he must be compassionate to
all living beings without distinction between those who are near or far, who are loved or hated. He
must have great comp~ssion and the means of guiding the living beings to [310J salvation; he must care
for the rules of the Way of Avoidance like his own life; he must possess the signs of accomplishment in
his practise of the Way of Transformation. He must comprehend the significance of the Great Seal
which is the non-duality taught in the Way of Release;39 he must be able to guide all living beings onto
the road of salvation; having spread the doctrine of the Enlightened One, he must be wholly intent on
the welfare of living beings; he must be impartial among his attendants and not use the power of [320J
his position; examining the good and the bad, the faulty and the innocent in the smallest detail; he must
take the Three Jewels as witness for passing his judgement.
The work of the dge-bskos: With a pure mind he should think of the benefit for beings and the
doctrine. He must always find the means for exhorting a continuous increase of all virtue and [the
meansJ of rejecting all vice. To the good ones he should give words of praise; to the bad ones he must
[330J give punishment appropriately with confession and repentance. It is in"lportant that each student
within his ability, year by year, learils the traditional practice of the rituals in accordance with the basic

Ja The Four Immeasurables (chad med bii): 1. byams pa chad med. 2. siiin rle chad med, 3, dga' ba chad med, 4. btan siioms chad
med. For details see'gZi brfid, op.cit., vol. iv: 115ff.
J'JThe Way of Renunciation (phyi span lam) constitutes the first six vehicles of the thegpa rim pa dgu (The Nine Ways) lho gter
tradition; the Way of Transformation (nan sgyurlam), the seventh and eighth vehicles; the Way of Release (gsan ba grollam),
the ninth. For details see: gZi brjid. op.cit., vol. vii: 273/3ff.; vol. viii: 584ff. For a summary of these vehicles see: D. L.
Snellgrove, The Nine Ways of Bon, op.cit.: 9-13.
76 Krystyna Cech

system of the Outer, Inner and Secret disciplines, the procedural work of the rituals of the mal;u;lala,
music and melody, the two stages of tantric meditation, the use of the wind and the percussion
instruments, making ritual offerings, drawing, painting and chanting and the 'cham dance according to
the instructions given by [340] the Jina and the Sages.
The way of sitting in line in the temple: It is the duty of the dge-bskos to see that you must not lean
to the left or right or forwards or backwards, but sit in the Five-Fashion position40 like a BodhisatrYa.
While in Assembly it is also the duty of the dge-bskos to make sure that all the correct procedures are
followed.
As for the work of the dbu-mjad: He must follow the correct procedure of the ritual [350] whether it
is concerned with the Outer, Inner or Secret traditions. He must not be greedy. He must not think that
he is clever enough to make things up by himself. He should not be proud and he should avoid
distorting' and altering the word of the Enlightened One and the authoritative works. He must learn
thoroughly the special instructions on the traditional practices of the Early Sages being the immaculate
system of glorious sMan-ri handed down from mNam-med 5es-rab rgyal-mchan through the personal
teacher. He must decide [360] whether to perform a long or short ceremony with chanting and
accompanied by drum beating or [simply] a recitation and so the length of the Assembly according to
the time available.
One must observe the correct seating in the temple and neither be early or late. When going into the
temple, those monks who sit at the head should go first. When going out those monks who sit at the
ends should go out first. The chab (blessing water) must also be offered from the end of the rows.
When the rdo-tin (beating sound on a stone) sounds [370] [you should make sure that you have on] the
six kinds of clothing for a monk including the zfa-gam cloak, the rce-zhva hat, the chab-blugs bottle,
rosary, etc. At the sounding of the first conch you should be leaving your cells. At the sounding of the
second conch you should be sitting in line in the temple. At the end of the sounding of the third conch,
the dbu-mjad should start chanting, neither too slowly nor too fast with a deep voice until it reaches to
the end of the last rows whether [the ceremony] is to be chanted with [380] melqdy or whether it be
simply a recitation. For example, it should be like throwing a stone in the middl'e of a lake, the sound
should ripple from the centre to the edge. When chanting, it is not permitted to emit a bad sound like
that of a goat or sheep. The dbu-mjad must make sure that the monks learn to chant as described and
make them respect the instructions that he gives them [in chanting].
The old as well as learned dran-STon monks should themselves set the example for respecting the
vows and [390] other rules. They must give instructions impartially to those who are ignorant concern-
ing all the good and bad deeds [and] both inside and outside work. Be impartial and teach all those who
do not know. All those monks who have '&perience should be careful not to make a mistake and
confuse the time of the monthly ceremonies: tea, sgrub-pa, dus-chen, dgu-gtor, fia-mchod and daily
recitations which are the legacy of the early tradition. The elderly monks and the dran-sron must take
responsability in all this.
[400] As for the monks in general: A monk must be a man having all the attributes of a monk: one
who endeavours to follow all the instructions given by the Abbot, Teacher and dpan-po, a man who has
very deep faith in gYuIi-drun Bon and has perserverance in attending lectures, studying and reflecting
as [naturally as] jerking your hair from the fire.
At this place of the Second Lord mNam-med chen-po, you must pay respects to your rca'i bfa-ma
(root lama) or [410] teacher; whoever he may be and learn from them the Exoteric, Esoteric and Secret
Bon. It is not enough simply to learn but also practise. It is not enough simply to practise, but there
must be some result.
While staying in the monastery, you should obey the order of the lama, old monks and dge-bskos.
The work that is consigned to you must be done properly and [do] not do work that is uncalled for.

~o The Five Fashion Position (eba lugs liia); for details see: The A-khrid Collection, New Delhi, 1967: 79/9ff.; Kvaeme, P.,
"Bonpo Studi~i;KaiJash. 1.4 (1973): 253-255 (English translation).
 A Bonpo bca'-yig: the Rules of sMan-ri Monastery 77

[All the work] must be done in an orderly manner. One must give up all the pleasurable activities that
distract one to the wordly [420] life, such as trading in order to obtain profits, lending money for
interest, deceit in making weights and measures and breaking sworn oaths. In order to support your
religious life ·of working for spiritual achievement, it is acceptable to make an honest living by trade on·
a small scale according to the rules of the country. Uproar, jokes, laughing, senseless talk without
meaning and chatter, being an impediment to study and spiritual exercises, must be avoided. .
As for new monks: [430] If he is a pilgrin., you are not allowed to let him stay in the monastery for
more than three days without a guarantor, even if he is your compatriot. If he wants to stay on without
a guarantor, he cannot be ordained until the lama has been asked for permission. Until he has been
ordained, he cannot sit among the congregation of monks. Further, before joining the assembly, the
four officials must be informed. The four gUn must cast lots [to see] who can get him [to which glin he
will belong]. He must offer two measures of tea to the [440] official [of the glin]; in the case of the
dBon-po one tam.41 Apart from the officials of the bla-bran he must go and see the chief of the glin; if
he does not do so he may be expelled from the glin. If he is a lama, he can have the status of a dbon-
chen. He therefore does not have to work providing that he gives ten measures of tea for each monk.
He is then to be seated at the head of the row of his own class. Apart from lamas, no one else can have
the status of dbon-chen. Further, if there are a large number of monks [450] wanting to take up the
monastic rules on the same day, they should be arranged according to age. Otherwise the difference is
whether you can order a man-fa (communal tea) or not [the one who is able to offer a man-fa becomes
senior]. The one who is first admitted sits at the head [of the rowJ.
Everyone must have a supervisor for conducting the Four Activities such as sitting and moving
about. It is important not to transgress the rules set forth in the bca'-yig.
[460] If someone quarrels with the lama, a paper hat is put on [the culprit's head] and a bag of ashes
is made to be carried on his back while the conch is blown and the ghan-dhe is beaten. If someone
quarrels with the dge-bskos, the punishment is three man-fa. When the conch has finished playing [on
top of the temple] in order to call the monks to Assembly, you cannot go inside. However important
the reason, once inside the temple, you are not allowed to go out. Until you have obtained chab you
cannot leave the temple for your own reasons. [470] No communication may be transmitted from
outside or from inside until the Assembly ends. If there is a message to be announced, it has to be done
so either before the Assembly or it has to be passed on to the monks' cells. Those monks who are
permitted to leave follow the suit and are not allowed to send a substitute to the temple.
The mchod-dpon (servitors) should get up early in the morning and clean the temple. Until the
Assembly is finished, he is not allowed to move about according to [480] his own wish, except for
offering incense and making prostrations. .
If a man-fa is being offered, new monks have to give one las-fa for each man-fa. If they are offering
more than one [man-fa}, they do not need to give more than one las-fa. When a me-tog mchod-pa is
performed, an unseated person has to give ·seven allotted portions" (bdun-skal) to his gUn.
Within the tho, monks without gzan and sams and lay persons without kha-gorri (a thread passed
across one [490] shoulder as a sign of respect) are not allowed to enter. Whether they be of high or low
status, officials are not allowed to carry weapons nor ride on horseback within the tho. Dancing,
singing and shouting are not allowed.
New monks [are divided among] the gUn according to lots and they should not be an object of
dispute. If one breaks the rules of the bca'-yig, the punishment is, for high class monks, [paying for] a
me-tog mchod-pa; for middle-order monks, [paying for] a man-fa; [500] lower orders have to offer tea
and prostrate in front of the assembled community of monks for a specific number of times. If some
monks fight or pick a dispute, whoever is there to witness it should openly report [it] to the "upholder
of rules".

41 nag do ~eans two nag (a measurement of weight); four nag ga make one san. A tam is a currency; three skaT ma make one
tam.
78 Krystyna Cech

[Monks who committ] deeds which are against the law and without assuming [the position] of
upholding the word of the Lord and his exalted teachings, those who are ignorant about Cause and
Effect, disrespect the lama's orders and the vows, who take life being exhorted by [510] others, make
bre-log measures and sran-log scales, leak inside news outside and take a position of solidarity with
[one who has committed a misdeed] are the ones who undermine the doctrine and should not be
allowed to remain in the monastery. If there are some trouble-makers, dictatorial and self-interested
persons who violate the rules, the dge-bskos and the elder monks, having discussed it, must punish
them appropriately according to the rules of the monastery. If they cannot decide [about how to punish
them], the [520] case must be taken to the abbot.
All this is to be within the silken knot of the religious laws that must be kept tightened. I draw your
attention all of you, to the fact that in order to have tranquility in the spiritual practice of all, one must
try to pulverise the internal passions and [continue the spiritual practice] in. a spontaneous manner.
The doctrine of Buddhas in general and gYun-druD. Bon in particular, [spreads] in countless coun-
tries [in all] Ten Directions to the ends of the World in order [530] that all beings may be established on
the path [of Salvation] Ripening and Liberation.
May the activities of the successive adepts of the doctrine who are the followers of the glorious
sMan-ri-ba, the "sun" of the doctrine, increase.
Mayall the earth be filled with converts.
May the study of the doctrine flourish in all directions.
Oh! ye host of the countless protectors of the doctrine, [540] give aid to those who uphold the
doctrine.
May all the parts of the doctrine spread in all Ten Directions.
Deliver instantly all the enemies of the Doctrine.
Mayan auspicious, splendid and happy Age hold sway in this vast country, full of converts of the
doctrine, where the ages of disease, starvation and weapons totally diminish, but the rain falls in time
and the harvest and cattle are always good! ~,
[550] Having thought that it would be a contribution [for spreading] the doctrlD.e of the Enlightened
One, I, rJi'u gNam-bon rgya-gar alias sKu-mdun bSod-nams blo-gros dbail-gi rgyal-po or 5es-rab
dGon.-rgyal wrote this bca'-yig in the monastery of bKra-sis sMan-ri.

Transliteration

'0 srid pa bskos kyi chags sw bden pa bon gy1"drail sm/ gyer spuns knn gyi phyag mchan 'di nil gnam
la 'phyar nasrid gsum gyi rce zin'/ sa la brdeg' na khams gsum gyi gtia' gnon'/ji skad du/ rgyalkhrims
gser gyi gtia' sizi.l bon khrims dar gyi mdud pa zes yons su grags pa Itar/ sails rgyas kyi bstan pa rin po
che'i sgo ru zugs pa [10] dge 'dun 'dus pa rgya mcho'i chogs dail beas pa rnams kyi snan dbail rin po
eher zu rgyur' / rail eag rnams kyi 'dren pa ehen po miiam med ses rab rgyal mchan zes yons su grags
pa'i snan pa'i ba dan dkar po srid rcer g.yo ba de iiid kyi thugs dam bea' yig rin po eher gsal bal ji Ita ba
bzin g.yens med g:i.uD. chugs kyi nan nas gsan par zu/ brjod la rin Chen leags kyi dbyug pas thag sgra Ian
gsum btail bar bya'o/ de rna thag tu zla bdag dge bskos chen mos bea' yig rin po "he hi phye la [20]
dbu nas bzun ste gsun dgos/ bkra sis/
bla rna sans rgyas lun rtogs bden gtiis bon! yi dam rig 'jin mkha' 'gro bon skyon dazi./ sems dpa' dge
'dun rgya mcho chogs beas Ial sgo gsum mos 'dun gus pas phyag 'challo/ grub Chen brgyad Cu 10 pan
sum brgya dazi./ gsen gyer rma dbyil bru [30] zu spa rme'u khyuzi.l gcug rgyan sman ri'i mkhan brgyud

1. 'jin
2. rdeg
3. non
4. rgyu
 A Bonpo bc.'-yig: the Rules of sMan-ri Monastery 79

rim byon Ial rnam pa kun tu bka' drin dran pas mchodl ees bkra sis sman ri dgon gyi bea' yig gser gyi
thig sm la gsum stel srol bSad dan no ti dgos chullol dan po ni rnam pa thams ead mkhyen pa'i rgyal ha
gsen rab mi bo de iiid kyis [40]1 skye rgo 'gro ba'i don tu thugs bskyed rnam dag nan nas gnas rigs chen
po bzi las yas mar rim gyis phebs tel gzigs chad hia dgon chad hia tbugs las' bkrol nas 'gro ba ran
mthun gyi cha lugslsku yi skye ba mi ru bzes te mjad pa beu gills mthar phyin mjad pa'i skabsl rjes 'jug
'gro ba'i don du khyim 'khor dan ~gyal srid Ions spyod kun span nasi rab byun dgon pa btab nas 'pho
mo'i glin rnams rab tu gyes nas [50]1 rail rail blo mthun gyi sdom pa rjogs par gnan nasi bstan pa rin po
che rab tu spel nas mkhan slob g.yun drun sems dpa'i sde bcugs siill sdom gsum gyi bsrun' khrims gco
bar brten nasi bslab gsum bstan pa'i srog sin bcugsl sde snad gsum gyi bstan pa dar zm rgyas la yun riil
gnas par mjad pa'ol [60] giiis pa nil rgyal ba!run gyi no bo kun 'dus siiigs dus 'gro ba'i mgon ses bya
kun mkhyen rab 'byams sde snod gsum gyi mila' bdagl rgyal ba giiis pa mchan dpe'i cha sas yons su
rjogs pal bslab gsum bstan pa'i srol'jin lun rtogs bstan pa'i mila' bdag ehen pol g.yun druil bon la sin tu
bka' drin ehe ba ston gsum yons gragsl miiam med 'gro ba'i mgon po thams cad mkhyen pa ses rab
rgyal mchan iiid kyi' [70] gzigs dgans mjad pa'i yul chen bco brgyad yul gyi siim pol gnas mChog sman
ri bya ba 'di ni Ina brgya dus kyi siiigs mar phyags beu'i sans rgyas sems dpa' [80] ma Ius thams cad
gnas 'dir byan Zitil bon gyi 'dun sa Chen po 'on ba'i rten 'brei yod pa'i phyir dul bkra sis sman ri bya
ba'i dgon sa btab em sans rgyas kyi bstan pa spyi dali./ bye brag g.yun druil bon gyi bstan pa dar zin
rgyas la yun riil gnas sw sems Can yons kyi ses rgyud bkrol zin sems rgyud smin Zm grol ba'i thabs Ial
sdom gsum bstan pa gco bar mjad nas phyi chul nan khrims [90] sga gsum gyi spyod lam 'dul ba'i bslab
bya dgon pa'i bca' yigl phyi nan sails gsum mdo snags lun rigs g:ui la' ma 'gal barl zla ba byun no eog gi
yar no 'ehad iian dan mar no la bsiien sgrubl dus rtag par bslab gsum gyi rkan bcugs so thar gyi sdom
pa 'bogs' nasi sans rgyas bstan pa'i dar chen stan gsum mkha' la 'phyar10 Ziill siian pa'i dun chen
phyogs bcur sgrog" nas [100] rgyal bstan rgya cher spel ba'ol gsum pa nil rgyal ba de'i rjes 'jug rji'u
rgya gar dpon po mkhan min ses rab dgons rgyal bdag gis kyanl sans rgyas kyi bstan pa dar Ziti rgyas la
yun rm gnas pa'i phyir dul sans rgyas bstan pa'i gco bas l2 zabs kyis beag" pa'i gans chen bod kyi dbusl
rje miiam med ehen po'i gdan sa bkra sis sman ri dgon gyi bea' yig zur cam bkod pa nil [110] sans rgyas
bstan pa spel ba Ial bla ma dge 'dun dar Zin rgyas dgosl dge 'dun dar rgyas 'phel ba Ial sdom gsum gyi
bstan pa dar zm rgyas dgosl sdom gsum gyi bstan pa dar ba lal bea' khrims sdom dgos pas gzi bslans
nasi bstan pa'i srog sin 'dul ba gco bo Che stel rab kyi14 bslab pa gsum Idan mjad spyod/'brm gi15 [120]
rab byun bslab bya chulldaul tha ma" dge beu la 'bad em sdig bcu span dgos sol de yan phyi dgon pa'i
bea bzag nan spyod lam rnam bzi blan darl tha ma 'gal 'gyod kyi iies bsags sol dan po phyi dgon pa'i
bca' bzag nil bla brail phren la gsag17 rnams gco 'khor gyi chul du bsgrig Ciill [130] geig gis geig la gnod
'che dan Chags sdans ru na bread 'jin spans lal kun gyis mthun pa'i sga nas ran ran gi chad Idan grva
khan Che chun sags ran par byal 'Jig rten khe grags dan ran 'dod na rgyal gyi dgon pa'amI'khor ba 'du
'jin gyi mi 'dud pa sogs mi ruill spyir sans rgyas bstan pa'i rgyan/[140] bye brag rail rgyud 'dul18 dge
sbyor gyi gnasl slar ma 'ons 'gro la dpe Mag ched sems bskyed rnam par dag pa'i sgo nas gcan dgon
khan mig re re bzetis pa yanl phan yon bsam gyis mi khyab em sgrib giiis byanl9 chogs gills rjags pa'ol
gills pa nil rab byun dag pa dran sron gi bslab bya Chen po danl gcan ma gcug phud kyi bslab bya
rnamsl'dul ba [150] rgyud drug mdor bsdus kun btus 'grel ba Che chun sogs 'dul ba'i rgyud sde kun gyi
lun dan mthun par bsrun dgos Ial 'di'i phran du dgos ched kyi span blan gan ze nal khyim pa la brten
pa'i sdom pa dan rab byun sdom pa giiis yod kyali./ rab byun ba ma grogs gral mi gtogsl rab byuil bani
dag pa dran sron ills brgya hia beu pa danl gcan gcug iii su rca hia pa giiis yin tel spyir mthun rca ba bzi'
nil [160] srog gcad pa rna sbyin20 pa len pa mi gcan ba spyod ba rjun du smra ba dan bZil ran gi byas dan
gzan la bskul ba rJes su yid rans las sags pham pa2l Itun ba'i rigs sin tu bsrun dgosl rca bzi rta bzan rkan

5.1. II. b'grog' 17. sag

6. srun 12. bo'i 18. insert: haJj
7. kyis 13. beag' 19. insert: ZiD.
8, insert: dan 14. kyis 20. byin
9. phyog, 15. gis 21. insert: dan
10.phyar 16. mas
 80 Krystyna Cech

lag" 'dra ste rna nams pa gal chef lun las kyan rca Mi'i ,dom pa nams gyur na/ gnas gOig mi bZag 'gyan"
du bskrad/ [170] gcer bu thai brdeb dmod pa bor/ yul khams de ru biag par mi bya/ ies gsuns pa"
brten nasi rca bii'i sdom pa nams pa na/ dnos chas gan yod bla grvas giun bies daM rta lcag illa brgya
chad tham thai khur/ gcer bu rgyab bOin bya mgo la sog gu'i iva mo g.yogs rgyab tu thai brdab bya/
dun dan ghan dhe brdun dgos/ bSags pa'i thabs zad pa'o/ gal te 'gyod pa drag po [180]skyes nas" sku
iabs kyi dgons pa la bstun te sku gsun thugs rten bri biens klog gsum bya/ me tog mchod pa man a r
bka' bsrun26 la snan sal thug dar lcog gan babs phullal sdom pa yan skyar iu dgos/ de las gyes pa'i yan
lag gi sde nil [190] mi dge ba'i sde la chig reub nag 'chal 'phra rna dbyen bcug mnan sems/ gdugs sems
log Ita mams lun biin bsrun dgos/ kha zas sde la man thun sa dan yu ti chan/ sgog gcon rigs/ phyi dro'i
kha zas khri gdan sde la mthon po dan rin po che dan 'ja chon [200] ris bzan po dreg mams sol sil bu'i
sde la gser dnullen pa dan rgyan dan byug pa Ius nag yid gsum rna dag pa'i spyod pa la sogs dam chig
mnon Ikog med pa mig gi 'bras bu Itar bsrun dgos pa'o/ rab kyis ca lag kunche gcig bsrun dgos/ 'brin
gi'7 rca bii yan lag sde gal che 'ga' re span ba daM tha ma2 ' yan2' rca ba bii bsrun siM [210] yan lagnin
lag gi chag nams son ba mams/ dus kyi 'gyur che ba la/ ran gi mkhan slob yod na rab/ 'brin rten gsum
khyed 'phags gan byuM tha rna 'khar gsilla brten nas dam cbig gso sbYOIi gi bsags pa yan dag byed
dgos/ phyi yi chul na bza' gos drug gden dan bdun/ rin chen phren sogs gnan rjas drug/ rab kyi" rtag tu
'chan iin mi 'bral dgos/ tha rna yan stod gos gzan [220] Sams phren ba sogs rna bral ba daM chon chen
gyis bcos pa dan kha dog dkar po dan skag ram gyi chos daM nag po rigs mi run iin/ dmar ser gyi mdog
bsgyur ba'i stod gos dan smad g.yogs gzan sams dan rna bral ba dgos/ dgon gyi tho nan du phu dun can
danlpags sun gos rigs spans" dgos/ chogs skabs su zla gam rce iva med pa 'gro mi ruM lham32 gon nas
chogs gdan sten du 'gro mi nan no/ [230] 'gro 'dug gi lugs la yaM mchog real 'khyud 'gro zur 'gros
rgyug 'dril sogs mi byed/ bya nan pa'i 'gro chul gom pa "he chun ran pa bya la dal bar 'gro ba dan/
phyogs gan du 'gro yan bla bran la dgon pa iu dgos iiM grva pa bii yan chad chogs" na dgon gyi sgrigs
lam ltar byed dgos pa daM gZan gyis rna byin pa'i nor zas sogs blan'· mi run ba ses par bya la/ bza' btun
gi lugs la yan/ [240] khyi phag Ita bu'i chag sgra daM srin po Ita bu'i 'drud 'cha'/ nan pa Ita bu'i gyur35
mig daM hi hi ho hab lans zas sogs mi run lal bag ldan gyi "he chun lcog mo'i sgo i,a cam chad danldan
pa za dgos/ nal dus kyan gan rgyal" kha sbub rkan brkyan lag brkyan mams illi run iin/ giog g.yas
phab nas sans rgyas gzims chul byed nas nal dgos sol [250] de yan gon gi dge rgan grags pa mig mthon
myon can gyi mjad spyod bzan po re la brten nasi grva man mams spyod lam mam dag la brcon dgos 37
dan/ ses ldan mams kyis mi ses pa kun la slobs/ bkra mi sis pa mams nan sed ran 'dod du rna son ba/
che la chun nan bag dan Idan pa'i mjad spyod gal che ba'o/ gcan dgon sde la span lam mam dag gco chef
de yan [260] rca ba bii gco chef de'i nan mo khrims gcor che ba yin iiM dgon pa'i phyogs biir tho re
brcegs pa'i nan du bud med mi gton iiM bud med rigs drag ian sus kyan rna dan srin mo yin yan tho
rca chur la khrid mi ruM yan grva gSag sten-d'u sgrigs rgyug pa rna gtogs 'gro mi ruM gal te khan las
sogs 'gro dgos byun ba daM grva gsag" sten du gur dbub pa daM [270] nan du rol reed byed pa ni bla
rna sku iabs su dgons pa iu dgos/ sku iabs rna biugs na/ sgrub khan Iha mchod la iu dgos/ mi skya yan
bla bran gi iabs gral rigs dan ri ba a drun chogs" sin ba rna gtogs dge skos dan las 'jin bii la dgons pa rna
zus bar nan du ston mi nan/ [280] yan dgon pa'i nan du bon chos kyi sgros glen dan/ snon pa'i gdun
dbyans kyi sgra rna gtogs kha na rna tho ba'i 'chal gtam daM nan gtam phyir skyal dan bro glu ku co
chen po rigs span dgos/ rna zad dgon pa'i nan du ser skya drag zan gan gis mchon cha btags pa rcod 'jin
dan rta zon mi nan/ chan yan sgrub pa dan dgu gtor gyi chan phud rna gtogs khur sa med cin grva chan
rnams kyan phyogs gan du 'gro yaM rab kyis chan span dgos/ tha rna" kha nom cam las bag rned [290]
'thun mi ruM gron du 'gro na grogs mched re cam med pa Zag mal mi stod/ ran khyim la yan yun mi

22. insert: dan 29. kyati 36. rkyal

23. rgyan 30. kyis 37. insert: pa
24. insert: la 31. span 38. sag
25. na 32.lhvam 39. sogs
26. srun 33. 'chogs 40. mas
27. gis 34. len
28. mas ' f 35. khyur
 A Bonpo bca'-yig: the Rules of sMan-ri Monastery 81

'dug pa bya ba gan gi sga yan bla ma'i dgans pa rna bskar ba'il ran 'dod bya ba gcig kyan rni byedl ran
'dod bya ba kun span dgasl de yan spyir sans rgyas bstan pa'i iabs phyi iu ba Ial phyags ris dan ran
'dod med pa gal che ba yin nal so sa'i las khur 'jin chal bkad pa lal ran bab btan gi las chan bla grva
mams kyis bka' gnan [300]ltar sgrub cin! dgan pa 'di iiid bla ma'i mjad pa la yanl gzi chad med hii
Idan gyi dgans pa chen po rna g. yo ba'i nan lasl bslab gsum bstan pa 'jin skyan spel gsum gyi sga nas
phyags ris med pa skalldan yans la 'chad nan gyi sprin med mkha' la ni rna sar ba Ita bu sig dgasl ne rin
chags sdan med pa sems can kun la byan chub kyi sems bskyed cinl sems can drans ba'i thabs la [310]
mkhas sin thugs rje che bal phyi span lam mam dag chul khrims srog Itar bsrun 41 sin nan sgyur lam
bsnen sgrub mthar phyin gyi drod chad bsnem42 pa dan! gsan ba grallam gnis med zun 'jug phyag rgya
chen pa'i don rtags nasi 'gra ba sems can thams cad thar pa'i lam la bkad <:in! sans rgyas bstan pa dar
rgyas 'phel bar mjad nasi sems can gyi don la dgans pa skad Cig mi yens par mjad dgasl grva 'khar
ehags la yan phyags ris ne rin dan dban yad kyi dban du rna son ba [320] bzan nan legs nes skyan yon
iib tu blta nasi phyi rna dan dkan mchag dpan biag thub pa'i bkad mthar khyab pa dgos! dge skas kyi
mam bsag la ran sems mam dag sga nas mtha dman bar gsum gan la yan! bstan dan 'gro ba'i don dmigs
nasi mi dge ba'i ehags thams cad dar nasi dge ba'i chags thams cad gan nas gan 'phel gyi dge bar bskul
ba'i thabs rtag tu bsgrub dgas tel de yan bzan po la gtan rag gi bstad ehig nan pa la [330] nes chad kyi
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
dan mthun pa'if bsnen sgrub las kyi phyag len mgo thon re dan! [340] 'phrin las 'grigs rim dkyil 'khar
thig rca gdans bskyed rjags! 'bud brdun bea' bza bris klag go" I 'chams" po la sags rgyal ba 'phags pa'i
lun dan mthun par! so sa'i rig pa dan bstun par 10 re biin rim gyis spyans" pa byed bskyud46 pa gal
chef gral du 'dug lugs 'grigs rim! g.yas kyag g.yan kyag mdun sgur rgyab brten sags rna yin pal byan
chub sems dpa'i biugs stans cha lugs Ina Idan bca' nas 'dug dgasl chags nan du spyad lam legs nes
brtags dpyad gan la yan! dge bskas kyi 47 do khur byed dgas pa yin! dbu mjad kyi bya biag kyan [350]
phyi nan gsans gsum· gan la yan! giun lugs de iiid kyi go rims rna 'kbrul par dgos sin! de min za 'dod
chad yod kyisl na mkhas ran bzas ran khen gis bka' lun khyad bsad danl bka' la ra chad kyi blo mams
spans" sin! rgyal ba mnam med chen po nas rca ba'i bla ma'i bar gyi dpalldan sman ri ba'i giun lugs
mam dag gan ma'i hi ses lag len dmar khrid thab pa sig byas nas nams su blans" dgas tel [360] rgyas
bsdus gyer dbyans rna brdun 'ur 'don sags dan chags yun rin thun mams! dal khams skabs dan sbyar
dgas! chags kyi gral 'jin kyan sna phyi rna nor ba rim gyis sgrigs Ial 'chags dus dbu nas chags 50 sin grol
dus mtha' nas gral tel chab kyan mtha' nas gtan dgas! de yan rda tin brdun ba dan [370] na bza' gas
drug zla gam ree zva chab blugs 'phren ba sags Ius la brgyan nasi dun brda' dan po btan ba dan grva
gsag5! nas phebs tel dun skad gnis pa'i skabs chags khan du gral bsgrigs la 'chags! dun skad gsum pa
rjags panas dbu mjad kyis hi 'don dbu 'jugs gnan stel than Ihad chad zin gralmthar rna khyab bar dul
thabs bsdur 'don [380] dbyans stabs kyan dal bu'i Idir gyi" bzun la! dpe na mcha nan du rda 'phan pa
Itar dbus nas mtha' ru dal gyis khyab pa !tar dgas tel dge 'dun mams kyan skad log ra skad lug skad
sags! skad nan rigs' don mi run! de Ita bu mi gton dbu mjad kyis bslab bya la breis" srun khur than zu
dgos! grva rgan rigs dan dran sron ses Idan mams kyis kyan ran khrims ran sdam [390] chas khrims kyi
srol bcugs" sin! phyi nan las gan la legs nes dan blan dar gyi bya ba kun la chad zin kun la Ita rtags
dgas sin! phyags ris kyi rgyu ru rna son ba mi ses mkhan la bslab bya dgas so! ses Idan kun gyis de min
zla re yi dus ja dan sgrub pa dus chenl dgu gtor na mchad mams dus rna nor ba dan! zal 'don rigs snan
sral bzan pa'i rjes biag gi rigs thams cad rna 'phyun pal dge rgan dran sron mams kyis khur than bses
dgas sol [400] grva spyir gyi bya bhg kyanl dal 'byar gyi Ius la rab byun gi rtags legs par bzun ste!
mkhan slob dpan po sogs" bslab bya de" la brean zin! g. yun drun bon la sin tu mas pa'i ree gCig gi57
dad pa bya lal thos bsam sgam sgrub kyi brcan 'grus skra la me sar ba Ita bu zig dgas tel de yan rgyal

41. s!Uli 47. kyis 53. brei

42. bsiiems 48. span 54. 'jugs
43. omit: go 49. len 55. insert: kyi
44. 'cham 50. 'chogs 56. omit: de
45. sbyan 51. sag 57. gis
46. dgos 52. gyis
82 Krystyna Cech

ba giiis pa mnam med chen po'i gdan sa 'dirl rca ba'i bla rna [410] slob dpon su y;n spyi bo'i gcug tu
khur lal phyi nan gsan gsum gyi lun rtogs bon kun yan dag par sbyan bar bya! sbyans pas mi "hog
sgrub dgosl bsgrubs pas mi chog 'bras bu smin dgos pa yin nol gian yan dgon du 'dug skabs bla rna dan
dge rgan dge bskos mams kyis gsuns pa'i las Ia nonl bcol ba'i las rna ianl rna bcol ba'i las rna gtogsl
mgo 'og Ius chud byed dgos sol yan [420] 'Jig rten 'khor ba la g.yen ba'i las spyod kun span dgos tel
chon khe bun bskyed bre phul srail sags mgo g.yog mna' za chig 'gal gyi rigs spans lal byan chub
bsgrub pa'i 'cho rten phan chun drail po'i yullugs dan bstun tel chon cun cam re rna gtogs mi byed ku
co dan rced rna ha bdag nag 'chal don med Ion gtam rigs slob giier dan dge sbyor gyi gag sin span bar
byal grva pa gsar 'byor rigs nil [430] gnas bskor ba yin na rail gi yul phyogs gcig pa yin kyaill khag theg
med pa Zag gsum phan Ia mi biag sdod mi yin na khag theg mgo 'dren pas bla rna I. rna Zus par rab
byun mi gnansl tab byun rna blans bar du chogs la mi chudl de yail cbogs chen du 'gro dus las 'jin bii Ia
ius nasi glin su yi thob pa rgyan 'phan iiill [440] ran glin las pa Ial las Ja nag do db on po ta gc;g sprod
dgosl bla bran gi nail gzims rna gtogs rail gan bab kyi ial no Ia 'gro dgosl gal te rna 'gro na glin nas
phudl bla rna'; rigs db on chen yin pa'i Ja nag bcu re sprad las byed mi dgosl gral kyan sgrigs milam kun
gyi gon Ia bzagl bla rna rigs rna gtogs dbon chen bies pa medl gian [450] yan grva rigs kun nin gcigs
sgrigs rgyug mi man po yod na 10 che chun Ia dban gtoill de min man ja re Ia khyad par yodl sgrigs
sdom rgyug gral gon la biag dgosl 'dug lugs 'gro lugs spyod lam marn bii gan la yan dag dge rgan re
biten nas dgon pa'i bca' yig Itarl [460] khrims rna snons pa gal "he ba yinl bal rna Ia nan pa'i sag" len
btab mi byun naf sag bu'i iva mo g.yogs la thaI ba rgyab la bskur nasi dun dan ghan dhe brduill dge
bskos Ia nan pa'i Sag len" btab mi byun nal man Ja gsum gyi chad pa gcodl yail chogs chen Ia dun rjogs
nasi 'gro mi "hog gal chen gail byun na chogs nas Ian 'gro mi chog chab rna btan bar ran 'dod kyis chogs
grol mi nanl chogs rna grol bar phyi nan gi cha len mi sprodl [470] brda' yan snon rna 'chogs dus gtoill
de nas grva gsags6D tu gton dgosl gdul bya 'gro mkhan mams kyis kyaill gcig pa khas len nas gian gyis
grol chab sogs gton mi chog mchod dpon mams kyis sna mar Ian nas chogs la gas phyag yan dag rgyab
dgosl de nas chogs rna grol bar [480] spas skor danl phyag 'chal byed pa rna gtogs gan dga' du 'gro mi
nanl yan man Ja gton mi byun na sgrigs rgyug rigs kyi mail Ja gcig la las Ja dgosjde'i yan chad btan na
las ja mi dgosl gian mail Ja kun la las Ja dgosl me tog mchod pa la yan sgrigs :na rgyug pa mams kyi
glin gan babs la bdun skal dgosl yan tho chun la grva pa gzan Sams med pa daill mi skya kha gom med
pa [490] yon mi runl drag ian su yin kyan tho nan dul mchon cha btags pa daill rta ion pa sags mi ruill
bro glu la sags skad la chen po rigs rgyab pa medl grva rgyun yan bal grva thun man gi gan 'Jog Itar rna
gtogs rcod mi nanl yan bea' yig nan la 'gal ba btan mi srid naf che ba rigs Ia me tog mehod pal 'brin I.
man ja/[500] chun ba stabs ja dan bskor phyag chogs pa'i mdun grails len dgosl rcod 'jin 61 byed mi'i rca
ru mi su yod kyaill sbas gsan med pa khrims bdag la iu dgosl yan lun la rna brten pa'i bab med khrims
med kyi spyod pa rgyal ba'i bka' dan 'phags'pa'i lun mi brei ba rgyu 'bras kyi blans dar rni ses sin bla
ma'i bka' dail dam chig mi brci mkhanl gian bskul gyi srog gcod daill [510] bre log sran log 'jugs mi
nan gtam phyi bskyal byed mil gcig rgyab gcig Ian byed mi mamsl bstan pa'i iabs 'dren yin pas gralla
mi biag mtha' ru phud par byal de min ses med kyi han rgyas bya bal dban yod sed khur bya spyodl
ran 'dod phyogs gtams kyi sgrigs snags mi byun nal dge bskos dge rgan mams ial brdur62 nasi grva pa'i
khrims lugs biin du chad pa che chun gan babs gead dgosl rna chad na [520] bla ma'i mdun Ia zu dgosl
chos khrims dar gyi mdud pa chud par bsdoms dgos pasl de bzin kun gyi spyod lam ii dal legs pa'i don
rul nail ran rgyud non mons btul nus pa'i mjad pal nal med lhut len dgos" grva slob yons kyi thugs
biag mjad par zul rgyal bstan spyis dan sans rgyas g.yun drun bonl phyogs bcu'i iin khams rgya che
'byams yas Ial nub pa med cin srid mtha'i bar gnas siill [530] 'gro kun smin grollam la bkod par sogl
bstan pa'i nin byed dpalldan sman ri ba'il bstan 'jin rim byon phrin las ches cher rgyasl bstan pa'i gdul
bya sa sten yons khyab iiill bstan pa'i bsad grub phyogs kun rgyas gyur cig bstan srun rab 'byams dam
can rgya mcho'i chogsl [540] bstan 'jin skyes bu kun gyi grogs mjad ciill bstan pa'i ru mchon phyogs
bcur kun Ia 'phyarl bstan dgra rna Ius myur du sgroI bar mjodl bstan pa'i 'dul bya iin khams rgya chen

58. Ian 60. sag 62. bsdur

59. Ian 61:~Wi:ts 63. insert: pa
 A Bonpo bea'-yig: the Rules of sMan-ri Monastery 83

la/ nad mug mchon gyi bskal pa rab ii nasi char chu dus 'bebs 10 phyugs rtag tu legsl bde skyid phun
sum chogs pa'i bkra sis sog ces 'di ni rji'u gnam bon rgya gar dpon'" miD. sku mdun bsod nams blo gros
dban gi rgyal po ies pa' am ses rab dgons rgyal bdag gis sans rgyas bstan pa la phan sIiams nas bkra sis
sman ri'i dgclD la rnam dkar gyi65 sbyar ba dge'ol bkra sisl I

64. dbon
65. gyis

3. The bca'-yig in Practice

Although it is the same bca'-yig which is read out today, the monks who listen to it are, on the whole,
very different from their predecessors in Tibet. First of all, there are now a hundred and thirty monks
compared to the three hundred and fifty of the mother monastery before 1959. The majority are second
generation refugees who have never been to Tibet and who are under the age of twenty-six. Certain
rules against, for example, the admission of women to the monastery, carrying weapons and entering
the monastery on horseback are obsolete. Expulsion is no longer as theatrical as it used to be with the
carrying of bags of ashes and the wearing of paper ·hats.
Adherence to the vows, obedience, modesty and non-involvement in wordly affairs are highlighted
in the bea'-yig. As far as these values are concerned today, they are still highly regarded and the Abbot
sets the example. His way of life is simple and unostentatious. Upon his order, the monastery engages
in no economic activities and survives solely on donations. Anyone who has visited it will be struck by
its comparative poverty in relation to other Tibetan monasteries in India. Being a much smaller
monastery than its counterpart in Tibet, the monks are much easier to discipline. Whereas in sMan-ri
monastery in Tibet, the monks were rarely under the age of sixteen, in India almost half of the monks
are between the ages of five and twelve. They are disciplined by the head cook. For the older monks,
beatings, prostrations and fining are still the order of the day.
However, a singular feature of the monastic community which is very much in evidence today and
only receives a slight mention in the bca'-yig, is the monks' education. Near the beginning it is
mentioned that mNam-med Ses-rab rgyal-mchan spent the first half of the month in study and the
second half in religious practice. This was a pattern of life adhered to by the monks of sMan-ri
monastery. Also from the bca'-yig, part of the duty of the dge-bskos is to instruct and supervise
activities associated with rituals. But beyond this there are no details. The importance of dialectical
training in the Bon tradition was recognized very early on.42 The teachings of sTon-pa gSen-rab rni-bo
are believed to contain the essence of dialectics. In 1072, gYas-ru dBen-sa kha was the first Bonpo
monastery to be established for the purpose of"training monks in the dialectical process. However, in
sMan-ri monastery a school of dialectics was only established in the early 1950's (more than a hundred
years after the bea'-yig was written). Dialectics and the degree of dge-bses obtained at the end of the
course of studies has always been considered very important in the Bonpo monastic tradition. From the
time of mNam-med 5es-rab rgyal-mchan, the abbots of sMan-ri could only be elected from among the
dge-bses. So long as there was no school of dialectics at the monastery the monks had to attend courses
at the nearby Sa-skya monastery of 'Bras-yul skyed-chal and later on at the Bonpo monastery of gYun-
druil gliil established in 1834 expressly for the purpose of providing training in dialectics to Bonpo
monks. The emphasis on education today has come in response to the very great need for training as
many monks as possible in the Bon dialectical tradition. In this way, the Abbot envisages that the Bon
tradition will become again secure after the vicissitudes of the past twenty-six years.

42 See note 5.
 84 Krystyna Cech

4. Comparison with Buddhist bca'-yig

Here a brief comparison of the Bonpo bi':a'-yig with two Buddhist bi':a'-yig collected in Sikkim by
Dieter Schuh" will be made. It would be unwise to argue that these two bi':a'-yig are representative of
the Buddhist tradition. In fact it is necessary rather to stress the random nature of their selection.
Nonetheless there are common points in all three bi':a'-yig which do not preclude a comparison.
Of the two bi':a'-yig collected in Sikkim, one is from Pho-bran monastery in sTod-lun mChur-pu
and it was compiled in 1845 by the fourteenth Karmapa Theg-mchog rdo-rje. The other is a bi':a'-yig
issued for all the monasteries of Sikkim by Srid-skyon sprul-sku in 1909. The two will be referred to
respectively as the pho-bran bi':a'-yig and the common Sikkim bi':a'-yig.
All three bi':a'-yig stress the importance of adherence to the Four Root Vows. As in the Bonpo bi':a'-
yig, celibacy is considered a strict rule in the Pho-bran bi':a'-yig. Not only is the monk punished
severely, but the woman is, too. On the other hand, the common Sikkim bi':a'-yig does not include
strict celibacy. A monk is permitted to sleep with his brother's wife providing he does not set up a
separate family with her. As in the Bonpo bi':a'-yig, the Pho-bran bi':a'-yig lists the rules governing the
wearing of robes, gathering and seating at the monks' assemblies, deportment, chanting, proper be-
haviour inside and outside the monastery and the procedure governing the performance of rituals in
laymen's houses. The common Sikkim bi':a'-yig, on the other hand, maps out the career of the monk
and the type of study he should engage in according to whether he is between the ages of eight and
fifteen, fifteen and twenty and according to whether he is bright and intelligent. Both the Bonpo and
the Pho-bran bi':a'-yig stress the role and authority of the dbu-mjad and the dge-bskos (i':hos-khrims-pa
in the Pho-bran bi':a'-yig). In addition, the common Sikkim bi':a'-yig enumerates the offices of the rdo-
rje slob-dpon (lama in charge of Tantric ritual), spyi-giier (steward) and dkor-giier (care-taker of the
temple) and their duties. It also lists the rules governing the management of monastic revenue (annual
gifts from the government, the profits from monastic estates and the offerings of sponsors).
In both the Sikkim bi':a'-yig there is an interdiction on the rearing of certain a~,imals in the monastery
precinct, namely, chickens, pigs and cows. The Pho-bran bi':a'-yig includes the rule that neither may
laymen settle near the monastery nor may nunneries be built in the vicinity.
In many ways the three bi'a'-yig follow the same rules of conduct and behaviour for monks.
Differences exist in points of emphasis; the Bonpo andPho-bran bi'a'-yig stress rules of conduct and
behaviour, the common Sikkim bca'-yig stresses education. A tentative conclusion based on a compari-
son of these three bi':a'-yig points to the common background in the monastic tradition shared by
Bonpos and Buddhists alike.

5. Concluding Remarks

A bi'a'-yig is a document containing rules which unite those who follow them into a community
dedicated to the religious life. At the same time it separates the community's members from the wordly
concerns of communities based on descent and affiliation. Also, the bi'a'-yig serves as a good indication
of the desired pattern of power and authority in the monastery.

n Dieter Schuh and L. S. Dagyab, Urkunden, Erlasse und Sendschreiben aus dem Besitz sikkimesischer Adelshiiuser und des
Klosters Phodang, MTH, TII,3, St. Augustin, 1976. 1. ErlaB (hca'-yig) des 14. Karma-pa Theg-mchog rdo-rje tiber Einhaltung
der Disziplin und die Befolgung sonstiger Vorschriften 1m Kloster Phodang: 241-266. 2. ErlaB (hca'-yig) des Srid-skyon
sprul-sku ii.ber Einhaltung der Disziplin und Befolgung sonstiger Vorschriften rur aIle KlOster in Sikkim: 267-278. In
addition. the following bca'-yig have been published in Dieter Schuh, Urkunden und Sendschreihen aus Zentraltihet, Ladakh
und Zanskar, 1. Teil: Faksimiles, MTH, III.2, St. Augustin, 1976 and Dieter Schuh and J. K. Phukhang, Urkunden und
Sendschreiben aus Zentraltibet, Ladakh and Zanskar, 2. Teil: Edition der Texte, MTH, III,2, St. Augustin, 1979: 25 (61); 25
(64); 27 (67); 34 (86); 42 (101). In addition, Michael Aris has made a preliminary study of the bca'-yig of rTa-dbail, a dGe-lugs
pa monastery).o· Arunachal Pradesh in "The code of a Tibetan monastery in India" (unpubl. ms.).
 A Bonpo bca'-yig: the Rules of sMan-ri Monastery 85

IIi the Bonpo bca'-yig there is scant mention of the_role of the Abbot which s';ggests that he had little
to do with the enforcement of rules. His role, indeed, was to act as a spiritual head and he came under
the jurisdiction of the monastery just as any other monk and could theoretically be punished under its
rules. The system practised in sMan-ri monastery of electing abbots from among the dge-bses also-
included an element of chance for names were selected at random in a ceremony called rtags-ril. An
abbot was free to retire once he had performed two obligatory acts which confirmed his abbacy:the
erection of a mchod-rten for his predecessor and the organisation of sgrub-chen and sman-sgrub
prayers. Any monk who was a dge-bses had the chance of becoming abbot. The abbacy was designed to
prevent-a situation arising wherein power was in the hands of someone who claimed authoriry due to
spiritual succession (for example, a reincarnate or lineage lama) or social background or wealth.
The persons who effectively ruled the monastery and led its activities were the dge-bskos and the
dbu-mjad. The monks who held these posts were elected by merit. The position of dbu-mjad was
considered a permanent one. As for the dge-bskos, his duties were carried out by the four las-pa (heads
of the four glitz) who were elected annually. The original bea'-yig was obviously composed before the
development of this system in sMan-ri during this century.
Today, in the Bonpo monastery in India, the pattern of authoriry and power conforms to a situation
where there is an emphasis on education and training. Power is invested in the Abbot and all the offices
of the monastery are rotated either annually or every two years. All major patterns of discipline as well
as monastic constitution are brought before the Abbot. _
The fundamental rules of the bca'-yig based on the disciplinary texts still apply whereas the situa-
tional rules have become obsolete. The emphasis in the bca'-yig on upholding the Four Vows and the
high degree of obedience, modesry, friendliness and non-involvement in wordly affairs may point to
the most common monastic abuses, that is, disrespect for authoriry, luxurious living, factions, pro-
fiteering and usury.
Comparison with the Buddhist bca'-yig confirms the legalistic nature of the bca'-yig as a document
and its being an indication of the power structure of the monastery. Perhaps the most interesting point
which arises out of a comparison is the similariry of the rules and religious principles of monastic life
followed by both Bonpos and Buddhists. This comparabiliry must be an indication of a common
monastic tradition shared equally by Bonpos and Buddhists.
 In Search for Gesar
EVA K. DARGYAY (CALGARY)

Preliminary

One of the objectives of the Ladakh Project financed by Stiftung Volkswagenwerk, Germany, and
sponsored by the iudwig-Maximilians-Universitiit of Munich, Germany, was to document oral tradi-
tions in the southern part of Ladakh, the valley of Zanskar. In the pursuit of this goal two expeditions
to Zanskar were carried out in 1978/79.'
Before I come to discuss the main part of this paper I shall give a survey of the historical and cultural
development of Zanskar. "The Valley of White Copper" - as the Tibetan name Zans-dkar may be
translated - shares its name with the Zanskar river, a southern tributary of the Indus river. The river
originates at the Pensi-La, a mountain pass to the west of Zanskar, and flows eastwards up to the centre
of Zanskar, where the major settlements are located. There the river turns north, strengthened by the
waters of the Tsarab-Lingti river which comes from the. south-eastern part of Zanskar. After cutting
through the Zanskar Range the Zanskar river merges with the Indus at Nyi-mo. The people ofZanskar
are herders of sheep, goat, and yak, and do some farming where irrigation is possible. The arid high
altitude climate with its high winds and intense radiation of the sun does not permit any cultivation
without irrigation.2
Zanskar came under lasting Tibetan supremacy by the 10th century C. E., when a branch of the royal
house of Lha-sa conquered this territory. Tibetan historiographic texts talk about three brothers who
invaded as horsemen the areas which are today known als Ladakh. One of the three brothers (our
sources disagree on which brother took over which part of the country) established his reign in
Zanskar.' The fragmentary sources available to us indicate that a warrior from Guge became a crucial
force in establishing the Zanskar royalty.' The Tibetan invaders brought along with them servants,
craftsmen, and Buddhist clerics. Gradually the Tibetan culture permeated the life of the population at
large, which was most likely of non-Tibetan stock. Due to these conditions, the culture of Zanskar is of
Tibetan character in general, but with a distinctive local tint. Thus not all the cultural phenomena
documented for Zanskar have a bearing on the Tibetan civilization in general. This characterization of
Zanskar could be substantiated with a number of data derived from anthropology, history, linguistics,
and history of religion, but this would take up too much space and time here.'
In the isolated world of this remote alpine valley a rich oral folk literature has developed over the
centuries. Many days of the long Himalayan winter, when people and animals huddle together in the

t Eva K. Dargyay/L. Dargyay. Vorlaufiger Bericht iiber zwei Forschungsreisen nach Zanskar (West-Tibet), in ZAS. vol. 14,2,
1980,85-114.
1 Alexander Cunningham. Ladale. Physica~ Statistical, and Historical. 1853, rpt. New Delhi: Sagar Publications, 1977. p. 96;
Eva K. Dargyay/Ulrich Gruber. Ladakh - Innenansicht mer Landes. DUsseldorf/Cologne: Eugen Diederichs Verlag, 1980.
, Luciano Petech. The Kingdom of Ladakh c. 950-1842 A.D., SOR 51. Rome: I,MEO 1977, p. 17ff.
of Dieter Schuh. Historiographische Dokumente aus Zans-dkar, in Archi'U fur Zentralasiatische GeschichtsfoTschung, ed. by
D. Schuh and M. Weiers. Sankt Augustin, Germany: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag, 1983, 209-285j Eva K. Dargyay. The
Zangla Dynasty of Zanskar and Its Chronology - a Reco~sideration, injou;"al of the Tibet Society (1987).
, D. L. SnellgrovefT. Skorupski. The cultural Heritage of Ladakh, 2 vols. Warminster, England: Ari, &: Phillip" 1979-1982.
88 Eva K. Dargyay

dark cellars of their stone built houses, are spent by telling fairy tales, singing popular religious and
worldly songs, and by reciting parts of the sheer endless Gesar epic.
Over the last decades research in the Gesar epic intensified world wide.' Until the expeditions to
Zanskar I was not involved in any research on the epic, and I do not consider myself an expert in this
area. I am much indebted to Professor R. A. Stein, College de France, Paris, who guided me during the
early days of my research on the epic. Gratefully I remember the conversations when he introduced me
into his field of expertise. R. A. Stein considered the epic to be the product of monastic scholasticism
which gradually oozed into the illiterate realm of folk tradition.' While A. H. Francke saw in the Gesar
epic the survival of an ancient pre-Buddhist belief. 8 Stein came to his conclusion because of the
evidences found in a literary version of the epic documented at Mda'-rce-mdo (Tashienlu), in East
Tibet. Francke based his assessment on an oral version of the epic documented by one of his native
assistance in Ladakh. I hope that the material collected in Zanskar will provide further evidences to
enrich the discussion.

Gesar and Zanskar

According to the short Zanskar chronicle published by A. H. Francke, Gesar was the first ruler of
Zanskar. Later came Padmasambhava who subdued the Mi-ma-yin, the "non humans" who haunted
the country'.' It seems that where ever the Gesar epic became popular it was associated with the
genealogy of the ruling house; thus there are many noble families in Central Asia who claim to descend
from Gesar.
During my stay in Zanskar I had the opportunity to learn about the popularity Gesar still enjoys
among the Zanskaris. bSod-nams dbail-phyug, the blon po of Karcha, recorded that Gesar was the first
king of Zanskar: He brought order and laws to men. At that time people lived on hunting wild animals,
mainly the sKyin (Lat. ibex), a big horned mountain sheep. This is documented in the numerous rock
graffitis he showed me. Then came Padmasambhava who taught the people to ;bandon the killing of
animals and to engrave the Buddhist mantra Or(! ma1}i padme bUr(! on rock instead of graffitis illustrat-
ing hunting scenes. Therefore, the blon po said, we find hunting scenes and the mantra many times
engraved on the same boulder. Thus the people had been converted to Buddhism. bSod-nams dbail-
phyug associated the ruins of ancient castles found at several places in Zanskar with Gesar and his
warrior companions. They had the subjects who lived in settlements close to the river shore carry
round stones smoothened by the water's force up to the castles where the warriors used them as a kind
of weapon when under a siege. At those by-gone days another weapon was used, he recorded, which
consisted of two wood discs attached like wheels to an axle. This device was rolled over the cliffs
beneath the fortress to mow down the besieging enemies. bSod-nams dbaiJ.-phyug showed me a ravine
which runs from the ruined castle of Karcha down to the Karcha creek to substantiate his account.
When I asked' him from where he had learned these stories he said they were orally handed down
within his family who always had a keen interest in history.

, Tsering, Perna. "Neuere Ausgaben des tibetischen Gesar-Epos". in Fragen der mongolischen Heldeniichtung, ed. by
W. Heissig. Wiesbaden: O. He.rrassowitz, 1981. 245-261 j K. U. Kohalmi. "Geser Khan in Tungusischen Marchen'", in AOH
34, 1980, p. 75-83; Kvaerne, Per. "Un nouveau document eelam a l'epopec: TibeWne de Gesar", in BEPEO 58, 1971,
p.221-230.
7 Stein, R. A. "Introduction to the Gesar Epic", in The epic of Gesar, ed. by Kunzang Tobgyal and Mani Dorje. Thimphu,

Bhutan: n. p., 1980, p. 1-20; Stein, R. A. Recherches sur I'epopee et Ie barde au Tibet (Bibliotheque de l'Institut Des Hautes
Etudes Chinoises 13). Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1959; Stein, R. A. L'epopee Tibetame de Gesar dans sa version
lamaj"que de Ling (Annales du Musee Guimet 61). Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956.
8 A. H. Francke. Der Friihiings- und Wintermythus der Kesarsage. Rpt. Osnabriick: Otto Zeller, 1968.

, A. H. Francke. Antiquities of Indian Tibet (Archaeological Survey of India 50). 1926, rpt. New Delhi: S. Chand, 1972, voL 2,
p.152. I:f
 In Search for Gesar 89

When travelling in Zanskar, my Zanskari friends frequently drew my attention to certain unusually
formed boulders, rocks, and sloughs as landmarks of Gesar's feats. On the way from Phye to the Pensi-
la is an almost globular boulder with a dent in its upper part. This is said to be a lump of butter
prepared by ·'Brug-mo, Gesar's wife. A bog with its characteristic round grass islands is a plain strewn
with bread loaves which 'Brug-mo had prepared for Gesar's companions. These are only a few
examples, but virtually every unusually shaped piece of land was seen as a trace of Gesar's activity.
Furthermore, Zanskaris consider the epic as a vital component of their culture. The singing of the
epic, whereby the bard ellicits the audience's response to be sure of their attentiveness, the intimate
atmosphere hightened with innumerous bowls of chan (home made beer) and 'a rag (a kind of brandy),
and the stimulation and entertainment gained from this are the hallmark of wintertime in Zanskar.
During my stay in Zanskar I gained the impression that Gesar was still alive in the hearts of his
people, that in the hauling of the storm, in the thunder of the avalanches they perceive him galloping to
new feats. Despite this ubiquous presence of Gesar the search for his manifestation in the form of
manuscripts of the epic turned out to be disappointing and to some extent unsuccessful.

Documenting the Gesar Epic of Zanskar

The search for the Gesar epic was conducted in two directions: to record oral recitals of the epic and to
photograph literary versions presumably existing in private homes in Zanskar.

(1) Recording the Oral Recitals of the Gesar Epic

In 1978 I recorded the Lha glin, the first book of the entire epic, recited by a female bard with the name
sGroI-rna chos-skyid who lived at Karcha. bSod-nams dban-phyug, blon po of Karcha, wrote the
recording down.
In the next year sGroi-rna chos-skyid was unable to sing the epic in the elaborate melodous style
because of her son's recent death. She preferred to recite it in the prose style which she deemed to be
more appropriate to her grief. This version was written down by Rig-'jin, a monk of Karch. monas-
tery, who was quite interested in the epic.
Che-rin dnos-grub of 'Ag-so (on the southern shore of the upper Zanskar river) is known as the best
bard of Zanskar. In 1979 he recited the entire Iha glin and 'khruns glin in an elaborate style; the recital
lasted for three days and was recorded on electromagnetic tapes by means of a cassett recorder. Rig-'jin
of Karcha monastery wrote it down, as the bard and his son were illiterate. Other bards, too, live in
Zanskar, but I was unable to make arrangements for a recording.

(2) Photographing Manuscripts of the Gesar Epic

Despite the epic's popularity only a few manuscripts are extant in Zanskar, although rumours have it
that many more manuscripts do exist. The search was extremely frustrating and time consuming. The
fruit of this effort is as follows:
(a) A fragmentary manuscript (fols. 23) of the IIan glin chapter, which was found in Pibcha.
(b) Another fragmentary IIan glin manuscript of 20 pages collected from various families living at
different places in central Zans-dkar. I was told that the original manuscript was split among several
bards. This accounts for its desolate state.
(c) The only complete manuscript of the IIan glin chapter (116 pages in dbu med) with the title Ce-
sar rgyal po'i rgyal sgrun Lfan sa tham kyi bdud dred bdul skoTies bya ba hiugs so II was given to us for
photographing by Rig-'jin, the monk of Karcha who has helped as scribe. His family lived in Rug-rug
and this is the place where the manuscript was copied.
90 Eva K. Dargyay

Evaluation of the Documented Material

The first step in evaluating and eventually publishing the material collected in Zanskar is to edit the oral
recital of the lha glin chapter as recited by the bard of ' Ag-so and written down by Rig-' jin, monk of
Karcha monastery. This editing has to be faithful to the oral recital, but some editing is required
because of the many errors contained in the original. The bard frequently started with a wrong verse,
repeated it - in obvious consternation - till he corrected himself. Rig-'jin as a faithful amanuensis
wrote it all down. In other cases the bard got mislead by similar phrases which however were out of
context, or which had their proper place at a later passage. Sometime he confused the various figures of
the epic, or let person A say what is the speech of person B. For the sake of intelligibility these errors
must be corrected, although the corrections will he kept to a minimum. In a sense, the erroneous
language of the bard illustrates what happens in "oral literature" , that deviations are more a product of
random rather than indicators of "lost" meaning which has to be restored by scholars.
In order to make the text and its content fully available to the scholarly community I plan to publish
the text in romanization based upon the script by Rig-'jin and the tapes with only limited corrections
and modifications. This will mean that the Tibetan text will be difficult to understand, regardless how
proficient one is in the Zanskar dialect, because of the many contradictions, inconsistencies, errors,
repetitions, or omissions found in the bard's recital. To eliminate these faults would alter the text
considerably and actually transform it into a work of literature, resulting in the loss of its character as
"oral literature" . An index of the verses will help to compare the recorded version with others. The
content will be paraphrased to permit comparative studies.
This project is carried out with the assistance of The University of Calgary mainframe computer.
This is in itself an experiment and I want to share my experience here because I think it may be helpful
to some of you. I see it as an advantage to write the typescript with a computer instead of a typewriter
as it permits corrections and modifications without retyping the entire manuscript. This certainly
enhances the quality of the finished product, i. e. the publication of the Tibetan text. Furthermore, to
produce an index by writing out the phrases on index cards is boring and proned to mistakes, while an
electronic device provides more accuracy and flexibility than the traditional method.
The choice of the mainframe computer was made because of some practical and financial considera-
tions. In using the mainframe I am able to receive the support of the University's Academic Computing
Services which helped me to develop a programme for sorting words according to the Tibetan alphabet.
The costs for access to the mainframe is minimal against those of purchasing a suitable microcomputer.
A serious drawback in the use of the mainframe is the inadequate wordprocessing programme which is
typical for the mainframes, as well as their freqtrent brake-downs. Given sufficient funds I would prefer
to do the work on a microcomputer because of the more powerful and for our work more suitable
software.
In a second step I plan to publish the two recitals of the lha glin book performed by sGroI-rna chos-
skyid. I want to analyse the two versions by using a computer. Identical or similar phrases can be easily
identified and listed so that the general structure of the text will become transparent. This will also
permit to identify the structure of the bard's errors, e. g. misplaced phrases or sentences, erroneous or
superfluous repetitions. It is my hope eventually to come up with two editions of the same recital: (a)
one that renders the bard's recital word-by-word, and (b) a "purified" version where the obvious faults
were eliminated. A further study will deal with the comparison of the two recitals given by the same
bard. Questions like What is the spectrum of variations, How consistent are the bards in their individu-
al performance, etc. will be addressed.
In order to illustrate the deviations found in the various oral recording of the epic in Zanskar I shall
compare the beginning of the lha glin chapter as recited by the two bards in Zanskar:
ZI: Recital by sGroI-rna chos-skyid, Karcha 1978
Z2: Recital by Che-riil dilos-grub, 'Ag-so 1979
This chapter ftinctions as a prologue to the entire epic; it recounts events of the beginning of mankind.
 In Search for Gesar 91

Two principles, good and evil embodied as a white and black bird, are in an uneasy state of balance each
attempting to overthrow the other. A goat herder of Glin shoots the black bird, thus helping the white
bird to assume dominance over the world. The white bird reveals his true nature as Lha'i chan-pa who
wants to reward the man of Glin for killing the black bird. The man asks for a ruler to be given instead
of anything else: because of the lack of hierarchical structure his people were unable to distinguish
between a lord and the subjects, thus a lord they truly need. Many impediments have to be overcome
till the youngest son of Lha'i chan-pa is sent to the land of Glin where he is born as a mischievous boy
who will eventually become Gesar. The hero's birth and youth are part of the 'Khruns glin chapter,
which will not be considered here.
I shall now compare the episode of the fight of the two birds as told in 21 and 22.
21 starts with the phrase de nas which clearly indicates that at least in the bard's perception the Lha
glin is the continuation of something else, although we do not know what it might be. Another
possibility is that this phrase functions like "once upon a time" in western faity tales. The first sentence
introduces the main figures: ' A-khu Ston-pa of Glin, the black bird, and the white bird.
22 begins withyo yod chugs Ie which we may understand as "in the beginning there was ... ". sBal-las
rgod-po of Glin is introduced as main the character who is also known as mGo Lug-khu sbal-las.
In Z1 'A-khu ston-pa is later called 'A-khu rga-ni, "old uncle", while 22 prefers to call the native of
GliTI mGo Lug-gu(khu) sbal-las, "brother sheep head (?)". In both cases he observes a white bird
fighting a black bird with varying luck while he herds his goats and sheep. Both versions agree on the
white bird being dominant during the morning hours, and the black one during the afternoon hours,
while both are at par at noon. This fight continues for several days, impassively watched by the goat
herder. 22 explains his passivity by saying that he forgot to bring along his bow and arrows, so he can't
shoot the bird. In Zl the herder makes a bow and arrows of so man wood.
In Z2 the herder will eventually also shoot the black bird with an arrow, but before he will do so he
executes what seems to be a curious rite: He takes a fIat stone, pierces a hole through it so that he can
file a thread through the stone and attach it to a goat's horn. This account is interspersed with an
episode in which 'Brug-ma (Gesar's later wife) milks some unidentified animals and accuses the herder
of breaking the milk bucket. She shouts at him "Kill him!" The herder begs to spare his life, because it
was granted to him "to speak three words and to make three steps". After several days he will kill the
black bird with his arrow. The herder knew instanteneously that the white bird was of the gods' and
the black of the demons'. When he had killed the black bird he disappeared in a black lake, while the
white bird disappeared in a white lake. Out of the white lake came then a white man riding on a white
horse. He is Chan-pa, the supreme lord of the gods.
In Z1 the white bird pondered whether a man of GliiJ has killed his opponent. When the herder fled
out of fear because of the killing he had committed he was followed by the white bird who wanted to
reward his benefactor.
This brief comparison of the first part of the Lha glin book illustrates the different character of the
two recitals. Z1 tells the story in a more consistent and straight forward manner, while 22 intersperses
many additional episodes whose function within the entire story remain - at least for the moment -
mysterious. But Z2 has what I like to call a mythic dimension: the white man emerging from a white
lake recalls the central Asian and Far Eastern deity "the Old White One" who is lord of the earth and
the waters. IO The killing of the white bird is not a mere hunt but almost a sacrifice.
When I asked the bards why they tell the same story in so different ways they said they like it better
this way, it is more enjoyable. In other words the joy of composing a fictive story is a major source for
variating the well-known account. Imagination is a major component not only in written literature but
also in oral folk literature. Like a traditional author the bard draws heavily from the bottomless
reservoir of myths, fairy tales, rituals, the religious and cultural life of his place. But unlike the author
of written works which will last for centuries, the author of oral works creates his composition only for

10 G. Tucci/W. Heissig. Die Religionen Tibets und der Mongolei. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1970, p. 383ff.
92 Eva K. Dargyay

the moment. This permits more flexibility, allows to cater to the fancy of the audience morethan to the
strict rules of poetty and style. But it does not give the author a second chance to revise a faulty
expression or the insertion of a wrong episode. It is not an easy task for the scholar to distinguish
between the bard's imagination and possible faults. But for the sake of oral literature we have to tty it.

Excerpt from Lha-Glin

ZI Z2

de nas ya glin 'a khu ston pa yo yod chugs Ie / gliri gi sballas

rgod po zer mkhan po / mgo lug khu
sbal las zer mkhan po ra re la son
mkhan no / ra re la son pen san /
bya dkar nag giiis yod pa red / bya dkar nag giiis snol yod gan no /
ya de kho pa giiis ka sa khyad bya kar nag giiis snol pa'i san ni /
de phi galle yod kag ! kho Zag dan mda' khud yon zed gan
nag / yan 'di ran son te zed /
ci na'an bya dkar po ni lha yin
pa'i dag po bya nag po ni bdud
yin pa'i dag po yin kag /
de no yin pa'i sari nas ni glin
ne 'a khu rga ni ni ni fa rji
skyod de yod kag / ya bya dkar po
ni lha yin pa'i dag po red / bya
nag po ni bdud yin pa'i dag po
red / Zag dan bsnolle yod kag / tho re kho yan bya giiis ka snol yod 10 /

da kho pa giiis ka dag zag

bsnol/
bya dkar po ni rem me /
bya nag po ni rem me /
iii rna sna tog ni bya dkar po
rem me cha yod kag / iii rna iiin
dgun mas ni giiis ka )dran 'dra
'a miiam cha miiam cha yod kag /
iii rna phi tog ni bya nag po rem
me cha yod kag /
ya bya dkar po ni Iha yin pa'i
dag po 'dug / bya nag po ni 'dre
yin pa'i dag po 'dug /
sna dro bya kar po rem me'i cha yod
fii ma'i gu la 'a fiam cha milam cha
yod / phyi tog bya nag po rem me cha yod /
yan te / Zag ta yan kho la yid du
rna yon / mda' ra gzu khur la yid du
rna yon / te tho re gzug ta ra ma'i
ra co la / byag ka leb pa'i ho gtor
bug nas ra ma'i ra co la btag te khyer /
da rna ni mda' khur re rJed / te rJed
de btag te khyer pa'i san ni / ta
'bru mo '0 rna Itos pa'i san tun
nan pa ri beag btan Ie / dun ne'i
pa ri beag btan pa'i san ni dun .
ne'i pa ri fa zi'i rgyag nas red /
bsod gton / gdub gton zer pa'i san
ni / na la gtam gsum sad Ion yod /
gam gsum sbo Ion yod /
 In Search for Gesar
da nas so man gyi mda~ zig
dan so man gyi gzu zig beos
te btail de bya nag po kho rail
kha so ni khrag skyug te bya nag
po bsad btan I ya bsad byanag
po si da dpe zag son I bya nag
po ni 5i son /
93
te da ni bya kar nag snol 'dug I sna
dro bya kar po rem [mel eha ru I ni
ma'i gun la 'nam cha milam cha ru /
phyi tog bya nag po rem [mel eha ru I
de na mda' khur la iag dan brjed
de son I de ra rna'i ra co la byag ka
leb pa'i dag nas khyon pen I te tho
re sna ma'i ni mda' dan gzu khur
nas skyod I yan ra re'i la skyod
pa'i san I yan snolle I
da yan dkon mehog gsum po mkhyen I
pha rna dran gsum gyi bdag po yin na
bya dkar po ni Iha bya yin pa thag
chad 'dug I bya nag po ni bdud bya
yin pa thag chad 'dug I
bya nag po'i snin dkar nag gyi
mchams rna phog sig zer de I mda'
rgyab pa'i san bya nag po'i bya spu zin byas
te nas mcho nag po'i nailla iug
son I bya dkar po ni mcho dkar po
zig nan la zug son de mi dkar po
zig dan rta dkar po zig byun yon
de kho'i yod sa la yon Ie de I
 The Biography of Thar pa'i rgyal mchan 1
ELENA DE ROSS,-F'LIBECK (ROME)

These notes are about a religious personality of Se ra theg chen glin, the important monastery of the
dGe lugs pa, founded in 1419 by Sakya ye ses, a disciple of Can kha pa. He was Thar pa'i rgyalmchan,
also known as the saint Na kha ba, from the name of his birth place, lived at the time of bSod nams rgya
mcho, the third Dalai Lama (1543-1588).
Like for other contemporaries, such as dPalldan rdo rje from 'phan yul/ who was a 'fa' ius pa, his
spiritual and religious itinerary shows, as already noted in the past, how Con kha pa's eclectism was at
the time an accepted and valued component of the religious system of the dGe lugs pa.'
Thar pa'i rgyal mchan was indeed a great anchorite saint, a grub pa'i dban phyug, praised and revered
by the highest religious personalities of his days, like bSod nams rgya mcho and Blo bzan chos kyi
rgyal mchan, the first Pan chen (1570-1662).' He chose to spend his whole life in a hermitage, inspired
by the grub thob of the bKa' brgyud pa, and by those who practised the geod yul in the most
impervious places.
The author of his biography is Nag gi dban po.' He wrote it at Se fa smad, in 1795, on the basis of
various sources. The main of them was a biography by a direct disciple of the saint, the Dvags po Nam
mkha' rgya mcho ba, who was the 15th abbot of bSad sgrub glin. In addition to this biography quoted
by Nag gi dban po under the title rNam thar gyi zin tho riiin pa, the latter also wrote down the
teachings (gsun sgros), the spiritual testament (tal chems) and the songs (mgur) of the master. The other
sources were the eulogies (bstod paY of the saint written by the mKhan zur sprul sku bsKal bzan rab
rgyas and by the dpyod ldan An kar tabs drun sprul sku bSod nams ye ses dban po, the biographies of
his disciples Dun dkar ba Don grub rgya mcho, Don yod chos kyi rgya mcho and 'Jam dbyans bla rna
dKon mchog ehos 'phel. 6
Here are in brief some biographical notes: Thar pa'i rgyal mchan was born in the year ,in mo lug (or
myos byed) of the 9th rab byun i. e. the year 1535, at Na kha can pa, a village (gron) in a place called
Nan bran7 near Se ra. In 1542 he entered the school of Se ra theg chen glin where he took the vows. He
was given the names Thar pa'i rgyal mchan and Byams pa bzan po, even if later he was to be popularly
known as the grub thob Na kha or the Na kha dka' beu pa.
At that time, the abbot of Se ra was the rje gCan pa thos grags 'od zer, also known as Se ra smad
Khri thog beu bdun pa, the 17th abbot.' With him, Thar pa'i rgyal mchan studied the Madhyamika

I See the full title at p. 7; from now on abbreviated TGe.

2 TGC 101h; on this personage see the introduction by E. Gene Smith in Kongtrul's Encyclopaedia of Indo-Tibetan Culture,
New Delhi 1970, p. 9.
3 Op.cit. supra pp. 12-15.
, TGC sOb.
S In the final colophon he is called the bra bral ri khrod myul ba'i dge slOli Nag gi dbait po, TGe t07b.

6 He was the 35th abbot of dGa' ldan and a master of the fifth Dalai Lama who wrote a biography of him, see the volume na of
the gsun 'bum: 1am dpal dbyans chos kyi rfe dkon mchog chos 'phel gyi rtogs brfod mkhas pa'i rna rgyan biugs sol
7 The place is so called after the name of Nan tin 'jin bzaiI po who was the landlord of it in ancient times, TGC 3b; efr. the Klon
rdol bla ma'i gsun 'bum, chapter za, 18a where the full name of the saint is Nan bran Na kha ba Thar pa'i rgyal mchan.
B TGG 9a; efr. in G. Tucci, The Tibetan Painted Scrolls, Rama 1949, 2nd. vol. the list of the abbots of Se ra, where the name of
the 17th is different.
 96 Elena De Rossi-Filibeck

texts,' and received from him many instructions as to how to become a zun 'jug pa. He spent
considerable time studying the siitras and mantras. He applied for, and was given, the four complete
initiations of the ma1'!4ala of dPal Khor 10 bde mchog according to the Luyipa's system, and studied
the four Tantra classes, as well as the doctrine of the bKa' brgyud pa.
In 1565, at the age of 30, he entered the rGyud smad grva chan,IO the school of the Rig 'jin pa of
Lhasa, and followed the 13th abbot of the school, the rgyud smad Khri thog bcu gsum po Chos rje
mNa' ris pa bKra sis bzan po. After completing the study of the Tantras, he withdrew at sTod lun Phyi
mig lun for a summer study session.
From then on, the story of his meditations in isolated and impervious places of central Tibetll
constitutes the prevailing feature of his biography, interspersed with quotations from his songs which,
according to the author, gained him the reputation of a second Milarepa. 12
He stayed for three years in a cave of sTod lun, known as gser pbug, which was to be called rkan
cbugs pbug, after his departure, because of the many miraculous marks left by the 'Gegs. After leaving
the sTod lun cave, he withdrew in lone forests before arriving at Yer pa IHa ri siiiti. po, one of the most
renowned hermitages in Tibet. After Yer pa, he took to gYa'i mcho kha, in the region of 'Phan yul, the
places where the dBus smyon Heruka and the grub tbob Than ston rgyal po had meditated in earlier
days.!' He then went to sKyid sod Zo loti., where he had a vision of his dying mother. He returned
home, making a three-day journey in only one morning, and he remained there for the time needed to
attend to the funeral of his mother.
He went back to sKyid sod Zo loti. where he stayed for three years. Afterwards he left from gYo ru
Lha sdins to go to rCa ri,l< one of the three holy places of the bKa' brgyud pa, and remained there one
winter to meditate in the cave of the rGyai ba rGod chan pa (1189-1258), and to read the biographies
of the bKa' brgyud pa masters. Accomplished the rCa ri rce skor for three times, he left rCa ri in 1583
and went to the region of '01 kha. From there, he withdrew to the hermitage of IHa thog,15 near Se ra,
where he remained' until he died in 1589.
People from allover Tibet, attracted by the great reputation of the saint used ~£ come to see him in
this last hermitage and thus he Was also called the IHa thog grub chen chen po;"-
His spiritual descendants were to be very many. The second part of 6th chapter of the biography is
devoted to the disciples who developed the transmission lineage of his teachings. First of all the Dvags
po b~ad grub glin Nam mkha' rgya mcho is mentioned; he went to the lHa thog hermitage in 15.85 and
remained there as pbyag pbyi of his master.
Another important disciple (gsun skyes) of Thar pa'i rgyal mchan was the sems dpa' eben po Doti.
dkar ba Don grub rgya mcho, considered an incarnation of the locava Cog ro Klu'i rgyal mchan; Dun
dkar ba spread the teachings of the saint in the tftNa' ris grva chan college and according to the order of
his master travelled through. several regions of Tibet restoring buildings and statues in the most
important monastic centers. Later he was appointed 'jin bdag (keeper) of Potala by the third Dalai
Lama.
The author of the biography of Thar pa'i gives a list of the names of the rebirths of DuD. dkar ba:Ni
rna 'brug sgra, sprul sku 'Phrin las rgya mcho, Chans dbyans 'brug sgra, Dun dkar ba sprul sku Nag
dban "hos grags rgya mcho and Dun dkar ba sprul sku Nag dban snan grags rgya mcho dpal bzan po.
Don yod chos kyi rgyal mchan also called rgyal sras sku 'phren beu pa rin po "he is mentioned too. He

9 On the a.rgument see: The old and new obligatory texts fOT the study of Madhyamika in Se ra smat/, edit. by Lha mkhar yangs
'dzin bsTan pa rgyal mtshan, New Delhi 1977, 2 vols.
10 On this college see G. Tucci-W. Heissig, Les religions du Tibet et de fa Mongolie. Paris 1973, p. 152.
It All the here-mentioned place-names are located in well-known regions; see A. Ferrari, Mk'yen brtse's Guide to the holy places

of Central Tibet, Rome 1958 (SOR XVI), pp. 167, 103, 82, 140.
12 TGC 49b. 99b; in the text there are also many quotations from Milarepa.

" TGCI8 ..
B See Ferrari, op. cit. supra p. 127.

15 The complete name of the place is Me tog thaillHa thog; a short story of the consecration of the place (sgo byed) made by
,Gam po Zl. 'p§gzon nu is reported in TGC 26b-27b.
 The Biography of Thar pa'i rgyal mchan 97

fOUlided the dGon lun byams pa gliIi monastery in mDo smad by order of Yon tan rgya mcho, the
fourth Dalai Lama (1589-1617).
The author of the biography points out how the teachings of Thar pa'i rgyal mchan found a fruitful
ground at dGa' Idan: the dam pa Khri chen dKon mchog Chos 'phel (1573-1646), 35th abbot of dGa'
Idan was a follower of the teachings of the saint.
Through these personages, the tradition of the dran sron of Se ra, who related themselves to Tharpa'i
rgyal mchan, was kept alive. His reputation lasted until the days of the author of the biography who
reports that important personalities used to pay homage to the lHa thog hermitage: among them bsKal
bzaIi rgya mcho the 7th Dalai Lama (1708-1757), the bKa' blon mOo mkhar iabs drun Che riIi dban
rgyal (1697-1763)16 and the Bla rna Klon rdol Nag dbaIi Blo bzaIi (1719.,..1795).17 The latter lists the
saint NaIi bran Na kha ba Thar pa'i rgyal mchan among the celebrities of Se ra, saying that he was the
incarnation of Con khapa's mother, and recalling the episode, also reported by the author of the
biography,18 when Thar pa'i rgyal mchan made a miraculous trip to Mongolia (Sog yul) one morning,
to meet bSod nams rgya mcho who had consecrated the images for the mChod rten dKar po built,
some years before, by order of AI than rgyal po (Alean khan)."
The interest of Thar pa'i rgyal mchan's biography is related to the area of religious history. The
episode mentioned above seems to be the only allusion to the political events of that period, whereas
extensive space is devoted to the doctrinal teachings given by the saint to his disciples.
I may also recall that the two last brief chapters of the text are respectively devoted to a eulogy of
Dharmabajra, considered a follower of the teachings of the saint, and to a short biographical sketch of a
skye zLa of Thar pa'i rgyal mchan, the mKhan chen lHa bcun rin po che bsKal bzaIi rab rgyas
(1708-1763), who wrote the eulogy of the saint, as m,entioned above.
The mKhan chen was born near Yer pa lHa ri sfiiIi po and was suddenly recognized as the rebirth of
the Byams glin mkhan Chen Blo bzaIi don grub by the Khri Chen Blo bzaIi dar rgyas, the abbot of dGa'
Idan (1708-1715). He studied at dGa' Idan and at Se ra; then he travelled through Tibet and later he
became the abbot of the Thos bsam dar rgyas gliIi monastery in Yar stod. He used to do prophecies
about identifying rebirths and to have visions of Thar pa'i rgyal mchan, the miiam med sGre pa Chen
po, Ma gcig lab kyi sgron rna, divinities and bLa mas.
The tide of the biography is: Zun 'Jug grub pa'i dban po thar pa'i rgyal mchan gyi mjad pa thun man
pa'i mam par thar pa zun 'Jug rin chen 'dren pa'i sin rta ies bya ba Mugs so 1a-108a; the work is
divided into the following chapters:
1. bsam biin srid pa bzun pa'i nags pa brJod pa ste dan pa'0/la-4a; the first chapter concerns the
story of his birth.
2. rgyal ba'i bstan pa rin po ehe'i sgor biugs pa'i nags pa brJod pa ste giiis pa'0/4b-9a; the second
chapter concerns the story of how he entered the religion.
3. Lam thun man ba'iskor La rgya chen thospa beal ba'i rab tu byed paste gsum pa'0/9a-12a; the third
chapter concerns his course of studies.
4. rdo rJe theg pa'i lam La man du thos pa fi ltar mjad pa'i rab tu byed pa ste bii pa'0/12a-15a; the
fourth chapter concerns his study on Vajrayana.
5. chul biin sgrub pas nogs pa'i yon tan bmes pa'i chul gyi nogs pa brJod pa ste lna'0/15a-37b; the
. fifth chapter concerns the story of how he gained his virtues.

16 On this personage see L. Petech, China and Tibet in the early 18th century, Leiden 1972, 2nd ed., pp. 3-4.
11 TGC 62b-64a; see Kloit rdol bla rna' gsun 'bum, chapter za. I8a.
II TGG 64b .
•, This episode is narrated at page 105a of the biography of the third Dalai Lama, written by the fifth Dalai Lama under the title:
rie bcun thams cad mkhyen p4 bsod namsrgya mcho'j rnam thardnos grub rgya mcho'iliit rta ies bya ba biugs so/1a-109a,
volume fia of the gsun ~bum; according to this source, the meeting between Thar pa'i rgyal mchan with bSod nams rgya mcho
happened ~ 1587, .when the third Dalai Lama was in the mKhar snon area. On the events of that year, in particular, see
G. Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, Rome 1949, 1st vol., p. 49.
98 Elena D. Rossi-Filib.ck

6. lun rtogs kyi yon tan bmes nas sgrub 'bras kyis bstan pa la bya ba rlabs po the'i 'phrin las kyi rim pa
dan gsun skyes gco che ba dan slob brgyud ji ltar byon pa che Ions cam gyi rtogs pa brjod pa ste drug
pa'o/37b-66a; the sixth chapter concerns the story of his activity, the story of his principal
disciples and that of his spiritual succession.
7. mthar zin khams rgya chen po gian du ma'i 'phrin las kyis bskul zin dnos kyi sku dan gsun gis gdul
bar skal ba dman pa roams i'hos la bskul phyir zin 'di'i sku'i snan ba bdus pa'i chul fi ltar 'os pa dan
dnos kyi slob brgyud dan bstan pa'i phyi rles la dgons pa'i ial gdams roams kyi don Mad pa la sogs
pa'; rtogs pa brlod ste bdun pa'0/66a-95a; the seventh chapter concerns the explanation of the
instructions given by the saint.
8. (without title) roam thar gyi jin tho min par .. .l95a-l0la; the chapter relates further informations.
9. Dharmabajra'i rtogs pa brlod pa/10la-l02b; the chapter concerns a short eulogy from the biogra-
phy of Dharmabajra.
10. grub dban 'di iiid kyi skye zla rgyal mkhan chen lha bcun rin po che bsKal bzan rab rgyas kyi rtogs
pa brlod pa/l02b-l08a; the chapter reports a short biographical sketch of bsKal bzari rab rgyas.
 Remarks on four Cosmological Texts from Tun-huang
(Pelliot tibetain Nos. 958, 959, 966 and 967)

S'GL'NDE DIETZ (GOTTINGEN)*

On the occasion of the Csoma de Koros Symposium at Visegrad in 1984 I read a paper that dealt with
some problems concerning Kosafokaprajiiaptisarr;k,epa, a cosmological text contained in the Kan;ur
editions of the western branch of the tradition.! One outstanding feature of that text is the peculiar
rendering of names which could be due to an old, unrevised language.' In the discussion about this
problem Y. Imaeda drew my attention to the cosmological texts in the collection of Tibetan manu-
scripts from Tun-huang in the Bibliotheque Nationale' in Paris.
To my knowledge, four cosmological texts are listed in M. Lalou, Inventaire des manuscrits tibetains
de Touen-houang. They have the numbers 958, 959, 966 and 967. No. 959 is fragmentary, whereas nos.
958, 966 and 967 are complete manuscripts.
All these texts are written in the orthography that is characterized by archaisms common to the
manuscripts from Tun-huang.' We find e.g. da drag, e.g. in no. 959, 103 giia' sin 'jind, 1a2 'khord;
before i and e, m is palatalized and written with ya btags, e. g. in no. 967, 3b5 myed, 3b6 myi; doubling
of consonants in transliteration, e.g. sag kya thub pa in no. 966, 5, 2, no. 967, 1b6; excess 'a-ehun, e.g.
in no. 967, Ib1 bfta' na sdug; sc- instead of s-, e. g. in no. 959, 1a1 scogs for sags; reversed gi gu passim in
nos. 959 and 967. With one exception, the rendering of names agrees with Lokaprajiiapti, Abhidhar-
makosa and Mahavyutpatti and therefore is of no use for the explanation of the peculiar renderings in
Kosafokaprajiiaptisarr;k,epa.
I should like to make only a few remarks on the texts nos. 966 and 967 and deal with no. 958 and the
fragment no. 959 at somewhat greater length.

No. 966

The manuscript no. 966 is a roll (30 cm X 3 m) that is divided into 13 pages. It starts with the title II rgya
gar skad du fo ka' prad ria II II bod skad du 'fig rten gyi fo rgyus Had pa II It begins (pp. 1-4) with
definitions and explanations of terms like sku gsum (trikaya), beom ldan 'das, Buddha, Bodhisattva,
Pratyekabuddha, Sravaka etc.

,~ I would like to thank Dr. Christopher K. Callanan, Gotcingen, who was kind enough to read my manuscript and correct my
English.
1 Cf. H. Eimer, "Some Results of Recent Kanjur Research." In: Archiv fur Zentralasiatische Geschichtsforschung, H. 1, St.
Augustin 1983, pp. 7-21. Koialokaprajflaptisa~k~epa is to be found in: London Manuscript Kanjur, Vol. 88, fol.
192bs-209b2; Tog Palace Kanjur. Vol. 88, fol. 190b6-204a6; Toyo Bunko Manuscript Kanjur, Vol. 88, 186a3-199h1; Ulan
Bator Manuscript Kanjur, Vol. 8S, fol. 184a3-197a8.
2 At the end of the text we find the remark brda riiin du snan flO "'It IS (written) in old language."
) Listed in M. Lalou, Inventaire des manuscrits tibetains de Touen-houang conserves a fa Bibliotheque Nationale (Fonds Pelliot
tibetain), tomes I-III, Paris 1939, 1950 and 1961.
.. Cf, M. Taube, Die Tibetica der Berliner Turfansammlung, Berlin 19S0 (Schriften ZUT Geschichte und KultuT des Alten
On'ents, Berliner TurJantexte X). pp. 11-16.
112 Siglinde Dietz

After that (pp. 4-7) karman is discussed and the states of existence that are caused by one's own
actions.
On p. 7 we fi~d 8 names of hells (na rag);' four of them are onomatopoetic and one of them, a la la
for Sanskrit atata, is the same as in Kosalokaprajfiaptisarrtk~epa.
On pp. 8-9 the four continents, their inhabitants and the life span of these beings are described.
Frompp. 9,17-11,14 explanations of the origin of this earth, the course of sun and moon, the planets
and fixed stars follow.
On the final pages (11,14-13,13) religious subjects are treated: the three precious Jewels (triratna),
the eightfold path of liberation, the two kinds of trUth etc.
The colophon (pp. 13,14-17) recapitulates the contents of the final pages: II ehos kyi mdo gees par I
dkon mehog gsum gyi mchan dan I yon tan dan I thar pa'i lam dan I bden pa'i dmyigs dan I las dan I las
leyi rnam par smin pa I gan gan gsuns pa dag dan I mthun par log non cam du bsad pa rjogs sho I "The
explanation in choice extracts of the Dharma is finished [here]. It agrees with whatever was taughGwith
regard to the tokens of the three precious Jewels, the virtues, the path of liberation, the perception of
trUth, the actions and the result of one's actions, so that the heresies are overcome [by it]."
As can be seen from the analyses of the Loka- and Kiira1'!aprajfiaptisiistras,' the Lokaprajfiii consists
of extracts from these two texts, which are supplemented by those subjects listed in the colophon. The
last line of the text is: I hor gi rgyal po'; mChan yig pa I che'u sman la gis bris II "Che'u sman la, the
copyist of the king of Hor, has written [it].»
In the Catalogue of the Tibetan Manuscripts from Tun-huang in the India Office Library by L. de La
Vallee-Poussin, Oxford 1962, we find under the no. 76.4 a text that has the same title7 and the same
colophon as the text Pelliot tibetain no. 966. It is in book form and comprises the foil. 48b-63a of a
manuscript of 64 leaves. Since I have not yet received a microfilm from London, I cannot tell for sure if
both manuscripts contain the same text.

No. 967

The manuscript no. 967 is also an excerpt from LokaprajfiaptiSiistra. It ·comprises 13 paginated folios
(8,5 X 44,5 cm2) and begins as follows: I 10 ka prad fia las 'byun ba I "It quotes from Lokaprajfiapti
(henceforth: LP)." Comparing both texts, one sees that the manuscript no. 967 is a precis which treats
one after the other all the subjects of LP, i. e. (fo1. 1a) the strUcture of the world, Mount Mern, the seven
ring mountains; (fo1. 1b) the four continents;,(!p1. 303) Cakrava!a! that encloses this world; (fo1. 3b5)
kinds of existence, sc. 21 in Kamadhatu, 17 in Riipadhatu and 4 in Ariipyadhatu; (fo1. 403) the hells, the
residences of animals, Pretas, Asuras, Nagas and gods; (fo1. 6b2) Sudarsana, the capital of the Trayas-
tritpSa-gods, etc. up to the description of kalpas (fo1. 12a6). At the end of this text we find a prophecy
of the Buddha Sakyamuni concerning the future Buddha Maitreya. Unfortunately the manuscript has a
lacuna, just where the date' of the birth of Maitreya is announced. We read: II sans rgyas sag leya thub pa
mye nan las 'das nas I flo} (brgyad)' ... [b}Cu rca bdun dan II II sayaphrag drug na byamspa 'fig rtendu
gsegs sho II II rjogs sho II Here follows one more sentence that might have been added later in the margin.
It is written in smaller letters and scarcely legible. The prophecy is not quoted from LP.

s P. 7,15-17:/ na rag rimpa chen po brgyad de / / anana dan/ a cu cu dan I so thams tbamsdan/ yansosyansos dani thignag
'dren p. dan I • la la dan I a cha cha dan I mnaT myed pa'i sems ean dmya/ ba Chen po dan brgyad do I
6 L. de La Vallee Poussin, Vasubandhu et Ya,omitra. Troisieme chapitre de l'Abhidharmakof4 Karika. Bhi-v'a et Vyakhya.
Avec une analyse de la Lokaprajiiapti et de la Karar"aprajiiapti de Maudgalyayana. Bruxe1les 1919 (Bouddhisme, Etudes et
Materiaux. Cosmologie: Le monde des etres et Ie monde receptacle), pp. 295-350.
1 jig Tten gyi 10 TgyUS b,.d p. I 10 ka prad na' I
B According to other sources the Buddha Sikyamuni prophesies that the Buddha Maitreya will be born at that time when the

life span of men is 80,000 years. Cf. E. Lamotte, Histoire du bouddhisme indien, Louvain 1958, pp. 775-788.
, This word is a4.~f~ above the line.
 Remarks on four Cosmological Texts from Tun-huang 113

No. 958

Manuscript no. 958 comprises three folios (8,5 X 44,5 em') that are not paginated and written in dbu
med. Folios '1-2 have 7 lines, the final folio 3a has 4 lines. The text was analysed before by A. Mac~
donald, "Note sur la diffusion de la 'theorie des quatrefils du ciel' au Tibet", inJA 1962,pp. 531-548.
A. Macdonald mainly dealt with it as a very early source for the theory of the four Sons of Heaven.
Only recently G. U ray10 has taken up again the discussion about that section of the manuscript, in
which the four great kings of the world are mentioned. Nevertheless, I shall quote this part again since
it is very important in our context. The subjects that are treated in this manuscript can be summarized
as follows:
1. fo!' lal-4: four classes of Asuras live on the terraces of Mount Meru; they belong to Pretas, men,
gods or animals. .
2. Here I quote fo!' la5-lb5: (5) mcho ma dTos pa ni 'jam bu gUn gj mtha' ma / spos ri chen po 'ilho
dan / gan ri chen po 'i byan dan giiis (6) kyi baT ma 'dug ste / mcho 'j 'khor ra 'khor yug tu dpag chad
brgya' / mcho 'j ehu de yon tan brgyad dan Idan te / ... (7) / mcho de la ehu ni phyogs biir re re 'bab ste /
sar gyi Chu bo glan gi kha nas 'byun iin 'bab bo / / ehu 'i myin ni bhag ksa ies bgyi ste / sar phyogs
{phyogs} kyi yul 'jin dan (read: dan) myi rin (tb) po ehe Ia mna' dba[n} ba'i rgyal po rgya rIe la Ita '0 /
/ lho 'iehu bo banglangikhanas 'byuniin 'babste / ehu.bo 'imyinnisitaies bgyiste / Iho phyogskyi
yut' ma ga ta gcug lag ban glan Tin po ehe mna' ba'i rgyat po rgya gar gi rgyat po (2) la Ita '0 /
/ nub phyogs kyi Chu bo sen 'ge 'i kha nas '{b}yun iin 'bab bo / / ehu bo 'i myin ni 'ga' 'ga' ies byi '0/
/ nub phyogs kyj sen 'ge 'j yul chon dpon man po 'i rgyat po 'phrom ge sar la Ita '0 /
/ byan gi ehu bo rta (3) 'ikha nas 'byuniin 'bab ste / ehu bo 'imyin nisi to ies bgyi, '0 / / byan phyogs
II
kyi yul gab la ste / mgyogs real 0 dan Idan iin rta man po 'i bdag po rta Tin po Che mna' ba'i rgyal po ta
zig tan (read: dan) dru gu 'i rgyal po 'bug cor sde (4) la Ita '0 /
/ sar dan Iho 'i ehu bo' giiis ni myi 'bab ste / de iiid du sa 'i 'og tu nub pas / des 'iam bu glin 10 brlanbar I
byed d{o} / / nub byan gi ehu bo gii{i}s ni' mcho ma dros de Ian re 'khor nas / lho nub kyi 'chams (5) su
'bah pa 'i rgya mcho 'i nan du mchi '0 /
1 add. under the line

"The lake Anavatapta (ma dros pal is situated at the borders of Jambudvipa ('jam bu glin), in the south
of the high Gandhamadana-mountain (spos Ti), in the north of the high Himavat-mountain (gan Ti),
between these two (mountains). The circurilference of the lake is 100 jlojanas, the water of the lake has
eight qualities" ... From this lake rivers issue forth in all the four directions. The eastern river issues
from an elephant's mouth; it's name is Valqu (bhag kSa). The ruler of China is looked upon as the king,
who owns the eastern countries and has might over the 'man-jewel'.
The southern river issues from a bullock's mouth; it's name is Sita. The king of India is looked upon
as the king who owns the southern country Magadha, the sciences and the 'elephant-jewel'.
The western river issues from a lion's mouth; it's name is Ganga. 'Phrom Gesar is looked upon as the
king of the numerous merchants of the land of the lions in the west.
The northern river issues from a horses's mouth; it's name is Sindhu (si to). The kings of Ta zig and
Dru gu and the tribe of the 'Bug cor are looked upon as the owners of the numerous swift horses in the
hidden country of the north and as the kings who own the 'horse-jewel'.

10 -Vom romischen Kaiser bis zum Konig Ge-sar von Gfui." In: Fragen tier mongolischen Heldendichtung. Teil TIl. Hrsg. W.
Reissig, Wiesbaden 1985, Asiatische Forschungen. 91, pp. 538-540. Cf. also G. Uray, aThe Old Tibetan Sources of the
History of Central Asia up to 751 A.D.: A survey." In:]. Hannatta, ed., Prolegomena to the Sources on the History of Pre-
Islamic Central Asia. Budapest 1979, pp. 275-304.
11 For this topos d. L. de La Vallee Poussin, L'Abhidharmakofa de Vasubandhu. 6 vols., Paris 1923-1931, III, 144.
 114 Siglinde Dietz

The rivers in the east and south do not flow (further), but sink into the earth right on the spot and
irrigate Jambudvipa. The rivers in the west and north flow, after having run once around the lake
Anavatapta, into the ocean that extends at the southern and western borders (of Jambudvipa)."
3. fol. Ib5-7: in the north of lake Anavatapta the Jarnbii-tree grows, after which Jarnbudvipa is
named.
4. fol. Ib7-2al: the residences of Naga kings are described.
5. fol. 2a1-2a2:·8 great (dmyal ba chen po), 10 middle ('brin po) and 136 little hells (chun nu) are
enumerated.
6. fol. 2a2-3: The regions where the yi dags (Preta) live.
7. fol. 2a3-6: 25 kinds of existence in the three spheres: in Kamadhatu: 3 bad states of existence,
Asura, men of the 4 continents, 6 classes of Kamavacara-gods (= 14); in Riipadhatu: 1 Brahma, 6
classes of gods in Dhyanabhiimi (= 7); in Ariipyadhatu: 4 classes of gods.
8. fol. 2a6-2b2: the three Sahasralokadhatu: Trisahasramahasahasralokadhatu, Dvisahasrama-
dhyamalokadhatu, Sahasracii<;likalokadhatu.
9. fol. 2b3-3al: One Mahakalpa is divided into: 20 little!2 Kalpas (skal pa chun nu) during which the
world is destroyed, 20 little Kalpas during which the world develops, 20 little Kalpas during which the
world remains in this developed state and 20 little Kalpas during which the world is empty.
10. fol. 3a2-4: the three poisons ('dod pa, ie sdan, gti mug) and the states of existence that are caused
by them.
On the upper margin of the front page, above the beginning of the text, we read the remark A ba'i
dar ma'i mdo las byun no "It is quoted from the Abhidharma-Sutra". This is repeated again at fol. 2bl
A ba'i darma'i mdo las beom ldan 'das kyis gsuns te bka' seal pa '0. Among the seven Abhidharma-texts
of the Sarvastivadins, only LP deals with the same subjects as are found in no. 958. In the time when the
IDan dkar ma was written, the LP belonged to the mDo section of the Kanjur. All the subjects treated
can be found in LP, but there are great divergences, e. g.
1. According to LP, four kinds of Y ak~as, not Asuras, live on the terraces of Mount Meru. In LP, the
Asuras are only mentioned as opponents of the Devas and their capital is constrhcted like the capital
Sudarsana of the TrayastriIjlsa-gods.
2. In LP the four rivers Ganga (east), Sindhu (south), Vak~u (west) and Sita (north) spring from lake
Anavatapta through an elephant's, a bullock's, a horse's and a lion's 'mouth in the four quarters of the
lake. They run once around the lake and flow into the oceans of the respective quarter after having
taken in 500 other rivers. The four animals that are connected with the different quarters seem to be
very old symbols. Cf. the famous stone pillar of Asoka, that once stood in the Deer Park at Sarnath. On
the plinth of this pillar, carvings of the sarne ani:!nals are to be seen, in the same order as in LP. 13 Inno.
958 the directions of the streams are different as well as the shape of the mouth through which they
flow. The connection here between the animal-shape of the mouth through which the rivers issue forth
and the respective region that abounds in just these animals, has an interesting parallel in Bud-
dhaghosa's PapaiicasiidaniIn 36,9-37,13. Here too it is mentioned that the river of the south flows
partly under the earth and becomes finally the five great rivers of India, sc. Ganga, Yarnuna, Aciravati,
Sarabhii and Mahi. In LP and Papaiieasiidan, no kings are mentioned in connection with the rivers. 14
3. In LP only 16 hells are described in detail, sc. the 8 hot and 8 cold hells.

12 The usual term for this subdivision of the mahakalpa is bar gyi mdo (d. Mahavyutpatti, LP, Abhidharmakofa), the rendering
for Sanskrit antarakalpa. Also Pelliot no. 967 has on fo1. llb3 bskal pa chu nus. Cf. the Chinese rendering hsiao chieh "little
Kalpa" for Sanskrit antarakalpa in Taisho No. 1644, Vol. 32, p. 217bff.
13 Cf. B. Rowland, The Art and Architecture of India. Buddhist. Hindu. Jain. Baltimore 1953. The Pelican History of Art, pp.
40,258 n. 11-1.3 and plate 9. Cf. G. Tucci, Indo-Tibetica I, Roma 1932, pp. 80f.
H In connection with the four quarters LP (Peking, Khu, 87al-89a2) names the four Lokapalas Dhrtara~!ra, Viru4haka,
Virllpak~a and VaisravaJ;la. They live to the east, south, west and north of Mount Meru on Yugandhara, the first ring
mountain.
 Remarks on four Cosmological Texts from Tun-huang 115

4: According to LP, the Kamadhatu comprises 21 kinds of existence (8 hot hells, 8 cold hells,
animals, Pretas, Asuras, men, 6 classes of gods), the·Riipadhatu 17 (12 classes of gods in the Dhya-
nabhiimi, 5 classes of Suddhavasakayika-devas), the .Arupyadhatu 4.
From the divergences it becomes quite evident that the manuscript no. 958 cannot derive directly'
from the Abhidharma-text Lokaprajnapti as it is preserved in the Tibetan translation jig rten biag pa.

No. 959

The fragment no. 959 was identified by me as a folio belonging to the Lokaprajnaptiiiistra (Tibetan: jig
rten biag pa),15 It has 5 lines on the recto page and 3\1, on the verso. It is not paginated. On the verso
page, we find one more line written in the opposite direction, i. e. one line of a recto page of a different
text by a different scribe. That it is a recto page can be seen from the mangala sign in the beginning of
the line. We read: snal dphalla brta na gyis dar rna bri ba'i rgya mar mnos pa'i sdom I I glegs bu ni su pa
bam po gsum I thebs {gsum] beu I and in the margin rman legs kyis + +. Apparently, this is the end of
quite an extensive work (glegs bu ni su pa bam po gsum I thebs (gsum] beu), which might be a summary
(sdom) of some other text.
The text of the LP fragment runs as follows:
(a1) I ri rab las scogsl ri bo mams I
I de dag gser gyi gii la rtentP I
I 'fig rten gia'" pa las chigs beu gnis pa'o I'
I sdom' la I
I (2) rol mcho rgyal po'i pho bran 'khord6 I
I glin' dag dan niB glin phran mams I
I sten dan 'og nt sdig brat gyi I
I ses pas nams su myon (3) ba yod I
I ri'irgyal po gila' Sin 'jind I danIO ri 'i rgyall 0 Ipo gsol mda' 'jind kyi" bar de 'iskabs nagna' sin (4) 'jin
kyi12 rol mcho ies bya ba yod de I zabs su ni13 dpag chad brgyad khri yod la I gser gyi sa gii chen po la
rten" to lien du" (5) ni16 dpag chad bii khri yod de" I dbyibs legs sin bltaI8 na sdug la mjes pa Chi19
bsiltf20 iin ehu sbran rei Ita bu21 gan sde22 I (bJ) klu 'i rgyat po dag gis rgyas pas" 'dug go I
I ri'i rgyal po gsol mda' 'jind2' dan I ri'i rgyal po senlden can gyi bar de 'i (2) skabs na gsol mda' 'jind
kyi2' rol mcho ies bya ba yod de I I zabs su ni dpag chad brgyad khri yod la I gser gyi (3) sa gii chen po la
rten26 to I lien du ni dpag chad 10 Inikhriyod de I dbyibs legs Sin blta nasdug (4) la mjes pa ehu bsiliin
ehu sbran rei Ita bus gan ste I
I ni khri yod de dbyibs legs sin blta
1 /a sogs PT,TK; 2 brten PT,TK; 3 readbiag; 411'figrten biagpall bampo brgyadpal add. PT; 5 mdo PT; 6 'khorPT,TK; 7 de
add. TK.; 8 om. TK; 9 na TKj 10 'iin dan I PT,TKj 11 'lin gyi PT,TK.j 12 gyi PT,TKj 13 om. TKj 14 brten PT,TK.; 15 the MS.
reads:yan de dan (5) 'dra'sde: this was deleted afterwards; 16 om. TK; 17 do PTj 18 Ita PTj 19·read Chu; 20 bsilPT,TK.; 21 read
bus; 22 read ste; 23 par PT,TK.j 24 'lin PT,TK; 25 'fin gyi PT,TKj 26 brten PT,TK.
"Mount Meru and the other mountains rest on a base of gold.
The twelfth chapter of Lokaprajnapti.
Uddana:
Dividing seas ("furrow-seas"), the (great) king's palace (with) surrounding, continents, small conti-
nents. Free from sin, the wise (man) experiences the upper and lower (regions).

~ Peking Tanjur (PT), Kbu, 8Sb6-86a3; Tog-Palace Kanjur (TK), Vol. 88, l03a5-103bS.
116 Siglinde Dietz

In the intermediate space!· between Parvataraja Yugandhara and Parvataraja I~adhara is the dividing
sea Yugandhara. It is 80,000 yojanas deep and rests on the great base of gold. It is 40,000 yojanas broad
and handsome, good-looking and pleasant. It is filled with cold water and water like honey and is
inhabited far and wide by Naga kings.
In the intermediate space between Parvatar"-jii I~iidhara and Parvatariijii Khadiraka is the dividing sea
I~iidhara. It is 80,000 yojanas deep and rests on the great base of gold. It is 20,000 yojanas broad and
handsome, good-looking and pleasant. It is filled with water and water like honey."
The front page of the fragment begins with the last two lines of a series of seven verses at the end of
chapter (chigs) 12 of LP, in which the seven ring mountains are described. Chapter 13 starts with an
Uddiina, i. e. a verse composed of keywords arranged according to the order in which the subjects are
treated in the following context. Of this context the description of the first two dividing seas is
preserved in the fragment. As mentioned above, the recto page comprises 5 lines, the verso 3V, lines.
Instead of the last repeated sentence on page 1b4, according to LP, one would expect the same text as in
1b1, i. e. klu'i rgyal po dag gis rgyas pas 'dug go / "It is inhabited far and wide by Naga kings.» In fact,
the last half-sentence of the fragment does not seem to be written by the same hand as the text before;
the script is smaller, the gi gu is not reversed, the la in legs and blta has more resemblance to the la in
siial dphal la of the text beginning at the opposite end of this leaf. It looks as if the copyist of LP
stopped his work in the middle of the line and the folio was used again to write the end of another text
on it. Perhaps th~ folio never belonged to a complete LP manuscript, since it does not have a page
number.
Two facts make this fragment important for the research on the history of the transmission of LP.
The Tibetan translation of the Lokaprajiiaptifiistra, Tib. Jig rten bzag pa, is contained in the beginning
of the section mNon pa'; bstan beos "Abh;dharmaSiistra" of the Tanjur.!7 Moreover, we find it in the
37th volume of the mDo (Sutra)-section of the Kanjur-editions 18 that belong to the western branch of
the tradition. In the /Dan dkar ma" all three Prajiiapti-texts are listed in the section"Sutra of H"maya-
nan (Theg pa ehun nu'; sde). Thus, at that time the LP was contained in the Kanj~r. Besides, we have a
statement by Bu ston in Chos 'byun, fol. 155b5-6:2o
'd; dag bye brag tu smra bas kbar 'dod la dkar ehag chen po dag tu yan bkar brad mod ky; mdo sde pa la
sogs pas bstan beos su 'dod pa bi;n gnas so /
"These (i.e. the three Prajiiapti-texts) are believed to be words (of the Buddha) by the Vaibh~ika, and
also in the dKar ehag chen po they are classified as Word (of the Buddha). However, the Sautriintika
etc. consider (them) as Siistra. Accordingly I have incorporated (them in this section)."
From Bu ston we can conclude that LP ma~ have belonged to the Kanjur up to his time. In this
connection, the citation of Pelliot no. 958 (A ba'; dar ma'; mdo las) is also noteworthy. pelliot no. 959
gives evidence that LP was contained in the Kanjur at least up to the time when the fragment was
copied.
1. In line 1al we read: / 'fig rten gzan (read: bzag) pa las ch;gs beu giiis pa'o / "(This was) the 12th
chapter of Lokaprajiiapti." This text is the same in all versions of LP. However, in the Tanjur-versions
follows the remark / / fig rten biag pa / / bam po brgyad pa / "Lokaprajiiapti: Book eight."

16 CE. L. de La Vallee Poussin, L'Abhidharmakosa de Vasubandhu, 6 vo!., Paris 1923-1931, m. 144.

17 Cone VoL I (60), fol. 1-93a7; Derge VoL I (60), fol. 1-93a7; Nartbang VoL Khu (62), fol. 1-107al; Peking Vol. Khu (62),
fol. 1-11201.
II London Or. 6n4, mDo section, Vol. 37, fol. !-132h2; Tog Palace Kanjur, Vol. 88, No. 313, fo1. !-130a7; Toyo Bunko,

mDo, Vol. 37, No. 310, fol. 1-128b8; Ulan Bator, mDo, Vol. 37, No. 359, fol. 1-127h2.
I'M. Lalou, "Les textes bouddhiques au temps du roi Khri-sron-Ide bean," fA 241 (1953), p. 325, Nos. 275-277.
,. The Collected Works of Bu-ston, ed. by Lokesh Chandra, Pt. 24 (Ya), New Ddhi1971. Cf. s. Nishioka, 'Purun-bukkyo-shi"
Mokuroku-bu sakuin II (Index to the Chapter of Catalogue of Bu-ston's History of Buddhism), Tokyo daigaku bungaku-bu
Bunka-kOryii k!!t.kyii shisetsu kenky;; kiyo, No.5 (1981), pp. 48f., No. 483-485.
 Remarks on four Cosmological Texts from Tun-huang 117

Tlie division into bam po is not the same in LP of Tanjur and Kanjur and in the Kanjur-versions the
eighth bam po begins only in the middle of chigs 14. In the Tanjur-versions LP has nine bam po, in the
Kanjur-versions eight; both versions have 14 chigs. According to the lDan dkar mill and Bu ston22 LP
and Kara7}aprajiiapti had seven bam po each and Karmaprajiiapti five. In the actual Tanjur-editions'
Karmaprajiiapti has no bam po division at alP'
2. In line lal we read sdom la "summarily". In the Tanjur-versions of LPwe find always" mdo la ~in
short", whereas the Kanjur-versions write sdom lao .Dom is the usual translation for U ddiina. It is also
found in the Tanjur-versions of Kara7}aprajiiapti" and Karmaprajiiapti. 26
The omission of the statement / / 'fig rten bzag pa / / bam po brgyad pa / and the use of sdom la instead
of mdo la show that the fragment no. 959 reflects the text of the Kanjur-version. Apart from a few
archaisms, the text of the fragment agrees exactly with both Lokaprajiiapti-versions.
The existence of three complete manuscripts which quote or summarize the contents of LP in the
Tun-huang-collections demonstrates that LP was quite well known at that time.

" Cf.o.19.
22 Bu ston, Chos ·byun. op. cit.) £01. 155b5.
23 The division into bam po and chigs may be secondary since in the Sanskrit fragments from Gilgit the Uddana is the only
means of division.
14 At the beginning of chapters 2-10 and 12-13.
25 At the beginning of chapters 3-6 and 8-19, wer read sdom ni.
26 At the beginning of all 11 chapters, we read sdom ni.
 The Distinctions between the Siitra and Mantra Vehicles
from Tibetan Sources

DOBOOM TULKU (DELHI)

The following article does not deal with the histories of the Sutra and Mantra Vehicles, nor does it
discuss the nature of the contents of the teachings set forth in these vehicles. Its main aim is to show
briefly the traditional distinctions made between the practices of the Sutra and Mantra Vehicles at the
time of transversing the path to enlightenment, and to show what elements of the Mantra Vehicle are
not found in the Sutras.
Most Tibetan scholars base their discussion of the distinctions between the Sutra and Mantra Vehi-
cles on the following quotation from the Indian Buddhist Scripture Light on the three Ways' (Skt.
trilak~""apradipa), "Although the Sutra and Mantra Vehicles share the same themes, the Mantra
Vehicle is especially exalted, being unconfused, having diverse methods that are accomplished without
hardship, and being geared for those of sharp capacity."
The fourteenth century Tibetan scholar Bu-ston explains the verse as follows. Practice of the Sutra
Vehicle entails a prolonged accumulation of spiritual energy by techniques such as dedicating one's
body, possessions, etc., to the benefit of others. However, in the Mantra Vehicle one realizes that itis
not possible to simultaneously fulfill the needs of all beings through means such as generosity, and
therefore dedicates oneself to the accomplishment of the samiidhi of non-dual method and wisdom
combined. By means of completing the transcendences and insights of that samiidhi one becomes
enabled to easily fulfill the needs of countless beings. Thus the Mantra Vehicle is superior due to being
unconfused in its methodology.
Secondly, the Mantra Vehicle has more diverse means. The Sutra Vehicle sets forth many general
teachings for the accomplishment of higher being and liberation, such as the practices of austerity,
rigorous vows of abstinence, etc.; but these cannot be practised by all. However, in the Mantra Vehicle
there are techniques such as dream analysis, the throwing of the flower into the maT!dala at the time of
initiation, etc.~ whereby the practitioner's most predominant weakness can be determined, and conse-
quently he/she can be placed in a deity-yoga practice that is in exact accord with individual spiritual
needs and capacity, and can attain the samiidhi of vajra body, speech and mind. As there are four levels
of Tantras to draw from in the Mantra Vehicle, each of which contains its own unique features to suit
the mental inclinations and karmic tendencies of sentient beings, the Mantra Vehicle is superior in
terms of having a more rich store of methods.
Thirdly, in the Mantra Vehicle one is not instructed to practise austerities (such as vows of absti-
nence). Rather, the disciple is led in accordance with his/her natural cravings. .
Moreover, practitioners of the Mantra Vehicle are of four categories in accordance with the spiritual
capacities of trainees. The best of these trainees, having few delusions or preconceptions, are shown
mahiimiidra. Those of intermediate capacity, not having abandoned the seeds of delusion and thus
being incapable of-entering directly into highest wisdom, are shown the emanated jiianamiidra as a
means to approaching mahiimudra. Those who have not abandoned sensual desire are shown a sama-
yamudra of appropriate nature and age. Finally, practitioners with especially strong lust are shown
karmamiidra. Thus it is said that the Mantra Vehicle is accomplished without difficulty or austere
practices.

1 The collected works of Bu-ston, Part 15 (ba), ed. Lokesh Chandra, New Delhi 1969, p. 6.
120 Doboom Tulku

Because the Tantras use as an effective method this type of wordly activity, that would cause lesser
beings to fall into the lower realms, the Mantra Vehicle is said to be for those of highest capacity. This is
its fourth distinguishing characteristic.
The above interpretation given by Bu-ston is criticized by the Tibetan Scholar Bo-don PaI).-chen2
(14th Century) on three gounds: repetition, over-sight and error. Bu-ston explains the word "uncon-
fused" as meaning "unconfused method", and then later when discussing "for those of sharp capacity"
speaks of this in terms of sharp capacity in method. This is repetition.
Secondly, when discussing "diverse methods" Bu-ston explains this as referring to diverse means for
leading trainees in accordance with their natural desires, without having to rely upon austerities such as
vows. Then again when explaining the meaning of "without difficulty" he states that it refers to easy
attainments gained by practising in accordance with one's desires. This is also repetition. Moreover, in
the former of the above two incidences he also falls into the fault of over-sight, for in the practices of
Kriya Tantra one must rely upon certain austere methods and vows of abstinence. Thus his statement
only applies to Highest Yoga Tantra and does not generally pervade the Mantra Vehicle.
According to Bo-don, Bu-ston's interpretation also suffers from error. Arya Nagarjuna, who dwelt
within the Mantra Vehicle, performed the austerity of giving his head in practising the perfection of
generosity, Moreover, as stated by Santideva in A Guide to the Bodhisattva Way of Life (Skt,
Bodhisattva-caryavatara), the meaning of the perfection of generosity is not the fulfillment of desire of
the needy peoples by means of the austere practice of giving limbs, etc. If it were, then the past Buddhas
did not achieve the perfection of generosity as there still remain needy beings, The practice of generosi-
ty is in fact nothing other than the thought to behave generously toward all living beings.
Also Bu-ston insinuates that the samadhi of non dual method and wisdom is only associated with the
Mantra Vehicle, However, the Sutra Vehicle also speaks of completing transcendence and insight and
thereby attaining enlightenment by means of the samadhi of non-dual method and wisdom focussed on
the infinite objects of knowledge, Thus it is not correct to imply this samadhi to be a unique feature'of
the Mantra Vehicle. .,
Moreover, it is also erroneous to say that one need not practise austerely in the Mantra Vehicle. In
the various T antras we can find difficult practices such as abstinence, fasting and so forth, In fact, most
Tantras advise maintaining the three types of vows,
As for Bu-ston's assertion that the Mantra Vehicle is superior in that it can use delusions such as lust
as aids in practice, this also is questioned by Bo-don, who points out that in the Sutra Vehicle the
delusions can be transformed into aids on the path by means of the altruistic bodhi-mind motivation, as
described in The Ornament of Mahayana Sutras (Skt. Mahayana-Sutralarhkara), There are several
incidents in the scriptures of practitioners who,' relying upon the altruistic bodhi-mind, lived sensual
lifestyles and did not engage in austerities such as vows,
Bo-don also criticizes Bu-ston for ·saying that in the Mantra Vehicle one is led by one's natural
cravings and need not practise restraint. If Bu-ston were correct, then the Tantras would not have to
repeatedly stress that one's tantric samaya can be degenerated by forces such as unawareness and
attachment.
The Indian master VajrapaI).i' explains the quotation from Light on the Three Ways as follows:
"Unconfused" refers to unconfused view of the object of insight. Here the object of insight, or the
emptiness nature of phenomena, does not differ in the Sutra and Mantra Vehicles. However, in the
Sutra Vehicle one relies upon scriptural sources and reason to ascertain the meaning of emptiness and
then meditates accordingly. However, this technique relies very much upon the conceptual mind and
the meditator is bound therefore to faU into one of the two extremes. This is not the case in the Mantra
Vehicle, where one relies upon the Wisdom Being absorption during the tantric empowerment, and, in
particular, upon the third level of initiation, called "the initiation of pristine wisdom", wherein wisdom
is generated within the mind of the trainee and direct, non-conceptual insight is made manifest,

2 Bu-ston, op. cit. p. it.

3 Encyclopedia Ti~~yca. The collected works of Eo-don PatJ chen Phyogs-las rnam-rg;yal, vol. 24, New Delhi 1971. p. 57:
 The Distinctions between the Siitra and Mantra Vehicles from Tibetan Sources 121

"Diverse methods", states Aciirya VajrapaQi, refers to the fact that in the Sutra Vehicle one accom-
plishes the common siddhis solely by means of general methods that accord with worldly conventions,
whereas in the Mantra Vehicle one can also gain these through the special tantric methods such as deity
yoga. As for the supreme siddhi of insight, in the Sutra Vehicle there is only the meditation upon the .
non-inherent beyond-words nature of all phenomena, whereas in the Mantra Vehicle even during ;he
initial generation stage all practices are incorporated into the ma1'J<!ala meditation and the symbolic
meaning of the deities and their attributes.
"Without hardship" is said to refer to the fact that in the Sutra Vehicle one attains enlightenment
through difficult and austere means whereas in the Mantra Vehicle one easily gains enlightenment
without having to rely upon any hardship.
Aciirya VajrapaQi then explains the fourth unique feature of the Mantra Vehicle, "being geared for
those of sharp capacity", as follows. Even if one accomplishes the Sutra Vehicle in the quickest way
possible, it nonetheless requires three aeons to accomplish enlightenment in a single lifetime.
Bo-don p~ chen also criticizes Aciirya VajrapaQi's mode of explanation.' If the latter's statement is
correct that in the Sutra Vehicle it is not possible to generate non-conceptual perception of emptiness,
then it also becomes impossible for a practitioner of the Sutras to attain any of the arya states, or the
eleventh Bodhisatrva level.
Vajrapru;.i's statement that in the Sutra Vehicle one accomplishes the common siddhis solely by
means of general methods that accord with worldly conventions also falls under criticism. For example,
in the Akasagarbha Sutra we read that through meditating on the Bodhisatrva AkaSagarbha, one can
observe one's dreams and follow the instructions learned in the dream for how to pacify one's mind-
stream of negative karmic stains and observations.
The statement that the Mantra Vehicle is accomplished by easy methods is also disputed on the
grounds that it does not cover all levels of the Tantras. For example, the Kriya Tantra methods for
accomplishing enlightenment are not easy.
Moreover, were one to conclude that the Kriya Tantra is easy because of the bliss that arises from
envisioning the female divinities, then the Sutra Vehicle must be even more easy because in it the
Bodhisatrva is allowed to lead a married life. In fact, Bo-don points out that the practices and conducts
expected of a Kriya Tantra practitioner are not easier than those of th.e Sutra Vehicle, for in the Kriya
Tantras, on top of the general Mahayana disciplines, one is expected to uphold all complicated commit-
ments etc., of the Kriya system.
Vajrapa"i also states that the Sutra Vehicle is very slow, taking three aeons. Bo-don considers this
also to be invalid, quoting an Abhidharma scripture, reference in which certain Bodhisattva recited the
statra of the Tathagata T~ya for seven days and thereby gained the merits of nine aeons.
A second famous Indian source of discussion on the distinctions between the Sutra and Mantra
Vehicles is Acarya JiianaSri' who elucidates eleven ways whereby the latter surpasses the former, in
terms of its skillful techniques. Most Tibetan authors list these in their survey of the subject. Here I
shall just state their names: (1) its method of apprehending the peerless object of apprehension; (2)
peerless practice; (3) peerless wisdom; (4) peerless energy; (5) ability to incorporate all types of
trainees; (6) the consecration of delusion; (7) rapid inspiration and blessing; (8) rapid liberation (9)
being beyond delusion; (10) peerless attitude; and (11) skillful means in highest activity. The Mantra '-.5
Vehicle is said to excel that of the Sutras in these eleven ways.
Acarya Indrabhuti' lists seven unique features of the Mantra Vehicle. These are: (1) the Guru; (2) the
disciples; (3) the rituals; (4) the activities; (5) the commitments; (6) the view; and (7) the lifestyle.
Acarya Santipada7 in spealting of the distinguishing characteristic of the Sutra and Mantra Vehicles,
states that although from the view point of their attitudes toward the highest level of truth there is no

.. Bo-don~ op. cit. p. 61.

!I 'lam-mgon Kon-sprul, The Treasury of Knowledge. vol. 3, ed. Ngodup, Kyichu Temple, Bhutan, 1975, p. 9.
, 1am-mgon Kon-spru~ op. cit. p. 10.
7 1am-mgon Kon-spru!, op. cit. p. 10.
122 Doboom Tulku

difference between the two, from the viewpoint of the conventional level of truth the Mantra Vehicle is
both more profound and more vast.
Because in the Mantra Vehicle one meditates in accordance with the entire spectrum of life experi-
ences, its scope of meditational objects is more vast.
Secondly, because in the Mantra Vehicle one maintains all levels of commitment in the practices of
Buddhadharma, it carries an especially powerful blessing.
Thirdly, it embodies a more vast lifestyle, being more in accordance with the altruistic ways of the
Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. Santipada explains that it is these three unique facets of the Mantra Vehicle
that make this Vehicle a faster path than that of the Sutras.
The great master Atisa DlpaI]1karasrljii.ana' (11th Century), in his "summarizing all levels of commit-
ment in Buddhist practice", speaks of seven special features of the Mantra Vehicle: (1) because it
provides vision of the Dharmakaya which embraces all phenomena, it is sealed as always-good; (2) it
possesses the blessings of all the powerful divinities; (3) it produces more rapid attainment, command-
ing the blessings and attention of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas of the past, present and future; (4) itis
free from the tyranny of sa17'sara and the lower realms of existence, sharing as it does the same sphere
enjoyed by the Buddhas themselves; (5) nothing can interrupt its progress, for its basis is the vajra
bodhi-mind and indivisible harmony of vajra body, speech and mind; (6) one's samaya can not be
degenerated, for, in the Mantra Vehicle all practices are based upon conviction in the ultimately pure
nature of all phenomena, inner and outer; and (7) in the Mantra Vehicle even if one's samaya is
degenerated these are numerous means whereby it may be restored.
A Tibetan scholar of more recent times, Kori-sprul Yon-tan rGya-mcho,' (1813-1899) in summariz-
ing the diverse views of the Indian masters on the differences between the Sutra and Mantra Vehicles,
gives attention to the interpretation of Acarya Karma Phrin-las-pa (1456-1539), who speaks of three
special features of the Mantra Vehicle. Briefly these are as follows: (1) The person who would practise
the Mantra Vehicle must have special qualifications; (2) there are differences in the practices and paths
to be accomplished; and (3) there is a difference in the goals attained.
Here the special qualifications, of the Mantra practitioner mean that tantric aspirants must be of
highest capacity, for they hope to enter the rapid path of quick attainment; and also that the tantric
disciple must have gained the appropriate initiations that ripen one's stream of being, and must guard
the root and branch commitments entailed by the specific tantric system undertaken. None of these
three qualifications are expected of a Sutra practitioner.
As for the paths to be traversed, the Mantra Vehicle has three superiorities in its methodology: it has
a wider range of techniques; its methodology is unconfused; and it is practised without hardship.
The first of these is explained as follows. -On top of the levels of methods explained in the Sutra
Vehicle, such as techniques for generating the bodhi-mind, the practices of six perfections and so forth,
the Mantra Vehicle sets forth, a large number of special means for generating inconceivable siddhis,
such as the meditations upon the various ma"qala divinities found in the four levels of Tantras, the
retreats producing realization, the tanttic activities and mystic rituals, methods for forcing success
when it does not arise, and for improving and increasing whatever successful signs arise.
By "unconfused methodology" Yon-tan rGya-mcho means that in the Mantra Vehicle one has very
precise instructions on how to proceed in every practice. Every method has a number of practice
manuals associated with it that elucidate all aspects of the tradition, from description of the places for
practice, the qualifications and commitments expected of the initiate, how to structure the retreat, how
to use the mantric formulas, how to engage in activities such as bali offerings and fire rituals, etc.
Thirdly, the Mantra Vehicle's methodology is engaged without hardship. In the Sutra Vehicle one
must exert oneself in practice for three aeons in order to gain enlightenment, whereas in the Mantra
Vehicle enlightenment can be won in a single lifetime.

8 jam-mgon Koh,:"spru~ op, cit. p. 10.

9 1am-mgon Ko"n!sprul, op. cit. p. 11.
 The Distinctions between the Siitra and Mantra Vehicles from Tibetan SOUTces 123

As for the special features of the goals attained by tantric practice, although there is no difference
here in terms of the inferiority or superiority of the states of complete Buddhahood attained through
the two Vehicles, there is a difference in the direct results produced. In fact, one can not actually attain"
Buddhahood" solely through the Slitra Vehicle, and therefore the direct result of accomplishing the
practices of the Slitra Vehicle is that one ~ust then generate an experience of the tantric methods in
order to accomplish the final stages in the path of enlightenment. On the other hand, the direct result of
accomplishing the practices of the Mantra Vehicle is that one enters the state of Great Union beyond
tantric practice, the actual state of complete Buddhahood itself.
The above discussion mostly centres around the various interpretations given by the Tibetan scholars
to the quotations from Lamp on the three Ways, which refers to four special features of the Mantra
Vehicle. It also mentions some of the better known Indian sources giving alternative evaluations of the
distinguishing features of the two vehicles.
The Tibetan scholar (late sixteenth century) lo-nan-pa Tiiranatha outlined three excelling features of
the Mantra Vehicle: It is faster, more blissful and has more skillful means.
The Mantra Vehicle is here said to be faster that then of the Slitras for five reasons: (1) it contains
many deity yoga rituals whereby the divinities can be actually invoked in one's presence, thus produc-
ing a more powerful spiritual energy; (2) through tantric power even one drop of water can produce
merits equal to the sands of Ganges river, it gives rise to a more powerful stream of meritorious energy;
(3) in the Mantra Vehicle even beginners are taught to cut off impure perception of phenomena and
thus actualize the samiidhi that purifies worldly perception; (4) every single tantric path has many types
of meditative absorptions, each having the ability to mature living beings in its unique way, and these
can be utilized even by beginners; and (5) the Mantra Vehicle has, the aspects of the fruits to be attained
as object of samiidhis.
lo-nan-pa Taranatha 'O held the Mantra Vehicle to be a more blissful path than that of the Slitras
because its basis is the ecstatic experience wherein harsh sensations of body and mind are transcendend.
He concludes that the Mantra Vehicle contains more skillful means because it has an especially
sophisticated method of implementing the three higher trainings of discipline, meditation and wisdom;
and because it encompasses all objects of experience within its skillful techniques of deity yoga.
Thus we can see that there is a great deal of debate over the precise nature ot the characteristics that
distinguish the Slitra and Mantra Vehicles. What, then, seems to be the general consensus? The
difference can not be made on the basis of the fruits attained by practice of the individual Vehicles, for
both of them ultimately aim at the elimination of all faults from within one's continuum and at the
perfection of every excellence. Their difference is not in conduct, for the basis of both is the cultivation
of the bodhi-mind and the trainings in the six perfections. Nor do they differ on the basis of
philosophical view, for both propound and utilize the wisdom perceiving the non-inherent existence of
all phenomena. It is also not unanimously accepted that the differentiation can be made on the basis of
one Vehicle being necessarily faster than the other, nor on the basis of one being for higher and the
other for less mature trainees.
The two main Mahayana interests are the thought to benefit others and the thought to attain
enlightenment. Of these the former is more important than the latter. The thought to attain enlighten-
ment is merely a branch in the wish to accomplish the benefit of the world, just as seeking a cup is a
branch in a thirsty person's quest for a drink of water. The person's principal interest is the water, not
the cup.
As for the thought of enlightenment, which incorporates the aspiration for both Dharmakiiya and
Rupakiiya, the Mahayana places more stress on interest in the latter of these; for it is the Rupakiiya that
appears to the beings to be trained and accomplishes the benefit of others. The Dharmakiiya can not
perform the function of directly benefitting the beings of the world. The Mantra Vehicle is mainly
distingnished from that of the Slitras in that it has special practices for meditating in accordance with

10 jam-mgon Kon-spru~ op. at. p. 13.

124 Doboom Tulku

the Riipakaya to be attained. These Riipakaya-based techniques are not found in the Siitra Vehicle. In
brief, the concept of simultaneously maintaining both the wisdom that realises emptiness, which is
the ultimate practice, and the methods of perceiving the ma1Jq,aia and divinities, which is the conven-
tional practice, the factors respectively producing the Dharmakaya and Riipakaya aspects of complete
Buddhahood, is found exclusively in the Mantra Vehicle. This is the principal unique fact of the
Tantras.
Sarvama'f)gaiarr<
 Observations on Prasangika-Madhyamaka
in the rNin-ma-pa-school':-
FRANZ-KARL EHRHARD (HEIDELBERG)

1. The interest devoted to the philosophy of the rNin-ma-pa-school has instigated a series of examina-
tions at the beginning of this decade concerning the works and speculations of Mi-pham rgya-mcho
(1846-1912). Special attention was paid to his commentaries on the Madhyamakalarr;kara of Santarak-
~ita, the Jiianasarasamuccaya of the so-called "tantric Aryadeva", and the scholastic compendium
Mkhas pa'i chulla 'Jug pa'i sgo (abbr. Mkhas 'Jug).! All these studies showed ample proof that we have
to deal with Mi-pham rgya-mcho as a distinguished scholar of the "non-partial" (ns med) movement,
who demonstrates in his works an enormous capability of recreating and structuring the classical texts
of Indian Mahayana-philosophy.
In this paper my focus is not to much on the exegetical achievement of Mi-pham rgya-mcho, at this
point of time I felt rather the need to disclose some of the influences and conditions which shaped Mi-
pham rgya-mcho as a member of the rNiit-ma-pa-school. Such a perspective is pertinent in two ways:
in regard to a study - still to be written - on the polemical controversies between Mi-pham rgya-
mcho and some scholars of the dGe-Iugs-pa-school,' and, on the other hand, to make assessable the
philosophical development taking place in the generation of teachers following Mi-pham rgya-mcho.
Notice must be made here of Bod-pa sPrul-sku mdo-snags bstan-pa'i iii-rna (1900/1907?-1959).'

* For reading a first draft of this paper I would like to thank Prof. D. S, Ruegg, Prof. H, V, Guenther and Prof.
1. Schmithausen; Tom Tillemans and Matthew Kapstein contributed valuable critics and comments during the days of the
Seminar. The responsibility for the final version is of course on my side.
Roman numerals preceeding the quotations refer to the appendix at the end of the paper.
1 Kennard Lipman, A Controversial Topic from Mi-pham's Analysis of Santaralqita's Madhyamakalarpkara, Wind Horse, VoL 1
(= Proceedings of the North American Tibetological Society), 1981, pp. 40-57; Steven D. Goodman. Mi-pham rgya-mtsho:
An account of his Life, the Printing of his Works. and the Structure of his Treatise entitled mKhas-pa'i tshul-Ia 'jug-pa'i sgo,
Wind Horse, 1981, pp. 58-78; Leslie S. Kawamura, An Analysis of Mi-pham's mKhas-'jug, Wind Horse, 1981, pp. 112-126;
An Outline of Yana-Kausalya in Mi-pham's mKhas-'jug, Indogakku Bukkyogaku Ronshu, 29:1, 1981, pp. 956-961; An
Analysis of Yana-Kausalya in Mi-pham's mKhas-'jug, Bulletin of Institute of Buddhist Cultural Studies Ryukoku University
No. 20, 1982, pp. 1-19; The A~ayamacinirde.§asiitra and Mi-pham's mKhas-'jug, Contributions on Tibetan and Buddhist
Religion and Philosophy, Vol. 2 (= WienerStutj.ien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde, Heft 11). 1983, pp. 131-145; and
Katsumi Mimaki, Le commentaire de Mi pham sur Ie Jiianasarasamuccaya, Indological and Buddhist Studies (= Volume in
Honour of Professor]. W. de long on his Sixtieth Birthday), 1982, pp. 353-376. The last-named article contains the most up-
to-date bibliography of all the reproductions of Mi-pham rgya-mcho's works published in India so far.
1 An overview of these controversies together with a list of the relevant texts is given by Gene Smith in his introduction to Mi-
pham rgya-mcho's Gian gyis brcad pa'i Ian mdor bsdus pa rigs lam rab gsal de iiid man byed (= Ngagyur Nyingmay Sungrab,
Vol. 5), Gangtok 1969, pp. 5-10.
3 Cf. his ITa grub san 'byed gnad kyi sgron me yi chig don rnam Mad 'Jam dbyans dgons rgyan, n. p., n. d.) an encyclopaedic
treatise continuing and developi'ng the ideas of Mi-pham rgya-mcho into a coherent system. The following works of this
author are also accessible to me: dBu ma bii brgya pa'i chig don rnam par bsad pa klu dban dgons rgyan (= Treasures of the
Mi-pham philosophical Tradition, Vol. 1). Junbesi 1978, and Ser phyin mnon par rtogs pa'i rgyan gyi chig don rnam par Mad pa
mipham iallun (= Treasures o/the Mi-pham philosophical Tradition, Vol. 2), Junbesi 1978. Of special interest in this respect
are the collected works of mKhan-po Kun-bzan dpal-Idan, who transmitted Mi-pham rgya-mcho's teaching to mOo-snags
bstan-pa'i iii-rna: Vols. 1-5, Paro 1982; up to now I was not able to consult these works.
The short description of Mi-pham rgya-mcho's Madhyamaka-approach in Crystal Mirror V, Emeryville 1977, pp. 162-163
stands in that line of transmission.
140 Franz-Karl Ehrhard

In retracing these influences' it is important to bear in mind the fact that the most elementary concern
in the rNin-ma-pa-school pertains to the spiritual discipline of the rJogs-chen, so that we have to
include the very complex subject of the Mantra- or Tantrayiina in our treatment. Fortunately in the
vast corpus of Mi-pham rgya-mcho's works we find two treatises which relate to both Sutra- and
Mantrayiina, documented by a short note of mKhan-po Kun-bzan dpal-Idan, co-publisher of Mi-
pham rgya-mcho's literary legacy.'
Which two works are here referred to? The first is a relative short text with the title Don mam par
nes pa ses rab ral gri, composed in 104 Slokas as the colophon states. It is a testimony of Mi-phamrgya-
mcho's endeavour to provide the rNin-ma-pa-school with an independent position on the grounds of
Buddhist epistemology. Different sets of dialectical argumentations (rigs pal, reasonings (gtan chigs)
and categories from the Pramar}a are interwoven in a very peculiar way, demonstrating Mi-pham rgya-
mcho's own critical standpoint.' The second text bears the title fles ses rin po the'i sgron me and is
counted among the last works incorporated in the edition of Lhun grub sten. A supplementary
colophon sees the central purpose of this work in the claim that the position of the Madhyamikas was
clearly presented in the Tantras of the early translation period (sna 'gyur rgyud sde).'
The last work, "The Lamp of Precious Certainty", offers thus an appropriate starting-point to keep
track of the way the Prasangika-Madhyamaka was interpreted by Mi-pham rgya-mcho, the topic I shall
restrict myself to in the following. One difficulty in consulting this text, however, lies in the formal
arrangement of its content. Weare confronted with a narrative frame shqwing the author as a E.~i (draiz
sron) who is forced to answer seven questions put to him by a mendicant (/dom bu pal. Only by
invoking Manjusr! the author is able to do so, and out of that reason the main body of the text consists
of the answers to the questions posed; the answers are not structured in a strictly logical order, but are
written down in loosely connected chains of verses. For convenience sake we can only select relevant
passages and complement these with the necessary background material. The richness of argumentation
is most obvious in the answer to the last question: "Are there propounded philosophical tenets in the
system of the Madhyamaka or not?'"

~ Gsun rab kyi dkar chag sna 'gyur bstan pa'i mjes rgyan in Collected Writingsof Jam-mgon 'ju Mi-pham rgya-mtsho, Vol. 7
(= Ngagyur Nyingmay Sungrab, Vol. 66), p. 683,2 (= foL 32al2): phyi ma 'dignis thun min snags kyi man nag khyad 'phags
dan 'breI haym yan 'dir ran giun sde chan gag par bkod pa'o. "Although these last two (works) are connected with the most
supreme instructions of the special Mantra(yiina}. they are affixed here to the first group of his works (i. e. the texts of the
Sutrayiina). »
5 Published together with an interlinear commentary in Collected Writings of 'jam-mgon 1u Mi-pham rgya-mtsho, VoL 3
(= Ngagyur Nyingmay Sungrab, Vol. 62), pp, 787-:.8,,20 (= foIs. la-17b), According to A Catalogue of the United States
Library of Congress Collection of Tibetan literature in Microfiche (= Bibliographia Philologica Buddhica, Series Maior III),
Tokyo 1983, p. 201, this text was already printed 1964 in Varanasi supplemented by an abridged version (bsdus don) entitled
Rin chen 'phren" ba, In addition to an index (sa bead), written by Mi-pham rgya-mcho himself - as stated by gSun rab kyi
dkar chag (d. note 4), p. 683.1 (= fo1. 32a/l) - a detailed commentary came up quite recently: Don rnam parnespa sesrab ral
gri'i 'grel pa thub bstan yons su rjogs pa'i snan byed, Bylakuppe/Delhi 1984. The author, Lhag-bsam bstan-pa'i rgyal-mchan,
mKhan-po of dPal-spuns, was the driving force behind the composition of the root-text. In a forthcoming paper entitled 'Mi-
pharo's Theory of Interpretacion' Matthew Kapstein gives a short outline of the root-text.
6 For the different editions see the appendix. A very first attempt to draw a sketch of Mi-pham rgya-mcho's philosophy with
the help of this text is my unpublished M.A. thesis: Zur Gnoseologie der rNin-ma-pa-Schule: Mi-phams Nes ses rin po the'i
sgron me, Hamburg 1982. Unfortunately I have no access to the lithographic edition published together with the commentary
of mKhan-po Kun-bzan dpal-ldan in Clement Town, U,P.: Nyingma Lama's College, n,d.
7 The seven questions have the following wording:
1. Ita ba dgag gnis gan ltar smra fols. 3a/1-4b/1
II. nan ran bdag med gnis rtogs sam fots. 4b/1-6b/6
IlL mfiam biag 'jin stans yod dam med foIs. 6b/6-9a/6
IV. dpyad nas bsgom mam biag nas bsgom fols. 9a/6-12b/6
V. bden pa gfiis las gait iig gco fols. 12b/6-1Sb/1
VI. mi gag mthun snan bita bya gan fols. lsb/1-19b/3
VI1.dbu mar khas len yod dam med fok 19b/3-2Sb/5
The possibility cannot be excluded that these questions have to be seen in connection with the dKa' gnad brgyad of Con-kba-
pa (13S7-141911.,420), written as a memorandum (brfed byan) by his disciple rGyal-chab Dar-rna rin-chen (1364-1432). A
 Observations on Prasangika-Madhyamaka in the rNm-ma-pa-school 141

2. In a recently published article Prof. D. Seyfort Ruegg has thoroughly investigated this problem
which is of utmost importance for the definition of Prasangika-Madhyamaka in Tibet. 8 In the first part
of this study a tension is ascertained between a positive and a negative use of such terms as "philosophi-
cal proposition" (pratijiialdam bca'), "philosophical position" (pak,alphyogs) and "tenet" or "affirma- .
tion" (abhyupagamalkhas len) already germinally present in the works of Nagarjuna, Aryadeva and
Candrakirti. The suggestions proposed by the Tibetan scholars for the solution of this tension are
described en detail in the second part, drawing mainly on works of the dGe-lugs-pa and Sa-skya-pa-
schools. It is not too far-fetched - I hope - to inject another viewpoint into the discussion of this
subjectmatter, a viewpoint which is based on quite different assumptions.
In introducing his treatment of the problem in the Nes ses Tin po che'i sgron me Mi-pham rgya-mcho
states that the old ones (sna rabs paY have reached unanimously the conclusion that no tenets are
propounded. As is further elaborated, the object of reference of these persons was nevertheless not the
Madhyamaka in general, they were analysing if there are tenets or not in the "Great Madhyamaka, free
from discursive elaborations" (spros bral dbu ma chen po).' To this state no concepts are applicable and
it is impossible to say "This is our system" or "This is not", so runs their argument. We shall tackle the
problem of the identity of these persons and their opinion at the end of this paper.
In the next sequence Mi-pham rgya-mcho contrasts this statement with another one: all doctrinal
expositions (grub mtha') like rten 'breI or lam 'bras have to be expounded on the basis of the scriptural
authority of one's own school; in this sense there exists a philosophical system which must be mediated
to other persons by way of language-conventions (tha siiad). As a consequence of these two perspec-
tives there results a contradiction between the words (of the above mentioned persons) and what they
imply (chig don giiis kar 'gal).
From this introduction we can infer that Mi-pham rgy..-mcho reduced the problem of there being
philosophical tenets or not in the system of the (prasangika-)Madhyamaka to an opposition between
two poles: 1. a scope outside the reach of logical discurse, and 2. the task of intersubjectively transmit-
ting the Buddhist teachings. Not a single word is vasted on the mention of the concrete situation of
philosophical disputation (vivadalrcod pay, the set of circumstances which originally was responsible
for raising the whole question. The following remarks in the Nes ses Tin po the'j sgron me reveal
information not only on this point, they lead also directly to one of the suppositions of Mi-pham rgya-
mcho's philosophy. For this reason I shall quote the relevant passage in full (1):
"Klon-chen rab-'byams-pa spoke thus: whether there are propounded philosophical tenets or not in the
Madhyamaka (concerning this problem), the ancient ones adhered to each (of these two) position(s) respective-

notice of mDo-snags bstan-pa'i iii-ma in his most important tteatise (d. note 3), pp. 290.6-291.1 (= fols. 8ob/6-81aJl)
mentions the concrete demarcation of Mi-pham rgya-mcho's philosophical position from the khyad chas gco bo rnam p4
brgyad in a MadhyamakafJatara-commentary entitled Zla bajj dgons rgyan. I was not able to identify this commentary (in all
probability written by mDo-snags hstan-pa'i fii-ma himself).
• On the Thesis and- Assertion in the MadhyamakalDbu rna, Contributions on Tibetan and Buddhist Religion and Philosophy,
Vol. 2 (= Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde, Heft 11), 1983, pp. 205-233. Resuming the· initial
considerations of Ma Walleser, Die Streitlosigkeit des Subhuti (= Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissen-
schaften, Phil.-hist. Kl., Jahrg. 1917, 13. Abh., it was Stanislav Schayer who first took intO consideration a general
"'atheorecische Haltung" in Mahayana-Buddhism: Vorarbeiten zur Geschichte der mahayinistischen ErLOsungslehren, Mun-
chen 1921, pp. 39-50 (= Mahaypna Doctrines o[SalfJation, London 1923, pp. 39-48); in this context he speaks of a so-called
"prasanga-Methode - eine raffinierte Begriffsdialektik" (d. also Joachim Wach, Der Erliisungsgedanke und seine Deutung,
Leipzig 1922, p. 93). This idea was elaborated by Maryla Falk, coming to the conclusion that "'it's (= the Madhyamaka)
characteristic prasa1tJga-method hent on dissolving any conceivable or predicable intellectual notions, on silencing discursive
processes (nimasamjiiavyafJahara) reveals itself as an essentially soteriological method ..... : Nama-Rupa and Dharma-Rupa,
University of Calcutta, 1943, p. 74.
, For the use of this tenn cf. note 18. As will become evident in the following, these persons stand for the rNiIi-ma-pas.in
general. It must be noticed here that the main motive in Mi-pham rgya-mcho's works like the Don rnam par ires pa ses Tab Tab
Tal gn and the Nes Ies fin po the'; sgTon me is not a polemical, but a didactic one. They were intended first of all to counteract
"'anti-inte~ectual" tendencies in the rNin-ma-pa-school, providing the member of the tradition with a certain amount of
theoretical knowledge in case of eventual debates; I would like to thank Chime Radha Rinpoche for that information.
142 Franz-Karl Ehrhard

ly. Each system was left (thereby) a fault and a quality. So in regard to my own system: for there doesn't exist
anything at all in the Original State (gsis) at the time the Ultimate Truth, Reality as such, is fathomed, which
philosophical tenet could be propounded?
For that reason and because (lower) doctrinal expositions propound philosophical tenets in regard to Reality
as such, there are propounded no tenets whatsoever at the time of disputation and so on, in accordance with the
Original State. In the post-meditative phase the doctrinal expositions of Way and Fruit (and so on), the
presentation of things as they really are (yathavadbhavikata) and their variations (yiivadbhavikata) are ac-
cepted individually without mixing them up. If from now on someone is able to put this theory into words,
(this) is the power of (these) my maxims, (so) he said.""

The reference to the authority of K1011-chen rab-'byams-pa (1308-1363) in the context of the khas len-
problem merits interest in several ways. Under a general heading we are caused to assess the philosophy
of Mi-pham rgya-mcho against the background of Klon-chen rab-'byams-pa's impressing Q?uvre;ll in
comparison with it a historical perspective for Mi-pham rgya-mcho's contribution within the rNiri-
ma-pa-school can be gained. At the same time the achievements of Klon-cben rab-'byams-pa them-
selves are seen more clearly. Judging by the passage just quoted, the results of his philosophical inquiry
were obviously reached in controversy with opinions prevalent at his time and laid bare with the
tendency for future application. By this means we get now a glimpse of some of the difficulties
surrounding the interpretation of Prasangika-Madhyamaka in the 14th century. To prove this point we
will take a closer look at the beginning and the end of the quotation prior to reconstructing the
different aspects connected with the khas len.
Two groups of persons were mentioned there who took one-sided positions; those saying there are
propounded philosophical tenets in the Prasangika-Madhyamaka, and those saying there are not. By
way of reference to the formulations of K1on-chen rab-'byams-pa we can identify these positions (II):
"Because the ancient ones made no difference between these two ways (i. e. a time when tenets are propounded
and a time when not) it appears that gCan-(nag-)pa did not propound tenets, while rMa-bya did. 12 As in each
(system) a right thing and a fault is found at the same time, it appears that they have n.ot quite hit the correct
meaning of the authoritative scriptures. With a mind analysing completely this (subject) and with my eyes
opened by the consideration of the whole lot of authoritative theories I clearly differentiated the meaning

10 This quotation sums up the specific points of the Prasangika-Madhyamaka-presentation in chapter 12 of YIDC" bIad bya rhos
kyi rnam grans rgya ther Had pa'i le'u, pp. 64.3.2-660.2 (= fols. 71a/2-79b/2). According to the gSun rab kyi dkar thag Mi-
pham rgya-mcho devoted five explanatory treatises to this work; except for the commentary to the root-text (rca mchan) they
were published by Dodrup Chen Rinpoche as appen~i.~s to his edition of YIDC' Out of these there is already available in
translation the Yid biin mjod kyi grub mtha' bsdus pa: H. V. Guenther, Buddhist Philosophy in Theory and Practice, Boulder!
London 1976, which is - as stated by K. Mimaki (d. note 1) - a resume of chapter 12 and 18 of YID,. At the end of the
description of Prasangika-Madhyamaka occurs the following note: dan po ltar na khas len med la I giiis pa ltar na khas len yod
pa'j rnam dbye rigs mjod las gsal bar bstan pa biin du Ies par bya'o. "The distinction that there are not propounded tenets in
conformity with the first state (= miiam biag) and that there are propounded tenets in conformity with the secon'd state
(= rjes thob) should be known according to the clear exposition in the Rigs mjod." If this Rigs mjod stands for Yid bZin mjad,
YID, seems to be the defmite source for our problem.
11 In addition to Klan-chen rab-'byams-pa Mi-pham rgya-mcho mentions several times Ron-zorn chos-kyi bzan-po (11 th cent.)
as the second forerunner of his investigations into rNin-ma-pa-philosophy. Only after having consulted the works of these
teachers he was able to solve the theoretical difficulties prevalent at his time; cf. especially the remark in his commentary on
the MadhyamakalaT!Lkara in Collected Writings of 'jam-mgon 'ju Mi-pham rgya-mtsho, Vol. 12 (= NgagyuT Nyingmay
Sungrab, Vol. 71), p. 42.3-6 (~ 101. 21b/3-6).
12 For gCan-nag-pa brcon-'grus seJi-ge (?-1171) and rMa-bya Byan-chub brcon-'grus (12th cent.) as disciples of Phya-pa
Chos-kyi sen-ge (1109-1169) d. L. W. J. van der Kuijp, Phya-pa Chos-kyi seng-ge's impact on Tibetan Epistemological
Theory, in Tibetan Studies, Zurich 1978, p. 164, and Contributions to the Development of Tibetan Buddhist Epistemology
(= Alt- und Neu-Indische Studien, Vol. 26), Wiesbaden 198.3, passim. The difficulties concerning the identification of rMa-
bya in the doxographicalliterature were touched upon by D. Seyfort Ruegg (d. note 8, p. 2.30). To evaluate the position of
Klon-chen rab-'byams-pa we have to keep in mind that he studied in gSan-phu sne-thog in the first part of the 14th cent. and
authored two treatises on Madhyamaka: Ran rgyud sar gsum gyi don bsdus de kho na iiid la 'jug pa and dBu ma thaI 'gyur gyi
gnas gsal ba rab tu mi gnas pa'i don bsdus; d. Kun mkhyen dri med 'ad zer gyi roam thar mthon ba don ldan in Bima silin
,hig, Part 3 (~: sNih 'hig ya bii, Vol. 9), New-Delhi 1970, p. 70.4-5 (~ 101. 35b/4-5).
 Obseruations on Priisangika-Madhyamaka in the rNm-ma-pa-school 143'

sc~ttered and hidden in the scriptures. Those who from now on are able to defend this philosophical proposi-
tion should be recognized as being the force of this mY'treatise!"
This accoun~ closes the treatment of Prasangika-Madhyamaka in one of Klon-chen rab-'byams-pa's,
most influential works, the Yid bim mjod, and we can see that the problem of whether tenets are
propounded or not, was for the rNin-ma-pa-school definitely settled in the 14th century. It was
achieved in probing the current Madbyamaka-literature and Mi-pham rgya-mcho had just to take it up
as was intended by his predecessor. How does this solution look like?
3. In Mi-pham rgya-mcho's brief summary of Klon-chen rab-'byams-pa's position we can recognize
three distinctive elements: 1. the time Ultimate Truth is fathomed, 2. the time of disputation, 3. the
post-meditative phase (rfes thob). Without paying attention to the single arguments it can be said in
general that in the first two periods no philosophical tenets are propounded, while in the last period the
theorems of one's own school are exposed in the form of doctrinal precepts. If the time when Ultimate
Truth is fathomed, is equated with the phase of meditative absorption (miiam biag), we come to the
interesting conclusion that the khas len-problem is solved by Klon-chen rab-'byams-pa with tbe help
of categories drawn from spiritual practice.
For the coordination of the paedagogic-didactic aspect with the post-meditative state this conception
poses no difficulties, but one question remains: what constitutes the link between the phase of medita-
tive absorption and philosophical debate? The answer is: "The method to remove discursive elabora-
tions" (spros pa'i 'gog pa'i chul)." This is for Klon-chen rab-'byams-pa the characteristic feature of the
technical procedure of the priisanga-method. For this reason the Prasangika-Madbyamaka is qualified
by him as the "summit of the l~anayiina (mchan iiid kyi theg pa)". Let's turn now to the situation of
debate and see how Klon-chen rab-'byams-pa establishes the fact that no philosophical tenets are
propounded (IlIa):
«M in the Original State, the natural condition, nothing exists by self-nature, and all affirmations involve
attachment to veridacity (bden zen), what is affirmed in the scriptures of those who speak of a self-nature
(svabhiivaviidin) is self-contradictory.·

The second argument is a common one ,in the Madbyamaka-literature; the Prasangika-Madbyamika
refrains from any position in distinction to those doctrines which proclaim a self-nature and are bound
by their conceptual commitment to it (bhiiviibhiniveia). However - parallel to Mi-pham rgya-mcho's
quotation - the first claim is marked by an argument which introduces a different terminology:
nothing exists (by self-nature) in the Original State, the natural condition. It is exactly at this point that
categories of the rJ ogs-Chen are alluded to and we shall come back to this influence later on. It should
be noted, however, that terms like ran biin med pa and others have undergone some changes due to
that influence.1<
A third argument lies again within the boundaries of the Madhyamaka-philosophy, specifically it's
enlargement by epistemological ideas. Thematically it is devoted to the difference between(Prasangika-
and Svatantrika-Madhyamaka (IIIb):

" Cf. the first part of the root-ven. for th. definitionofth. Prisaitgika-Madhyamakain YID. Vol. VAM, p. 643.3 (~f01 71a/3):
/ rgyal ba'i agoizr pa mthar thug min po'i don /
/ thal 'gyur pas ni spros pa kun 'gog ste /
After quoting VigrihaJJYa'Oartani, v. 29, the first topic concerns the "method how to remove discursive elaborations" (!pros
pa 'gog pa'i chul). In the Grub mtha' mjod the whole procedure is named thal 'gyur gyi !pros pa geo4 pa'i chul. ed.
Dodrupch.n Rinpoch., pp. 131.5-137.5 (~ £Ok 66a/5-69a/5). Thes. two paragraphs I use in the following.
1-4 .As is stated in the rIogs pa Chen po bLa mayan tig /as gnis ka'iyan yig nam mkha' klan then gyi Tnampar biad pa iii 11Ul snan
byed (~ Three works on rDzogs-chen Practice, part 3), New-Delhi 1972, p. 309.1 (~ fol. 49"1)"a,; bim med pa'; go IHgS yeo
meJ La go ba. Concerning the Original State (glis) we find the following remark: 'dir ni snail srid 'khor'dar kyi chos thams cad
rig nor rnan yan giis nor rna grub pa ye stan mtha'/as 'das pa'i stan par rtogs par bya'o. Attentio~ must be paid to the use of
such terms as ye meJ and ye stan in order to retrace the changed application of the Madhyamaka-terminology. The author of
the just-mentioned work, mKhan-po Nag-dbati dpal-bzail of Ka1;t-thog (1879-1941), explicitly refers in the whole passage to
the Prisangika-interpretation of Klon-chen rab-'byams-pa: pp. 30S.2-309.5 (= fols. 4Sbl2-49a/5).
 144 Franz-Karl Ehrhard

j'Furtheron the acknowledged theories (?) in the scriptures of those who affirm objective validitanon (va-
stubalapravrttaldnos po stabs iugs) are removed by this (prasanga-rnethod)j subsequent to having refuted (the
opponent) there are no ascertained propositions as in (the system of) the Svatantrika-Madhyamika. ,,15

According to Klan-chen rab-'byams-pa both subgroups of the Madhyamaka employ "five reasonings"
(gtan chigs Ina) to prove the emptiness of phenomena. The aim of the Svatantrika is the refutation of the
wrong statement of the opponent, supplementing it afterwards with a correct one. The Prasarigika-
Midhyamika in contrast is only motivated by bringing all theses of the opponent to an end, stopping
with this act the false conceptions of the opponent, his discursive elaborations (spros pay. He doesn't
propound any tenets - if I'm allowed to put it in such a strong way - to effect the spiritual salvation of
the opponent. In the works of Klan-chen rab-'byams-pa the opponent bears not only names like dnos
por smra ba and ran biin smra ba, he is also styled spros por smra ba.16
The soteriological implications of the spros pa'i 'gog chul indicated in the situation of the philosophi-
cal debate, become fully evident at the time the Ultimate Truth, Reality as such, is fathomed (don dam
gnas lugs gial ba'i che). As stated by Klan-chen rab-'byams-pa in a further passage, which we don't
quote in full length, the minute inspections using the different reasonings are employed on two
occasions: 1. The time the (different) doctrines are disputed (grub mtha' rcod dus), and 2. The time of
analyzing by means of prajna, (i. e.) the spiritual way (lam ses rab kyis dpyod dus). The arbitrary
equation of meditative absorption and the time Ultimate Truth is fathomed, which prompted the idea
that spiritual categories are introduced to solve the philosophical problem of khas len, can be establish-
ed now with the help of this distinction. Here we can locate the interlacing of the argumentative
techniques of the Prisangika-Madhyamaka with spiritual practice.
This brings forward a point of view which may not be neglected: the nucleus of the whole question is
shifted to the analysis of the experiencer himself. Weare told by Klon-chen rab-'byams-pa that at the
time of meditative absorption the individual is subjugated to different kinds of experiences or impres-
sions; at the outside there are objects visible in various ways (phyi sna chogs snan ba'i yul), at the inside
a mind having various conceptions or being free from them (nan sna chogs rtogpa dan mi rtog pa'i
sems), or the different mental stages of meditation (tin ne 'jin dan sgom pa fa sogs pa'i nams myon). All
these factors are not to be grasped in the sense of a formal account, they are only to be analyzed in
order to understand Ultimate Reality, which is iunyata. In this process no tenets such as "This is my
doctrine" ('di ni ran gi grub mtha'o), "This is another one" ('di nigian no) are propounded; the aim of
analyzing is exclusively the Middle (dbu rna), free from discursive elaborations (spros bral).'7

15 For the distinction between Prasangika- and Svatantrik:~Mad~yamaka in the philosophical system of Mi-pham rgya-mcho -
of special importance for the polemics with the dGe-Iugs-pa-school - d. K. Lipman (note I). p. 43ff. and M. J. Sweet,
Bodhicaryavatara 9:2 as a Focus for Tibetan Interpretations of the Two Truths in the Prasangika-Madhyamika, Journal of the
International Association of Buddhist Studies, 1979:2, p. 86.
16 For example in the Grub mtha' mjod, p. 132.1 (= fo1. 66b/l). The early history of the classical set at reasonings in the
Madhyamaka was elucidated by C. Lindtner: Ati.h's Introduction of the Two Truths, Journal of Indian Philosophy 9 (1981).
appendix, pp. 205 ff., while the recent works of T. Tillernans showed the logical implications of one of these arguments; e. g.
The "'neither one nor many" argument for sunyata, and it's Tibetan interpretations, Contributions on Tibetan and Buddhist
Religion and. Philosophy, Vol. 2 (= Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde, Heft 11), 1983, pp. 305-320. In
YID p Vol. VAM, pp. 645.3-650.2 (= fo1s. 72a/3-74b/2) Klon-chen rab-'byams-pa extends the set of four or five arguments
even up to eight. A teaching on the classical four arguments according to Mi-pham rgya-mcho's treatment in the mKhas 'lug
(foL 131a1S-140b/S) is contained in Thrangu Rinpoche's The Open Door to Emptiness, Kathmandu 1978, p. 11ff.
17 The identification of the state of meditative absorption with the viewpoint of the Prasangika-Madhyamaka of propounding no
tenets has far-reaching consequences for the later rNiil-ma-pa-philosophy. Mi-pham rgya-mcho refers for example in his
commentary to the Madhyamakalamkara (d. note 11) p. 256.3 (= fol. 127b/3) to a "Madhyamaka of Original Knowledge (at
the time of) meditative absorption, the profound intention of dPal-ldan Zla-ba (= Candrakirti)" (miiam giag ye ses kyi dbu
ma dpalldan zla ba'i dgons pa zab mojo This happens in his commentary to vv. 67-72 of the Madhyamakalamkara, which
are - according to the introduction p. 41.1 (= fol. 21a/l) - "one in intention and wording with (the works of) Candrakirti"
(dpalldan zla ba dan dgongs pa gCig dan dbyans glig tu gyur pa yin no). The criterium for this attribution lies exactly in the
fact that, beginning with v. 68. the topic of the khas len is discussed. Furthennore, the theory of paryaya- and aparyaya-
paramarthas4o/..'i.:(for details d. the articles in note 15) takes its origin from the commentary on these verses, and v. 68 is
 Observations on Prasangika-Madhyamaka in the rNin-ma-pa-school 145

4. With this formula we can resume the beginning of Mi-pham rgya-mcho's discussion and it's
mentioning of a "Great Madhyamaka, free from discursive elaborations" (spros bral dbu rna chen po),
propounding no philosophical tenets. The comparison with Klan-chen rab-'byams-pa IB showed in
which way this kind of Madhyamaka is related to the Prasangika-Madhyarnaka. It is an interpretation
of the last one, it's special issue being the transfer of the prasanga-reasonings - as the means of
definitely stopping discursive elaborations - to the subjective level of meditative absorption. This at
least is the picture we get when approaching it from the philosophical side.
Taking notice of the stress laid on the Original State (gsis) in both Mi-pham rgya-mcho's and Klon-
chen rab-'byams-pa's argumentation, a state where nothing exists by self-nature and thus every possi-
bility of propounding a tenet fades away, we could also relate this interpretation of Prasangika-
Madhyamaka to the influence of rJogs-chen-thought. A hint in this direction is Mi-pharn rgya-mcho's
wording that at the time of debate no tenets are propounded "in accordance with the Original State"
(gsis biin). Yet, for setting up such a hypothesis a better understanding of the rJ ogs-chen material is
necessary.
In his records on the "difficult points" (dka' gnad) in the Prasangika-chapter of YID, Mi-pham rgya-
mcho singles out, as worthy of discussion, only this linking of the Prasangika-standpoint of propound-
ing no tenets with the Ultimate TruthY Other sources also emphasize Klan-chen rab-'byams-pa's
innovative contribution to an interpretation of Prasangika-Madhyamaka; and the effects of his explana-
tions were not restricted to scholarly works alone. 20
Concluding my observations I wish to come back once again to the text which is so revealing for the
philosophy of Mi-pharn rgya-mcho and his predecessors, "The lamp of Precious Certainty". Another
passage suitably documents the general attitude of the rNin-ma-pa-school towards the Madhyamaka
(IV):
"According to the view of the All-Knowing One (= Klan-chen rab-'byarns-pa) our system has to be under-
stood in the following way. If the (teaching of the) Madhyarnaka should be the true one (lii.k,anika), it has to be
the Great Madhyamaka of Union (yuganaddha), or (with other words) the Madhyamaka free from discursive
elaborations. Because, after having been consolidated in harmony with Original Knowledge (jiiana) (at the time
of) exalted meditative absorption, its nature (consists in) the total appeasement of all extremes like existence,
non-existence, etc."

quoted by Mi-pham rgya-mcho in his commentary on the jiianasarasamuccaya, illustrating the Madhyamaka-system in
general; cf. K. Mimaki (note 1), p. 363.
18 The term dbu ma chen po is used twice in the Prasarigika-chapter of YID o Vol. VAM, p. 658.4 (= fo1. 78b/4) and p. 660.1
(= fo1. 79b/1). At its first occurrence we hear only what is not the "Great Madhyamaka", the second time db« rna chen po is
synonymous with the priisanga-method (thaI 'gyur chul). In rNin-ma-pa-scholasticism of the 18th cent. we can observe an
assimilation of this epithet. for the Prasarigika-Madhyamaka to the gian-ston-teachings, which led to the distinction of a
"coarse" (rags pay and a "finen (phra ba) Madhyamaka; cf. dGe-rce PaQ.Q.ita 'Gyur-med che-dbari mchog-grub (1764-1824?):
rNin rgyud rtogs brjod, Vol. 1 (= rNm ma'i rgyud 'bum, Vol. 35). Thimbu 1975, pp. 101.4-150.4 (= foIs. 51a14-75b/4) and
bDud-'joms Rin-po-che 'Jigs-bral ye-ses rdo-rJe (1904-1987): Bstan pa'i rnam giag, Kalimpong 1967, fols. 72b/3-95b/6. I
will come back to this subject in the near future.
19 Yid biin rin po che'i mjod kyi dka' gnad (d. note 10), p. 1060.3-5 (= fo1. 30b/3-5). The only further remark states that there
are many, up to now unknown statements in the Prasangika-chapter, but being clearly expressed one has no difficulty in
understanding them. In the commentary on the Madhyamakalaytlkara pp. 63.6-64,1 (= fols. 32a/6-b/1) the definition of the
Prasangika-Madhyamaka as the teaching which grasps no extremes like yod and med, e, g. propounds no tenets, is qualified as
the special view (bied pa thun mon ma yin paY of Klan-chen rab-'byams-pa. mKhan-po Nag-dban dpal-bzan talks of kun
mkhyen chas kyi rgyal pa'i dgons pa bla na med pa; d. the work mentioned in note 14, p, 309.5 (= fo1. 49a/S).
21) Cf, rjags pa chen pa klan chen siiin tig gi gdod ma'j mgan pa'i lam gyi rim pa'i khrid yig ye ses bla rna (= Klan chen siiin tig,
Vol. 3), Paro 1976, p. 315.1-5 (~ 101. 9b/l-S). In this "manual" (khrid yig), written by 'Jigs-med glin-pa (1729-1791), a
spiritual technique is found under the name of "Pondering Reality as such" (gnas lugs fa brtag paY; with the help of this
pondering one examines from where the mind arises, where it abides, and to which place it evaporates (byun gnas 'gro gsum la
brtag pa). In 'jigs-med glin-pa's words the result of the first part of this exercise is a "state being free from each and every
tenet" (khas len thams cad dan bra!. baJi nan) and he quotes Vigrahavyavartani, v, 29b. Applying Klon-chen rab-'byams-pa's
Prasangika-interpretation to his specific needs in the context of spiritual instruction, he explains further that this state is not
reached by those who boast to be Prasangikas and analyse byway of the mind (yid), but only by seeing the True Nature (chos
iiid), the Great Completion (rJogs pa chen po).
146 Franz-Karl Ehrhard

Appendix

NES = Nes ies rin po che'i sgron me

A photostatic reproduction in Collected Writings of 'jam-mgon 'ju Mi-pham rgya-mtsho, Vol. 8
(= Ngagyur Nyingmay Sunrab, Vol. 67), ed. Sonam Tobgay Kazi, Gangtok 1976.
B xylograph edition, published by gSmi rab iiams gso rgyun spel spar khan, Tashijong, Palampur
(H.P.), n.d.
YID, = Theg pa chen po'i man nag gi bstan bcos yid biin rin po che'i mjod kyi 'gre! pa padma dkar po
A photostatic reproduction, ed. Dodrupchen Rinpoche, Gangtok 1966 or 1967 (supposedly repro-
duced from the A-'jom Brug-pa Chos-sGar blocks).
B photostatic reproduction in Mjod bdun. The famed seven treasuries of Vajrayana Buddhist
philosophy by Kun-mkhyen Klon-chen-pa Dri-med 'od-zer. Reproduced from prints from the
sDe-dge blocks belonging to Lopon Sonam Sangpo, VoL Ka; eds. Sherab Gyaltsen and Khentse
Labrang, Gangtok 1983.

NES (A fols. 19b/S-20al2; B fols. 2Sa/2-6):

/ klon chen rab 'byams 'di skad du /
/ dbu mar khas len yod med la /
/ sna rabsl pa rnams phyogs rer 'jin /
/ lugs rer skyon yon gilis re gnas /
/ des na ran gi' bied pa la /
/ don dam gnas lugs gial ba'i che /
/ giis la Cir yan ma grub ltar /
/ khas kyan i':i iig len par byed /
/ de phyir grub mtha' gnas lugs kyi /
/ khas len yin phyir rcod sogs che /
/ giis biin khas len i':i yan med /
/ rfes thob lam 'bras grub pa'i mtha' /
/ fi Ita' fi siled rnam Mag rnams /
/ ma 'dres 50S sor khas len 'dod /
/ phyin chad chul 'di smra ies na /
/ kho bo'i legs biad mthu yin gsuns / . j

1 A: sna sde, 2 A: gis, 3 A: ji ltar

II YID, (A Vol. VAM, fols. 79a/S-b/l; B fols. 232b/7-Z33a/Z):

/ lugs' di gilis sna rabs pa dag gis ma phyed pas gcan pal ni / khas mi len la / rma bya ni' len par snan
ste gilis ka? legs chos re dan skyon re dmigs pa'i phyir' giun fi Ita ba biin gyi don cun zad ma
dgons par snan no / 'di ni rnam par dpyod pa'i blo gros dan giun lugs phal po' che mthon ba las
byun ba'i mig rgyas pas giun na gab lin 'thor ba'i don gsal por phye pa yin no / phyin chad da'm
bCa' 'di 'cha' ies pa rnams ni kho bo'i giun 'di'i mthur ies par bya'o /

1 B: bread pa po (!), 2 B: smra bya 'di (!), 3 B: giiis ka, 4 B: phyir fa 1, 5 B: pha! ma

III YID, (A Vol. V AM, fols. 71b/2-4; B fols. 226b/S-227a/1):

/ giis no bor gan yan ran biin ma grub pa dan / khas len pa thams cad bden ien dan bcas pas na l
ran biinjiu smra ba dag gi lugs ran gi gzun khas blans nan' 'gal ba dan / dnos po stobs iugs khas
 ObservatWns·on Prasangika-Madhyamaka in the rNin-ma-pa-school 147

- len pa po de'i giiun la grags chotP· des 'gog pa yin la / bkag pa'i rjes la ran rgyud pa Itar nes pa'i
dam bi!a' med de /

1 B: pas; 2 B: khas blaits na'ao, 3 B: Chod

N NES (A foIs. 20b/5-6; B fols. 26a/4-6):

/ des na kun mkhyen biied pa biiin /
/ ran lugs 'di Itar ses par bya /
/ dbu ma mchan iiid pa yin na /
/ zun 'jug dbu ma chen po'am /
/ spros bral dbu ma yin dgos te /
/ 'phags pa'i miiam biiag ye ses dan /
/ rjes su mthun par gtan phab I nas /
/ yod med la sogs mtha' mams kun /
/ iier iii'i ran biiin yin phyir ro /

1 B: ph.b.

P. S. The different readings in quotations II and III show the necessity of comparing all the editions of
KlOli.-chen rab-'byams-pa's works which are published up to the present. A most interesting
account of the edition prepared by the II. rJogs-chen Rigs-'jin 'Gyur-med theg-mchog bstan-'jin
(* 1699) is to be found in rGyal ba gilis pa kun mkhyen nag gi dban po'i gsun rab las mjod bdun
nal gso gsan tika rnams rmad byun 'phrul gyi phyi chos fi ltar bsgrub pa'i chullas breoms pa'i no
mehar gtam gyi gUn bu skal bzan rna ba'i dga' ston, ed. Dodrop Sangyay Lama, Gangtok 1976
(thanks to Leonard W. J. v.d. Kuijp for providing me with a copy of that text).
The whole question concerning the editorial history of KlOli-chen rab-'byams-pa's works is
raised shortly by G. Smith in his introduction to Rang grol skor gsum and Byang chub kyi sems
kyun byed rgyal po'i don khTid Tin chen gru bo (= Ngagyur Nyingmay Sungrab, Vol. 4),
Gangtok 1969, p. 6.
 Some Aspects of the Influence
of Tibetan Literature over Mongolian Literary Tradition

ALEXANDER FEDOTOV (SOFIA)

There is no such world literature, which develops in the conditions of absolute isolation, like on a
desert island. Every literature is influenced by one or another literature or even several literatures. As a
rule these are literatures of neighbouring countries and peoples. Susceptibility to influence depends on
a whole complex of circumstances and reasons of a social-historical nature. Such an influence is two-
sideS, that is a literature is not only influenced by another literature, but at the same time exerts
influence over it. Mostly two-sided influence develops unevenly, conditioned by historical and eth-
nocnltural reasons. There is strong mutual influence between old literatures in Central Asia, including
Tibetan and Mongolian literatures. Let us dwell on only one side of the influence of Tibetan and
Mongolian literatures: namely of Tibetan over Mongolian.
It is necessary to say, that during its development the old Mongolian literature had been influenced
by ancient Indian and Chinese literatures, too, but exactly Tibetan literature in different historical
periods was of great, decisive importance for the development of the literature of Mongolian people.
The Mongols got acquainted with Tibetan culture, specially with Tibetan literature, in the period of
the penetration and spreading of Buddhism in Mongolia. This process started comparatively early
(13 ili c.), but attained its zenith just at the end of the 16,h c. and the beginning of the 17ili c., when
Mongolian and Tibetan literatures reached the most close interaction. The history of this interaction is
conventionally divided into some periods, which will be described below.
Why namely Tibetan, but not Indian or Chinese literature was of decisive importance for the
development of the old Mongolian literature? The answer to the question is that Buddhism, which
appeared in India in the 6-S'h c. before A.D., came to Mongolia from Tibet, more accurately, came
through Tibet. It came in the form of Lamaism. At the end of the 16,h c. Mongolia was divided into
several feudal independent principalities. Because of the prolonged intestine wars the plight of the
ordinary people was the heaviest. The penetration of Lamaism proceeded under the conditions of
existence of Shamanism, which could not satisfy the religious needs of the people. It was necessary for a
new religion to appear, which could raise in its breast hopes of the future life. That is why Lamaism
with its conceptions found in Mongolia a beneficial land.
The Central Asian form of Buddhism - Lamaism - had not abolished some forms of Shamanist
ceremonies, which were very popular among the Tibetan and Mongolian people, but just modified
them, gave them Lamaist trend, even included some Shamanist ideas and ceremonies into its own
rituals. An example of such combination is the Lamaist tradition of 'chams. So in this way complicated
religious syncretism appeard.
But it should be noted, that Buddhism exerted great influence over spiritual cnlture of the Mongols.
One of the evidences of such an influence is that even in the 14ili c. the famous Mongolian scholar and
poet Choiji Odser (chos-kyi 'od-zer) (12S0-1320?) wrote in Tibetan "The twelve deeds of Buddha",
which later was translated into Mongolian as "Burhny arYan hoir zohiongui". Unfortunately, neither
"The twelve deeds of Buddha» nor another work, written by Mongols in Tibetan, has been preserved
till our days. Just when the intestine wars ended the time came of.a real possibility to liven up the
literary activity of Mongols and to preserve their written works.
The lamas, invited from Tibet to strength Lamaism in Mongolia, brought the Tibetan language, too.
The written Tibetan language dates from the ~ c., much earlier than the Mongolian one, that is why in
158 Alexander Fedoto'U

the period of the penetration of Tibetan culture into Mongolia Tibetan literature was very rich in
genres and forms, compared with the old Mongolian literature. At the first period of the penetration of
Lamaism into Mongolia special attention was paid to translation and printing of books. Mongolian
Ligden-han (he ruled in 1604-1634), for example, ordered to organise special "editorial board",
headed by Gunga-Odser, to translate bKa'-'gyur. That issue of bKa'-'gyurconsisted of 108 volumes. In
the 18,h c. in Mongolia bsTan-'gyur in 226 volumes was translated. Many Mongolian scholars took part
in that titanic work.
In spite of the Tibetan cultural influence, by the 17,h c. Mongolian literature proper had its own firm
tradition: its poetic and prose genres were well-developed. Under the new conditions of Lamaist
ideology literature was mostly used for pure utilitarian aims - just to advocate Buddhist religion. In
any case Lamaist writers used those genres of the old literature, which were convenient, suitable for the
propaganda of Buddhism. What Imean are didactic, hagiographic works. Even folklore works, after
they had been altered, were used for the same aim.
The spreading of Buddhism in Mongolia and its ever more increasing influence over Mongolian
culture coincided with the end of the so-called "vague" period in the history of Mongolian literature
and the beginning of its Renaissance. Boris Vladimirtsov wrote, that at that period Mongolian literature
mainly served as a means of Buddhist propaganda and in its following development became a spreader
of Buddhist dogmatism and mass, Buddhist ideas and-views, Buddhist stories. However, it satisfied the
vital requirements of the Mongolian people.
Besides such adaptation of original Mongolian literary works, authorized and free translations or
even expositions of Tibetan works, were widely used for the spreading of Lamaism. The aim was quite
the same - on the basis of strict traditions to prove and demonstrate the necessiry of adopting
Buddhism. Such works had been tested in the conditions of Tibet in the period of Buddhist "invasion"
there from India. If we bear in mind the almost identical historical and social conditions of the
development of Mongolia and Tibet, it is clear, that such method of spreading Buddhism was the most
successful. The authors of Mongolian variants of Tibetan canonical literature use4-to replace the names
of the heroes with Mongolian ones and partly adapted the original text, giving to it a Mongolian form,
mongolizing it. It was a period of the appearence of the so-called mixed Tibetan-Mongolian literature.
Let us give some examples of such works: "Story of White Tara" (Tsagaan Dar' eh) and "Story of
Green Tara" (Nogoon Dar' eh). In both stories one can find an interesting mixture of natural and
supernatural elements, which is so normal and usual for Buddhist view.
Through Lamaism the Tibetan language penetrated into Mongolia, too. After Buddhism had become
there the official religion, the position of the Tibetan language changed, too. At that time works in
Tibetan were written not only on the territoryAlf proper Tibet, but in Mongolia. Secular Mongolian
literature was also written in Tibetan. So, that is an example of bilingualism in Mongolia. It is impossi-
ble to define the role of the Tibetan language in the Mongolian sociery just in few words. Undoubtedly,
it was a means of giving the Mongols access to rich Oriental cultures; first of all Tibetan and Indian
cultures. A lot of works had been translated from Tibetan and Sanskrit into Mongolian. On the other
hand in old Mongolia not all the Mongolian people knew Tibetan; the greater part of the population
was illiterate. However, there is a lot of different works, written in Tibetan by Mongolian scholars and
writers. We may even say, that it was culture in the Tibetan language that was spread among the
Mongols, followed by literature in the Tibetan language.
It is necessary to dwell at length on the most considerable result of the influence of Tibetan literature
over Mongolian literary tradition: Mongolian literature, written in Tibetan. It is rich in genres as well
as in quantiry. This literature includes the traditional sciences: the five higher and the five minor ones.
The first five are: the science of words, or language; the science of healing, or medicine; dialectics;
mechanical arts; doctrine. The second five are: astronomy; crafts; prosody; theory of poetry; dramatic
composition. The works, written in Tibetan by Mongols, are in the form of gsun 'bum and separate
books and manuscripts. All the works by Mongolian authors in Tibetan are an organic part of classical
Mongolian literature.
Mongolian fi9tion in Tibetan is represented by traditional genres: biography; legend, preaching
 Some Aspects of the bifluence of Tibetan Literature over Mongolian Literary Tradition 159

mo~al rules; written biography; history; moral lessons; sutra, etc. Mongolian literature in the Tibetan
language also includes Buddhist-Shamanist poetry; holy discourses; stories; praises; songs and so on.
The disciple ofUndur-gegen (1635-1723) - GelegJaltsan - translated from Tibetan into Mongo~
lian Kavyaiaria of Dal).c;!in - an Indian scholar and writer (7'h c.). Later the translation was included
into Mongolian Danjur.
Another disciple of Undur-gegen - Lobsang Priolei or Halba's Zaya-pandit (1642-1715) wrote the
first commentary to Kavyadarsa in Mongolia and several volumes of works on different sections of
Buddhism. Lobsang Prinlei is also the author of some biographies, most of which are in the four-
volume work "Bright mirror" (zab pa dan rgya che ba'i chos leyi thob yig gsal ba'i me Ion). His gsun
'bum contains didactic poems "Crystal mirror" (lugs zun g; bslab bya sel dkar me Ion), "Moral lessons
of social utility" (lugs zun gi bslab yin pa so gog gam legs Mad kun phan). The tradition of such kind of
didactic poetry, borrowed from Tibet, later became very popular in Mongolian literature in Tibetan.
Lobsang Prinlei was one of those writers, who developed it in their country. The life and activity of
Lobsang Priolei is quite typical of the most Mongolian writers, engaged in intensive religious work,
. too. Study of Buddhist philosophy and the rules of Tibetan poetics is an indispensable condition for
success in this way.
The further golden age of Mongolian literature in Tibetan set in the second part of the 18,h c. Until
that time Mongolian writers wrote their works in both languages (Mongolian and Tibetan), while later
many of them used to write mainly in Tibetan.
Sumba-hambo Ishbaljir (1704-1788) was a famous scholar and writer. His literary heritage consists
of ten big volumes of works on different sciences. Sumba-hambo is the author of two commentaries to
Kiivyadarsa, an autobiography and several didactic poems. Sumba-hambo's particular talent became
apparent in such didactic works as "Song, named 'Melodic cuckoo' (mgur khu byun nag snan)" and
"Sutra of secular contents, the so-called 'Wreath of flowers' (mi'i chos lugs ley; bstan chos me tog phren
mjes)".
Another Mongolian writer Janja Rolbi Dorje (1717-1786) made a valuable contribution to the
development of Mongolian culture. He mastered Mongolian, Tibetan, Chinese and Manchurian lan-
guages and took part in translating different works. He was one of those who edited the Mongolian
Danjur and issued The Tibetan-Mongolian terminological dictionary. His gsun 'bum consists of eight
volumes and contains the biography of the Seventh Dalai-lama Lobsang Galsan Jamtso and Achitu
Nomun-han, various didactic works and some ritual poems.
A wellknown Mongolian writer, scholar and translater, Chahar-gebshi Lobsang Chultim
(1740-1810) wrote his works in both languages: Tibetan and Mongolian. We are indebted to him for
The biography of Dzonkapa, which was very popular not only in Mongolia, but in Tibet, too, for his
ritual and didactic poems, such as "Belauding white old demon" (sa bdag rgan dkar gy; bsan), "Golden
drink Gun-lo-e" (bkvan 10 ye'; gser skyems), "The history about Lhamo" (lba mo'; 10 rgyus), "The
history about Zungabo' (gcun dga' bo'; 10 rgyus), "The history about seven girls" (gion nu rna bdun
gyi rtogs brfod).
Gsun 'bum of Lobsang Dagba Damba Darja (born in 1734, lived in Erdeni-Dzu) contains about 30
volumes; gsun 'bum of Aria Janlun-pandit Agvan Lobsang Dagba Jaltsan - 6 volumes. Another
famous Mongolian poet and wellknown translater Dai-gushi Agvan Dampillived in 1700-1780.
Very interesting is the fact, that the influence of Tibetan literature over Mongolian literary tradition
one can see in its semantic and genre variety, but anyway Mongolian literature in Tibetan generally is
inseparable from Mongolian literature in Mongolian. The both are under the same rules. For example
from the end of the 18'" c. some special tendencies appeared in the development of Mongolian literature
(in both languages). They stemmed from great changes in the country's political and social-economical
life. The presence of Manchurian invaders in Mongolia caused great resentment among the population.
The Mongols rose in rebellion against foreign oppressors which prompted the appearance of a critical
tendency in Mongolian literature. At that time the links between written literature and the folklore
traditions became deeper.
Extremely significant in this respect are the works of Agvan Haidub (1779-1838). As a child he
,
160 Alexander Fedotov

mastered written Mongolian and later educated in Buddhism including Tibetan and Sanskrit. He visited
Gumbum and Lhasa as pilgrim.
Literary heritage of Agvan Haidub contains 6 volumes: 5 of them are printed in Urga (Ulan-Bator
now). He is the author of several fiction works: "The argument with shaggy pandit Tserinpel" (parjc#ta
spu rin ehe rin 'phe! ies pa'i reod yig), "Talking between ram, he-goat and bule" (beun pa dan ra lug
glan gsum gyi 'bel gtam bya ba'i ehul du bris pa'i yi ge) and so on. All fiction works of Agvan Haidub
are notable for the great care in the selection of figurative means. In his works the author critisized
lamas, feudals and Manchurian and Chinese oppressors.
One of the outstanding Mongolian writers in the 19,h c. is Danjin Ravja (1803-1856). In contrast to
other high lamas, engaged in many different sciences, Ravja worked in only the field of fiction. He
wrote in both Mongolian and Tibetan. Today we dispose of about 170 his works in Mongolian and
about 180 - in Tibetan. It is unknown yet in what language some of his works existing in both
languages were originally written. The writer achieved his greatest success in lyric poetry, including
love lyrics. He was the first, who wrote in this genre in Mongolian literature.
His poems in Tibetan are of a religious nature and tell us about respect of the Teacher, perishable
nature, future karmas and so on.
Another striking demonstration of the influence of folklore over written literature: in the 19,h c.
poems generally called "ug" (word) were very popular. Mongolian Lama Ishsambu wrote some "ugs"
in Mongolian and Tibetan, for example "Word of the antilope-orphan" (ri dvags phrun gu'i 'bel gtam)
and so on.
Well known among Mongols were also "Word of the old cow" (glan rgan mo'i 'bel gtam) and
"Word of the marmot" (phyi ba'i 'bel gtam) written in both languages.
Generally the influence of Tibetan literature over Mongolian literary tradition can be divided into
four periods. The first period is the time of making translations of Buddhist works. The second - the
time of adaptation of original Mongolian works for the propaganda of Buddhism in Mongolia. The
third - the time of free translations and expositions of Tibetan works. And the last one - the time of
creating original Mongolian works in Tibetan by Mongolian writers. "
The increasing and deepening of the influence depends on the gradual changing of the role of the
Tibetan language in Mongolia. Moreover, we point to a paradox: only a small part of Mongolian clergy
perfectly mastered the Tibetan language. Superior Lamas used the fact that ordinary people did not
know Tibetan as a magic means of raising the prestige of Lamaism. The ordinary people regarded with
reverence prayer in Tibetan. Situation was nearly the same in the Medieval Western and Central
Europe, where Latin played the role of a magic language. Common ministers of Lamaist church knew
only the Tibetan alphabet, but not real Tibedn. They more often read Tibetan texts mechanically. It
was even worse for the Mongolian script, which was not included into the "programme" of monas-
tery's education. That is why, on the one hand, the ordinary Lamas were literate, but on the other hand
- illiterate. They just used symbols of the Tibetan alphabet, not for writing down Tibetan words, but
for their own Mongolian words.
In general the Tibetan tradition including Tibetan literature was a very positive phenomenon in the
cultural and spiritual life of the Mongols, of course in their old literature, too. In different historical
periods Tibetan literature's influence evolved in the way of the development of Buddhism in Mongolia.
Undoubtedly, we may regard as zenith of the influence the appearence of Mongolian literature in
Tibetan, the history of which runs to 300 years (from the first part of the 17,h till the beginning of the
20,h century), but if we take into account the works written by Choiji Odser, for example, the history
will be even longer. The development of Mongolian literature in Tibetan was not only simultaneous to
the development of Mongolian literature proper, but even interconnected with it and was under the
same rules and traditions.
 Some Aspects of the Influence of Tibetan Literature over Mongolian Literary Tradition 161

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIRA, Sh.o MongoL'skaya tibetoyazychnaya istoricheskaya Literatura (17-19 ,b c.). Ulan-Bator, 1960.
DAMDINSUREN,. Ts., Istoricheskie komi Geseriady. Moscow, 1957.
DAMDISURUNG,Ce., Mongyol uran jokial-un degeji jarun bilig oruswai (CSM. T. 14). 1959.
GOMBoJAB, D., Mongyolcud-un tBbed kde-ber jokiyaysan jokial-un juyil. - SM. T. I. Fasc. 28. Ulaanbaatar, 1959,
Internatsional'noe i natsional'noe v literaturah Vostoka. Moscow, 1972.
. KARAt D., Knigi mongo['skih kochevniko'IJ. Moscow, 1972.
LOKESH, Ch., Eminent Tibetan Polimaths of Mongolia. New Delhi, 1961 (SPS 16).
MIHAILOV, G., Literatumoe nasledswo mongolov, Moscow, 1969.
MIHAILOV, G., YATSKOVSKAYA, K., Mongol'skaya literatura. Kratkii ocherk. Moscow, 1969.
Mongolyn uran zohiolyn toirn. II vol. Ulan-Bator, 1977.
PAGBA, T., Tuvd usgeer ugchilsen mongol nom zohiol. - SM. vol. II. Ulan-Bator, 1961.
POZDNEEV, A., Lektsii po marii mongofskoi literatury. Sankt Petersburg, 1896.
POPPE, N., The twelve Deeds of Buddha. Wiesbaden, 1967.
TSERENsoDNoM, D., XIY zuuny uein yaruu nairagch Choiji Odser. Ulan-Bator, 1969.
TUDEV, L., Mongolyn uran zohiolyn undesnii bolood niitleg shinjo Ulan-Bator, 1975.
YONDON, D., Mongol'skaya tibetoyazychnaya hudozestvennaya literatura.. In: Literaturnye svyazi Mongolii. Moscow, 1981.
VLADIMIRTSOV, B., Mongol'skaya literatura. In: Literatura Vostoka. II issue .. Petersburg, 1920.
-, Obraztsy mongol'skoi narodnoi slofJesnosti. Leningrad, 1926.
VOSTRIKOV, A .• Tibetskaya istoricheskaya literatura. Moscow. 1962.
 The Triratnastotra Ascribed to Miitrceta':-
JENS-UWE HARTMANN (GiirrINGEN)

Mat,ce!> ranks among the most famous Buddhist poets of India, and this renown he mainly won as an
author of hymns, Stotras. His two main works are the Var/Jarhava17!astotra, "The Praise of the
Praiseworthy", and the Satapaiicasatka, the "(Praise in) 150 Verses".' The Chinese Indian-pilgrinI Yi-
jing, for instance, writes about these two hymns in his travel record: "". in India all who compose
hymns inIitate his style, considering him the father of literature. Even men like the Bodhisattvas Asanga
and Vasubandhu admired hinI greatly. Throughout India every one who becomes a monk is taught
Matrceta's two hymns as soon as he can recite the five and ten precepts (Sila). This course is adopted by
both the Mahayana and Hinayana schools.'"
Little is known about Mat,ceta's date. The fact that the Maharajakan;'kalekha, "The Letter to the
King Kani.ka", is ascribed to him, has led various scholars to differing attempts at dating him.' These
attempts have in common they are all built up on several hypotheses. The problem is a difficult one,
and I cannot offer a convincing date either, but at least a new terminus ante quem. While preparing a
new edition of the Va17!arhava17!astotra I came across two lengthy quotations from this stotra in the
*Mahaprajiiaparamita-upadesa! This work was translated into Chinese by Kumarajiva between 402
and 406, and as Kumarajiva came to China in 384, this would give the first half of the fourth century as
the latest possible date for the composition of the hymn.
Matrceta's fame has also spread into Tibet. Both Bu stan and Taranatha deal with hinI, Bu stan
briefly fearing the stories to be too many, but Taranatha at length.' Apart from their Tibetan transla-
tions, both these Stotras are also not unknown to the living Tibetan tradition, at least that of the dGe
lugs pa school, as Can kha pa several times quotes from them in his Lam rim chen mo and his sNags rim
chen mo. 6

* Shortly after reading my paper, Professor Katsumi Mimaki, at present in Hamburg, kindly drew my attention to an article by
Noriaki Hakamaya (cf. bibliography) about Ye ses sde's commentary. While Hakamaya had started from Ye ses sde and
ended up with the Triratnastotra, I had gone the other way round. starting with Matrce~a and by chance coming across Ye ses
sde's work. Later Dr. Hisashi Matsumura, now in Gottingen. referred me to two papers of Masayoshi Takasaki about the
Triratnastotravrtti; thanks are due to him, especially for making the contents of the three Japanese articles accessible to me.
Accordingly my paper has been shonened by reference to these works wherever possible. Finally, thanks are due to Dr. Chris
Callanan for correcting the English of this paper.
t D.R. Shackleton Bailey, The VarJ;larhavaqtastotra of Mitrceta, in: BSOAS 13 (1970), pp. 671-701, 810, 947-1003; idem, The
Satapaficasatka of Miitrceta. Sanskrit Text, Tibetan Text, Commentary and Chinese Translation, Cambridge 1951.
2. A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and the Malay Archipelago (A.D. 671-695) by I-tsing. Trans!. by
J. Takakusu, London 1896, p. 157.
3 Cf. Shackleton Bailey, Satapaficiifatka (cf. note 1), pp. If. and 9; Etienne Lamotte, Histoire du bouddhisme indien, Louvain
1958 (Bibliotheque du Museon 43), p. 656 .
.f Taisho No. 1509; the first (p. 66bl0ff.) corresponds to VaY1}arhavaY1'}astotra VII.17-22, the second (pp. 222c22ff.) to
V.3-VI.7; d. Etienne Lamotte, Le traite de la grand vertu de sagesse de Nagarjuna (Mahaprajiiapiiramitasastra). Vol. I,
Louvain 1949, pp. 83f., and Vol. III. Louvain 1970, pp. 1378ff.
s The Collected Works of Bu-ston, Pt. 24 (ya). Ed. by Lakesh Chandra, New Delhi 1971 (SPS 64). fa!' 101v2-5 and 103r6-7;
cf. E. Obermiller, History of Buddhism (Chos-J,byU'h) by Bu-ston, Heidelberg 1932, VoL II; p. 130 and 136; Taranathae de
Doctrinae Buddhicae in India Propagatione. Ed. by A. Schiefner, St. Petersburg 1868, pp. 67f. and 70ff.; d. Lama Chimpa
and A. Chattopadhyaya, Taranatha's History of Buddhism in India, Simla 1970, pp. 125f. and 13off.
£. E.g. Lam rim chen mo (Peking edition, no. 6001, vol. ka), fo1. 50v8, 238vl, 241v1, 245vl, 303v5; sNags rim chen mo (Peking
edition, no. 6210, vo!' ja), fol. 3r6.
 178 lens-Uw. Hartmann

Besides these two famous hymns there are about 18 works connected with Matrce~a's name in 'one
way or another. The bulk of them are preserved ouly in Tibetan translation, and most of them are
Stotras.' Obviously Mat.ce~a was famous as the writer of Stotras par excellence, and therefore all those
ascriptions should be accepted with caution, until they can be confirmed by independent sources and
by means of internal criteria.
One of these works ascribed to Matrce~a is the TriratnastotTa (dKon mcbog gsum la bstod pa), a very
short text consisting of four verses only. It is presumably lost in Sanskrit, but preserved in a Tibetan
translation. Despite its brevity it must already in India have been of some importance as it was
considered worthy of commentary. In the Tanjur the text of the Stotra itself is immediately followed
by a comparatively extensive commentary, a V.tti, of about six leaves in the Peking edition. At the end
of the Stotra there is only an author's colophon, but as the quoted lines in the commentary agree
verbatim with the Stotra itself, the translators' colophon of the commentary most probably holds true
for both works. Accordingly the translation was carried out by JiiiinaSiinti and dPal gyi !hun po'i sde,
hence in the beginning of the 9th century as dPal gyi !hun po was a contemporary of the great translator
dPal hrcegs rakJita.' The translation is, however, not listed in the old catalogue of Lhan dkar.
According to its colophon the commentary was written by rGyal ba'i sras, a name to which would
correspond a Sanskrit Jinaputra. Little is known about this author; the works connected with his name
all belong to the Yogacara tradition.' As the Stotra commentary is written from the viewpoint of the
same school,t° the ascription of the colophon may be correct or is at least a possibility to be reckoned
with.
To return to the Stotra itself, mention must be made of a second indication of its importance at an
earlier time, namely the existence of three Tibetan manuscripts from Dunhuang which preserve its text.
Two of them belong to the Pelliot collection in Paris; they are numbered 135 and 136 in the inventory
of Lalou. ll Both comprise only a" single leaf; No. 135, a rather well written folio of about 7 by 52 cm, is
·complete, but without a colophon. The other, No. 136, is a smaller folio of about 7 by 21 cm and
written less caref,illy. The text continued on a second leaf, which, however, appears to be lost. The
third manuscript, also consisting of one leaf, belongs to the Stein collection in th~ India Office Library;
it is numbered 281 in 1. de La Vallee Poussin's catalogue,12 measures about 8 by 44 cm and contains an
interlinear gloss written in very small dBu-med characters. Apart from a certain number of variants the
text" of all three manuscripts agrees with the canonical translation.
There is even a third indication of the importance of this short Stotra and especially of its early
popularity among the Tibetans, namely a second commentary preserved in the Tibetan Tripi~aka. As it
was written by a Tibetan hitnself, it did not come to be included in the Stotra section but was
incorporated among the few works of Tibet:d'i authors in quite another part of the Tanjur. This second
commentary was composed by the famous Ye ses sde, one of the most important translators at the
beginning of the 9th century. Its title runs Sans rgyas gco bo'i rgya cber 'grel pa, which instead of the
original title TriratnastotTa takes up the first line of the hymn, i. e. sans rgyas gco fa pbyag 'cballo."

1 Cf. Shackleton Bailey, Satapanciiiatka (note 1), p. 1.

, Cf. J. W. de Jong, Notes. propos des colophons du Kanjur, in: ZAS 6 (1972), p. 530 (no. 223); Hakamaya, p. 8.
, Peking edition nos. 5547, 5554, 5555; Taisho nos. 1580 and 1606 (for the latter cf. Schmithausen, NhviQa-Abschnitt, p. 101,
note y); d. Takasaki 1972, p. 36. For a partial translation of the Vrtti into Japanese see Takasaki 1972, p. 4Of., and Takasaki
1978, pp. 630ff.
10 Cf. Takasaki 1978, p. 633.

11 Marcelle Lalou, Inventaire des manuscrits tib€tams de Touen-houang conserves a Ia Bibliotheque Nationale, Vol. I, Paris
1939, p. 46f. Thanks are due to the Bibliotheque Nationale for excellent photocopies of both.
12 Louis de La Vallee Poussin, Catalogue of the Tibetan Manuscripts in the India Office Library, Oxford 1962, p. 94f. Dr.
Helmut Eimer, Bonn, kindly provided me with a copy. - The manuscript was independently identified by Hakamaya, cf.
p. 21 of his article.
13 Cf. Hakamaya, p. 3j for an analysis of the structure of this commentary see ibidem, pp. 9-11, for a Japanese translation
pp.11-21. U'
 The Triratnastotra Ascribed to Matrceta 179

Despite its classification as rGya cher 'grel pa it is shorter than Jinaputra's work, comprising about four
leaves in the Peking edition, which however can partly be explained by the fact that it does not
comment on the first verse of the Stotra, which it merely quotes.
Compared'to Jinaputra's work Yeses sde's commentary is more clearly structured, stating for each'
verse a number of phun sum chogs pa - between four and five - which are to be expressed by the verse
and on the basis of which the verse is explained. H While Jinaputra's commentary contains at least seven
quotations - from the Sa>r'dhinirmocanasiitra (No. 2036, fol. 124v2; all references are to the Peking
edition), the Prajiiiipiiramitii (128r5), from Vasubandhu a long and rather poetical verse (126v6) which,
however, I was not able to identify, and from unnamed sources (fols. 126r3, r5, 127r4, 128r3) -, Ye ses
sde does not quote a single time from the scriptures. There is no indication that he has used or even
known Jinaputra's work, but as his commentary is also based on the canonical translation of the Stotra
this seems to be rather likely;15 moreover, it is also written from the Yogacara point of view." Apart
from an allusion to a comparison in the VarrJarhavantastotra there is no reference at all to Mat.rce~a.17
Finally, the commentary does not conclude with the usual transferring of merit which, incidentally,
also holds true for the two other works of Ye ses sde which came to be included in the Tanjur.
The interlinear gloss in the Stein manuscript No. 281" seems to be mainly based on Ye ses sde's
commentary. First it mentions the occasions when to recite the Stotra; then it presents the same
number and follows with one exception the same order of phun sum chogs pa as does Ye ses sde. On the
other hand, the wording is not exclusively derived from Ye ses sde's commentary; it contains, for
instance, a short quotation from the Buddhabhiimitikii which is neither referred to by Jinaputra nor by
Ye ses sde. However, in the ITa ba'i khyad par, another of his works, Ye ses sde uses the same
quotation in the same context,19 and therefore this interlinear gloss is at least directly connected with
his exegetical tradition.
Before turning to a critical edition of the Stotra - which abounds with an amazing number of
variants, as will be seen - a word should be said regarding the authorship of this small work. 20 It can
hardly be called into doubt that the Tibetan transcription rna ti ci !a/tra in the colophon is meant to
stand for Marreep, as it is well in accordance with the transcriptions found in the colophons of the
other works transmitted under his name. The colophon itself is most probably based on a statement in
Jinaputra's commentary, where Mat,cep is named as the author of the last three verses (d. p. 181).
Jinaputra seems to be mentioned by Xuan Zang, which would place him not later than the 6th
century." As long as Jinaputra can be regarded as the author of the V,tti, his reference would serve as
one of the earliest mentions of Matrceta's name, the s~ilI earlier quotations in T 1509 being anonymous,
and therefore carries some weight regarding the authorship of the Stotra. On the other hand the
contents of all the remaining works ascribed to Mat.rce~a offer no connexion whatsoever with a
Yogacara background except for the fact that Dignaga composed an enlargement of the Satapaiiciisat-
ka. 22 Therefore further corroboration would seem to be called for, before the ascription can be
accepted wholeheartedly; nevertheless it is a possibility to be kept in mind.

I~ Cf. Hakamaya, p. 9.
IS Cf. Hakamaya. p. 8.
16 Cf. Hakamaya, p. 8f.
17 Peking edition no. 5848, fol. 270v7, ad Var1Jarhavar1Ja III.10cd.
18 For an edition see the appendix; Hakamaya was unable to utilize this gloss as he could not obtain a sufficiently enlarged
photograph (d. p. 21 of his article).
t~ For this work see David Seyfort Ruegg, Autour du ITa ba'j khyad par de Ye ses sde (version de Touen-houang, Pelliot tibetain
814), in'JA 269 (1981), pp. 207-229, especially p. 221; cf. also Hakamaya, p. 9, note 33.
20 Cf. Takasaki 1972, p. 38, and Hakamaya, p. 22; both refrain from a discussion of this problem. but Hakamaya pointS to the

possible consequences for the chronology of the development of Yogacara terminology.

11 Cf. Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. II, London 1905, p. 255f.

II Cf. Shackleton Bailey, Satapaiicaiatka (note 1), p. 16 and pp. 182-198 for an edition of Dignaga's work.
180 lens-Uwe Hartmann

Text and Translation of the T riratnastotra

1. Triratnastotra
C Cone edition, va!. ka (209), fa!. 121r2-7
D Derge edition, no. 1144, va!. ka, fa!. 104v4-105rl
P Peking edition, no. 2035, vol. ka, fo1. 122v4-123r1
135 Pelliot tibetain 135
136 Pelliot tibetain 136
281 Stein Collection no. 281

2. Commentary I: Triratnastotravrtti of Jinaputra (rGyal ba'i sras)

Com.ID Derge edition, no. 1145, va!. ka, fa!. 105rl-109v7
Com. I P Peking edition, no. 2036, va!. ka, fa!. 123r1-128v8

3. Commentary II: Sans rgyas gco bo'i rgya cher 'gre! pa of Ye ses sde
Com. II D Derge edition, no. 4361, voL jo, fo1. 228vl-231v6
Com. II P Peking edition, no. 5848, va!. cho, fa!. 269v7-274rl

I dkon mchog gsum la bstod pa I'

rgya gar skad du I tri ratna sto tra2 I bod skad du I dkon mchog gsum la' bstod pa II dkon mchog gsum
la phyag ,challo 11+
[1) sans rgyas gco la' phyag ,challo II
skyob pa' chos la' phyag 'challo II
dge 'dun che la' phyag 'challo II
gsum la rtag tu phyag ,challo II'
[2) chogs" chen gills" rjogs mkhyen bii sku gsum grub II
mam rtog mi 12 mna' ci" yan sa lerH mkhyen II
chos sku mkba'" 'dra gzugs sku" mjes Skur17ldan 18 1119
sans rgyas dpag bsam20 'dra la21 phyag 'challo II
[3) chos dbyiils 22 rgyu mthun2 ' gsun2+ rab 2' beu gii.is dan II
chos ii.id26 skye 'gag med2 ' ~in spros las2 ' dben II
de la2' dmigs" te" yon tan kun grub32 pa II
legs rgyuD dam pa'i" chos la" phyag ,challo II
1) minute scriptum in P, deest in D - .J 2) trarp. D
3) gyi D 4) The homage is missing in CPo
5) 281 inserts gus par. 6) pa'i D, 135,..136,281, Com. I D, Com. II
7) 281 inserts gus par. 8) 281 inserts gus par.
9) gsum la rtag tu bdag phyag 'chal II CDP, Com. I P : gsum la rtag tu gus par bdag phyag 'chal// 135 : gsum po de dag la nag
tu bdagphyag 'chal// Com. I D : gsum po de la rtag tu gus parphyag 'challo // 136: gsum la rtag tu gus par phyag'challo 1/
281
10) chas 136 11) giiis ga 135
~~~~m ~fuill
14) Ie CPD, Com. I. Com. II P 15) mkhra' 281; nam mkha' Com. II P
16) gzug bsku P 17) sku D; dgur 135, 136, 281
18) Idand 281 19) II dmt in 136
20) bsams 281 21) 135,281 insert gus par
22) Chos dbyiils 281, Com. II : chos kyi dbyiits 136 : Chos iiid CDP, 135, Com. I
23) 'thun 281, Com. II P 24) gsuns 136
25) gsun rab: yan lag 281 26) chos nid 136, 281, Com. II : chos la CDP, 135, Com. I
27) myed 135, 136, 281 28) la CP, Com. I P
29) las 135, 136 30) dmyigs 135, 136, 281
31) na 136, 281 32) sgrub Com. I P
33) 'gyud C; gzi 135, 136, 281 34) dam pa'i dmt in 136, 281
35) 135, 136, 28'1)nsen gus par
 The Triratnastotra Ascribed to Matrceta 181

[4) non mons sgrib 36 dan" ses bya'i" sgrib pa dag /39
giien pas rim"" par" bsal'2 te" sar biugs" pa" II
sems can don mjad sans rgyas :lin sbyon" ba'7 II
'phags pa'i dge 'dun che" la49 phyag 'challo 1150
dkon mchog gsum la51 bstod paS2 slob dpon che~ po rna ti ci tas53 rnjad pa rjogs so II

36) sgcibs C, 135

37) dan /136 38) bya'i 136, 281
39) End of 136 40) cam 281
~~rn ~~m
43) nas CDP, Com, I; CP insert saris rgyas (probably influenced by the next line)
44) gnas 135, 281 : zugs Com. I, Com. II P 45) siri D, 281, Com, I D
46) ,kyon P 47) ba'i CP
48) 'phags pa'i dge 'dun che: dge 'dun bcun 281 49) 135,281 insert gus par
50) End of 281; 135 continues with another two verses of unknown origin:

beom Idan sku mehog gser-gi ri bo 'dra II

spyan myig dag yans pad rna leb rgan 'dra II
cherns dkar gtams pas dper na duri dail 'dra II
beam ldan ri rgyal sku la gus par phyag 'challo II
gdan btiit lags kyis beam ldan bzugs so 'chal II
srid- gsum phan m;ad beam ldan gco bo mehog II
'khams gsum sdug sital rna Ius fir mjad pa II
'gro bi don phyir beam ldan ehos kyi gdan la bzugs II

End of 135; the rest of the line is empty.

51) gyi D 52) pa // CP
53) teas CP

1. Homage to the Buddha, the Guru!

Homage to the Dharma, the Protector!
Homage to the great Sangha!
Constantly homage to the three!
Apart from the manuscripts no. 136 and no. 281 and Com. II all other versions read bdag phyag 'chal,
"I pay homage", in the last line. As the original surely must have been a Sloka, it is difficult to imagine
how an equivalent to bdag could have been fitted into the line. For a possible Sanskrit original d.
Sylvain Levi, Sanskrit Text from Bali, Baroda 1933, p. 79:
namo buddhaya gurave namo dharmaya tayine I
nama!? sanghaya mahate tribhyo 'pi satata>r' nama!? II;
d. also the first verse of the Sugatapancatri>r'satstotra, also ascribed to Mat,ce,a and preserved only in a
Tibetan translation,23 and the introduction to the Chinese transcription of the Prajnaparamitahrdaya-
sutra. 24
The first verse is obviously common Buddhist property. Ye ses sde merely quotes it; Jinaputra
defines it as bstod pa mdor gsuns pa, "concise Stotra", and explains that the following has been written
by the Acarya Maqcep as an enlargement (fo1. 124r6f.).

2J Ed. in Pierre Python, Vinaya-viniscaya-upali-pariprccha, Enquete d'Upali pour une exegese de la discipline, Paris 1973,
pp. 156-165.
24 See Leon Hurvitz, Hstian-tsang ~ ~(602-664) and the Heart Scripture, in: Prajiiaparamita and Related Systems. Studies in
honor of Edward Conze, Ed. by L. Lancaster, Berkeley 1977, p. 110.
 182 Jens-Uwe Hartmann

2. To him who has finished the two great accumulations and accomplished the four wisdoms and the
three bodies,
who is free of deceiving conceptions and knows everything clearly,
to the sky-like Dharmakaya and the well-shaped Rupakaya,
homage to the Buddha who is like something wishfu1filling!
Jinaputra quotes from the Sarvdhinirmocanasutra saying that dana, sila and k~anti belong to pUT}ya,
dhyana and prajiia however to jiiana, while virya belongs to both. This, however, does not agree with
the textus receptus of the Sutra, where not only virya but also dhyana is connected with both accumu-
lations. 25
3. To the twelvefold teaching which is a natural outflow of the dharmadhatu,
to the dharmata which is without origination and extinction and free from pluralistic appearances,
which taking this as an object has accomplished all qualities,
homage to the cause of the good, the holy Dharma!
Against the mss. 136 (unmetrically: chos kyi dbyiizs) and 281 and Ye ses sde's commentary, the
canonical versions (Stotra and commentary) and ms. no. 135 all read chos iiid (dharmatii) in the first
line. This shows that the Dunhuang mss. do not stem from a common source; moreover it raises the
question which reading has to be regarded as the original one. Jinaputra briefly explains dharmata as
the emptiness of the two kinds of ego. Ye ses sde's explanation, however, is much more detailed; he
says: "If one takes the Indian word for dbyim, it is dhatu, and if dhatu is translated into Tibetan, then it
is dbyins. The meaning of dbyins is 'cause'. What is to be understood by the meaning 'cause' for dbyins?
This is the empty and egoless dharmata of all dharmas. How does this empty- dharmatacome to be a
cause? If one takes this empty and egoless dharmata as object and understands it correctly, then the
dharmadhatu becomes the basis for the appearance of the twelvefold teaching ... » (fol. 271 v5). Ye ses
sde's wording does not plake it definitely clear whether the Sanskrit original of the Stotra was known to
him; as he uses the canonical translation, this is not necessarily the case. His exp1imation appears to be
based, however, on other canonical sources. Thus Vasubandhu explains in his Bhii.VJa at Madhyanta-
vibhaga 1.14 (a translation, by the way, of Ye ses sde): "dharmadhatu is a synonym of emptiness
because emptiness is the cause of the holy dharmas, for the holy dharmas emerge from it as the
object. '2' Vasubandhu explicitly adds that here dhatu means 'cause', hetu.
The matter becomes still clearer if the rest of the line is taken into consideration. In his Tika at
Madhyantavibhaga 11.14 Sthiramati explains: "The dharma which is teaching, that is to say thesutras
etc., this dharma is an outflow of the dhamy.dhatu, because it has emerged on account of the dhar-
madhatu which is pure in every respect and known as dharmakaya .• 27 In Sanskrit the first part of this
explanation reads: prabhavito dharmadhatun4yandah sutradiko d.sanadharmah. The Tibetan corre-
spondence, also translated by Yeses sde, reads: chos kyi dbyim kyi rgyu mthun pa mdo la sogs pa bstan
pa'i chos rab tu byun ba'i phyir ro (peking edition, no. 5534, vol. chi, fol. 78r7). This parallel appears to
be so striking that it leads to two possible conclusions, which are, however, rather contradictory: either
the original Sanskrit of the Stotra had dharmadhatu and Ye ses sde, knowing the original, corrected an
inaccurate translation, or alternatively the Sanskrit had dharmata, the correct translation of which was
changed by Yeses sde on account of explanations like the one from the Madhyantavibhagatika.
The problem continues into the next line. As a variant reading of chos iiid at the beginning of the
second Pacla we find thos la, again in ms. no. 135 and in the canonical versions, another indication of
sil"ir relationship. Yeses sde explains: "The dharmatii of aU dharmas is from the beginning unorigi-
nated, unho;'" and free from all pl;"'alistic appearances.' (fol. 272r). Jinaputra has characterized the first

25 Cf. Etienne Lamotte, Satp.dhinirmocanasutra. L'explication des mysteres. LouvainlParis 1935, p. 131: cf. also Takasaki 1978,
p. 632, and Hakamaya, p. 12, note 44. .
26 Cf. Schmithausen, NirviQ.a~Abschnitt, S. 145; Hakamaya, p. 16, note 70.
v Cf. Schmithausen. NirvaJ}.a-Abschnitt, p. 146; Sthiramati, Madhyantavibhiga~ika. Ed. by S. Yamaguchi, Nagoya 1934
(Suzuki Resear'ih Foundation, Reprint Series 7-9), p. 101.
 The Triratnastotra Ascribed to Mat7;ceta 183

line'as praise of the bstan pa'i thos (de§anadharma) .nd now defines the second line as praise of the don
dam pa'i chos (paramarthadharma), He further explains that in the absolute truth there is neither
origination nor extin.ction, neither permanence nor destruction etc., alluding to the initial stanzas of the
Mulamadhyamakakarikas (fol. 127r1). His commentary does not give any hint of a possible Sanskrit
dharmata.28
The understanding of the reading thos la, however, appears to be difficult, as every line should
depend on the namas-formula at the end of the verse. Taking Ye ses sde's version as the correct one, the
other two readings are difficult to explain. There is no significant gap in time which could be held
responsible for manuscript corruptions, and it is not easy to believe that terms like dharmadhatu and
dharmata could have been translated in such an unusual fashion. In any case it is remarkable that Yeses
sde explains dhatu in such detaiL Dhatu is the only Sanskrit word which he refers to; conceivably he
knew of the other reading thos iiid and thereby tried to reject it.
4. To him who gradually removes the kle§avara,!a and the jiieyavara'!a by antidotes and dwells on the
bhumis,
who brings about benefits for the beings and purifies the Buddha-fields,
homage to the noble and great Sangha!

Appendix

Text of the interlinear gloss in the Stein manuscript No. 281; the number of the corresponding line of
the Stotra is given in square brackets. - Thanks are due to the India Office Library for providing a
microfilm without which the reading of the very small dbu med would have been impossible.
[Verse 1a-d] II Iha gan ga (? Reading unsure) mehod rten las scogs ste gan du phyin kyan I dkon
mehog gsuIfl gyi yon tan 'di bzin ries su dran lOin I cbig tu slas (? Reading unsure, ms. partly worn off;
for zlas?) nas I Ius btud de phyag 'chal bar bya'o II de la dkon mehog gsum gyi yon tan bsam gyis myi
khyab I brjod par myi nus mod kyi chigs bead 'di 'don ein phyag 'chal ba'i che / rtag tu yid la bya lOin
phyogs cam zig mdor bsdu na I cbig bCad dan po'i rkan pa gsum gis dkon mehog gsum re re la phyag
'chal ba dan I rkan pa tha mas de gsum spyir bsdus te phyag 'chal bar bstan to II de nas chig bead rkan
bzis I re res yon tan brjod em phyag 'chal bar bstan pa ste I
de yan sans rgyas la ni rgyu phun sum chogs pa dan / 'bras bu phun sum chogs pa dari / ran biin
phun sum chogs pa dari I bdag gi don phun sum chogs pa dan I gzan gi don phun sum chogs pa dari I
mam pa hias bstan to II
ehos la ni rgyu phun sum chogs pa dan I ran biin phun sum chogs pa dan I 'bras bu phun sum chogs
pa dan I gian gi don phun sum chogs pa dan Imam pa bzis bstan to II
dge 'dun la ni rgyu phun sum chogs pa dan / 'bras bu phun sum chogs pa dan I gZan gyi don phun
sum chogs pa dan / bdag gi don phun sum chogs pa dari I ran biin phun sum chogs pa dan I rnam pa
hias bstan te I mdo cam zig so so'i mohan tu bris pa yin no II
[2a] rgyu phun sum chogs pa yin ste bsod nams dan ye ses kyi chogs so I 'bras bu phun sum chogs pa
ste I ye ses bii dari sku gsum ilid do / de la sku gsum yari ye ses kyi ran biin du zad de saris rgyas sa 'i ti
ka las I mye Ion Ita bu'i ye ses I ni ehos kyi sku' a / milam pa iiid / so sor rtog pa'i ye ses ni I Ions spyod
rjogs pa'i sku I bya ba bsgrub pa'i ye ses ni sprul pa'i sku ies 'byun ste I sans rgyas kyi snon gyi smon
lam gyi mthu dan I sems Can snod dag pa'i rgyu rkyen las de Itar snan no II
[2b1ran bzin phun sum chogs pa ste I gZun dag las mchan ilid rna 'dres pa yan mkhyen la I mam par
yari myi rtog go ie 'byun ba Ita bu yin bas I saris rgyas kyi rari biin ni I mam par yari myi rtog la I dus

28 The readings, however, differ: chos fa don dam pa'i chos so (Peking, foL 126vS-127rl): Chos ni dam pa'i chos so (Derge, fo1.
10SrS); cf. Hakamaya. p. 7, note 26.
184 lens-Uwe Hartmann

gsum gyi chos thams cad ran dan spyi'i mchad (sic) iiid phyag gi mthil du skyu ru ra'i 'bras bu bzag pa
Min mlthyen pa' 0 / /
[2c] bdag gi don phun sum chogs pa ste / sans rgyas iiid thog ma byan chub du thugs bskyed pa nas
bskal pa grans myed pa gsum du dka' ba spyad pa'i don / Chos kyi sku nam ka dan 'dra ba ci la yan ma
chags ma thogs pa (pa is cancelled) sm thams cad du khyab pa dan / gzugs kyi sku gills mchan dan dpe
byad chad myed pas brgyan te / dban phyug chen po'i gnas / byan chub sems dpa'i dkyir khor 'og myin
dan / Iha dan myi las scogs te / 'khor sna chogs man po'i dkyil khor 'jam bu gliti. na / bzugs sm chos kyi
Ions spyod chen po grub pa la bya'o 1/
[2d] gZan gi don phun sum chogs pa ste / dpag bsams ni rtog pa myed kyan sems can phons pa rnams
kyi re ba skon ba ltar / rtog pa myi mila' yan snon chogs dan smon lam milon bar 'dus byas p~'i rgyu
dan rkyen kyi mthus / sku dan gsun dan mugs kyis 'gro seb (se cancelled? Read 'gro ba?) man po'i don
mjad em sgroi bar yan snan no / de bas na de la phyag 'challo /I
[3a] rgyu phun sum chogs pa ste / mdo sde lascogs pa gsuit rab thams cad chos kyi dbyins rtogs pa'i
rgyu las / byun bas na rgyu Chos kyi dbyms dan / 'bras bu gsun rab bcu gfiis don 'thun pa'i phyir rgyu
dan 'thun ba' 0 /I
[3b] ran Min phun sum chogs pa ste chos thams cad ni de Min iiid du na skye 'gag myed cin mchan ma
thams cad dan bral ba'i phyir spros las dben /I
[3c] 'bras bu phun sum chogs pa ste / / rgyu goo. ma Ita bu'i gsun rab ben gfiis la spyod em dbyins skye
'gag myed pa rtogs na / che ba'i yon tan thams cad 'thob pa'o /I
[3d] gzan gyi don phun sum chogs pa ste / legs pa thams cad kyi gzi yin bas na / thams cad la legs par
byed pa'i phyir de la phyag 'chal bar bya'o
[4a-4b bsal tel rgyu phun sum chogs pa ste khams (about four syllables worn off) ba'i rgyu fion mons
pa dan / chos thams Cad myi ses par byed pa'i rgyu ses bya'i sgrib pa gills 'phags pa'i lam dan / yan
dag pa'i ses r~b lascogs te / gfien po'i chos gait yin ba rnams kyis spans pas na / spans pa de fiid rgyu
yin no /I
[4b end] 'bras bu phun sum chogs pa ste / rgyu mthon bas span bar bya spans pas sa dait po la gnas / de
nas bsgom bas span bar bya ba.rims kyis spans pas / sa bcu goo. goo. (the second goo. is cancelled) nas
goo. du gnas te de bzin gsegs pa'i sa yan 'thob bo /
[4c] gzan gyi don phun sum chogs pa ste / byan Chub sems dpas Ji bya'o Chog kyan sems can gyi don
bya bar zad do / .p

[4c end] bdag gi don phun sum chogs pa ste / phyi rol gyi snod rio po bye du rya lascogs par bsgyur ba
yan Zin sbyon ba yin mod kyi gco cher ran gi sems yonsu dag pa'i Zinlas sans rgyas skye bas na sems
yorisu byan ba la bya'o /I
[4d] ran bZin phun sum chogs pa ste / dge 'dun zes bya ba'i ran bZin ni fies pa thams cad spans smlegs
pa thams cad la 'Jag ste / skyon myed pas na dge la / Ita ba 'thun zm sdig pa'i grogs pos myi 'phyed pas
'mun ba la bya'o /I

BIBLIOGRAPHY

FiAxAMAYA = Hakamaya Noriaki, Sans rgyas guo bo1;ti rgya cher l],grel pa. Kaisetsu oyabi wayaku [Introduction and transla-
tionl, in: Komazawa-daiguku bukkyogukubu kenkyii-kiyo No. 35 (1977). pp. 1-22.
SCHMITHAUSEN, Nirvir;1a.-Abschnitt = Lambert Schmithausen, Der Nirvii1'}a-Abschnitt in deT ViniScaytUaf!lgrahat}i deT
Yogacaraj,hiimih, Wien 1969 (Sitzungsberichte deT Osterreichischen Akademie JeT Wissenschaften 264, 2).
TAKASAKI 1972 = Takasaki Masayoshi, Kihansru Saishoshi no chosaku ni tsuite [A Study on ACiryaJinaputra's Triratnastotra-
v,ttil. in: Indoguku bukkyoguku kenkyii (journal oj Indian and Buddhist Studie,). Vol. XXI.1 (1972). pp. 36-43.
- 1978 = do .• Sa4~6shi no Sanposan-chu ni tsuite [On the Triratnastotravrttil. in: ibidem. VoL XXVI.2 (1978). pp. 629-634.
 Early Textual Sources f~r the Cult of Beg-ce
AMY HELLER (BURSINEL)

A "hidden shirt of mail ~ is the generally accepted meaning of the term beg-ce and the deity whose
distinguishing trait is possession of this attribute is known as Beg-ce:' a red male warrior having one
head and two arms who wears copper armour and holds a sword, bow and arrow, and ensign of
victoty, bringing a heart and lungs towards his mouth while trampling on the cadavers of a horse and a
human. Icons portraying Beg-ce show him alone or accompanied by a naked blue female, holding a
ritual dagger phur-bu and riding a dred-ma bear, who is identified as his sister, hence the name given to
the pair,ICam-srm (brother-sister)} Due to the facts that no mention of this deity is found in the early
liturgical anthologies translated from Sanskrit, and that the term beg-ce has been considered a loan-
word from Mongolian, it has been hithe,·to accepted that the deity was introduced to Tibet from
Mongolia at a relatively late date, as part of the consolidation of the Tibetan (viz. dGe-lugs-pa) position
in Mongolia after 1580.3 However, philological evidence suggest that beg-ce is a loan-word from
Tibetan to Mongolian and a corpus of eleventh century Tibetan textual sources related to this deity
have been identified. As the noun beg-ce is the pivotal characteristic which identifies the deity, we shall
first examine the philological considerations.
Laufer, in the article "Loan Words in Tibetan" (1916), did list beg-ce as a loan-word from Mongo-
lian, "probably from Mongol begder (Kovalevski, p. 1125) 'cotte de mailles cachees' ... » but, Laufer
also remarked, "On the following' page, Kovalevski gives begji side by side with begder, and begji
doubdess transcribes Tibetan beg-tse".' The etymological derivation of beg-ce from beg4er (recte
bekterl) is unacceptable due to the difference of the second syllable. s Moreover, the spelling of begji
used by Kovalevski shows the letter jf3 used especially for the transcription of Tibetan and Sanskrit

1 Jiischke, p. 370, "beg-tse, a hidden-shirt of maif'. Das. p. 876, ICBeg-tse, 1. name of a goddess (sic!) who when propitiated
protects her (sicl) devotees. 2. hidden shirt of mail.- p. 877, "Bhai-ka-tse leam-heal, name of a sylvan nymph who undertook
to protect Tibet and defend Buddhism (Deb"-mon, Ga, 2).» This reference to the Blue Annals is probably to be corrected to
Deb-man. Kha, 2, corresponding to page 65 of the Roeri.ch translation, but this edition has omitted the name of the deity and
simply refers to the category of dbaTJ'Tlapala (religious protectors). It is interesting to note that Chos.grags~ p. 564, defines,
"Beg-rce, bean" with no reference to an object but exclusively to the bean class of deities.
2 Cf. for example, TPS, plates 206-208.
l Loan-word, cf. note 4. For late origin, d. TPS, pp. 595-597, also n3-n4 on the concept of "acceptance of Mongolian

deities when the Yellow Church spread in Mongolia after the conversion of Altan Khan by bSod-nams rgya-mts'o". Cf: also
Nebesky, p. 89. In a previous article, "Preliminary remarks to a Study of Beg-tse" (scheduled for publication since 1981 in
Wind Horse, jOHrnal of the North American Tibetological Society, Asian Humanities Press, Berkeley [USA], under the
auspices of Professor Lewis Lancaster, editor) we have analyzed the legend of Beg-ce's inclusion in the Tibetan pantheon ~ a
consequence of the conversion of Altan Khan by bSod-nams rgya-mcho (henceforth given the tide Dalai Lama III) in
comparison with the biography of Dalai Lama ill, (fo1. 93b recounts the meeting with Beg-ce in Mongolia in 1578) written by
the Fifth Dalai Lama. Earlier in the biography, in 1555, (fol. 39b) Beg-ce is specified as bSod nams rgya mcho's personal
religious protector. The s:utobiography of the Second Dalai Lama (written in 1528) also attests Beg-ce as personal protector
(fo1. 2b). Due to the inordinate delay in publication of this article, we have taken the liberty to repeat some of the data in the
present summary. Detailed analysis will be given in the study to be presented at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris,
rEvolution du culte et de l'Iconographie de Beg-ce, Divinite Protectrice Tibetaine'.
-+ B. Laufer, "Loan words in Tibetan", p.,498, no. 199, TP, v. XVII, Leiden, 1916.
5 As previoUsly mentioned by Tucci in TPS, pp. 596-597.
186 Amy Heller

words having phonemes otherwise unknown in Mongolian.' Consequently, as a Sanskrit etymology

cannot be substantiated, the Mongolian begji comes from the Tibetan beg-ce, and not vice versa.
Almost nothing is known of the origin and the history of the word beg-ce prior to its usage in
association with the deity. Among the Dun Huang manuscripts, to our knowledge the only occurrence
is in P. T. 1283 where the phrase Mon-ba Beg-ce is used as a proper noun to transcribe the name of the
kingdom of Paektche which had been based in the western portion of the Korean peninsula.' 1. O. 728
has recently been republished with the reading beg-ce, while the 1962 reading of M. de la Vallee
Poussin for this, and the later phrase, was dar zab kyi peg-ce.' M. de la Vallee Poussin's reading is
confirmed by consultation of the manuscript in toto where types of fabrics of silk and felt are discussed.
Any etymological relation between the peg-ce of silk and the beg-ce of chain-mail armour remains to be
proven.
The earliest use of the word beg-ce as an attribute of a wrathful deity occurs in two tantra signed by
the translators Sridharakrasu and Mar-pa. 9 Whether this refers to Mar-pa thos kyi blo-gros
(1012-1096) or to his slightly younger contemporary Mar-pa thos kyi dban-phyug (ca. 1042-1136) is
not certain. 'O The name of Sridharakrasu is otherwise unknown, but his identity is elucidated by the
statement that he was known in Tibet by two other names: Gayadhara and Acarya dMar-po.ll Both of
these names are well known in the chronology of the eleventh century. Gayadhara is the name of the
principal Indian master in Tibet of 'Brog-mi (992 -1074), the spiritual forefather of the Sa-skya order."
Acarya dMar-po is the name given to a Kashmiri translator who worked during the period preceding

6 We are indebted to Professor Geza U ray for this informacion and the comment that Mong. begji therefore derives from
Tibetan beg-ceo ~~
7 J. Bacot, "Reconnaissance en Haute Asie Septentionale pat Cinq Envoyes Ouigours au VIlle Siecle", p. 141 et 145 (lignes
18-19) inJA 1956, pp. 137-153. T. Moriyasu, "La Nouvelle Interpretation des mots HOT etHo-yo-hoT dans Ie manuscrit
Pelliot Tibet.in 1283", p. 176, in AOH, XXXN (1-3), pp. 171-184 (1980).
8 We are indebted to Dr. Janos Szerb for calling our attention to the republication of 1.0.728 in A Catalogue of Tibetan
Manuscripts Collected by Sir Aurel Stein, part eight, pp. 49-50, no. 728, edited by The Seminar on Tibet/The Toyo Bunko,
1984. The phrase dar-zab kyi peg-ce is to be found in L. de La Vallee Poussin, Catalogue of the Tibetan Manuscripts from
Tun-huang in the India Office Library, Oxford, 1962, p. 233, This document will be analyzed in full in the forthcoming study
for the Ecole Pratique. It may already be stated her~ !pat the resume given by La Vallee Poussin is defective: it is not the
"questioning of a fiend Peg-tse by Buddha" (op.cit. p. 233) but rather questioning of a fiend 'Ja'-ga-ra by Buddha. Our
attention was drawn to this manuscript by Mme. Anne-Marie Blondeau, to whom we are gratefully indebted.
9 The two tantra are included in the Beg-ce be'u bum (recently republished under the title Beg-tse be'u bum, Rdo-rje tshe-
brtan, publisher, Lahul-Spiti, H. P., 1978). This work was initially compiled by Char-chen blo-gsal rgya-mcho (1502 -1566)
from much earlier gter-ma and bka'-ma materials. The authenticity of the early materials is discussed by the Fifth Dalai Lama.
gSan-yig, vol.ka, p. 823-835, and is'corroborated by the Second Dalai Lama's autobiography, ritual texts, and the biography
of his father (Tohoku nos. 5543, 5544, 5558 (4). 5577 (30), and 5558 (26)). The Second Dalai Lama's texts were written prior to
Char-chen's compilation of the Be'u Bum.
10 Nebesky, p. 89, mentioned the attribution to Mar-pa, but considered it as "an invention of a later author". In the Be'u bum,
p. 211, Char-chen discusses this attribution and states that the Mar-pa in question was not Mar-pa Chos-kyi bIo-gros (but
rather Mar-pa Chos kyi dban-phyug): "SrIdharakrasu Mar-pa lo-ca-ba (tho-brag-pa dan rna gcig go) la dbus kyi grva-than du
gnan iin des rnams bsgyur/.'" Cf. EA, p. 383 for biographical data.
11 Cf. infra. Passage refered to is found in the "San-pa dmar-po sgrub thabs rgyas pa" in the Be'u bum, p. 54, 1.4-5, "'Bod du
mchan 3 byun ste/ Ga-ya-dha-ra ies kyaii bya! A-ca-ra dMar-po ies kyan bya/ Sri-dhara-kra-fu ies kyati. bya ste!" In Char-
chen's discussion of this master (Be'" bum, p. 218) he considers this Gayidhara as distinct from 'Brog-mi's master, "Ga-ya-
dha-ra ... 'di la Bod-na bla-chen-'Phrog-mi (sic! 'Brog-mi),i bla-ma Ga-ya-dha-ra dan mi gCig gol" However, in the opinion
of the Fifth Dalai Lama, only one person is indicated, (gSan-yig, p. 832), "Pan-di-ta Gha-ya-dha-ra/ Sri-dhara-kra-su'an zer
'di lam-'bras-ba'i Gha-ya-dha-ra ni yin-par 'dug/"
12 BA, pp. 112 and 207. bCo-brgyad Khri-chen, Sa-skya rhos 'by un, pp. 22-23. Gans-IJons mdo snags kyi bstan pa'i sift rta dpal
ldan sa skya pa\ ,hos 'hyun mdor bsdus skal bzan yid kyi dga' ston (n. d. Tibetan Educational Printing Press, Kashmir House,
Dharamsala).!. :...l'
 Early Textual Sources for the Cult of Beg-ce 187

Atisa's arrival in Tibet (1042)." Acarya dMar-po has notoriety either for the corruption of certain
mystic practices of the Annutara-yoga-tantra, particularly the doctrines of ritual sexual union and
murder, sbyor-sgrol, or for highly salutaty translations. Gayiidhara and Acarya dMar-po were there-
fore both active in the mid-eleventh century, and in the opinion of dPa'-bo gCug-lag 'phren ba, these
are but two among several names used by one person.1<
The probable ancient Tibetan origin of the deity Beg-ce is indicated by the mixture of non-Buddhist
Tibetan elements in a Buddhist context which is characteristic of the two tantra in both title and
content. The tantra for the male wrathful deity is called the Srog-bdag dmar-po san-pa sgrol-byed ky;
rgyud and bears the interior title of Ma-ru-rce san-pa sgrol-byed ky; rgyud; for the female deity, the
tantra is entitled dMar-mo khrag gi mda' 'phen ma'; rgyud and bears two interior titles, dMar-mo
khrag g; mda' 'phen rna'; nan snags san-pa drnar-po'; rgyud and dMar-mo 'fig-nen za-byed ma'; rgyud,
as well as the abbreviated title dMar-mo san-pa'; rgyud. 15 The title of the male deity's tantra may be
translated as the 'Tantra of the Liberating Executioner (named) Srog bdag dmar-po'.1n apposition, the
interior titles gives the name Ma-ru-rce. The name Srog-bdag dmar-po no doubt reflects the srog-bdag
(master of vital forces) category of Tibetan deities. 16 However the name Ma-ru-rce is attested as the
name of a form of the Buddhist deity Yama in the tantra Me-Ice 'bar-ba ('Burning Flames') included in
the bKa' 'gyur portion of the Tibetan canon (P. 466).'7 The term san-pa, here translated as executioner,
must also be linked to the gsen, sacrificial priests of the royal burials in pre-Buddhist Tibet." The title
of the tantra dedicated to the female deity, which may be translated as the 'Highly Efficient Bloody
Arrow of the Red Female', would appear to be related to the instructions for divination arrows which
are also characteristic attributes of Tibetan deities of pre-Buddhist origin." However, the contents of
both tantra do not primarily discuss ritual instructions of any kind but explain the legendary origin of
the deities and their physical description.

IJ BAJ 696-697. J. Naudau, Les Bouddhistes KafTTJiriens au Moyen Age (Paris, 1968), p. 139 n. 2 and 4. The controversial
subject of .Acarya dMar-po has recendy been studied by D. S. Ruegg in '"Deux prohlemes d'ex:egese et de pratique tantriques",
pp. 219-221 (in Taoist and TantricStudies in Honour of R. A. Stein, Bruxelles 1981, pp. 212-226) where a summary of the
opinions of 'Gos lo-ca-ba, Sum-pa mKhan-po and Taranatha is given, in conjunction with some remarks of the Fifth Dalai
Lama from his Chos-'byun. Nevertheless, it is worthwhile to note that dPa'-bo gcug-Iag 'phren-ba, writing in 1546. had a
different opinion (cf. note 14 infra). In the Fifth Dalai Lama's gSan-yig, vol. I, p. 377, he writes that Aearya dMar-po came to
Tibet three times - during the time of Khri-sron Ide-bean, during the phyi-'dar, and during the life of Sa-Chen Kun-dga' sftift-
po - having thus a lifetime spanning at least 300 years!
14 KPGT, Ta, fol. 3b (= p. 510, vol. I, 1981 edition), ft:Ga-ya-dha-ra ni Na-rp Mai-tri sags grub-thob man-po'i slob-ma yin/ .,.
Bod-tu!an man-por byon ste re-re!a rnchan tha-dad-tu thogs Bit thegs gag A-ca-rya aMar-po-iabs su yan grags/ phyis 'Brog
(i.e. 'Brog-mi') -mGos (i.e. 'Gos-lo-ca-ba khug-pa lha-b~) k:yi bla-ma byas sol Kha-ehe zla-ba mgon-pol Ston-Hid tiiz-'jin
rdo-rie/ ye-Iesrao-rje/ Ses-rab gsan-bal Ma-ha'-ja-naI Mantra-lea-lakIul Karma-bajralla-rna-ril dPa'-bo rdo-rle 'diBodkyi
gans-ri lta-ba fa yom gsun nas 'Brog-mi'i sar byon ste Chos bstan nas slar rju'-'phrul gyis biud skad! , .. " "As for Gayadhara, he
was the student of many siddha such as Narop/and Maitripa ... He came to Tibet many times, each time using a different
name. Also known as Acirya dMar-po-bbs, later he was the teacher of 'Brog-mi and 'Gas the translator ... His names were
Kha-che la-ba mgon-po, ... Ses-rab gsm-ba, ... dPa'-bo rdo-rje ... He went to 'Brog-mi's place (i.e. Myu-gu-Iun) and having
taught dharma, he once again magically departed. .....
IS The two tantra are not included in either the bKa'-'gyur or the rNin-ma'i rgyud-'bum under these titles. Both are in the Beg-
ce be'u bum, pp. 7-14, 1.5-21.
" Cf. Notably Ariane Spanien's remarks on the concept of srog (vital forces) in a Tibetan non-Buddhist context as opposed to
che (existence or series of existences) in relation ~o the Buddhist concept of reincarnation, pp. 12-15 (summary of P. T. 1055)
in ChoU: de Documents Tibetains conseroes a la Bibliotheque Natronale, tome II (1979). On the srog-bdag in general, cf.
Nebesky.
17 We are indebted to Monsieur Stein for this reference, in R. A. Stein, Annuaire au College de France, 74e annee, 1973-1974,
p.516.
II G. Tucci, Les Religions du Tibet, p. 295, discusses the sku-gfen or gfen as "les sacrificateurs proprement diu. ,. Vraisem-
hlahlement Ie mot gfen doit etre mis en rdation avec Ie concept gred, qui a la signification de bourreau, torbonnaire. '" Jiischke
defmes san-pa or bIan-pa as "the slaughter, the butcher'" (p. 557). san is a homonym for g1en.
" Nebesky, pp. 365 passim.
 188 Amy Heller

Both tantra begin with salutations to a Buddhist deity, Yamantaka for the male and Ekajati for the
female. Then the birth of the deities is recounted: Two eggs, one of coral and one of bsve, are produced
by the union of a yak~a, gNod-sbyin zans kyi ral-pa can, and a rak~asa demoness, Srin-mo khrag gi ral-
pa Can. The eggs wreak havoc in the sky, in the intermediary space between sky and earth, and on earth.
Unable to control the eggs, the parents appeal to Mahadeva (to control the male deity) and to Ekajati
(to control the female deity). The eggs are opened by the subduing deity - it is specified that Ekajati
strikes the egg of bsve with a khalviiilga scepter to open it. The tantra for the male deity then describes
the appearance of the deity emerging from the coral egg: a coral man, his hair tied back in a chignon,
possessing a copper beg-ee, wearing copper inner armour (ral-kha) and a red goat-skin, holding a
copper bow and arrow, copper sword, lance of bsve and coral, and an ensign of victory. The tantra for
the female deity describes the appearance of the deity emerging from the egg of bsve: a girl with a red
face, a blue body, face of bsve (this is a voluntary repetition as bsve [or bse1is associated with the color
red, but also implies association with the bsve Tibetan deities), conch shell teeth, turquoise eyebrows,
flaming hair decorated with semi-precious stones, holding a copper knife and a phur-bu ritual dagger,
and riding on a dred-rno bear who eats a man.
The legend 9f origin follows Tibetan rather thaa Indian paradigms. Among the four types of birth
known in Indian Buddhist mythology, birth from an egg is included, eventually tracable to ancient
Indian myths of a cosmic egg as source of the universe. But the Tibetan pre-Buddhist mythology has a
version of birth from eggs as well - the purely Tibetan cosmogonies are distinguished from the cosmic
egg of other mythologies by myths which utilize more than one egg (usually, two, three or 18) which is
made of minerals. 20 This system is characteristic of the indigenous Tibetaa legends on the origin of
different categories of deities - dgra-lha or bean - as well as gods, men or animals. The two eggs here
correspond to the pattern of mineral origin.
The descriptions of the deities correspond quite closely to extant icons, of which the earliest material
dated with any certainty is of 18th century provenance. 2 ! If the appearance is thus partially fixed in
terms of the general lines of the description and attributes, the names given in the tantra indicate the
variety of categories to which the deities belong simultaneously. In each tant;;', the deity emerging
from the egg is questioned by the subduing deity in a series of questions and answers which recalls the
pattern often found in Tibetan folk tales and the Gesar saga. In addition to inquiring whose emanation
the deity is - which is a question common to Buddhist tantra introducing a new deity - the queries
include name, food, ritual, life-essence (srog-gi-siiiil-po). The male deity replies to Mahiideva: I am the
speech emanation of the black Yama (or Yamantaka); my names are Skyes-bu dban gi mdog can, Srog-
bdag dmar-po, and Yam-sud dmar-po. Shortly thereafter, the additional names Ma-ru-rce and gNod-
sbyin zans kyi beg-ce can are given. The lif."essence is, as usual, a magic spell (mantra) and for food,
the deity eats those liberated from the 10 fields. The ritual to be accomplished is a linga offering using
divination arrows mda' dar made from the quill feathers of a bean bird with red silk streamers attached.
The Indian antecedents of the liilga ritual have been previously demonstrated by Monsieur Stein, but in
this tantra, the addition of indigenous Tibetan elements is apparent, as a complement to the Indian core
of the ritual. 22

20 Cf. R. A. Stein, Annuaire du College de France, 67e annee (1966-1967). pp. 419-420.
21 The Lhasa 20th century edition of the gSan-yig of the Fifth Dalai Lama bears a small portrait of the male deity as 'protector of
contents' on the last folio of the fourth and last volume (p. 735). This portrait is identified by the inscription "gNad-shyin
dmac-po srog-gi-bdagl Chos-skyon zans kyi beg-ce-eanl". If this is a facsimile reproduction of the 17th century Lhasa
edition, this portrait is the earliest inscribed and datable icon. Otherwise, the earliest dated portrait identified by inscription is
found on the last folio (501) of the dkar-chag of the 5De-dge bsTan-'gyur, dated 1743 according to J. KolmaS. The portrait is
inscribed "gNod-sbyin che" (the illustration is reproduced in J. Kolma.s, The Iconography of the Derge Kanjur and Tanjur,
New Delhi, 1978, p. 276).
22 M. Stein, (Annuaire du College de France, resume des cours de 1977-1978) analyzes the sections of the Guhyasamaja-tantra
(which has been dated from the 5th to 8th century) in which the rituals for the phur-bu and the linga as well as the double
aspect of murder and ritual coitus are discussed, summarizing, "n
est clair desormais que Ie phur-bu et son rituel du linga, si
celebres au Tibet, sont bien d'origine indienne et remontent dans ce milieu au VIlle siede" (page 653).
 Early Textual Sources for the Cult of Beg-ce 189

Even the names of the male deity reflect a blending of Indian and Tibetan concepts. Srog-bdag dmar-
po is indicative of the Tibetan category of the srog-bdag deities, while Skyes-bu dban gi mdog Can, who
by philological apposition and description is red, bears in his name the Buddhist term for rites of the
vasikiira category of the Vajrayana system of four acts (ii-ba, rgyas-pa, dban, and drag-po). Red is the
color of dban rites. The name Yam-sud dmar-po is given to an emanation of Pehar and a bean deity in
the Gesar saga, but also appears in the Vajramantrabhirusandhimiilatantra (P. 467) devoted to a linga
ritual associated with Vajrakila.2' The name Ma-ru-rce is attested for both a single deity as a form of
Yama and a group of deities who act as acolytes of Yama." The final name, gNod-sbyin zans kyi beg-
ce can, indicates that the object beg-ce is the principal attribute of the deity, here placed in the category
of gnod-sbyin injury-bestowing deities. The gnod-sbyin are apparently deities of the pantheons of pre-
Buddhist Tibet, later identified with the Indian yak~as, tree-spirits of the Vedic period, who were
incorporated into the Buddhist pantheon in India, and turned into guardians of temples.
The names given to the female deity are decidedly more Buddhist: Rig pa'i Iha-mo gdon dmar rna,
Padma gar gyi dbari-phyug rna. The latter is a feminized form of one of the names given to Avalokitd-
vara, Padma gar gyi dban-phyug (Padma-nartesvara), but this is distinctly specified as the female
deity'S esoteric name (gsan-rnchan).25 The most usual name, Rig-pa'i Iha-mo gdon dmar rna, is often
shortened to gDon-dmar rna, which is simultaneously referential to one of the early names of the
Tibetans, the red-faced ones (gdon-dmar Bod kyi yul). The additional name Srid-pa'i bu-mo is prob-
ably to be linked to Bon-po concepts due to the Bon-po goddess named Srid-pa'i rgyal-mo." Her
allocated food (zas-skal) is the vital breath (srog-dbugs) of those who harm the doctrine. Both tantra
thus indicate that the male and female deities eat the beings they subdue, which explains the term given
in the second interior title of the female deity'S tantra, za-byed, the 'eater', an epithet of fire for
purposes of purification. An object .(mask or statuette) termed za-byed, used in Buddhist rituals of
purification, has canonical antecedents attested as of the tenth century.27
The function of the female deity again reflect a blend of indigenous Tibetan concepts with Buddhist
categories of deities or their powers. She is evoked as attendant to Yamantaka, attendant to Ekajati,
conqueror of the thousand asura, leader of bSe'i-skyes-bu (i. e. the male deity), most powerful of the
horde of rna-rna deities, most magical of the rna-mo, armour-bearer of the secret rna-mo, guide to
complete miraculous transformation (cho-'phrul yons kyi sna 'dren rna). The rna-rna are well known as
a class of ancient Tibetan goddesses. The other qualifications are quite Buddhist, in association with
wrathful deities, while cho-'phrul is one of the ten powers of bodhisattva. In this case, however, nine
cho-'phrul are described: transformation into monkey, owl, fox, falcon, wolf, black bird, srin bird,
musk deer, or, engendering a state of delirium (smyo 'bog) in a human. In this case, cho-phrul seems to
evoke the pre-Buddhist milieu by its meaning of completely non-Buddhist transformation.
The very succinct ritual instructions given in the female deity'S tantra are also for a linga ritual.
However, rather than a humanoid effigy in dough or paper, the ritual requires a linga of the shoulder-
blade of a goat or a female dog, for the propitiation of both the male and female deities. Then follows
the translator's colophon.
Five other ritual texts provide more detailed instructions for linga rituals devoted to either the male
deity alone, thefemale alone, or the fWO together. Tbese rituals are apparently related to the fWO tantra,
as is demonstrated by either the repetition of names given to the fWO deities or the repetition of the

lJ Cf. Nebesky, particularly pp. 168-170. Also plate V, identified by inscription as "Yam-sud dmar-po" in R< A. Stein,
"Peintures Tibetaines de la Vie de Gesar", Arts Asiatiques, 1958, fascicule IV (Paris). The deity is identified as Klu-bdud chen-
po Yam-sud dmar-po on fo1. 256b line 2 of the Drag-snags 'dus-pa rda-rie rca-ba'i rgyud, Peking edition (no. P. 467).
24 The four Ma-ru-rce as acolytes of a form of Yama are discussed in the text Las grin dmar-po Ma-ru-rce biis skor ba,
pp. 879-885 in The Sadhanamala of the Panchen Lama, part I, New Delhi, 1975,
25 Cf. A. M. Biondeau, Annuaire de l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Ve section, T. 86 (1977-1978), p. 83.
26 We are indebted to Dr. Samten Karmay for this information.
27 Cf. R. A: Stein, Annuaire du College de France, 76e annee, 1975-1976, p. 532.
 190 Amy Heller

legend of origin. 28 One of these texts is signed by Sridharakrasu as sale translator, then a short
discussion of the lineage of practitioners follows." It is here that the correspondence of Acarya dMar-
po and Gayadhara is indicated, as well as Indian antecedents for the cult in the persona of two masters.
Their names are given in Tibetan, not Sanskrit, and their historic existence has as yet proved impossible
to verify. The first master is named fli-ma grags, followed by Zla-ba nag-po. It is curious to note that
among the names given by dPa'-bo gCug-lag 'phren-ba for Acarya dMar-po, Zla-ba mgon-po is listed.
If the Tibetan translation of the name is constructed from Sanskrit, Candrakala or Somakala, then
either rendering would be equivalent: Zla-ba nag-po or Zla-ba mgon-po. This may be an indication
that Acarya dMar-po himself had transmitted the teachings in India under another name prior to his
work in Tibet. By the practice of this linga and gtor-ma (ritual cake) offering, it is specified that the
enemy will actually be liberated (= killed). When first practiced by Acarya Ni-ma grags, death
occurred instantaneously, hut in the successive transmissions, increments of delay arise, so that when
transmitted in Tibet, a five day delay between the ritual practice and its result are required. In addition
to previous attributes, here it is stated that the male deity holds a copper knife and the heart and lungs
of an enemy.
The junction. of Buddhist and non-Buddhist practices is shown by the combination of a linga ritual
and a gtor-ma offering within this one text. The linga effigy is used as a support into which evil energies
or entities are coerced, dissected into good and evil portions, and then eliminated, i. e. liberated from
the previous malevolent state towards a new and purified incarnation, when struck by a weapon
(usually the ritual dagger phur-bu) which embodies the power of a subduing deity. Concommitant
with the liberation of the evil aspect, the priest accrues for himself whatever portion of 'good' had been
separated from the 'evil'. Likewise, the function of the gtor-ma (and mdos, cf. infra) cake offerings is to
serve as a kind of bait or trap into which the priest attracts a demoniacal deity. But after its capture, the
demon is instructed to perform various acts (such as the elimination of hostile forces) and then released
by casting the gtor-ma (or mdos) away. There is no question of purification of an evil aspect or
subsequent re-embodiment in gtor-ma or mdos offerings, although elimination of.evil is the objective,
just as in linga rituals. The offering of gtor-ma during the dynastic period in a no;'-Buddhist context is
attested in 1. O. 733 as analyzed by Mme. Ariane Macdonald-Spanien.'o
In these five rituals, the basic content of linga rituals remains otherwise unchanged, the mantra is
identical. Only one text varies from this pattern, retaining the usual mantra but adding with com-
plementary syllables and phrases. This text is also signed by Sridharakrasu alone, who is supposed to
have buried it without transmitting it further, due to the secret nature of this instruction. The title of
the ritual is the San-pa dmar-po'i gsad pa'i las sbyor ('the Red Executioner's murderous acts').
The contents specifically describe a fumigatron ritual (sbyin-sreg) utilizing a linga in humanoid shape
surrounded by arrows and owl feathers, all of which are burned. While the other rituals are qualified as
drag-po las (violent ritual acts, abhicara) within the Vajrayana category of the four acts, this ritual is not
attributed to any category at all. Textual analysis demonstrates that the rituals qualified as drag-po las
repeat word for word the succinct ritual instructions first given in the two tantra. It is clearly establish-
ed by virtue of titles, names given to the deities, mantra and ritual instructions that the tantra are the
antecedent of these rituals. (Cf. Table 1.)

28 Beg-ce be'u bum:

Chao San-pa dmar-po'i sgrub-thabs rgyas-pa (pp. 49-55).
ja: Pho-sgrub fan-pa dmar-po'i drag snags (pp. 55-57).
Na; Mo-sgrub san-pa dmar-mo'i sgruh-thabs (pp. 57-59).
Ta: San-pa yab-yum shrags-ma'i sgrub-thabs (pp. 59-62).
Tha: San-pa dmar-po'i gsad-pa'i las-sbyor (pp. 62-63).
29 Cf. note 11 supra.
30 Ariane Macdonald, P. T. 1286, p. 361 discussing 1.0.733. On linga, d. R. A. Stein, Linga, pp. 220-222. Also discussed in
Heller, rKyaP'Bud.
 Early Textual Sources for the Cult of Beg-ce 191

Table of Principal Names

I. MALE DEITY

Names Skyes bu Srog- Ma-ru- Yam-sud Beg-ce- gNod- San-pa gNod-sbyin Cbos- Sgroi-gin
dbaIigimdog bdag ree dmar-po Can sbyin dmar-po zails-kyi beg- skyaft dmar-po
Text Can dmar-po dmar-po ce-can Beg-ce

Tantra I / / / / / / /

Tantra II /

Be'u Bum: Cila / / /

Be'u Bum:Ja / / / / /

Be'uBum: Ta /

Be'u Bum: Pha /

gNan-lo: rodos / / / /

D.L.II (ca. 1528) / / / / /

II. FEMALE DEITY

Names Srid-pa'i bu-mo Rig-pa'i lha-mo Padma gar-gyi bSe yi skyes-bu sna 5rin-mo Srin-mo'j bu-mo
gdon dmar-ma gdon dmar-rna dbaIi-phyug-ma 'dren rna dmar-mo gdon dmar-ma
Text

Taotra I

Tantrall / / /

Be'uBum: Na / / / ,
Be'u Bum: Ta / /

Be'u Bum: Pha /

gNan-Io: rodos / / / /

D.L.II (ca. 1528) /

192 Amy Heller

The text entitled the 'Secret precept and esoteric realization of gNod-sbyin dMar-po' is designated as
an instruction by Acarya dMar-po." Elsewhere the master has signed the colophon under the name
Sridharakrasu. Although the two names are said to be used by one person, it may eventually be possible
to establish a typology of rituals related to the choice of name used by the master. This text is highly
interesting because it describes a three-headed, six-armed form of the male deiry. In this case the female
deity is called the yum (i. e. consort) but not the sister. Nonetheless, the names of the two deities do
bear a resemblance to the names formerly given. The male deiry is named gNod-sbyin dmar-po, San-pa
dmar-po drag-sui can, and Phun-byed chen-po; the female deiry is named Srin-mo dmar-mo, mKha'-
'gro dmar-mo 'jigs-pa'i mche-ba can, dMar-mo mi-zad 'jigs-chul-can, bDud kyi bu-mo, Bud-med
dmar-mo; they have assistants of unspecified quantity simply termed g.yog, servants; a name for the
principal deities plus their entourage is Srid-pa'i las kyi mthu-bo-che dMar-po dpon-g.yog (the red
master and attendants [who are] the great power of acts of creation).
This text shows the strongest Indian imprint in both iconography and the system of assimilations
established for the deity. Commencing with salutations to Yamantaka, a preliminary meditation over a
21-day period is devoted to the male deity as principal deity (gco-bo); a linga ritual to the deity as
support of form (rten-gzugs) for Mahesvara-Mahadeva then ensues; finally a gtor-ma offering is
addressed to the female deity having the male deity as her attendant. A change in appearance corre-
sponds to the change of role for the male deity. Initially, the male deity is simply called gco-bo: red in
color, having three heads and six arms - in the first right hand he holds male genitals, in the second and
third right arms the attributes are either unclear due to scribal error or a female genitals (mo) are held;
in the left arms, first a hammer, then a lasso, and finally a sword are held." The female deity is
addressed as Yum dMar-rno sdig-pa'i phyag-rgya can, but is not described in the preliminary medita-
'tion section. The attendants have one head and two arms, bearing male genitals in the left hand and a
bladder (or shield) in the right hand. 33 In the second section, the male deity is addressed as a gnod-sbyin
and as attendant to Mahadeva, then assimilated to Mahadeva. In the third section, he is described as
dark-red in color, having three three-eyed faces, blazing hair wound into a braid.(which is compared to
the braid of the deity Chans-pa), unspecified weapons in all six hands. He we';'~ a fresh elephant hide
and cemetary ornaments. The female is naked, and eats a human. In addition to the usual instructions
for the ritual offerings and elimination of evil, a 'soul-stone' bla-rdo is used to combat harmful
influences, and the deities are requested to overthrow the 'soul-fortress' bla-mkhar of the enemies. The
inclusion of these two Tibetan concepts is significant because they are borrowed, verbatim, for inclu-
sion in a slightly later ritual attributed to gNan lo-ca-ba.
The translator gNan Dharma-grags was alive during the second half of the eleventh century. He
attended the council of translators assembled1>y the ruler of mNa' -ris in 1076, also attended by Mar-

31 Beg-ce be'u bum: Pha. gNod-sbyin dmar-po'i gsan sgruh bka' rgya-ma (pp. 72-78). It is specified (p. 75) that this instruction
comes from Acarya dMar-po. Immediately thereafter (with the omission of any interim transmission) it is specified that Sreg-
ston Acnoghadvaja (i. e. Don-yod rgyal-mchan) requested this teaching from Pha-rgod Kun dga' bzan-po. These two masters
are in fact the grandfather and great-grandfather of the Second Dalai Lama (1475-1542), as discussed in both Second Dalai
Lama' autobiography and by Thu'u bkwan II, in Grub-mtha' iel-gyi me-Ion, p. 126. Other than this text and the Fifth Dalai
Lama's analysis of it in his gSan-yig, only one other reference to the three-headed, six-armed form of the male deity has been
found: The younger Brother Don-Yad, f. 30b-31a of Tibetan text, "gnod-sbyin mgo-bo 31ag-pa 6 mdun dmar can zig (slebs
byun bas ... ) bdag gnod-sbyin gyi rigs la bek-ce zer ba Zig yin/" as published by T. J. Norbu and R. B. Ekvall, Bloomington,
Indiana, 1969.
32 P. 72, 1.3-4, "gco-bo dmar-po hI gsum phyag drug-pa g.yas kyi dan-po na pho-mchanl bar-pa na ta (? sic! tha) mol g.yon
gyi dan-po na tho (sic! mtho)-bal bar-pa Zags-pal tha-ma na ral-gri/." We have interpreted mo as mo-mchan (female genitals)
in apposition to the term pho-mchan (male genitals). Detailed analysis of this text will be forthcoming in the study, for the
Ecole Pratique.
J) The term used' is phug, defined as bladder or as a substitute term for phub, shield (jaschke, p. 343).
 Early Textual Sources for the Cult of Beg-ce 193

pa." Subsequently gNan traveled to Kashmir and India, remaining there for several years. Later
historical sources, such as dPa'-bo gCug-lag 'phren-ba (1546) and the Fifth Dalai Lama (1617-1682),
credit gN an for introducing the cult of the four-faced Mahakala to Tibet and ensuring its transmission
among early Sa-skya-pa masters." This was accomplished by his disciple gNam-Kha'u-pa who trans'
mitted the cult to Sa-chen Kun-dga' snin-po (1092-1158). Both Char-chen blo-gsal rgya-mcho and the
Fifth Dalai Lama link the cult of Beg-ce to the cult of the four-faced Mali.kala by mentioning the
assimilation of Beg-ce with the red acolyte of this form of Mahakila." The implication is that the cult
of Beg-ce acquired 'official' acceptance via the context of the major importance that the Sa-skya-pa
attributed to this form of Mahakala.
Two ritual instructions are attributed to gNan Dharma grags: a thread-cross (mdos) ceremony
entitled San-pa dmar-po'i mdos-ehog, and a gtor-ma offering entitled gNod-sbyin ra la ion pa'i sgrub-
thabs (the realization of the gnod-sbyin riding on a goat)." Neither of these rituals mention Mahak.la.
The mdos-ehog opens with salutations to Bhagavat Yamantaka-raja. The names given to the deity are
Srog-bdag dmar-po, Srog-bdag dmar-po san-pa sgrol-byed, Yam-sud dmar-po, Skyes-bu dban gi
mdog can, and Gri-bcan dmar-po. All but the latter are found in the San pa dmar po sgroi byed kyi
rgyud which would appear to be one of the antecedents of this text. The text of the legend of origin
from a coral egg is not present, but the parents' names are the same in both cases. The parents are
described in detail. The description of the father deity, gNod sbyin zans kyi ral-pa can, is philologically
of interest, because he wears a copper beg-ce on his head (dbu-Ia za?is kyi beg-ce gsol). J8 The term beg-
ce thus appears to refer to chain-mail worn as protection anywhere on the body, and not exclusively
over the torso. The father wears a copper ral-kha (inner layer of clothing)." In his hands he has a
copper sword, a red lance of bse, and waves a red ensign of victory. When combined with the
description of the mother deity (red in body, holding copper knife, heart and lungs, hair always tied
back in a chignon) the resulting description of attributes and characteristics corresponds quite closely
to the appearance of the male deity in the tantra. The female deity here is called 'sister and spouse' (srin
dan leam).;o Srog-bdag dmar-po leam-dral is the name given to the pair. They are accompanied by an
entourage of eight assistants (knife-holding red men) who cut the 'soul-tree' bla-Sin, dry up the 'soul-
lake' bla-mcho, and overthrow the 'soul-fortress' bla-mkhar of the enemies. This phraseology and the
usage of the name Srid-pa'i Iha-mo mthu-bo-ehe (in addition to the female deity'S usual names) link the
ritual instructions of gNan's mdos to Acarya dMar-po's instruction for the 3-headed six-armed aspect
of the male deity.

34 BA, p. 71. Biographical data for gNan Dharma-grags is also to be found in T. G. Dhongthog Rinpoche) Sa-skya'i chos-'byun,
A History of the Sa-skya-pasect of Tibetan Buddhism, Delhi, 1977, pp. 186-196 and in 'Jam-mgon Kon (sic! Kon)-sprul Blo-
gros mtha'-yas, gTer-ston brgya rtsa'i rnam-thar, Amnchal Pradesh, 1973, pp. 259-261. D. Martin has recently discussed
Padma dkar-po's remark that the father of Ras-chUli-pa was named gNan Dharma-grags, and would have been a contempo-
rary of gNan Dharma-grags (the translator). However, neither Kon-sprul nor Dhongthog mention that gNan was the father
of Ras-chun. Cf. D. Martin, "The Early Education of Milarepa", The Journal of the Tibet Society, Vol. 2 (1982), p. 69.
35 Fifth Dalai Lama, gSan yig, vol. ka. p. 823; KPGT, Ta fol. 11 b (= vol. I. p. 526 of 1981 edition).
36 Fifth Dalai Lama, gSan yig, vol. I, p. 823; Char-chen, in Beg-ce be'u bum, p. 219, "gNan-los dPal mGon zal bzi-pa'i bka'-

sdod San-pa dmar-nag gi tha-siiad byed ciil. rcubs grags ehef sgrub yig mdos-chog bskul byan sogs kyan breams sin bka' -rgya
che bar mjad/".
37 Beg-ce be'u bum: Ra: gNod-sbyin ra fa ion pa'i sgrub thabs (pp. 96-99), La: San-pa dmar-po'i mdos thog (pp. 100-105). In

the Fifth Dalai Lama's discussion of Beg-ce t he also refers to the "'bla rdos man nag gNan-Io'i chig" (gSan-yig, vol. 1, p. 829).
)B Beg-ce be'u bum, p. 101, line 3.

39 Definition of ral-kha from Chos-grags, p. 821, "ral kha dpun beadl rilUl gzan nam nan-gos".

~o The philological apposition is given on pp. 101-102, "khyod kyi pha dan yab ... khyod kyi rna dan yum ... khyod kyi srin
dan learn ... " followed in each case by the description. An analogous historical situation is that of Ni-gu-ma, who was
simultaneously the sister and spouse of Mar-pa. (BA, pp. 728, 730 passim.) We are indebted to A. M. Blondeau for this
analogy.
194 Amy Heller

The offering of mdos in non-Buddhist Tibetan ceremonies during the dynastic period is well attested,
butgNan lo-ca-ba's mdos construction for San-pa dmar-po is a Buddhist rituaL" Phrases such as
"Accept this offering of mdos to protect from enemies of the Three Jewels (dkon-mi'hog-gsum =
Buddha, Dharma and Sangha) ... " make the Buddhist context of this ritual absolutely clear. But this
text reverses the principle of the texts previously discussed, which show Indian ritual paradigms with
an admixture of Tibetan elements. Here the structure of the Tibetan mdos ritual serves as a base on
which Buddhist elements are superimposed. The Tibetan 'persona' of the deity is emphasized by the
use of the name Gri-bcan dmar-po, indicative of the Tibetan category of the bean deities. Among the
functions the deity is called to exercize, he is the master of the rocks (brag-gi mna'-bdag-po) which
recalls the class of the brag-bean, the "rock bean". The amalgam of Buddhist and Tibetan concepts is
further suggested by the secret name for the male deity which this ritual introduces: sGroi-gin dmar-
po. The sgroi-gin are known as a category of Tibetan Buddhist deities, related to the gin (or gyin) which
are included among indigenous Tibetan deities. The usage of the term sgroi is undoubtedly related to
the verb sgrol-ba, 'to liberate', which in the context of abhic'ra (drag-po las) means 'to kill', i.e. to
liberate the conscious principle (rnam-ses) from an evil embodiment so that it may find a new and
hopefully better embodiment. Consequently, usage of the term sgroi-gin implies that the concept of
reincarnation is assimilated, although, simultaneously, the Tibetan non-Buddhist categories of bean
and srog-bdag persist.
The second ritual attributed to gNan lo-ca-ba is a gtor-ma offering to the male deity serving in the
capacity of attendant (bka'-sdod) to Hayagriva. The ritual instructions specify the construction of a
ma114ala as well as the gtor-ma. The detailed description of the male deity as well as his names and
mantra correspond to those given in the tantra for San-pa dmar-po sgrol-byed (ef. Table I). Two
additional functions are given: enemy god of the yo gins (rnal-'byor dgra-Iha) and army commander of
the gnod-sbyin deities (gnod-sbyin rnams kyi dmag-dpon-po). The term ma-ru-ree is used as a proper
noun referring to both a place and the personal name of gNod-sbyin san-pa Ma-ru-rce. It is significant
that in these instructions for worship as an attendant to Hayagrlva, the male deity has the alternative
names of Yam-sud dmar-po and gNod-sbyin zans kyi beg-ce can because later rituals and icons of
Hayagriva distinguish two attendants using the names Yam-sud dmar-po (shown on the goat) and Beg-
ce lcam-srin, as the identifying inscription for the group comprised of the male deity, the female deity,
and a male acolyte." This distinction is attested in ritnal instructions for Hayagrlva in the form rTa-
mgrin yan-gsail written by the Second Dalai Lama (1475-1542) and included in his collected works
(gsun-'bum)'" While it would be outside the eleventh century focus of this summary to discuss this
ritual in detail, it is worthwhile to indicate a few salient factors showing aspects of the evolution of the
cult in comparison to the eleventh century'lfata,
As ";"ill be seen in the table of na~~s and functions, the male deity is placed in the category of i'hos-
skyon, protectors of Buddhist law, while simultaneously retaining the names Srog-bdag dmar-po,
gNod-sbyin zans kyi beg-ce-can, sGrol-gyin bsan-pa dmar-po, and sGrol-gyin chen-po srog-bdag
dmar-po. Among the names for the female deity, Rig-pa'i lha-mo gdoti-dmar-ma is used here to refer
to her, while the secret name (gsan-mehan) previously attested for the sister, Padma gar gyi dbail phyug
rna, is used to refer to the consort of Hayagrlva. In the entourage of the deities, a male acolyte also
named Srog-bdag dmar"po appears, as well as the eight assistants bearing knives. Ma-ru-rce is exclu-
sively the place of residence and not a name for the male deity in this ritual.
This analysis of eleventh century sources indicates that a deity identified by the possession of the
beg-ee was known in the Tibetan Buddhist pantheon at this time. The essential person of the deities - a
wrathful warrior and a wild demo ness - were already determined as a base on to which various names

~I Cf. M. Lalou, "Rimel Bon-po des Funerailles Royales'" under the term nam-ka' (which is also used in this mdos-chog).
42 Cf. Than-ka of rTa-mgrin yail-gsan. Inventory no. 58-1 in the Tibetan Collection of the Beinecke Rare Book and Manu-
script Library, Yale University.
t) Second Dalai;iLama, gSUTt )bum, Padma yan gsan khros-pa'i sgrub-thabs, Ma, fo1. 6-26 {= Tohoku cat. 5558 (4)).
 Early Textual Sources for the Cult of Beg-ce 195

ana functions could be grafted, reflecting both Indian and Tibetan paradigms. The addition of Buddhist
elements does not modify the Tibetan basis, but rather serves as its complement. The primary function
of the deity eventually is given Buddhist terminology as chos-skyon, protector of Buddhism, but even
when called-C:hos-skYOIi Beg-ce, the alternative terminology of Srog-bdag dMar-po, reflecting Tibetan
origins, is habitually retained.
In conclusion, we can retain the following elements: 1) The hypothesis of a late Mongol origiti for
the deity is disproven. 2) In the eleventh century a deity with distinctive attributes (notably the b~g-ce)
and multiple names has already been created - the variety of names indicates that an amalgamation was
already accomplished. 3) Was this deity pre-Buddhist? Given the lack of earlier sources we cannot be
absolutely certain, but the probability is increased due to the non-Buddhist Tibetan names, functions,
and myth of origin. 4) The super-imposing of Buddhist elements - making the deity part of the
entourage of Yama, Yamantaka, Hayagnva or MahakaJa - seems to be the conduit which allows the
pre-Buddhist deity to be integrated into the Buddhist pantheon, reconciled by eventually allowing the
co-existence of Buddhist (i. e. chos-skyon, protector of Buddhism) and Tibetan (i. e. srog-bdag, master
of vital forces) functions. Thus the deity may be alternatively called Chos-skyon Beg-ce and Srog-bdag
dmar-po.*

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS

Dictionaries: S. C. Das, Tibetan-English Dictionary. Kyoto, 1983 (abb. Das). H. A. Jaschke, Tibetan~English Dictionary,
London, 19n (abb.Jaschke).

Principal Sources in Western Languages

BA: Blue Annals, translated by G. N. Roerich, Delhi, 1979.

Linga: R. A. Stein, "Le Li.D.ga des danses masquees lamaiques et la meone des ames·, in Liebenthal Festschrift, Sino~Indian
Studies, vol. Y, 3-4, 1957,200-234.
Nebesky: R. de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Oracles and Demons of Tibet. Graz, 1975.
P.T. 1286: Ariane Macdonald, "Une lecture des P.T. 1286, 1287, 1038, 1047 et 1290. Essai sur la fonnation et l'emploi des
mythes politiques dans la religion royale de Sron-bcan sgam-po", in Etudes Tibetaines dediees Ii la memoire de Marcelle
!alau, Paris, 1971. .
rKytd-~bud: A. Heller, IfrKyal_'bud: An early Tibetan ritual", in Soundings in Tibetan O'vilizationJ New Delhi, 1985, 257-267.
TPS: G. Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, Roma, 1949.

Principal Sources in Tibetan

KPGT: dPa'-bo gcug-Iag 'phren-ba, mKhas-pa'i dga'-ston, Delhi, 198\,
Chos-grags: dGe-les Chos-kyi grags-pas brcams-pa'i brJa Jag min chig gsal-ba, Beijing, 1981.
Beg-ce be'u bum: Char-chen blo-gsa! rgya mcho. Beg-tse be'" hum, Lahul-Spiti, H. P., 1978.
gSan-yig: Nag-db.,; rgya-mcho (Fifth Dalai Lama), gSan-yig ganga'i chu rgyun, Delhi, 1970 (vol. I-N).

* We woul~ like to thank Professors Anne-Marie Biondeau, Ariane Macdonald-Spanien, Samten Karmay and Yonten Gyatso
for their help, encouragement and criticism.
 Possibilities for New Perspectrves in Epic Research on the
Tibetan Gesar
SILKE HERRMANN (BONN)

The epic of King Gesar is spread in all countries influenced by Tibetan civilization. One finds versions
of it in Mongolia, Tibet, Ladakh, Baltistan, Sikkim, Bhutan and Nepal. The epic is handed down in two
spheres of religious influence: buddhist and islamic. It is written and told in the Tibetan, Indo-
European, and Mongolian language groups. Not only are numerous manuscripts and printed editions
known, but also notations of oral performances. Thus many questions are forced upon a person
interested in epic research, e. g., How do oral and written versions relate? How does the integration
into societies with different systems of value influence the epic? How do the different language groups
effect the use of formulas? On the other hand, the questions which have occupied the attention of
tibetologists concern the correct order and number of the chapters of the epic, the question of the
original version, the origin of the name •Gesar' (the name of the protagonist of the epic), etc.
It may now be helpful to outline the scholarly debate over some of these problems which have
attracted the attention of Tibetan scholars. I will deal here with 1) the problem of the correct order of
the chapters of the Gesar, 2) the problem of the volume or the exact number of the chapters of the
Gesar, which is connected to 3) the questio;' of the original or the complete Gesar, and 4) the problem
of the relationship of oral and written versions. I will suggest that some of these problems may be
resolved, or exposed as insignificant, by viewing them from the "newer" perspectives in epic research.
In the beginning of the 20th century the Moravian missionary A. H. Francke published two cycles of
Gesar from Ladakh (ner Fruhlings- und Wintermythus der Kesarsage and A Lower Ladakhi Version of
the Kesarsaga). For a long time these were the ouly editions of the Tibetan epic available in the West.
With these publications Francke stepped into the field of vision of all those Tibetologists who were
occupied then or later with the epic. They had to discuss Francke's sometimes rather willful evaluations
of the Ladakhi epic. Furthermore, Francke's versions were clearly of oral provenance, an origin which
at these times was looked down upon, because it drew the noble epic into the "lower" sphere of the
illiterate.
I will now discuss how Francke evaluated his versions and how scholars in the field of Tibetan epic
researclr evaluated his work and his approaclres. Therewith three complexes of problems will be
disCW!'sed: 1) the time of the origin of the epic, 2) the place of origin of the epic, and 3) the relationship
of oral and written versions.
Francke thought of his versions as prebuddhistic and interspersed with mythological ideas. He didn't
give an exact date, but buddhism became the official religion around the 8th century in imperial Tibet
and succeeded in asserting itself in the 11th/12th century, which thus delimits the possible time of
origin. This assumption implies that the printed editions in which buddhist influence is uniguorable
(the only persons capable of writing were the monks) are of later date then his own versions.
Based on this supposition Francke concluded that the Gesar epic originated in Ladakh. His conclu-
sion was supported by the fact that oral versions of the Gesar story existed in every Ladakhi village.
Further, Gesar and his warriors are connected with rites (rites of marriage and spring) and are partly
worshiped as gods. Also, former rulers of Leh, the capita! of Ladakh, claim Gesar as one of their
ancestors.
Francke believed the Ladakbi versions to be independent of written texts for two reasons (later this
argument will be interpreted to signal the superiority of the Ladakhi versions). First, the Ladakhi
198 Silke Herrmann

versions contain prebuddhistic material which he didn't find in the written ones (this conclusion turned
out to be overly hasty). Second, the Ladakhi versions contain long passages in verse while the texts
known at that time were composed in prose. He concluded that if the Ladakhis had taken the material
from texts in prose, they would never have then transformed it into verse (Francke 1905-1941, XXIX).
These conclusions of Francke (and last not least his interpretation of Gesar in terms of nature
allegories) went against the grain of all Tibetologists who worked with the epic. First, they did their
fieldwork mostly in Eastern Tibet and were thus more inclined to look for the place of origin in the
East, and, second, they were philologists rather than folklorists. Finding numerous texts of the epic in
Eastern Tibet (while only having numerous oral versions in Western Tibet) they concluded that the
place of origin must be in the East.
In 1901 Laufer reviewed Francke's Friihlingsmythus der Kesarsage. Comparing a number of scenes
of the Ladakhi version with the Mongolian one (which was translated in 1836 by Schmidt) he reached
the conclusion that there must be a connecting link between the Ladalthi and the Mongolian versions.
This connecting link was most probably used by both versions and must be found in Tibet. The
Mongolian version must be secondary, because it is fully buddhistic while the Ladalthi one shows a
prebuddhistic environment which points to an earlier origin. The Ladakhi version must be secondary
because it is shorter, full of gaps and more condensed than the Mongolian one. Consequently, both
must be derived from a third version. Secondly, Francke spoke of "auswendig gelernten Stoffen" (a
misconception from which Francke distanced himself in 1925). Laufer infered that material learned by
heart must exist somewhere and he thought that this would be in Tibet. He sought the "als Original-
quelle zu bezeichnenden groBen tibetischen Werk" (Laufer 1901, 80), "nach der authentischen Quelle,
dem tibetischen Gesar-Epos" (Laufer 1901, 87) and assumed a Tibetan origin for "Ursprungsquelle
dieser Heldensage" (Laufer 1901, 88). It should be underscored that these suppositions are only based
on a comparison between the Ladalthi and the Mongolian versions. At that time Laufer only knew of
one manuscript which he labelled as a fragment and which is not connected to Francke's published
version in regard to its content. ..,
In his article "The epic of King Gesar of Ling" Roerich expresses himself witllcoufidence about the
origin of the Gesar epic which he asserts is to be found among the nomad tribes in Northeastern Tibet.
Using similar arguments as Francke did when he pointed to the West as the place of origin, Roerich
assumes the origin in the East: 1) wide distribution of the epic, 2) the lifestyle described in the epic
resembles the life of the nomads, and 3) the rulers of Ling (province in Northeast Tibet) claim Gesar as
one of their ancestors. As a date Roerich suggests the 7th century because of parallels in the life of
Gesar to the life of King Sron-bcan sgam-po (7th century). He has an equally clear conception of the
relationship of the written and oral versions :"'the oldes! records are the few existing manuscripts since
1) one finds there the most archaisms, and 2) they will show the greatest similarity to the Northeastern
versions. These manuscripts are derived from an "Urgesar", written in verse. Printed editions and oral
narrations are both based on these manuscripts.
Apart from this circular argument (Northeastern Tibet is place of origin, because most versions of
the epic are to be found there; manuscripts are the earliest evidence, because they resemble the
Northeastern versions) Roerich slips into a rather curious line of reasoning. According to him printed
editions are based on manuscripts since these editions are shorter than manuscripts. Secondly, oral
versions are derived from manuscripts because they are more extensive than the manuscripts ("milch
enlarged and with a wealth of details" Roerich 1942, 283). Although oral versions feature more verses
than manuscripts (and in Roerich's opinion the "Urgesar" was composed in verses) he assumes the
manuscripts to be the connecting link between the "Urgesar" and the oral narratives. His argumenta-
tion is further undermined by his contradictory observation about the education of young bards. He
admits that they don't learn the material from texts, but from older bards, just as one would expect that
from an oral tradition.
The leading authority in the area of the Tibetan epic is Professor Stein, who laid down the basic
framework for Tibetan epic research in his extensive work Recherches sur Npopiie et Ie barde au Tibet,
which was pul?,)ished in 1959. He agrees with Laufer's judgement of Francke's versions (Francke's
 Possibilities for New Perspectives in Epic Research on the Tibetan Gesar 199

material is based On a literary source, it is based on fairy tales taken from Tibet":' literature). According
to Stein, Laufer has clearly demonstrated the dependence of Francke's version on a literary source
(Stein 1959, 163). What Stein overlooks is that Laufer merely assumes a dependency and does not prove
one.
By means of a philological analysis (this is not the place to go into details) Stein shows that one can
find linguistical peculiarities of Central and Eastern Tibet in the Ladakhi versions. According to him
this shows clearly the influence of Central and East Tibetan material on the Francke versions. There has
to be dependency either from west to east or the other way around, and if Francke's versions show
some signs of influence from the east that means that "all the material must be taken from there.
Even more significant for Francke's assertion about the independence of the Ladakhi material is the
shortness of the versions he used, a fact already mentioned by Laufer. Using the conventional counting
of the chapters of the Gesar epic one will find an average of four chapters in Francke's versions of the
Ladakhi epic. Further, while in these Ladakhi versions one finds too few chapters to fill the "traditional
list of a cycle of 18 chapters" (Stein 1979, 9) Stein has shown that some Tibetan versions contain 19,20,
23 and even 25 chapters, and always in a different order. Stein regrets: "I'incertitude qui regne au sujet
de I'ordre des episodes et de leurs titre ... " "(Stein 1959, 46) and speaks of iuformants who resist
admitting their ignorance concerning the succession of the chapters (Stein 1959, 47). Stein's work is
penetrated by the idea of the complete Gesar, the original, even if he is forced to admit that, "In no case
do we deal with a kind of first, original manuscript" (Stein 1979, 10).
The importance which is attributed to this original, complete edition, is based on the assumption that
some of our questions would be answered by finding it. We would know the correct number and
succession of the chapters and could finally sort out the wrong versions. In fact, Stein several times
mentiones such a complete version (Stein 1959,43,45,77), but elsewhere he perhaps seems to doubt its
existence ("S'il existe peut-etre une recension complete de tous les chapitres, elle nous reste inconnue"
Stein 1959,4), M. Helffer resurrects the belief in the existence of such a version with reference to the
celebrities of Tibetology in her very interesting book about songs in the Gesar epic: " ... aucune version
integrale de I'epopee n'est actuellement disponible en langue tibetaine, meme si, selon les informations
concordantes recueillies par des tibetologues aussi avertis que N. de Roerich, R. Stein ou G. Tucci et
confirmees par plusieurs des tibetains avec lesquels j'ai travaille, cette version existait dans I'est du
Tibet" (Helffer 1977, 1).
Crucial for the kind of questions one asks of an epic tradition is the clarification of whether it is
based upon "oral" or "literary" production. Questions which are meaningful for a literary epic, might
be senseless for an oral tradition. I will now give a short abstract of the differences between an oral and
a literary epic, starting with the latter.
The source of a literary epic is a poetical individual"who creates a fixed piece of work; t4e author.
This epic is a unique work, fixed in wording. There exists an original version, a fact which allows one to
speak of mistakes, deviations or changes in the text as formulated by the author. Creation takes place
before recitation, and the production is uninfluenced by an audience. Any oral performance reproduce
the same text. "
On the other hand, the oral epic is part of an oral tradition which lives on through several genera-
tions of illiterate bards. Each bard is the exponent of this tradition. There is no original, even udas erste
Singen eines Liedes bietet kein Original, wovon aile spateren Fassungen Varianten sind; es ist vielmehr
eine Art Skizze, worauf spatere, womoglich be~sere Sanger werden aufbauen konnen" (Haymes 1977,
23). Each storyteller creates the epic in the moment of recitation Performance and creation are one. The
production of an oral epic is a spontaneous, not an analytical process. Once a sentence is pronounced, a
motive or theme began, it is impossible for the teller to revise it. This spontaneous creation needs
auxiliary constructions as formulas, syntactic parallels, similes and repetitions, which may sound
monotonous and boring to the ear of a listener who has grown up in a written tradition.
To say it once again, "literary" does not necessarely signify a text written down and "oral" does not
label material gathered at a recital (e. g. Homer's Illiad and Odyssey are orally handed down). Since
Parry orality is "a particular and distinctive process in which oral learning, oral composition, and oral
200 Silke Herrmann

transmission almost merge; they seem to be different facets of the same process" (Lord 1968, 5). This
definition weakens Stein's criticism of alleged "semi orality" of Francke's versions CSemi-oraux parce
que, pour noter ces textes, meme les Tibetains ont ete obliges de se faire repeter la recitation au falenn,
ce qui implique infailliblement des hesitations du conteur" (Stein 1959, 57)). Even if the notation
hinders the bard while composing - which seems reasonable - the product would be still a narration
in purely oral style, as long as his work is rooted in an oral tradition.
If we assume that the Gesar texts are based on an oral tradition located in the Tibetan cultural
complex we gain an explanation of why we are confronted with different accounts concerning the
number or the. succession of the chapters, and we can finally abandon the futile search for an original
version.
There is no "right" succession of the chapters, as the Gesar is not told chronologically but in
episodes which may be put in any order, as I found out in Ladakh. It is indeed possible to construct a
chronological order, but this of no importance for an oral tradition. The material of an oral tradition is
known to every listener, so a narrator can afford omissions and jumps in the course of the narrative.
Every listener would know with what kind of contents to fill the gaps.
Concerning the number of the chapters one has to keep in mind that the exponent of an oral tradition
is an individual, who can't possibly master all contents of his tradition. He concentrates on the material
which is meaningful for himself and his audience. In addition to individual variations one finds
geographical changes .through influences from neighbouring countries.
To apply the question of an original version to an oral epic is meaningless. Each singer narrates "his"
epic, and each epic demands equal attention. There are no "right" or "wrong" versions, as long as the
story teller moves within the boundaries of his oral tradition. The state of oral narrative is "fluidity"
and "multiformity" (Lord 1968, 100), e. g. there is no authoritative version. Multiformity in narration
points to a living oral tradition. Which doesn't mean that all is "on the run": "Multiformity is
essentially conservative in traditional lore, all outward appearances to the contrary" (Lord 1968,120).
Do we have indications - if any - to an orality of the Gesar material?

1) Even today we can find living oral traditions of the Gesar epic in countries with Tibetan influence.

2) In spite of an ardent search for the original Gesar it still has not been discovered. Instead we are
confronted with ample manuscripts and printed editions of seemingly independent variants of differing
length and episodes.
3) One of the criteria, developed by Lord, which is decisive for the orality of an epic, was applied
successfully by Helffer. In 1977 she submitted a'manuscript to the formulaic test. But she did not draw
the pressing conclusion, e. g. reference to orality (Helffer 1977, 430f£.).

4) Stein found bewildering the similarity of the texts to oral performances: "It is remarkable that the
written versions, manuscripts or printed editions, are composed in the same way as the oral recitals.
The main story, telling the events, is written in prose, the dialogues in the form of alternate songs in
verse. The latter mostly occupy a large place, whereas the former are rather short. The two parts are
frequently distinguished by a different style of cursive script. Even in the written versions, the songs
(glu) start with exclamations like a-Ia a-fa tha-Ia-Ia, etc., which clearly imitates the oral recitation. One
may thus presume, that the oral versions are primary in regard to the written ones" (Stein 1979,3).
Although Stein immediately dismisses this possible conclusion, this passage can point toward a written
version, based on an oral tradition.

In conclusion, the scholarly debate concerning the Tibetan epic persists in a state which ignores the
knowledge about oral literature since Bowra, Parry and Lord. Future work in the area of Tibetan oral
epic could consist in falsification or verification of Parry and Lord's theory of composition. Of utmost
importance is to investigate the possibility of the written epic being based in an oral tradition. This
assumption is h3rdend by 1) the above quoted remark by Stein about the similarity of editions with oral
 Possibilities for New Perspectives in Epic Research on the Tibetan Gesar 201

recitals, 2) the ample wealth of seemingly independent variants of differing length, 3) the widespread
existence of a living oral tradition. These issues must mark the future way of research in the Tibetan
epic tradition.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

FRANCKE, A. R., 1968, Der Fruhlings- und Wintermythus der Kesarsage. Osnabrock 1968 (1902),
-,1905-1941, A Lower Ladakhi Version of the Kesar Saga, Calcutta.
HAYMES, E. R., 1977, Das mii-ndliche Epos. Stuttgart.
HELFFER, M., 1977, Les chants dans l'epopee tibhaine de Ge-sar d'apres Ie livre de la course de cheval. Paris.
LAUFER, B., 1901, "Voranzeigen" in: WZKM, vol. XV. Wien.
LORD, A. B., 1976, The Singer of Tales. New York (1960).
ROERICH, G. N., 1942, "The Epic of King Kesar of Ling" in:jRASB, vol. VIII. Calcutta,
STEIN, R. A., 1959, Recherches sur Npopee et Ie barde au Tibet. Paris.
-,1978, "Bemerkungen zum Geser Khan" in: ZAS, vol. XII. Wiesbaden.
-,1979, "Introduction to the Gesar Epic" in: 'Dzam glin Ge-sar rgyal po'i nogs brjod sna tshogs gtam gyi phren ba, vol. V,
Thimbu (Bhutan).
 The Classification of Valid Logical Reasons
In Terms of their own Nature (i1O-bo)

ZOLTAN HORVATH (BUDAPEST)

The paper I read at the Csoma de Koras Symposium held in Visegrad last yeat was about how Klon-
rdol lama classifies the valid logical reasons (rtags yan-dag). This article is due to be published in
Hungary but did not concern the first and best-known item of the six ways of Tibetan reason-
classification, i. e. in terms of their (own) nature (or essence, no-bo). Investigating this field of logic I
have felt the necessity to complete my overview of this topic. I shall thus, in this paper, make some
basic remarks about this first class of reasons.'
The principial aim of the first class is to isolate the three main types of reasons, i. e.
1. karyahetu!'bras rtags yan-dag, effect-reasons,
2. svabhavahetulran-biin-gyi RYD, nature- or identity-reasons' and
3. anupalabdhihetulma dmigs-pa'i RYD, reasons of non-apprehension.'
They have, of course, different general definitions in the text. As to the effect-reasons and the reasons
of non-apprehension there is a common part in the definitions, it runs:

"It is something (khyod) which is a valid reason for proving (sgrub) [the proposition] P (de); [and]
there is (srid-pa) a common basis (gii mthun) between
1. what is to be held (bzun-bya) as the actual (dnos) property to be proved (sgrub-bya'i rhos,
sadhyadharma) in proving P by means of this reason, and
2 .... '"
The other member of the common basis gives us the differentia specifica of the two categories:
"". and 2. a ca us e" - for the effect reasons, and a nega tion (prati,edha, dgag-pa) for the reasons
of non-apprehension.
Nearer to the everyday language we can say that an effect-reason is a valid reason which proves a
cause. A reason of non-apprehension has a sadhyadharma which is a negation.
The second item, the identity-reason has a slightly different definition:
"it is a valid reason for proving P, and there must be an identity of nature (bdag-iiid gog) between
[this reason] and that which is to be held as the actual property to be proved in proving P by means
of this reason".5
I Like in the case of the article mentioned above, I am obliged greatly again to Tom Tillemans for his help to write this paper.
Unlike in the previous paper this time I used one of the standard works of the subject, Yons-'jin rdo-rje-'chan Phur-lcog
byams-pa Chul-khrims rgya-mcho dPal-bzan-po's "rtags-rigs (Chad-rna'i giun don 'byed-pa'i bsdus-groa'i ... rtags-rigs-
ll

kyi skor) in the edition of Shunzo Onoda, The Yons 'dzin rtags rigs - A Manual for Tibetan Logic - Nagoya University,
Japan, Studia Asiatica, No.5, 1981. Citing from the book I used my own way of transliteration.
1 Onoda in the Contents of his edition translates it as "correct mark of essential identity". p, 7.
J Onoda ibid.: "correct mark of non-cognition".
4 The Tibetan text of the translated passage see Onoda pp. 27 and 32:
khyod de sgrub-kyi sgrub rtags yan-dag gan-zig! khyod-kyi rtags-kyis de sgrub-kyi dnos-kyi bsgrub-bya'i chos-su bzun-bya
yan yin/ .. yan yin-pa'i gii rnthun srid-pa del
<

5 I translated the longest one from the three versions of the definition given in the book on p. 31:
khyod de sgrub-kyi rtags yan-dag gan-iig/ khyod-kyi rtags-kyis de sgrub-kyi dnos-kyi bsgrub-bya'i chos-su bzun-bya yin-na/
khyod dan bdag-iiid gog yin dgos-pa'i cha-nas biag-pa del
204 Zoltan Horvath

I. 'Bras rtags yail-dag

1. jdnos
2. snan son
3. r g y U spyi sgrub-pa'i 'bras RYD
4. khyad-par
5. rgyu-chos rjes~dpog-gi 'bras RYD
"The effect-reasons are divided first of all into five groups according to the nature of causes they
prove. As a detailed description of these five would take us too far afield, we shall limit ourselves at this
time to simply enumerating the groups in question. These are effect-reasons which prove:
1. an actual cause (rgJIu dnos),
2. that a cause has preceeded (rgJIu snon son) the effect in question,
3. causality in general (rgJIu spyi),
4. a specific cause (rgJIu khyad-par), and finally
5. a feature of the given cause (rgyu-chos rjes-dpog)
respectively.
The second method of dividing the same field is by the way the karyahetu functions with regard to
the sapak.a (mthun-phyogs, similar instances). This way of classification will be treated separatedly in
the book later as the fifth type of division.'
The illustrations of the latter subtype are as follows: When the reason "smoke" concerning the
smoky pass proves that there is the actual cause (dnos-rgJIu) of smoke, than it pervades the whole field
of similar instances.' (I. e. when the actual cause of smoke exists, then there is also smoke.) But when
the reason "smoke" proves that there is fire, ' than it is a valid reason which have a "double aspect"
(roam giiis) because where there is fire there is not necessarily smoke.

II. Rail-bzin-gyi rtags yan-dag

1. ltos-pa-pa 2. dag-pa-pa
DEF: I .. .! ran brjod-pa'i sgras ran-gi
'lIyed-pa-po ... cha-nas brjod-pa

'phen-pa'i / " mi 'phen-pa'i

/"
dno'!'u SUgSjla I'phensl I
EXP: rcol-byun, byas-pa dnos-po
skyes-pa
(for dun-sgra and sgra mi rtag-pa)
The main classification of the identity-reasons (svabhavahetu) is according to whether or not the
reason implies an agent (byed-pa-po). And if they do imply, is this implication direct (dnos-su 'phens)
Or indirect (sugs-la 'phens). Thus we find three subgroups illustrated as follows:

, mthun-phyogs-la ~jug-chul-gyi sgo-nas dbye-ba. Onoda pp. 46-47, see my paper appearing in 1988 in the volume of the
Csoma de Karas Symposium 1984.
, du-ha de d.-Man la-Ia d.-ha'i dnos-rgyu yod-par ,gruh-pa'i mthun-phyog,-Ia kbyah-byed-du 'Jug-pa'i 'hras nags.
I du-ba tie du-ldgh'laAa me yod-par sgrub-pa'i mthun-pbyogs-Ia rnam gfiis-su 'fug-pa'j 'bras rtags, Onoda 'p. 29.
 The Classification of Valid Logical Reasons in Terms of their own Nature (no-bo) 205

L direct implication of an agent as when one proves that the sound of a conch is impermanent
because it arises from effort (rcol-byun) or is generated (skyes-pa),'
2. indirect implication, as when one proves this same proposition by means of the reason "produced"
(byas-pa),10
3. no implication of an agent, as in proving sound's impermanence by means of the reason "entity"
(dnos-po).t' .

Now, just as in the case of effect-reasons, identity-reasons are also classified in terms of those which are
pervaders of the similar instances and those which have both aspects. So, when sound's impermanence
is proved by means of the reason "product" than this reason is a pervader (khyab-byed) of the similar
instances. If however we prove this proposition by the reason "because it is a particular instance of
product (byas-pa'i bye-brag)", then the reason is double aspected (rnam gilis) with regard to the similar
instances.

III. Ma dmigs-pa'i rtags yari-dag

mi snan snail. run

1 5 rgyu

2 6 khyab-byed
'brei zla

3 7 ran-biin

- 8 dnos 'bras

10 13 rgyu

'gal zla 4 11 - khyab-byed

14-15 9 12 ran-biin

ran-biin 'bras-bu

phan-chun spans lhan-Cig mi gnas

The whole corpus of effect- and identity-reasons is built into that of the reasons of non-apprehension,
but in a negative form, 50 to speak. There are two basic schemata to be considered; reasons proving the
absence of something which is in principle accessible to perception (snan run) but which is not
apprehended. This, of course, is the more usual notion of anupalabdhihetu which one thinks of in
connection with Pramar}a literature. 12

9 It is the ran-gi byed-pa-po dhos-su 'phans~pa class of de sgrub-kyi khyad-par ltos-pa-pa'i ran-biin-gyi rtags yan-dag.
10 The ran-gi byed-pa-po iugs-fa 'phans-pa category.
II [diIOS-pO sgra mi nag-par} sgrub-pa'i khyad-par dag-pa-pa'i ran-biin-gyi rtags yan-dag-gol Onoda pp. 31-32.
lZ Its earliest analysis in the secondary literature: Th. Stcherbatsky, Buddhist logic, vol. 1, pp. 366-369, New York n.d.
[Leningrad ca. 1930].
 206 Zolt!m Horuath

But there is also another sort spoken about in rTags-rigs, viz. non-apprehension of that which does
not appear (mi snan-ba ma dmigs-pa). This i" worth exclaiming in some detail. What it involves is
actually a proof of the non-existence of a certain type of subject or cognition with regard to objects
which are obscure (parok;a, bskal don) and hence inaccessible to perception. What one is proving
is no t the inexistence of these types of objects - such obscure objects like meat-eating spirits (sa za) do
exist according to the Buddhist view. Rather one proves that an ordinary being, who is not endowed
with supranormal abilities like clairvoyance etc., is unable to ascertain whether or not such an obscure
type of object is in any determinate location.
Thus to take the meat-eating spirit example; one shows that an ordinary being can not have a true
ascertaining subsequent cognition (nes-pa'i dpyad-ses) as to whether such a spirit is in front of him or
not. 13
Let us now look at the definitions of these two sorts of reasons of non-apprehension. We shall see
that the difference turns primarily on whether we are concerned with obscure objects (bskal don) or
not.
a) The valid reason of non-apprehension of that which is fitting to appear (snan run rna dmigs-pa'i
RYD, No. 5-15 on the chart). Its definition is:
"it is on the one hand a valid reason of non-apprehension for proving P. On the other hand the object imputed
as the property to be negated (dgag-bya'i chas) in this proof is not an obscure object (bskal don min-paY forthe
person who serves as the recipient of the pak~adharma (phyogs chos-can-du son-ba'i gail-zag) in proving P. ,,14

b) The definition of a valid reason of non-apprehension of something which does not appear (mi snan-
ba ma dmigs-pa'i RYD) is:
"it is a valid reason of non-apprehension for proving P; and although the object imputed as the property to be
negated in proving P (de sgrub-kyi dgag-bya'i (hos) by this reason generally does exist, it does not appear to the
valid cognition (chad-rna) of the person who serves as the recipient of the pak~adharma in the proof of P (de
,grub-pal. "IS

As for the subdivisions of each of these two sorts of reasons of non-apprehension, it is not necessary to
enter into all the various minute divisions - these can be seen in the chart. However, two basic
subdivisions should be mentioned:
i) reasons of non-apprehension where there is non-apprehension of something related [to the property to be
negated] ('brel-zla ma dmig'-pa, No. 1-3,5-8)
ii) those where there is apprehension of something in opposition [to the property to be negated] ('gal-zla dmigs-
pa, No.4, 9-15).
One item of the first type (No.5) f. e. is illustrated by the classic example: "On the fireless night-time
sea, there is no smoke because there is no fire. ,,16 Here the reason, <'no fire", is a non-apprehension of
the cause "smoke" - thus by denying one relatum, viz. fire, the other, viz. smoke is also negated. As
the definition shows, the reason here must be a simple absence, or non-implicative negation (prasajya-
pratiledha, med-dgag):
"it is on the one hand a valid reason of non-apprehension of what is fitting to appear when proving P. And it is
also a nort-implicative negation."!7

13 mdun-gyi gii 'dir chos-can/ fa za bskal don-du son-ba'i gan-zag-gi rgyud-la fa za nes-pa'i dpyad-fes don mthun med del
Onoda pp. 33-34.
14 de sgrub-kyi ma dmigs-pa'i rtags yan-dag kyan yin/ de sgrub-pa-la phyogs chos-can-du son-ba'i gan-zag-Ia de sgrub-kyi dgag-
bya'i chos-su brta¥s_paJj don bskal don min-pa yan yin-pa'i gii mthun-pa/ Onoda p. 35.
15 de sgrub-kyi ma dmigs-paJi nags yan-dag kyan yin/ ran-iiid-kyi rtags-kyis de sgrub-kyi dgag-bya'i chos-su brtags-pa'i don de
spyir yod kyan/ raiz-iiid de sgrub-kyi phyogs-chos-can-du son-ba'i gan-zag-gi chad-ma-La mi snan-ba del Onoda p. 33.
If> me med-pa de [as the reason] mchan-mo'i rgya-mchor du-ba med-par sgrub-pa, Onoda p. 36.
17 de sgrub-kyi snan-run ma dmigs-pa'i rtags yan-dag kyan yinl med-dgag kyan yin-pa'i gii mthun-pa/ dan-po'i [= snan-run-gi
'brel-zla ma dmigs,lpa'i rtags yan-dag] mchan-nidi Onoda p. 36,
 The Classification of Valid Logical Reasons in Terms of their own Nature (no-bo) 207

Turning now to the second sort mentioned above, viz. reasons where there is apprehension of some-
thing in opposition, here one is showing that because ~ome positive phenomenon (sgrub-pa) or im-
plicative negation (ma yin dgag) is the case, then another phenomenon will be impossible because the
two are in opposition (,gal-ba) or are contradictory. This is nicely brought out by the definition:
"'it is on the one hand a valid reason of non-apprehension of what is fitting to appear when proving P. And ids
also either an implicative negative or a positive phenomenon. »18

So, for example, we can prove that there is no continuous cold in a place where there is a raging fire, for
the reason lCraging, extensive fire" is contradictory with the property "continuous cold sensation" .19
We see then that the reason here is not a simple absence, but rather a positive phenomenon (sgrub-pa).
This is the first kind of opposition ('gal-zla)'o viz. the opposition by never coexisting (lhan-Cig mi
gnas). The other sort, opposition by mutual exclusion (phan-chun spans) has the last two categories
(No. 14-15).'1
This much will be enough here to illustrate the ways according to which the Tibetan classification of
reasons works. The details need more study, above all the mi snan-ba ma dmigs-pa-group is worthy of
special interest. 22

I' de sgrub-kyi snan-run ma dmigs-pa'i rtags )Ian-Jag kyan yin/ rna yin dgag dan sgruh-pa gail run yan yin-pa'i gii mthun-pal
giiis-pa'i [= snan-run-gi 'gal-zLt dmigs-pa'i rtags yan-Jag] mchan-fiid, Onoda p. 36.
" It is the ran-him-dan 'gal_ba'j 'bras-hu dmigs-pa'i rtags yan-dag, see No.9 on the chart. Its example: du-ha drag-tu phyur-
bas khyab-par non-pa~i dnos-po del du-ba drag phyur-bas khyab-par non-pa'i far-gyi dnos-po'i sten-du gran reg-rgyun chags-
med-paT sgrub-pa, Onoda p. 37.
20 The Tibetan logical tradition distinguishes two main kinds of opposition ('gal): mutually exclusiveness (phan-chun spans 'gal)
and opposition "by never coexisting" (lhan-ag mi gnas 'gal). In the "Middle course" of his bsdus-grva Y01ls-'jin gives the
following classification, definitions and examples:
'gal-ba, DEF: khyod tha-dad kyan yin! khyod yin-pa mi sTid-pa yan yin-pa'i gii mthun-du dmig'-pal
l.phan-chun spam 'gal, DEF: mam-bbuJ yoils good-leyi sgo-nas mi mthun-par gnas-pa
a) dno, 'gal [DEF: ... j, EXP: dnos-po dan dnos-med
b) rgyud 'gal [DEF: ...J, EXP: cha dan gran
bdag 'iin dan bdag-med
[...J
2.lhan-Cig mi gnas 'gal, DEF: Tgyun bcad-bya geod-byed-kyi sgo-nas mi mthun-par gnas-pa, EXP: giien-po dan. spaiz.-bya.
Quoted from a new edition of his series of text-books (bsdus-gTfJa I -III, b/o-rigs and rtags-rigs) under the short-title Rigs-
lam 'phrul-Ide, Kan-su 1984, pp. 77-78.
11 ltos-pas nes-pa 'gog-pa'i and nes-pas ltos-pa 'gog-pa'; rtags yan-Jag. see Onoda pp. 38-39.
22. About this group see the twelfth note in T. Tillemans' review on van der Kuijp's Contributions ...• in Asiatische Studienl
Etudes asiatiques. XXXVIII, 1, 1984, pp. 65-66.
 The Etiological Problem of the Yar-luti Dynasty
SAMTEN G. KARMAY (PARIS)

No doubt you are all farniliar with the well-known hiStorical work sBa-bied.' A short passage from
this work contains what purports to be titles of expositions given by King Ral-pa-can (alias Khri gCug-
Ide-bean, reign: 81S-c. 836) to the monks and his ministers on the subject of lha-chos and mi-chos. 2 I
will not take up here the question of lha-chos as it has been discussed by many scholars. Concerning
mi-chos, the sBa-bied states that both King Khri SrOIi-lde-bcan' and Ral-pa-can gave expositions on
law, history and etiquette. It specifies five titles of expositions said to have been given by Ral-pa-can.
They are mostly, as will be seen, concerned with the different traditions of narrating the Tibetan royal
history and its ancestral origins. I propose here to discuss particularly the first two of the five titles.

1. Yo-ga lha-dge-can

Now, this title is either a deliberate deformation or an error committed by a scribe. I suspect the first.
However that may be, it has been very faithfully copied out in later important works, such as the bSad-
mjod4 of me XVm century and mKhas-pa'i dga'-ston.' It is certainly a deformation, whatever cause it
was, of me title: Bon-po'i yi-ge lha-dge (gyes) can as is attested in me Nan-ral chos-'byun.' The
corrupted title has greatly puzzled many aumors, especially the word yo-gao Consequently some
Tibetologists when faced with me title as it occurs in me bSad-mjod read it as yog-lha7 almough bSad-
mjod gives very clearly the formyo-ga (yi-ge) lha-las gyes-pa. The title refers to the Bonpo concept of
me divine origin of gNa'-khri bean-po, me first Tibetan king. We can accordingly translate the correct
form of me title given in me Nan-ral chos-'hyun as "me separation from me gods (according to) me
book of me Bonpo". It refers to me mythical account of me origin of gNa'-kbri bean-po according to
which me king is a descendant of me Phyva gods and came down from heaven and landed on me sacred
mountain IHa-ri gyan-mo in Kon-po in order to rule over the black-headed people. This indigenous
myth is the very foundation of me concept of me royal power which enables me successive kings to
rule and is given as the justification for Yar-luil sovereigns' reign over Tibet. We all know mat mis
mym is narrated in certain Buddhist works such as rGyal-po bka'-than' and more often in Bonpo

I R. A. Stein, Une chronique ancienne de bSam-yas: sBa-bied. Paris 1961.

, Ibid., p. 75, 11.9-12.
3 Ibid., p. 53,11.6-8. .
• A 15th century Tibetan Compendium of Knowledge, SPS, Vol. 8, New Delhi 1969, p. 147: dregs (bsgrags)-pa bon-lug, yo-ga
(yi-ge) /ha-las gyes-pa'i lor (lo)-rgy",1
S dP,'-bo gCug-lag phren-b, (1504-1566), mKhas-pa'i dga'-ston, Part]" SPS, Vol. 9, New Delhi 1962, f. 5.. 7.
(, Nail-tal Ni-ma 'od-zer (co 1136-1209), Chos-'byun me-tog siiin-po sbran-rci'i-beud, MS "B" J Rin-chen gter-mjod chen-po'i
rgyab-Cho" Vol. 6, P,ro 1979, f. 588.
7 E. Haarh, The Yar-lun Dynasty, Copenhagen 1969, p. 213j Ariane Macdonald (Spanien), aUne lecture des Pelliot tibetain

1286,1287,1038,1047, et 1290. Essai sur la formation et l'emploi des mythes politiques dans la religion royal de Sron-bean
sgam-po" in Etudes tibetaines dediees a La memaire de Marcelle Lala", Paris 1971, p. 20.
B Dharamsala edition (undated), f. 25a.
220 Samten G. Karmay

historical works,' but particularly in Tun-huang docu;"ents. 10 It came to fonn the basis of a particular
tradition called in later Buddhist and popular works "the proclamation according to the Bon tradition"
(bsgrags-pa bon-lugs) when other ways of presenting the origin myth of the Yar-Iun dynasty looked
more appropriate and eventually became established. The phrase bsgrags-pa bon-lugs is simply a
derivation of the two lines in Nan-ral chos-'byun: bon-po'i yi-ge lha-dge (gyes) can/ gnam-nas babs-ies
bsgrags-pa'i lugs/ (f. 588, 5).

2. gSan-ba phyag-rgya can

Now, this, the second one, corresponds to the line rfe-iiid gsun-pa phyag-rgya can/ of the Nan-ralChos-
'byun (f. 588, 6). Here the title refers to the tradition according to which gNa'-khri bean-po is a
descendant from one of the Indian royal lines. The parallel title in the Nan-ral chos-'byun can be
rendered as "(the account) related by the Lord himself: the Sealed One". The word gsan-ba, "secret" in
the title as found in sBa-bied is, in my opinion, a deliberate alteration of the verb gsuns-pa of the title
given in Nan-ral chos-'byun, but nevertheless the replacement of the word gsum-ba by gsan-ba does
not change the overall meaning of the title or rendering it incomprehensible as is the case with the first
title. The change simply contributed to the formation of the phrase gSan-ba chos-Iugs with which we
shall be dealing soon. We are here dealing with a tradition concerning the question of gNa'-khri bcan-
po's alleged Indian origin as told in almost every late chos-'byun. However, there is little agreement as
to from which Indian royal lineage he descended. Some connected him with the personages of the epic
story of the Mahabharata, others claimed him as a descendant from the dynasty of Magadha, like King
Bimbisara who were contemporaries of the Buddha, still others went so far as to connect him with the
Sakya clan. Why the Tibetan Buddhist historians wanted their first sovereign to be a foreigner and
particularly Indian is not easy to explain in a few words here. With the foundatioJ1of bSam-yas in the
VIIIth century Buddhism became the state religion and accordingly Indian BUddhist culture was a
much desired object of importation and we read in all chos-'byun about King Ral-pa-can's enthusiasm
and zeal for·the innovation even of Indian secular customs, but nothing really proves that he initiated
such a tradition. However, in the eyes of the Buddhist clergy .it was perhaps most significant if the
ancestral lineage of the royal house also had a connection with a royal line in India, the holy land from
which they had recently acquired their religion. This brings to mind also the identification of King Khri
Sron-lde-bcan with King CalJa whom we have studied elsewhereY
Nevertheless, in sBa-b'ied, this traditional , ....ount is ascribed to King Ral-pa-can whereas in Nan-ral
chos-'byun (f. 18, 8), it is put into the mouth of Sron-bcan sgam-po, but the total absence of such an
account in the Tun-huang documents, on the other hand, amply suggests that it is of late origin and
probably belongs to the early twelfth century, but that again comes back to the question of the sBa-
bied iabs-btags-ma. '2 We shall have some words on this topic later.
The account of the Indian origin of gNa'-khri bean-po, however, became the accepted and official
version. It was later called "the Secret one according to the Buddhist tradition" (gSan-ba chos-Iugs). No
source explains why this official account should be kept hidden and yet be presented as the authorized
version. However, some Buddhist historians have, not surprisingly, objected to this "double standard"
so to speak. Ne'u paQ.Qita Grags-pa smon-Iam blo-gros, for example. It is interesting to note that
according to him, it was the bKa'-gdams-pa master, beom-Idan rig-ral who first falsely claimed it to

, Khod-po Blo-gros thogs-med, Srid-pa rgyud-byi kha-byan Chen-mo, Dol.nji 1976, pp. 116-119.
10 E.g. Pelliot tibetain 1038 (M. Lalou1 "Tibetain ancien Bod./Bon",jA, 1953. pp. 275-276).
11 S. G. Kannay, "King Tsa/Dza and Vajrayina", in Tantricand Taoist Studies in honour afRo A. Stein, Vol. I. Bruxelles 1981,
pp. 194-195.
" R. A. Stein, Lo~.~fit., pp. 65-92.
 The Etiological Problem of the Yar-Iu;, Dynasty 221

have been based on Indian sources,13 but unfortunately we possess at present no works by this master
for comparison. .
In connection with the gSan-ba pbyag-rgya-can, I should like to mention the existence of such a
tradition all·through Tibetan Buddhist literature: I mean the biographical accounts of certain religious
personages which often present a dichotomous pattern. While the account of the personage, concerning
the activities of his existence, i.e. in actual life, is treated as "unreal", his inner experience, hence his
spiritual existence is believed to be "real", but the written account of this particular aspect of the life is
invariably to be kept hidden and often known under the terms bka'-rgya-ma, phyag-rgya-can or
simply rgya-can. A good example for this, is the gSan-ba'i mam-thar rgya-can-ma of the Vth Dalai
Lama.14
We have therefore two distinct traditions concerning the etiological myth of gNa'-khri bean-po: on
. the one hand, the Bonpo tradition according to which the king descended from heaven and which was
proclaimed (bsgrags-pa) to the public, but in fact "unreal"; on the other, the Buddhist tradition
according to which the king was a descendant of an Indian royal line and this is ~ccepted as "real", but
to be kept hidden from the public. Is it because the Tibetan public would not like the idea of their first
sovereign coming from a foreign country? They would like, at any rate, to believe that he came from
heaven, I should think.
Although the phrases bsGrags-pa bon-lugs and gSan-ba chos-lugs are certainly denominations of
different traditions, they also occur, as pointed out by Mme A.-M. Blondeau" and myself,16 as actual
titles of texts given among other works by NaIi-ral Ni-ma 'od-zer. Guru Chos-dbaIi t1212-1270) also
gives them in a similar context. 17 Here mention must be made of two scholars who have made a big
contribution to the study of these legends: E. Haarh1B and Ariane Spanien.19 Both made a detailed
analysis of the question contained in the bSad-mjod. What we have so far been attempting to show is
the basis of two etiological traditions and the earliest sources from which they developed. This then
leads us to the question of the date of composition of the sBa-bied which is of course beyond the scope
of the present paper. Let us therefore limit ourselves to the passage with which we began. It is in the
second section of the sBa-bied, known as sBa-bied iabs-btags-ma. 20 It is therefore self evident that it
is not an integral part of the sBa-bied, but a later addition to the main work (iabs-btags-ma). This
internal evidence shows that it is certainly later than mid-eleventh century, because it mentions among
others lHa Bla-ma ye-5es-'od (early eleventh century)21 and Lo-ca.-ba Rin-chen bzaIi-po (958-1055),
but earlier than mid-twelfth century since long passages of it are incorporated into the Nan-ral chos-
'byun. 22 However, the passages of the sBa-bied iabs-btags-ma that appear in the Nan-ral chos-'byun
are often much clearer than the Stein edition, which shows that there were, as usual, different recen-
sions of the sBa-bied iabs-btags-ma from quite early onwards.
We now come to the three other titles, all concerned with the royal genealogy, but are very obscure.

13 sNon-gyi-gtam me-tog phren-ba. in Rare Tibetan historical and literary texts from the library of Tsepon W. D. Shakabp,a,
Delhi 1974, p. 64.
14 A record of the visionary experiences 0/ the Fifth Dalai Lam4 Nag-dban-blo-bzan-rgya-mtsho. Smanrtsis shesrig spendzod
Series, Vol. 42, Leh 1972.
IS Annuaire de l~Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Ve section (Sciences re1igieuses), Resume des conferences, Tome LXXXIX,
1980-1981, p. 168. After completing my present article, Mme A.-M. Blondeau very kindly showed me her paper, "Identifica-
tion de la tradition appelee bsGrags-pa Bon-lNgs" which examines very extensively the theory and origin of bsGrags-pa bon-
lugs. It will appear in the proceedings of the Bicentenary Csoma de Karas Symposium (Visegrad-Budapest, Sept. 13-19.
1984).
16 "l'apparicion du petit homme tete noire" inIA, CCLXXIV, 1986, p. 79-138.

11 The Autobiography and Instructions of GUTu-Chos-kyi-dban-phyug, Para 1979, Vol. I, f. 14-20.

" Lac. cit., pp. 168-185.
" Essai, pp. 206-211.
zo See note 12.
2.1 Cf. S. G. Karmay. "The Ordinance of lHa Bla-ma Ye-shes-'od", Tibetan Studies in honour of Hugh Richardson, Proceedings
of the International seminar on Tibetan Studies, Oxford 1979, Warminster/ England 1980, pp. 150-152.
22 E.g. R. A. Stein. Loc. cit., p. 65. 1.15-p. 92, 1.1j Nail-Tal chos-'byun, f. 481, I-f. 593, 3.
222 Samten G. Karmay

3. lTab-rna dgu-cag-can

This is again a corrupted title. It corresponds to 'Dab-ma dgu-rceg-can of the Nan-raf chos-'byun. It is
explained that there are three ways of counting the royal genealogy: rkyan-pa, "single", i. e. counting
only the successive kings and this is called Za-biugs rgan-rabs-can; khug-pa, "double" or "pair", this is
called 'Dab-rna dgu-rceg-can, i. e. counting the successive kings with their queens (rkyan (rkyan)-pa
gCig-rgyud (brgyud) rci-ba yin/ de-min za-biugs rgan-rabs-can/ khug-pa yum-sgam smas-pa-fa/ 'dab-
rna dgu-rceg-can ies-bya/ (f. 588, 6-7).

4. Zins-po sna-chogs-can

Nan-ral explains that the sPun-po contains a very detailed account (rgyas-bSad) and it is therefore called
Zins-po sna-chogs-can (spun-po rgyas-bSad yin-pa fa/ zins-po sna-chogs-can-du grags/, f. 588, 7). How-
ever, sPun-po-can is treated as a separate work from Zins-po sna-chogs-can in the sBa-bied as will be
seen below.

5. sPun-po-can

In the bibliographical list of sources, Nan-raf gives a title: sPun-po gser-skas dgu-ba (f. 594, 7) and this
probably refers to the sPun-po-can of the sBa-bied. If so there would seem to be two different works
having the word spun-po in their titles, but no source to my knowledge, so far has explained in what
way they differ from one another. In any case, these last three titles still remain very obscure partly
because our sources give practically no information on them. Nail-ral's explanations, as seen, are too
brief for us to substantiate their significance to any degree.
 A New Chronological Table of the Bon Religion
The bstan-rcis of Hor-bcun bsTan-'jin-blo-gros (1888-1975)

PER KVAERNE (OSLO)

In 1971 I published the text and a translation of a chronological table (bstan-rcis) composed in 1841 by
Ni-ma-bstan-'jin (b. 1813), the 24th abbot of the Bonpo monastery of sMan-ri in the province of gCait
(Kvaerne 1971). The text had been published in Delhi in 1965 by slob-dpon bsTan-'jin-rnam-dag who
had also revised it and brought it up to date, i. e. up to the year 1961.
This short text - the 1965 edition comprises 18 pages and contains a total of 233 entries - provided
the basis for a chronology of the Bon religion, and subsequent studies of the history of Bon have made
use of it (referred to hereafter as STNN).
Similar chronological surveys composed by other Bonpo authors exist; attention was drawn to two
of them by Katsumi Mimaki in 1983 (Mimaki 1983). The two works in question are, first, a bstan-rcis
inserted in a longer text on astrology and chronological calculations, the dPyad-gsum dag-rcis bskal-
srid dus-'khor (abbreviated PD), written in 1928 by Khyuit-sprul 'Jigs-med-nam-mkha'i-rdo-rJe
(1897-1956), a remarkable personality and an erudite scholar. On the whole, this bstan-rcis covers the
same ground as the STNN, i. e. the history of Bon, starting with the life of sTon-pa-gsen-rab, down to
the author's own time. The second text is a systematic survey of Bonpo monasteries in Tibet, including
the dates of their foundation, forming an appendix to a general history of Bon by dPal-ldan-chul-
khrims (1902-1973), published in India in 1972 and again in Lhasa in 1985 (gYun-drun bon-gyi bstan-
'by un, abbreviated BY).
During a visit to the Bonpo monastery in India in October 1981, I was shown a bstan-rcis which had
recently been brought from Tibet, composed by the Bonpo scholar Hor-bcun bsTan-'jin-blo-gros-
rgyal-mchan. Hor-bcun was born in 1888. He was a well-known and respected lama in Amdo, and was
the teacher of, among others, Sangye Tenzin Jongdong, the abbot of the Bonpo monastery in India. He
died in the Wood-Hare Year, i.e. 1975, at dawn of the sixth day of the seventh Tibetan month. A
funeral shrine (sku-gdun) containing his remains has subsequently been erected on the holy Bya-dur
mountain in Amdo.
Hor-bcun bsTan-'jin-blo-gros, also known as sMra-dbait Kun-dga'-ran-grol, is the author of several
works, among which can be mentioned a dictionary, Gans-can Bod-kyi brda-sprod dpag-bsam lfon-
pa'i sne-ma, 78 fols., published in Kalimpong around 1961. This dictionary would be worth a separate
study as it contains numerous terms which are specifically Bonpo. He has also written a work on the
art of poetical composition, mNon-brfod-kyi bstan-bcos legs-par bsad-pa er-sans bu-mo'i ial-lun, of
which I have seen a ms. consisting of 72 fols.
The bstan-rcis of which Hor-beun is the author is entitled rGyal-ba sans-rgyas bstan-pa'i rcis-gsar
ke-ta-ka-yi 'phren-ba, i.e. "A New Chronological Table of the Doctrine of the Buddha, A Rosary of
ketaka( -wood)" (referred to hereafter as STKK). The copy whieh has been at my disposal is a ms. of 13
fols., written in dbu-med and making very extensive use of bsdus-yig, i. e. scribal contractions. It is, as
the title indicates, "new", i. e. it is a revision of STNN. In fact it incorporates long passages of the latter
work, but it also gives a certain amount of new information. From our point of view, it is also ""new" in
the sense that it has not been available outside Amdo before a copy was brought to India in 1981.
242 Per Kvaeme

From the colophon! we learn that the author wrote it in his 67th year, i.e. in 1955. That the year was
1955 is confirmed by the fact that the year from which all events are calculated, i. e. the year of
composition of the text, is six years earlier than that of the present version of STNN, which was, as
already noted, revised in 1961. STKK was written in the hermitage (ri-khTOd) mDa'-chen dkar-mo in
Amdo, at the request of sKyati.-sprul bsTan-'jin-dbati.-rgyal. The author later revised it in accordance
with another bstan-Tcis composed by a contemporary Bonpo scholar and former fellow-student, Chul-
khrims-rgyal-mchan. In a letter of December 3rd, 1981, Dr. S. G. Karmay kindly provided the follow-
ing information:
"It was known that the bstan-Tcis of Bon-slob Chul-khrims-rgyal-mchan, who was the companion (slob-grogs)
of my grand-uncle (Le. of Hor-bcun, PKv) when they took the dge-bses degree together in gYun-drun-gliti,
differs greatly from the one of Ni-ma-bstan-'jin. My grand-uncle generally followed Ni-ma-bstan-'jin, but
when he saw his companion's bstan-rcis he was convinced by his friend's work. That is why he says in the
colophon phyis-su slob-grogs Chul-rgyalltar dag-bser hyas-pa - 'later revised according to my companion's'.
Bon-slob Chul-rgyal was once the chief teacher (bon-slob) at gYuti-drun-gliti and was a teacher of Tenzin
Namdak. I met him only twice '" in gYun-drun-gliti in 1955 ... , but at that time he was already ex-ban-slob
and was busy writing his books'. .

At the moment the bstan-Tcis of Bon-slob Chul-khrims-rgyal-mchan is not available outside Tibet.
Another Bonpo bstan-Tcis which is, at least for the time being, likewise not available, is that of Kun-gsal
Nam-mkha'-rgyal-mchan, entitled dPyid-kyi dbyans-snan, written in 1831 (mentioned on fol. 11a of
the ms. of STKK).
Turning to the bstan-Tcis of Hor-bcun bsTan-'jin-blo-gros, we note, first of all, that there is consid-
erable confusion as regards the entries which are given as coming b ef 0 r e the beginning of the first rab-
byun, i.e. 1027. A whole series of entries are dated one Tab-byun, i. e. exactly sixty years, later than the
dates quoted for the same events in STNN; and as most of these entries, according to the computation
of the present text, are dated after the beginning of the first Tab-byu;' but nevertheless come before
the entry actually stating the beginning of the first rab-byu;', it is clear that tlJe proper order of the
entries has become undone at some point. The same type of confusion continues, although more
sporadically, up to and including the entries for the third Tab-byu;', thus rendering the use of this part
of STKK problematical. However, the rest of the text seems to be coherent, and provides much new
information, both in the form of dates for persons whose names, at least, are otherwise known, and in
the form of entries regarding persons or monasteries not previously known, i. e. not known through'
the works of Western scholars.
Space does not permit a discussion of all the entries - or even only those which contain new
information - in detail. I shalllirnit myself fa drawing attention to a few points which would seem to
be of general interest.
(1) One of the most important Bonpo gter-ma is that found by b:lod-ston dNos-grub-grags-'bar
"behind the statue of Vairocana" in the temple at Khom-mthiti. in Lho-brag. This personage and the
problems connected with him have recently been studied in detail by Anne-Marie Blondeau who
accepts the dates 1088 (following STNN) or 1100 (Blondeau 1984: 91 n. 59, 92) for the discovery of the
gter-ma. However, PD (p. 64) gives the date 1112, which is the same as that found in Hor-bcun's
bstan-rcis (fol. 8 a).

t The relevant parts of the colophon read as follows: (joL 12 b) sin-mo-lug lor ... rgyal bstan-rcisl ke-ta-ka-yi do-fal 'dil bka'-lun
Tin-chen gter-mzod-/asl thos-brcon blo-yi lha-sras-kyisl !hu-ru blaiu-te brcams-pa'i 101 ... (foI.1Jb) sKyan-sprul bsTan-'jin-
bdan-gi-rgyal-po-dpal sa-eben gsum-gyi bla-ru pbags-pa de'i bka''''Ji ial-nad bdud-rci'i gser-thigs spyi-bor phebs-par gyen-
zlog ma-bzod-de Hor-bcun bsTan-'iin blo-gros-rgyal-mchan'am sMra-dban Kun-dga'-ran-grol ra:h.-lo re-bdu1l-gyi thog-tu
mDa'-chen dkar-mo ri-kbrod ces Byan-chub bsam-gtan-glm-du ne-bar bgyis kyaiJ phyis-su slob-grogs Chul-rgyan Itar dag-
bier byas-pa ~4.f:dag mNam-med-bla-ma'i bstan-paJj iabs-'degs-kyi rgyu-ru 'gyur-bar gyur-Cigl
 A New Chronological Table of the Bon Religion 243

(Z) A well-known Bonpo historical text, published as early as 1915 by Sarat Chandra Das, is the Ban-
gyi rgyal-rabs by Khyuri-po Blo-gros-rgyal-mchan. The colophon gives the Earth-Sheep Year as the
year in which it was written. R.A, Stein (Stein 1959: 39) has suggested that this should correspond to
1439 or 1499. Ourtext places it in the sixth rab-byun, i. e. in 1379. Even if this year should be one rabc
byun too early, it would still lend support to the choice of 1439 rather than 1499 as the more likely year
of its composition, at least in an original version. .
(3) While our text agrees with STNN in giving the year of the birth of sPrul-sku B1o-ldan-siiiri-po as
1360, an interesting date is given for the year of his death, viz. 1406 (foL 9 a). In the introduction to The
Nine Ways of Bon, David Snellgrove passes on the information that Blo-Idan-siiiri-po died at the age of
twenty-five, i.e. in 1385 (Snellgrove 1967: 3 n. 2). However, in view of the enormous literary output
attributed to him - including the twelve volumes of the gZi-brjid, the full-length biography of sTon-
pa-gsen-rab - it would seem far more probable that he died as stated in STKK, at the age of forty-six,
i. e. in 1406.
(4) Starting with the fourteenth rab-byun, i.e. the beginning of the nineteenth century, STKK
provides more than twenty entries containing names or dates not found in STNN. Most of these entries
concern Amdo, i. e. the part of Tibet in which Hor-bcun spent most of his life. It is clear that the Bonpo
community was relatively active and prosperous during its recent history; thus, since the founding of
the important monastery of gYuri-druri-glin in gCari in 1834, STKK mentions the founding of five
monasteries not listed in STNN. We are also informed that in addition to the teaching of philosophy
(mchan-iiid) at gYun-drun-gliri, which commenced in 1844 (foL 11 b), the teaching of philosophy,
which is an important part of present-day Bonpo monastic life, was initiated in no less than six
monasteries in our century, a fact which the author clearly wished to underline.
The conclusion to which the study of the chronological table of Hor-bcun bsTan-'jin-blo-gros leads
us, is that it is no longer possible to rely exclusively on STNN for dates relevant to the history of Bon.
STNN will remain an important source, but it must be supplemented and its dates discussed in the light
of other sources. A comprehensive study of all chronological sources now available would be highly
desirable for the study of Bon, and hopefully the number of such sources will be increased if other
bstan-rcis, e. g. that of Bon-slob Chul-kbrims-rgyal-mchan or that of Kun-gsal Nam-mkha' -rgyal-
mchan, should become available.

TIBETAN SOURCES

BT dPal-ldan-chul-khrims (1902-1973), gYun-drun bon-gyi bstan-'byun, 2 vals., Dolanji (Tibetan Bonpo Monastic
Centre) 1972< See Kannay 1977: 119 (No. 67). The survey of monasteries is found in vol. 2, pp. 563-643: ian Bod
gans-ri'i lions dar g.yun-drun bon-gyi dgon-deb.
PD Khyun-sprul 'J.igs~med~nam~mkha'i~rdo~rJe (1897-1956). dPyad~gsum dag-rcis bskal-srid dus-'khor, 2 vols., Dolanji
(Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre) 1972. See Karmay 1977: 147-148 (No. 79). The bstan~rcis composed in 1928 is
found on pp. 56-71 of vol. I, in Zag-gsum rcis-gzun nam-mkha'i gter-mjod (pp. 1-307).
STKK Hor-beun bsTan-'jin-blo-gros (1888-1975). rGyal-ba sans-rgyas bstan-pa'i rcis-gsar ke-ta-ka-yi 'phren-ba, ms. 13
fols., written in 1955.
STNN Ni-ma-bstan-'jin (b. 1813). Saizs-rgyas~kyi bstan-rcis fzo-mchar nor~bu'i phren~ba, written in 1842; pp. 23-40 in
Tibetan tang iung Dictionary, Delhi (Bonpo Foundation) 1965. See Karmay 1977: 149 (No. 80). Text and translation
published by Kvaerne 1971.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Blondeau 1984: BLONDEAU, A.-M., uLe 'decouvreur' du Mal').i bka'-'bum etait-il bon-po?", Ligeti, 1. (ed.), Tibetan
and Buddhist Studies Commemorating the 200th Anniversary of the Birth of Alexander Csoma de
Kortis, Bibliotheca Orientalis Hungarica vol. XXIX/t, pp. 77-123, Budapest 1984.
Karmay 1972: KARMAY, S. G., The Treasury of Good Sayings: A Tibetan History of Bon, London Oriental Series voL
26, London 1972.
244 Per Kvaerne

Karmay 1977: KARMAY, S. G., A Catalogue of Bonpo Publications, Tokyo (The Toyo Bunko) 1977.
Kvaerne 1971: KVAERNE, P., "A Chronological Table of the Bon po. The bstaw reis of Ni rna bstan 'jin", Acta
Orientalia 33 (1971). pp. 205-282.
Mimaki 1983: MlMAKI, K., "The Blo gsal grub mtha', and me Miidhyamika Classification in Tibetan grub-mtha'
Literature", Steinkellner, E. and Tauscher, H. (eds.), Contributions on Tibetan and Buddhist Religion
and Philosophy, Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und BuddhismuskJ!nde Heft 11, pp. 161-167, Wien
1983. ..
Snellgrove 1967: SNELLGROVE, D. L., The Nine Ways of Bon, London Oriental Senes vol. 18, London 1967.
Stein 1959: STEIN, R. A., Recherches sur l'epopee et Ie barde au Tibet, Bibliotheque de l'Institut des hautes etudes
chinoises, vol. XIII. Paris 1959.
 Views of the T anguts
on the Origin of the W orId and Man
EVGENIY 1. KYCHANOV (LENINGRAD)

Among Kozlov's collection of the Tangut manuscripts and xylographs, preserved at the Leningrad
Branch of the Institute of The Oriental Studies of The Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1 during the
recent 25 years three writings containing fragmentary knowledge about the Tangut views on the origin
of the world were discovered. These works are: "Gold grains on a palm, gathered anew",2 "The Sea of
meanings determined by Saints",' and "Mahiiprajnapiiramitasutra"" It is obvious that in the recent
work the Sutra itself is not the source of the knowledge about the T angut views on the origin of the
world. Pages of voluminous sutras, particulary pages of "poti" books were marked by a special set of
signs to give every page of the book its place, following the sequence of the sutra's chapters. Usually
every ten chuan of the sutra has one mark sign. Along with the mark on a page, of the number of chuan
and the ordinal number of the page inside those ten chuan of the sutra, such mark sign showed the exact
place of the page in the book. Mark signs were easy to remember; it was desirable to form the text
without repetition of writing signs. As it is known from the Tunhuang manuscripts, in Chinese texts
'Ch'ien-tzu wen" was used for this purpose. 40 mark signs whic!t formed 40 tens, 400 chuan of the
main text'Mahiiprajiiiipiiramitasutra" in Tangut turned to be the indivisible text, the beginning of
cosmogonical myth about of the origin of existence. The text reads: "The Earth and the Heaven are not
the source of the origin of existence, (but) infinite, all-conquering vacuum ... , Celestial and Terrestial
solidity (are) our Father and Mother, likewise good luck ... an Egg giving nestling appeared, the Sun,
the Moon, the Stars (yet) disappeared, harboured in the East, were unseen."
The text "Gold grains on a palm, gathered anew" is in some sort a confirmation of this text:
When in the past the Heaven and the Earth originated in the World,
In this very time the Sun and the Moon originated,
Light and Darkness, left and right took their tnms,
Warmth and Coldness, Up and Down were made in a state of Harmony,
All essence was able to originate and fann.
Succession of Seasons was made in order,
Spting blossoming out ... ,
Summer flowering .. OJ
Autumn bearing fruits .. OJ

Winter holding its breath ... ,

... East is brightening early in the morning,
At noo~ shadows are stretched straight to the South,

1 See: Tangutskie rukopisi i ksilografy. Spisak otoidestvlenych i opredelennych Tangutskych rukopisei i ksylografov kollekcii
instituta narodov Azii AN SSSR. Sostaviteli Z. I. Gorbaceva i E. I. Kycanov. Moskva: Izdatel'stvo vostoCnoi literatury, 1963.
2 The Tangut manuscripts and xylographs preserved at the Institute of Oriental Studies (Leningrad Branch) of the Academy of
Sciences of USSR., Tang. 30, N 741, 742.
l Tang. 32, NN 143, 144, 145, 684,2614.
of Tang. 334.
246 Evgeniy 1. Kychanov

In the evening twilight darkness is in the West,

... deep night is in the North.
Divided Seasons into twelve,
The Moon fades and becomes complete again,
Dark nights and light days comprise days and years. 5

The text «The Sea of meanings, determined by Saints" consists of a versified text, written in 4 characters
in a line, printed in large signs with commentaries for each such 4 characters line, printed in small signs.
Knowledge of interest is not compact, but scattered all over the whole text. Below we suggest the
reconstruction of the Tanguts' views on the origin of the world and man, based upon those three cited
sources.
At first there was some original Vacuum, characterized by Infiniteness. The Earth and the Heaven
appeared not yet, when in this original Vacuum the sacred Stone Khulan grew by itself, and it turned to
be the Mountain Mbi. This is what the text "Mahiiprajiiiipiiramitiisutra" reads in the previously
omitted line: "The Earth and the Heaven are not the source of the origin of essence (but) infinite, all-
conquering vacuum. Mountains - peaks of entrails according to "The Sea of Meanings, determined by
Saints" Mountains (Mountain) become "a stove-couch", "a support" of the original Sacred Stone. The
Sacred Stone KtU" is mentioned in this text. In autumn in the seventh month in the season of ripening
fruits the Tangut emperor, officials and all the people made sacrifices to the Sacred Stone "tu", as the
text reads "expressing love to their mothers". This idea and the time of making sacrifices permits to
suggest that the Sacred Stone "tu" was associated with fertility cult and the originarsacred "Khulon"
stone, which originated by itself in vacuum, possed a generative power. It is unclear whether it gave or
not birth to the Heaven and the Earth. The text "Gold grains on a palm" simply reads "in the past
Heaven and Earth originated in the World", "The Sun and the Moon appeared". But it is obvious that
it was not the stone by itself that gave birth to people, animals, plants and other "things". Heaven and
Earth gave them birth. The text "Mahiiprajiiiipiiramitiisutra" says: "Celestial and terrestial firmness are
the Father and Mother." Simultaneously with Heaven and Earth there appeared ,he Sun and the Moon,
Light and Darkness, Up and Down, Left and Right sides, parts of the world: East, South, West, North,
Warms and Colds, seasons - Spring, Summer, Autumn, Winter, Day and Night, a Year, divided into
12 months.
According to the characteristic given in "The Sea of Meanings, determined by Saints" The Heaven,
The Celestial Firmness is "the upper purity", which became the Heaven. The Heaven "covers every-
thing", it possesses "the veritable nature" and "is not a destructible object". Heaven is the source (~of all
treasures", the source of origin (outcome) and destruction of all existing. Way of the Heaven is
blossoming and fading: in spring and sumrrfe~ everything is blossoming, in autumn and winter -
growing ripe and dying. Winds blow and rains go down thanks to the merciful Heaven. As the text
reads "not issuing an edict" states period of peoples lives and all living beings.
The Sun along with Heaven is the source of birth, it gives light and warmth. "Of all sources of light
in three worlds light of the Sun is the most bright. When the Sun makes its rotation (not daily) the year
is finished. When the Moon completes its rotation the month is finished."
Earth, the support of all living beings, is surrounded by four seas: eastern Qi, southern Mo, western
Si and northern La. Earth is quadrangular; in shape it looks like a big ship sailing in circles in the sea.
Living beings inhabiting the Earth don't realize that they all are passengers of this ship, they don't
know about the edges of the Earth. Earth together with Heaven possesses birth-giving power. It is the
Mother, "the white source", it gives rise to everything valuable, including cereals. It is the feeding
(benefactress) Earth. The main characteristics (property) of the Earth are softness and firmness. Owing
to its softness everything is born and blossoms in the Earth. Owing to the firmness of the Earth
mountains, seas, people all rest upon a firm base and do not plunge into the waters in which the Earth
floats.

5 For a complete translation into Russian see: E. 1. Kycanov. "Krupinki zolota na ladoni" - posabie dlja izucenija Tangutskoi
pis'mennosci, iq;i~am)' i stili literatur Kitaja i KareL Moskva: Izd. Nauka 1969, p. 215-219.
 Views of the Tanguts on the Origin of the World and Man 247

According to Tangut views a special'fole in the universe is attributed to the mountains. Mountains
connect Heaven and Earth as it is said in the text "The Sea of Meanings, determined by Saints": they,
the mountains, "prop up the Heaven, press to the Earth". Eight mountains "became a support of the
blue Heaveri, suppressed the red Earth", surrounded by four seas. Mountains are covered with snow;
They are the source of the White River, its riverhead, perhaps, the source of White-High river, a river
not real but mythical, but very important for the Tangut views, because its characteristics "white" 'and
"high", formed a paft of the Tangut State's name: White High Great State Hsia. Mountains are the
support" of white people".
The land rises to the West, goes down to the East. West is the top, (head), East is the bottom. That's
why the winds blow from the west and rivers flow (run to the east),
The text "Mahiiprajiziipiiramitiisutra" containing a line "An egg giving birth to nestling appeared"
permits to conclude that according to some myths at least in the process of man's and perhaps Heaven's
genesis not only the Sacred Stone but an egg as well took part. In familiar texts we have no direct
accounts about the creation of man and his origin but some mentions about the birthgiving force of
Heaven and Earth. Apparently versions about birth from an egg and about Heaven and Earth giving
birth were known, "The Sea of Meanings determined by Saints" says about man's likeness with Heaven
and Earth: "The form of man's head is like the firmament, his foot's form is like the Earth square."
Man is superior to all living beings, his main characteristic is capacity for knowledge,
From numerous textes it is known that the Tanguts considered themselves to be descendants of the
"blackheaded" and "redfaced",' perhaps, two groups of the Tangut's ancestors, united by conjugal
union, It may be supposed that the patronymic clan was represented by the "blackbeaded". Several
times and in the text "The Sea of Meanings determined by Saints" as well "the son of the Earth"
blackheaded Father Mbu is mentioned, who possessed of great projects. He is the guarding spirit of the
Tanguts; sacrifices for his sake were made in the eighth month. His son was Gu, who is known from
the dictionary "The Sea of Scripts"? The redfaced ancestor's name is unknown as yet, though in "The
Sea of Meanings determined by Saints" there is mentioned a "father of refaced" who is also the
guarding spirit, Sacrifices for his sake were made in the eighth month. It is possible that the son of
blackheaded's Father Gu may be compared with Ghulon, an ancestor mentioned in "The Sea of
Meanings determined by Saints", who as the text reads "pastured cattle under the Sun all his lifelong",
The "Hymn to sacred ancestors of the Tanguts" gives its own list of ancestors: Father Ratu, a sage old
man who is related with the Father of blackbeaded Mbu by having "the great projects", and his sons -
Sambulon (who fought against the Tibetans), Chickuru (who fought against the Chinese), Gine who
looked like a horse (who had appearance of a horse), Khokbo (was taken.prisoner by the Chinese) and
looked like an ox, Nriunriu, who had the appearance of a dog,' It may be suggested that they are also
the blackheaded's ancestors, for in the first lines of the "Hymn" as usually it is practiced in the Tangut
texts, the blackbeaded in the beginning and then the redfaced are named.
The line of redfaced, from whom apparently the blackheaded took their wives, is represented in the
text of the "Hymn" by the line traced back to Mother Ama,' "the source of the kin" - whose possible
similarity to the ancient Turkic deity Umai was shown by Ruth Dunnell (USA)," Mother Ama's
ancestors, Grandfather Yatsan, a herdsman who lost a cow, his son Ngunde and their descendant

6 E. L Kyeanov, "'Gimn svjaScennym predkam Tangutov". Pis'mennye pamjatniki vostoka. Istoriko-filologiceskie issledovani-
ja. Ezegodnik 1968. Moskva: Izd. Nauka, 1970, p. 219, 223.
7 More pis'men. Faksimile Tangutskich ksilografov. Perevod s Tangutskogo, vstupitel'nye stat'! i priloienija K. B, Kep'jng, V.
S. Kolokolova, E. 1. Kycanova i A. P. Terent'eva-Katanskogo. Cast' I, Moskva: Izd. Nauka, 1968, p. 58 u. 182.
R E. 1. Kycanov, "Gimn svjascennym predkam Tangutov" (as in n. 6). p. 219-221, 223-225.
9 A stone image of the Mother Ama has perhaps been discovered by Chinese scholars at the cemetery of the Hsi-Hsia
emperors, see: Shih Chin-po, Hsi-Hsia wen-hua [Hsi Hsia Culture], Ch'ang-ch'un 1986. Illustrations, Jen-hsiang shih-pei tso
[Steles with human figures].
10 Ruth W., Dunnell. Who are the Tanguts? Remarks on Tangut ethnogenesis and the ethnonym Tangut, in Journal of Asian
History, vol. 18, No.1, Wiesbaden 1984, p. 78-89,
248 Evgeniy I. Kychanov

Sekho. In the text "The Sea of Meanings determined by Saints" one more ancestor Abagkhava is
mentioned; sacrifices for him were offered on the ninth day of the ninth month during the wine-
making period.
All things stated above require additional Tangut materials and subsequently a scrupulous compari-
son with views on the origin of world and man among different peoples. Even now we can find a
similarity between Tangut views on the world's and the nations' origin, and views of other Tibeto-
Burmese peoples. The Tangut "Sacred Stone" is analogous to Tibetan views on turquoise as the
primordial beginning which originated and embodied the vital force of the Tibetans. Already after the
creation of turquoise Heaven was separated. There exists a cult of the White Stone among the Ch'iang
in Ssuchuan and a "omniscient rock Lungilung" of the Khachins. Inanimate objects, particularly
stones, according to Tibetan views can be bearers of vital force "Ia" (bla). According to the Khor's
views vital force "Ia" can be located in a white stone. The mountain cult 9f Tibeto-Burmese poeples is
well known. Views about an egg, which gave birtgh to Heaven, Earth and men existed among Tibetans
and other Tibeto-Burmese peoples. 18 eggs became the source of origin of the blackheaded people of
Tibet. The blackheaded is ancestor Mbu, ghost-protector of the Tanguts, has a name phonetically close
to r<mu", an ancient Ch'iang word "heaven". Ratu's sons Gine who had the appearance of a horse and
Khokha, who looked like an ox are probably totem ancestors. They are analogous to the white horse
Ch'iang (pai may and the yak Ch'iang (mao niu), the Tibetans' ancestors. We have not as yet Tibeto-
Burmese views about the Earth resting on a fish or knowledge about the flood among the Tanguts, but
"their" Tangut Earth was also floating in the water and was surrounded by seas. Thus the Tangut views
on the surrounding world and its origin are obviously like those of the Tibeto-Burmese in their variety
and diversity, both chronological and ethnical. I should be very much obliged if I were offered other
concrete parallels of the above-stated Tangut myths about the origin of the world and man.
 Klan rdol bla rna's Explanatory Notes
on the Abhidharmakosa of Vasubandhu
MAREK MEIOR (WARSAW)

In the following paper I intend to present briefly an 18th century Tibetan text which belongs to a
category of handbooks or note-books. This is a work of a famous Lamaist encydopaedist KlOli rdol bla
rna who wrote his explanatory notes on the Abhidharmakasa of Vasubandhu (400-480 A.D.) for the
benefit of his pupils. The "Abhidharmakosa" (ehos mnan mjod) means "Storehouse of Dogmatics' and
it fully deserves its name. It became an authority for the various Buddhist schools and was several times
commented upon in India and elsewhere.
According to the Tibetan tradition it was PaQ.Qita Smrti who established an exegetical school of the
Abhidharmakosa in Tibet (d. Buston, History of Buddhism, II, p. 2.14f.). Since that time the thos
mnon mjod became a fundamental textbook for the study of philosophy. Unfortunately, the history of
its lineage has not been preserved (d. The Blue Annals, I, p. 346). Nonetheless a tradition of comment-
ing on the Abhidharmakosa has survived to the modern times.
Klon rdol bla rna Nag dbaIi blo bzaIi, born 1719 A.D., was a well-known author of a number of
valuable works on Tibetan history, religion and literature. His "Collected works' (gsun 'bum) in two
volumes contain e. g. a very important list of names of religious and laic followers of the Buddha, a list
of names of gods and spirits in the Buddhist mythology, a register of works composed by the learned
lamas of Kadampa and Gelukpa sects etc. (d. Bacot, Titres et colophons d'ouvrages non canoniques
tibetaines, BEFEO xliv, 2, 1954, pp. 300-304).
Volume 13 (PA) of his gsun 'bum contains the explanatory notes on the Abhidharmakosa of Va-
subandhu. The title page reads: Nan rig pa mnon pa'i sde snod kyi dan bsdu ba'i min gi gram II i. e.
"Enumeration of terms of a collection of topics of the Abhidharma of inner knowledge".
In the "table of matter" (dkar ehag) to his gsun 'bum the title reads as follows: Theg dman mnon pa'i
sde snod las byun ba'i min gi rnam gram IIi. e. "Enumeration of terms extracted from the Abhidhar-
mapitaka of the Little Vehide".
The term min-(gi rnam-)grans is a Tibetan rendering of the Sanskrit term niima-paryiiya and it means
"specification or enumeration of terms' (d. Edgerton, BHSD sub paryiiya).
In the colophon we read that Klon rdol bla ma composed this work in a meditative cavern of the
Saint Marpa (1012-1097 A.D.) for the benefit of the adepts of Religion in the form of "memorial
notes' (brfed thor). .
The present work is in fact an explanatory note-book on the most important technical terms of the
Abhidharmakosa. It is divided into eight chapters following the chapter division of the commented
text.
Below, I give the analytical table of contents of the first chapter of Klon rdol bla ma's "Explanatory
Notes on the Abhidharmakosa" (ed. Lokesh Chandra, The Collected Works of Longdol Lama, New
Delhi 1973, vol. 13 PA, folios 585-659).
(586.1-2) The opening salutary formula in verse (mentioned is the name of Con kha pal;
(586.3-587.2) there are two main philosophical theories of the non-Buddhists: theory of perma-
nence (siiSvata-viida) and theory of annihilation (uccheda-viida); enumeration of the followers of
these theories (respectively, 1 and 11);
250 Marek Mejor

(587.2-4) synonymic expressions denoting the followers of the Buddha; four schools: Vaibha~ika,
Sautrantika, Yogacara, Madhyarnika, and two branches: H"mayana, Mahayana;
(588.1) a. Vaibha~ika is divided into 18 sects (two lists: Vinitadeva, Bhavya) under four main
divisions: their names, founders, symbols, languages;
(589.6) a sketch of the doctrinal tenets of the Vaibha~ikas;
(590.3) b. Sautrantika, a sketch of their teachings;
(591.2) c. Citta-matra (Yogacara), a sketch of their teachings;
(592.5) d. Madhyamika, a sketch of their teachings;
(594.3) tradition of the compilation of the Abhidharmapitaka (Arhats, seven treatises, Mahavibh~a,
Asatiga's Abhidharmasamuccaya is an authority for the Yogacaras); Vasubandhu's (Abhidharma-)
Kosamula in 2 bam po, -bhiiVla in 32 bam po; Indian commentaries: YaSomitra, Dignaga, Sthiramati,
Satighabhadra, Samathadeva;
(595.4) Tibetan commentaries: mChims 'Jams dbyatis, Pat;! Chen dGe 'dun grub, Drun chen dnos
grub pa, Pa" chen bSod nams grags pa, Khri chen dKon mchog chos 'phel, rGyai ba rna pa, 'Jam
dbyatis biad pa;
(595.5) composition of the Abhidharmakosa: in general, the eight chapters teach about the pure
(aniisrava) and impure (siisra'lla) elements (dharma), and accordingly, the chapters 1. dhiitu-nirdefa
and 2. indriya-nirdesa teach generally about siisravalaniisra'lla dharmas, 3. loka-nirdesa, 4. karma-
nirdesa and 5. (klefa-)anusaya-nirdefa explain in details different kinds of siisra'lla dharmas, 6.
miirga-pudgala-nirdefa, 7. jiiiina-nirdesa and 8. samiipatti-nirdesa explain in details different kinds
of aniisra'lla dharmas;
(596.2) in other words, what the two first chapters teach in general, the remaining six teach in detail;
accordingly - 3rd chapter: duhkha-satya (truth about suffering), 4th chapter: karma-samudaya
(origination of actions), 5th chapter: klesa-samudaya (origination of passions), (6th chapter not
mentioned explicitly) nirodha-satya (truth about rejection of passions and suffering), 7th chapter:
marga-satya (truth about the Path) and pudgala (human individual) who medi~tes on it, 8th chap-
ter: dhyiina-samiipatti (states of meditation and contemplation which are the Causes of arising of the
miirga-satya);
(596.4) 16 aspects (iikiira) of the Four Truths, discussion;
(596.6) definitions: siisra'lla, anasra'lla; 6 kinds of asra'lla (afflictions); iisra'lla-iihiira (nourishments of
a££lictions) ;
(600.2) paramiirtha-abhidharma (the ultimate meaning of the abhidharma) and discussion on the
'llijiiapti- and a'llijiiapti-rnpa (informative matter and non-informative matter) and on the dhyiina-
sarrt'llara (discipline acquired through mednation);
(601.6) sarrtketika-abhidharma (conventional meaning of the abhidharma);
(602.1) meaning of the word kosalmjod;
(602.2) from here on the subject-matter of the first chapter of the Abhidharmakosa is systematically
presented: there are 5 aggregates (skandha), 12 bases of cognition (iiyatana), 18 elements (dhiitu).
Now, I am going to discuss Kion rdol bla rna's definition of the third skandha, i. e. the sarrtjiiii-skandha
('du ses phun po) or the aggregate of apperception(s), because it differs from that given by Vasubandhu.
KiOli rdol b.la rna, (602.4) gsum pa 'du ses Ia rtog (xy1.: rtogs) beas dan rtog (xy1.: rtogs) med kyi 'du
ses gilis I de re re Ia 'an ehun nu (xy1.: du) dan I rgya ehen po dan I chadmed pa'o II "The third lamongthe
five aggregatesl the aggregate of apperception(s), lis divided intol two lkinds, viz.! apperception with
recognition and apperception with judgment; !furtherl each of them Imay bel of small size, of great
size, or unmeasured. D

Vasubandhu, Abhidharmakosa-kiirikii I.14cd: sarrtjiiii nimittodgrahalliitmikii II 'du ses ni mchan

mar 'jin pa'i bdag iiid do II "Apperception is in its nature an apprehension of a mark. (Cf. La Vallee
Poussin, Kosa, I, p. 28: 'La notion Isarrtjiiiil consiste dans la prehension des caract"res')."
To clarify the terms in question let us compare the definition in the Abhidharmakosa-bhiiVla ad
II.24: sarrtjiiii saro,jiiiinarrt 'll4aya-nimittodgrahah II 'du ses ni 'dus nas ses pa ste I yulla mchan mar 'jin
pa'o II "Apperi!eption is a full comprehension, an apprehension of a mark of an object."
 Klan rdol bla ma's Explanatory Notes on the Abhidharmakosa of Vasubandhu 251

Iri the Index to the Abhidharmakosa-bhqya there are found the following Tibetan equivalents of the
Sanskrit terms in question: savitarka = Ttog pa dan bras pa (d. Mvy 1478), avitarka = rtog pa med pa
(cf. Mvy 1479); cf. also vikalpa = rnamparrtogpa (cf. Mvy 7451-3).
For just the same definition one can consult Vasubandhu's Paiieaskandhaka, Sthiramati's Tri1tlsika~
bha,ya, Vijiiaptimatratasiddhi, Arthaviniseaya-siitra, dPal brcegs' Dharmaparyiiyiibhismara"la (To-
hoku 4363); one can also compare the definitions in the Paiieavastuka, in Asanga's Abhidharmasamue-
caya etc.
It has been already said that Klon rdol bla ma's definition of the term sa1tljiiiil'du ses is different from
that of Vasubandhu. The terms savitarkalrtog-(pa dan) bras(-pa) and avitarkaITtog-(pa) med(-pa) are
found in the Abhidharmakosa in a different doctrinal context. In an attempt to interpret the difficulty
let us inspect the relevant texts.
The Abhidharmakosa-vyiikhyii of Yasomitra contains an interesting gloss on the Abhidharmakosa-
kiiTikii 1.14 cd:
[Question:] If the apperception has a nature of discrimination (udgraha"la, "apprehension" = parieehe-
da, "discrimination"), hence the five categories of sensual consciousness which apprehend a mark in
assodation with it are called vikalpaka, {fhaving a nature of mental construction"?
[Answer:] No, they are not called so, because the element of apperception which accompanies the five
categories of sensual consciousness is not "sharp" (patvi). It is the element of apperception which
accompanies the category of mental consciousness (manovijnanadhatu) that is "sharp", and this one is
called vikalpaka.
The Siirasamueeaya Abhidharmiivatiira-t,kii (Tohoku 4097) refers to the same discussion in the
following words:
[Question:] If it is so, why then it is said in the Abhidharma that one who has a visual perception
apprehends something blue but not "it is blue", and laccordingly/, one who has a mental perception
apprehends something blue and apprehends "it is blue"?
[Answer:] Five kinds of sensual perception do not comprise two kinds of vikalpa, "mental construc-
tion", because of lack of clarity (mi gsal ba = apatu, asa1tlprakhyiina; cf. Index Abh. Kosa-bhii,ya, Mvy
2478, Edgerton, BHSD "lack of clarity, obscurity, confusion").
Here is the Tibetan text of the above fragment of the Siirasamueeaya (Peking Tanjur No. 5598, Thu.
fo1. 331 b): '0 na rhos mnon pa las mig gi rnam par ses pa dan [dan pas ni snon POT ses kyi(s) snon po '0
(xy!.: po 'i) ies bya ba ni ma yin no II yid kyi(s) rnam par fes pa dan ldan pas nisnon por ses la I snon po'o
(xy!.: po 'i) ies bya bar yan fes so ies 'byun ba ni ji Ita bu ie na I rnam par ses pa Ina ni rnam parrtogpa
giiis med pas mi gsal ba'i phyir de skad res bya'o II
Next important passage is the Abhidharmakosa I. 32 ab: It is said that the five elements of sensual
consciousness, i. e. eak,urvijiiiina-dhiitu (element of visual consciousness), srotravijiiiina-dhiitu (ele-
ment of auditoty consciousness), ghrii"lavijiiiina-dhiitu (element of olfactoty consciousness), jihviivij-
iiiina-dhiitu (element of gustatoty consciousness), kiiyavijiiana-dhiitu (element of tactile conscious-
ness), are always (nityam) connected with vitarka and vieara.
The definition of the two last named terms is found in the Abhidharmakosa 11.33 ab: vitarka and
vieiira are, respectively, "coarsness" (audiirikatii) and "fineness" (siik,matii) of thought (eitta).
Now, the Abhidharmakosa I.32c clarifies the mental elements: Three other elements, i.e. mano-
dhiitu (mental organ), dharma-dhiitu (object of mental consciousness), and manovijiiiina-dhiitu (men-
tal consciousness), are of three kinds:
1. In the Kiimadhiitu and in the first dhyiina, the manodhiitu, the manovijiiiinadhiitu and the part of the
dharmadhiitu which is associated with thought, except the vitarka and the vieiira themselves, are
associated with vitarka and vicara (savitarka, savicara);
2. In the intermediate dhyiina, they are exempt from the vitarka (avitarka), and associated with the
vieara only (savieiiramiitra);
3. In the higher states, beginning from the second dhyiina up to the top of existence, they are exempt
from both the vitaTka and the vieiira (avitarka, avieiira).
252 Marek Mejor

Finally, we have arrived at the Abhidharmakasa 1.33 ab;

[Question;] If the five categories of sensual consciousness are accompanied by vitarka and vieiira why
they are called avikalpaka, "exempt from vikalpa"?
[Answer;] They are called avikalpaka in so far as they are exempt from abhinirupa11a-vikalpa and
anusmara11a-vikalpa. According to the Vaibha,ikas (ef. La Vallee Poussin, Kasa, I, p. 60 n. 4;Vibha,a
42.14), vikalpa, "mental construction, imagining", is of three kinds: svabhava-vikalpa, "v. by nature'~ )
abhiniriipaYja-, "defining", and anusmaraTfa-, "recollection". Vitarka is svabhava-vikalpa par excel-
lence. (N.B. For Vasubandhu vitarka is a special cognition with regard to thought, eetanii-prajiiiiviSqa
eva vitarka iti.)
Now, since the five categories of sensual consciousness are accompanied by the svabhava-vikalpa,
they are called savikalpa, "accompanied by vikalpa"; since the five categories of sensual consciousness
are exempt from two other kinds of vikalpa, i. e. abhinirupa'1a and anusmara'1a, they are called
avikalpaka, "exempt from vikalpa".

Conclusion

It is not wholly clear to me how to explain at the present moment Klan rdol bla rna's definition of the
term san:z.jiiii.
Formally, it differs from the definition of Vasubandhu yet it reflects the discussion which is found in
Yasomitra's Abhidharmakasa-vyiikhyii, in the Siirasamueeaya and in the Abhidharmakasa-bhiis:ya
itself.
If we exclude a possible scribal mistake rtag palvitarka for rnam par rtag palvikalpa, Klan rdol bla
rna's definition seems to be a contamination of the terms savikalpakalavikalpaka andsavitarkalavitar-
ka, which belong to different doctrinal contexts. .y

On the other hand, if we assume that the text is corrupt, it is acceptable fromilie doctrinal point of
view to define sar(ljiiii as savikalpaka and avikalpaka (see Yasomitr. and the Siirasamueeaya). This,
however, may be answered after a further research.
 Lhasa: An International Politico-Economic Center
Through the Centuries:
A very Preliminary Examination
BEATRICE D. MILLER (WISCONSIN)

Introduction

Several of the papers at the Seminar have dealt with various Tibetan myths and sagas. This paper seeks
to dispel some of the mythology about Tibet. For example, contrary to earlier, widely held impres-
sions about its isolation, Tibet's capital, Lhasa, has had a long history of foreign residents. This paper
attempts to explore the range of these "outsiders" communities; their composition; the rights and
restrictions the Tibetan government accorded to them; the roles they played as "information brokers";
and the contributions they made to Lhasa's - and Tibet's - awareness of what was transpiring in much
of the rest of the world.
Several factors contributed to my decision to examine questions about the historic international
nature and role of the capital city/town of Tibet. Perhaps foremost among them was a profound
distrust of what I call the "Lowell Thomas' or "National Geographic Syndrome».' Characteristic of
this syndrome is the fact that any place, society, etc., remains "totally unknown" until the particular
author has discovered that which has been heretofore "lost" to, or "outside" of, the. "known world",
and has submitted one or more articles or monographs that breathlessly described the discovery. Yet,
one should not really fault Thomas for his boast. Most of the books written by westerners in the
preceding decades of the 20th Century contained the same claims. Almost to.aman - or woman - the
author had to go to Lhasa either in disguise or by some sort of ruse, or else as a military or civilian
representative of a foreign government, backed by the full force of that State. Nonetheless, despite all
sorts of horrendous experiences, once there, each one's sterling personal qualities usually overcame the
xenophobia of the inhabitants of "the top of the world".2
Every student of Tibet, knows that first the Manchu (Qing) government and, subsequently, the
British Raj, had played major roles in sealing the borders of Tibet - presumably in compliance with the

I Undoubtedly, other nations have their own equivalenu to this very glossy American magazine which bas introduced its
readers to all sorts of "previously unknown" places, people,.occurrences and activities. (The syndrome occurs in even more
doggedly "scientific· publications. Thus, a Spring, 1985 example of it appeared in a range of reputable journals as an
archeologist's report on his find of a "'previously unknown and extremely significant" pre-Inean site, which - in faCt - had
been lost for about a year and a half, i.e., since the last archeological crew had been. examining it.)
[To appreciate this decision, it is essential to realize that my personal acquaintance with Tibetan studies dates back almost
four decades. Obviously, this does not qualify me to claim any "priority" in the fidd. Rather, I mention it because in the
intervening years much more has become known about Tibet than was the case when Lowell Thomas Jr. could proclaim in his
book, Out of This World, Greystone Press, New York, 1950, -that he was one of a handful of Westerners who had ever
penetrated the boundaries of Tibet, and been welcomed as an "honoured guest'". Never mind that more than that handful
were resident in Tibet - and specifically in Lhasa - at the time of his and his father's visit.] Cf. also Stein, R. A., Tibetan
Civilization. Stanford U. Press, 1972 (p. 37 for the opposite view).
1 Obviously, some were exceptions to :this rule [Henry Savage Landor, Dutreil de Riins, etc.]. The more fortunate ones each
succeeded in introducing his/her Tibetan acquaintances to some of the gifts mo dern (i. e. "Western") civilization had to offer
these "simple", "'backward", and, above all, "isolated", vestigial remnants of a previous millenium.
254 Beatrice D. Miller

Tibetans' own aversion to outsiders. Both h~d insured that only a small number of thoroughly "vetted"
foreigners was allowed past the border. These visitors were usually in the employ of the government
that had granted them access to the "mysterious land of the Lamas". As a consequence, they were
almost duty-bound to report to the waiting world the "weird goings-on" that helped to insure that
Tibet remained "out of this world". [Even when a wonld-be visitor did not actually reach Lhasa, the
adventures helshe encountered in the attempt were good for at least one book, or a number of
articles.]
Under such circumstances, what could an innocent scholar make of the photograph in Reginald
Fox's collection in Kalimpong, which showed a demure, very British, honeymoon couple crossing the
sKyi-chu in a coracle, outside Lhasa? I could find no major - nor even minor - account of their Lhasa
honeymoon in print!
This photograph, acquaintance with countless Tibetans both before and after first seeing it, and
natural suspicions about the exemplary qualities claimed by almost every author, prompted the ques-
tion: how conld a society so dominated by trade be truly xenophobic? Could it be, that the hospitality
each author "so richly merited" was, in fact, an in tegral part of Tibetan cnltural mo res?
I focus my inquiries on Lhasa itself - as the prime symbol of Tibetan "isolatiouism". No one
questions the direct involvement of the Tibetan Em pire in international concerns. Abundant materials
in the Tun Huang documents and other contemporary sources deal with these concerns and with the
Tibetan Empire's intercourse with peoples from much of Europe and Asia.
In fact, the periods of alleged "xenophobia" are much later, when Qing or British control of the
borders was most pronounced. Consequently, this paper is divided into five different and unequal
periods. Relatively little attention is given to the periods which preceded the installation of the Fifth
Dalai Lama as the temporal, as well as the religious, ruler of Tibet. Thus, the bulk of my report most
specifically covers the period between the 17th and 20th Centuries.
The first of these five periods encompasses the period from the rise of the Tibetan Empire through
its demise, including the period of breakdown and rivalry among disparate s.e,cular claimants to
legitimacy as heirs to the Imperial throne. Thus, for my purposes, the "Imperi.{l Period", extends to
approximately the 12th Century. The 13th-17th Centuries comprise the second, or "Transitional
Period", from the fall of the Empire and the rise of secular cum ecclesiastic claims such as those of
the Sa-skya, through the fall of the Phag-mo grub-pa. The third period, from approximately the mid-
17th Century to the late 18th, saw the rise of dGe-Iugs-pa control and constitutes the "Dalai Lama
Period"; the fourth, from the late 18th through the 19th Century is "The Qing Closure Period" -
when China's Manchu rulers assumed the role of secular authority and "sealed" Tibet's borders. The
fifth and final period is the period from thewn of the century to roughly 1950, during which the
British rulers of India perpetuated the border closure for their own purposes.' [Obviously, these five
periods must be loosely understood, since events and policies rarely conform to century-based divi-
sions.}
For all these periods, I have attempted to rely most heavily on contemporaneous "eyewitness
reports'" However, unavoidably, some materials come from authors recounting the experiences of
travellers whose accounts are otherwise inaccessible.

3 What would be the "sixth period", i. e., after the People's Republic of China's assumption of control over the Tibetan Plateau,
lies outside the purpose of this paper, since the decisions regarding the presence or absence of foreigners is not made by the
Tibetan people or governments.
'* Few if any of the authors who visited Lhasa remained in the city for the whole period to which they have been assigned.
However, unless we assume that the "foreigners" they encountered in Lhasa appeared on the scene just prior to the authors,
and dep~ed ~n:~ediately after their presence had been recorded, we must infer that each author observed an ongoing
commumty. '·,-F
 Lhasa: An International Politico-Economic Center Through the Centuries 255

The "Imperial Period" - 7th-13th C.

The major "(irst-hand" accounts of relations between Tibet' and the "outside world" are, of course,.
those of China's "old" and "new" T'ang histories. The marriages of the king, Sron bean sgam po, to
both Chinese and Nepalese princesses brought not only the brides, but also members of their coun-
tries' respective courts. Chinese Buddhist pilgrims, skilled craftsmen from China and Nepal, as well as
from other areas, all came to the newly established Tibetan capital.' For this period, perhaps Beckwith
has contributed some of the most useful recent summaries of the "external relations" of the Tibetan
Empire.' The character of Tibet, and its capital, Lhasa, as a major player on the international scene
during this period is further attested by the writings of numerous Western, Chinese, Arab, and Turkic
authors.'

The "Transitional Period" - 13th-17th C.

Naturally, with the dissolution of the Empire, the existence of a single government and a single capital
for Tibet also had lapsed. During this "transitional period» there arose multiple monastic hierarchies
and local or regional seats of government. Nonetheless, although the reins of government might be held
in Sa-skya or in gCm - rather than in dBus - Lhasa, as the major focus of pilgrimage/trade still - or
again - could claim the title of Tibet's "premier" international center. The data reveal the presence of
Khotanese, Yarkandi, Iranian, Nepali, Chinese, Mongol, Kashmiri and Indian. European, Byzantine
and Arab visitors to Lhasa also were not unknown. 9

5 I use "Tibet" here to signify the government established both at the "old" Yarlung capital and the "new" Lhasa.
6 Stein, R. A., op.cit.. p. 36-37, et passim but especially p. 284 where he notes: ..... King Trhitsuk Detsen invited skilled
craftsmen ... from India, China, Nepal, Kashmir, Khotan and Tibet. But he was especially impressed ... by ... a craftsman in
Khotan ... known as the 'Khotan King of Works·...
7 Beckwith, C. I., "Tibet and the early medieval jlorissance in Eurasia. A preliminary note on the economic history of the
Tibetan Empire." CAJ.xxi, 1977: 89-104. Beckwith details both western exports to Tibet and Tibers exports to the west. Of
even greater significance to us is his discussion of foreigners resident in the capital, op.cit., 102. (Cf. also, his "The Tibetan
Empire in the West", Tibetan Studies in Honour of Hugh Richardson. Aris Phillips, Warminster, England, 1980, p. 30-38.)
a Rawlinson, George, The History of Herodotus, 4 vol 4th ed. London, 1880. Cf. also Beal, Samuel, Si-Yu-Ki. Buddhist
Records of the Western World. (Hiuen Tsiang, Fa-hsien, Sun-Yun) London (Trubner), 1906, and Bushell, S. W., "Early
history of Tibet from Chinese Sources", jRAS 1880. Also, Bretschneider, E., Medieval Researches from Eastern Asiatic
Sources. London, Trubner, 1910. More recently, Bey, Hamdi, in his "Colony of Patna Traders at Lhasa", Tibetan Review
3/85, xx, 11- 3: 23-24, suggests that Patna traders were present in Tibet from perhaps the 9th or 10th century. Also, cf. Uray,
G... "Tibet's connections with Nestorianism and Manicheism in 8th-10th Centuries" (in Steinkellner. E. and Tauscher, H"
Contributions on Tibetan Language, History and Culture. Proceedings of the Csoma de Koros Symposium, Velm-Vien,
Austria. Vienna, 1983 (2 vols), p. 399-429).
, Rubruck, Wm. of The Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World (1253-1255), trans. and cd. byW. W.
Rockhill, London, Halduyt Soc .• 1900. CE. also, Sandberg, Graham, The Exploration of Tibet: its history and particulars /rom
1623 to 1904. CalCUtta, 1904. Also, Stein, R. A., op.cit. and Yule, Sir Henry, Cathay and the Road Thither (for Friar Odoric
ofPordenone, 1316-1330). The Hakluyt Soc., London, 4 vol. (v. ii, Odoric, v. iii, Rashiduddin, v. iv Ibn Batuta). 1915-1916,
inter alia. '
 256 Beatrice D. Miller

The "Dalai Lama Period" - Mid 17th-Late 18th C.

Before the end of this period, European missionaries had been established as full-fledged long-term
residents of Lhasa. to Their ranks included the well-known Fr. Ippolito Desideri, plus a number of
other Jesuit and Capuchin fathers.
The best and most extensive account of the situation in Lhasa during this period remains Desideri's,
An Account o.f Tibet: The travels of Ippolito Desideri of Pistoia, S.J. 1712-1727 (ed. F. de Filippi)
(revised edition). Broadway Travellers, George Routlege & Sons, London, 1937. In his Introduction to
Father Desideri's Account, F. de Filippi notes that appreciation for the accomplishments of Desideri
and his colleagues had been slow in coming. Filippi and Carlo Puini, who first examined Desideri's
account, clarified the succession of missionaries and the duration of their stay in Lhasa on the basis of
Desideri's letters and writings. ll

The "Qing 'Closure' Period" - Late 18th-End 19th C.

The "Qing 'Closure' Period" was marked by the successive episodes that Peter Hopkirk has dubbed
"The race for the Holy City".12 During this period the proliferation of accounts of failed missions and
horrendous experiences of dauntless Europeans - and their "native" surrogates - provided much of
the mythology about Tibet and the Tibetans that persists to a large extent even in the late 20th Century.
Tibetan xenophobia was advanced as the only real cause for Tibet's "exclusionist policies".
In fact, this same period also had witnessed a rapidly escalating competition among British, Russian,
French and Japanese political, economic and military interests against the Manchus for access to - and
control over - the Tibetan Plateau and much of Central Asia in general. Nonetheless, these conflicts
were not permitted to diminish the resentments and frustrations reported by their respective would-be
travellers to. Tibet.
However, somehow or other, "Tibetan xenophobia" did not alter the fact that foreigners continued
to exist as residents of Lhasa. Almost to a man (or woman), the authors of these accounts blithely
ignored as such the presence of numerous Nepalis, Indians, Kashmiris, Buriat Mongols, Yarkandis, and

..>
10 Markham, Clements, The Mission of George Bogle to Tibet and the Journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa. Bibliotheca
Himalayica, series 1, v. 6. Manjushri Publishing House, New Delhi, 1971. These comments are especially noteworthy: "The
way in which Horace della Penna passed to and from between Tibet and India proves that the intercourse was free and
unrestrained between the two countries ... " lx. " ... between 1723 and 1736, the most remarkable journeys ever made by a
European in Tibet were achieved by a Dutchman, who went from India, by Lhasa, to Peking, and returned by the same route
... This traveller was Samuel Van De Patte ... Father Gaubil ... assures us that he acquired the Tibetan language, and became
intimate with some of the Lamas. After a long residence at Lhasa, he set out ... to Peking ... " lxii-Ixiii. [italics bdm] [Cf. also,
Wessels, C., Early Jesuit Travellers in Central Asia - 1603-1721. The Hague, 1924.]
11 Desideri, op. cit. Puini explained the presence of the Capuchins in Lhasa from 1708 to 1745, p. 384, ftnt. 36, Book the First. de
Filippi complained that the Fathers received shorts shrift from most (primarily British) authors: " ... The errors of Markham,
Rockhill, Gunther, Wegener, Waddell, Schlagintweit, etc. and the groundless accusations ... of G. Sandberg .,., P. Landon
... , T. Holditch ... have been dealt with by Fr. Wessels ... Many more travellers could be added to the list given by Wessels.
Following Desideri, the first Europeans to traverse the high valley of the Tsang-po were Capts. Rawling, Ryder, and Wood,
and Lt. Bailey ... But [none] makes the slightest allusion to the only traveller ... before them, namely Desideri ... ", ibid"
p. 34. [Italics, BDM. Perhaps his desire to vindicate Father Desideri led de Filippi simultaneously to downplay and overstate
the Capuchins' case, p. 107-108, 112-113, and also to ignore Manning, Hue and Gabet.] Cf. also Sandberg, G., The
Exploration of Tibet. Delhi, 1973, p. 97-100, for his discussion of the Capuchjn presence in Lhasa until 1745, a period of
thirty-eight years. One of the Capuchin fathers (Cassiano Beligatti) recorded that: «. 60 Nepalese on horseback followed by
<,

about 40 Azarra or pious Hindus who were rich merchants, also on horseback ... After these came 56 Mussalmans of Kashmir
who have large workshops in Lhasa ... " participated in a Monlam procession, p. 95.
!2 Hopkirk, Peter.,:/Trespassers on the Roof of the World, The Race for Lhasa. John Murray, London, 1982, p. 58.
 Lhasa: An International Politico-Economic Center Through the Centuries 257

other Turkic Moslems, as well as Chinese, etc. [While "native" to European eyes, all these communities
were foreign to TibetYJ
Part of our mythology included the firm belief that Tibet was totally cut-off from the rest of the
world - or ·at least that part which counted - i. e., Europe. Consequently, its rulers and its people
could have no idea what was happening around them. Only toward the end of this period, did it
become apparent that Tibet was both aware of, and desperately concerned with, the impacts that these
competing - and presumably threatening - forces could have upon it. Ii One consequence of the
assumption of Tibetan ignorance and/or naivete in affairs international, was that Europeans felt espe-
cially aggrieved when the Qing government was prevailed upon to grant them passports for Lhasa -
and the Tibetans stubbornly refused to honor them.

The "British 'Closure' Period" - Beginning-Mid 20th C.

The obvious inability of the Qing to control the Tibetan government (except in areas where the
Tibetans chose to accept at least the semblance of such control), meant that Britain could not simply
apply more pressure on China in order to gain access to the Plateau with its strategic political and
economic implications for British India. Neither could it afford to press its own demands without
precipitating the whole host of "most favored nation" treaties that had become the hallmark of China's
foreign relations. Thus, following the 1904 invasion of Tibet - even more after the Chinese overthrew

13 Sandberg, Graham, Tibet and the Tibetans. London, 1906, p. 172-175 for description of non-Tibetans in Lhasa. For earlier
periods, d. also Manning, in Markham, op. cit., for his reference to Armenians being present, p. 293. Desideri had also
remarked on the presence of Armenians earlier, Cf. ftnt. 16, below. Also d, Lamb, A., Britain and Chinese Central Asia, ...
Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1960, p. 211 et seq. Bey, Hamdi, "Colony of Patna Traders of Lhasa", Tibetan Review,
3/85, xx, If 3: 23-24, who stated: "In January 1865 the explorer Nain Singh reached Lhasa after traversing Nepal and in his
journal he mentions that. places of worship in the seat of the Dalai Lama were surrounded by bazars and shops kept by
Lhasan, Kashmiri, Ladakhi, Azimabadi and Nepali merchants, a number of them being Mohammedans ... Thirteen years
later another explorer Kishan Singh reached Lhasa from Darjeeling. He describes the city of Lhasa as consisting of houses two
or three storeys high, touching one another and crowded everywhere by Tibetans, Chinese" Nepalis, Kashmiris, a few
Mohamedans from Patna and Mongolians ... "
1.. Bonvalot, Gabriel, Across Thibet (transi. of De Paris au Tonkin a travers Ie Tibet Inconnu, by C. B. Pitman) v. ii, Cassell &
Co., London, 1891, " ... The man with the lance asks us [Henri d'Odeans and Bonvalot] if we are from Bomba and Calacata
(Bombay and Calcutta) and when we say No) we are people from the West, the Thibetans express their satisfaction,
explaining that they are not friends with the people of Bomba and Calacata ... " 4. "". 'If they are Pa-Lan' (that is, English or
Russians) let them not come farther, but let them be supplied with what they require for returning. If they are not Pa-Ian ask
them for their passport and send them on to Lhassa" 15. "... Written information has reached us that Niklai [Prjevalsky] is
dead and that [pevtzoff] has taken command of the men whom he had got together so as to reach Lhasa. We have also been
told that other Russians [the bros. Grym Grjimailo] ... are possible making for Lhassa by the Tsaidam road. Are you these
Russians? ... 'You must know that the English are the enemies of our people, many of whom they have killed with their
farcarrying guns, and our people do not want the English to penetrate into Thibet at any price.' [the "Amban" seems 'to be
Tibetan] ... "The lama ... secretary, .. makes a short explanation in Thibetan to his chief, who finishes by understanding that
we are a distinct people from the English ... 'Never having seen any Frenchmen before, we could not, of course recognize
them.'" 44-45. Cf. also Das, S. C., Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet (ed. W. W. Rockhill). John Murray, London, 1902,
p.192 for Tibetan "anti-European" (anti-British) sentiments as a consequence of the 1791-1792 war with Nepal. Cf. also
McGovern, To Lhasa in Disguise, op. cit. ~ ... His [13th Dalai Lama's] apparent over-friendliness for Russia and his overtures
to that country succeeded in arousing the hostility of both Great Britain and China; that of the former in particular. of which
the.,. consequence was the British expedition ... in 1904 ... China's turn to act the part of invader , .. and. '. Great Britain .,.
to act the part of host, offering refuge ... from 1910 to 1912." 407. "'One [party] is the court cabinet and is supported by a
considerable portion of the lay nobility and of the peasantry. The other ... composed of the nominees of the priests of the
three large monasteries. Both these parties are largely autocratic, but ... the court party consists largely of persons who have
dwelt long enough abroad to absorb new ideas and is comparatively progressive ... incidentally ... pro-British, while the
priestly party is strongly anti-British and pro-Chinese. At present ... no group ... has any especial regarded for Russia."
407-408.
258 Beatrice D. Miller

the Qing Dynasty, thus posing the new threat of "republicanism" to their interests in Asia - the
British were content to maintain the status quo ante and continue to enforce the cordon sanitaire
around Tibet - with certain exceptions ofcourse. 15

Lhasa as an International Center

So far we have been examining Lhasa's international center claims from the standpoint of those
Europeans who attempted to/succeeded in penetrating the natural and political barriers that stood
between them and Lhasa. I have not intended this repris to break any new ground. Rather, it is an
extremely superficial overview. However, now let us turn to the Tibetan side of the equation.
Regardless of the period under scrutiny, from its very founding Lhasa has had a long and consistent
history of foreign residents. Whether we consult Desideri and Manning, Hue, the "explorers" sent in
by Britain, France, Tsarist or Soviet Russia, or Japan - or the 20th Century's numerous authors, each
found that Lhasa was inhabited by numerous non-Tibetans. Thus, Desideri reported on the presence of
many representatives from other areas." Even during the Qing 'closure' period, Huc and Gabet made
similar statements about the presence of foreigners. 17 So too did their successors, from Nain Singh

15 Cutting, Suydam, The Fire Ox and Other Years. Collins, London, 1947. "As a result of friendly contacts made on this visit,
the Tibetan government invited me to return [to Lhasa] in 1937, bringing my wife for an unlimited stay ... " 175. Cf. also,
David-Neel, A., My Journey to Lhasa. Harper & Bros., New York, 1927. "What decided me to go to Lhasa was, ... the
absurd prohibition which closes Thibet ... now placed on any foreigners who wish to cross territories over which they could
travel at will a few years ago ... " xii. Cf. also p. 299, ibid.
\(, Desideri, op. cit. " ... Lhasa is densely populated, not only by natives, but by a large numbers of foreigners of divers nations,
such as Tartars, Chinese, Muscovites, Armenians, people from Cascimir, Hindustan and Nepal, all established there as
merchants, and who have made large fortunes ... " 133 ...... When I left Kascimir for Thibet, I took an interpreter who knew
Persian and Thibe"ttan ... all who go to Second or Third Thibet, whether Europeans, or Armenians, Russians, or
Mahommedans ... " 303. " ... He [Latsan Khan, the <King'] had a great liking for foreigners, especially for those
who came from a far distant country ".J> 149. "The Thibetans, like the Tartars, are by nature kindly and courteous; they
like foreigners and, partly from policy, are obliging and respectful." 176. "The Thibetans ... will deal, eat, and sit with
other natives of Thibet, or pagans of other sects, or with people of other religions or countries ... " 178. "The merchants of
Nepal, who are numerous in Lhasa, sacrifice to thi~ )doI ... [Buddha] ... The temple was built for them by that Nepalese
Princess who became Queen of Thibet ... " 135-136. " ... ,They [Moslems] once had a place of burial near Lhasa, this was
destroyed and they were ordered to make anew one farther away from the town. Although, because they are foreigners
they are nO[ molested, they are called Mutekba, or infidels, and are considered low, vile, and despicable people, not so much
on account of their lies and incontinence, as because they kill animals with their own hands ... " 177 [spaced out by BDM].
17 Hue, E., Travels in Tartary, Thibet, and China, during the years 1844-1846 (trans. by W. Hazlitt) 2 vol. London National

Illustrated Library, n.d. vol. II. "In the town (Lhasa) itself the aspect of the population is quite different; there all is
excitement. and noise. and pushing, and competition, every single soul in the place being ardently occupied in the grand
business of buying and selling. Commerce and devotion incessantly attracted to Lha-Ssa an infinite number of strangers,
render the place a rendezvous of all the Asiatic peoples; so that the streets, always crowded with pilgrims and traders, present
a marvellous variety of physiognomies, costumes, and languages. This immense multitude is for the most part transitory; the
fixed population of Lha-Ssa consists of Thibetians, Peborins, Katchis, and Chinese, 20- 21. "Among the foreigners settled at
>J

Lha-5sa, the Pebouns are the most numerous. These are Indians [Nepalis?] from the vicinity of Boutan ... the only workers in
metals at Lha-Ssa ... Next to the Peboun, ... the Katchi, or Mussulmen from Cashmere ... [are the second most numerous,
They] ... are the richest merchants at Lha-Ssa. All the establishments for the sale of linen, and other goods for personal and
other use, belong to them. They are also money-changers, and traffic in gold and silver; hence it is that ... find Paresee
characters on the Thibetian coinage. The Katchi have a mosque at Lha-Ssa, and are rigid observers of the law of Mahomet ...
The Chinese you find at Lha-Ssa are for the most part soldiers or officers of the tribunals." 149-150. Cf. also Das, S.c.,
Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet (edited by the Han. W. W. Rockhill, John Murray, London, 1902, and Sandberg,
Graham, op.cit., 173-174. "Coming to the street to the south of Kyil-khording.* [*Better known by its popular name of Cho
or Jo Khang, or Lhasa Jo-wo Khang. A. K. calls it Jhio. He also mentions Azimabad (Patna) merchants as having shops in
Lhasa. - <Report on the Explorations', p. 32. See also Waddell.,. WWR] we found on either side of it Nepalese shops several
 Lhasa: An International Politico-Economic Center Through the Centuries 259

through S. C. Das, Ekai Kawaguchi and G. T. Tsybikov. Similarly, McGovern, David-Neel, through
Thomas and Harrer, all noted the existence of established colonies of residentforeigners. 18 That the
majority of these were fellow-Asians does not change the fact that they were non- Tibetan and, in
many cases, ·non-Buddhist.

Official Procedures

That the presence of these aliens was not due to some sort of oversight on the part of the government of
Lhasa is attested by the fact that Lhasa had long ago established special procedures for dealing with
non-Tibetans. Included among these procedures were the exemption of such people from the payment
of Tibetan taxes 19 and the prohibition againstforeign ownership of property in the city. 20 Furthermore,
there were formal procedures to provide foreigners with accommodations and other necessities while
in the city, or with supplies to insure their survival if they were prohibited from entering Lhasa. 21 For
much of the time, the Lhasa government accorded both the N epalis and the Kashmiris the right to have
their own representatives deal with any problems that might .rise. 22

stories high, also Chinese ones, where silk fabrics, porcelain, and various kinds of brick tea were exposed for sale ..... 149. Cf.
also, Markham, op. at. "Yet, even subsequent to these stringent measures of exclusion [by the Ch'ing after Nepal War], a
solitarJ." English traveller succeeded in making his way from India to Lhasa ..• without any recognized position or official
credentials ••• His narrative .•• proves that ... the natives gladly wdcome strangers ..... lxxx.
18 Kawaguchi, Ekai, Three Years in Tibet. Theosophist Office, Adyar, 1909. "'There are always many Mongols in Tibet .•• three
hundred ..• at the Sera college, and hardly fewer at other large temples ..... 30B. "The slaughter of animals is undertaken in
Lhasa exclusively by Chinese Muhammedans ..... 408 .•... a Tibetan named Lha Tse-ring ..• lived for a long time at
Darjee1ing and, at the request of his Government, brought back with him about ten gunsmiths, mostly Hindu and Cashmere
Mohamedans ... " 447. Cf. also, Tsybikov. G. T., Buddhist Pilgrim to Holy Tibet [typescript English translation from Inner
Asia Project, U. of Washington, 1955]: "Second pla~e, in point of view of numbers, is held by the Chinese .•• for the most
part natives of ... Sze chuan .•. community of natives of Kashmir ... There are probably more Nepalese than Kashmirians ...
virtually no Mongols living in Lhasa proper, excepting ... the temporary pilgrim visitors ... one Khalka in permanent
residence." 115-118.
" Desideri. op. cit. "' ... those who own no house and have no land, foreigners for instance, are exempt from any kind of service
... ·175.
2D Ibid. "Foreigners are not often permitted to be householders (especially in Lhasa) but they can hire houses and apartments •.•
The Viceroy and the King ... allowed me to buy a large house in a good situation ... and ... the Reverend Capuchin fathers
were able to purchase some land to the North-East of Lhasa and build their hospice ..... 176.
21 Bonvalot, op. cit. "Their first business [as ambassadors from Lhasa] was to hand us ... some packets of rancid butter and a

stone bottle of European manufacture, containing a spirit made from barley .•. They had been sent from Lhassa to ask who
we were ..... 36 ...... the Talai Lama's present have arrived. as well as all the things which we asked for ••• the presents are
spread out .•. costumes of women, men, lamas, and other great personages; every imaginable kind of head-gear, objects of
veneration, skins. prayer-mills, scented wood, and even packets of prayers. They explain to us the use' of each object, and tell
us its name, its material and its origin. On examining the costumes we are surprised to find many European fashions among
them - crinolines, pinafores, earrings, a coiffure shaped like a diadem, and every fonn of bonnet ... " 84. Cf. also Markham,
op:cit. re Manning being presented with supply of meat and rice upon arrival, p. 259. Cf. Harrer, Heinrich, SeTJen Years in
Tibet. Rupert Hart-Davis, London, 1953, p. 120: -It is probable that no other country in the world would welcome two poor
fugitives as Tibet welcomed us. Our parcel of clothes. the gift of the Government, had arrived with apologies for delay caused
by the fact that we were tal.1.er than the average Tibetan and there were no ready-made clothes to fit us, So our suits and shoes
were made to measure ... " et passim.
22 Huc, op. cit. -..• the Katchi, or Mussulmen from Cashmere ... have at Lha-ssa a governor, to whom they are immediately

subject, and whose authority is recognised by the Thibetian government. This officer is, at the same time, the local head of the
Mussulman religion •.• The Katchi have been established at Lha-Ssa for several centuries ... the children of these first
emigrants found themselves so well off ... [they] keep up a correspondence with Cashmere, but the intelligence they receive is
little calculated to give them any desire to renounce their adopted country. The Katchi governor .,. told us that the Pelings of
Calcutta (the English) were now the real masters of Cashmere ..... 14B.
260 Beatrice D. Miller

Usually, foreigners came to Lhasa for business or religious purposes. If the former, the Lhasa
administration had well-established procedures for dealing with themP If the latter, the Big Three
monasteries had appropriate residence facilities dedicated to the specific "nationalities' of the more
numerous pilgrims." For visitors who fell into neither category, the administration also made special
provisions.
The Tibetan government was not at all shy about attempting to glean whatever information these
visitors could· provide about the state of affairs in the rest of the world. Thus, whether or not the
foreigners actually took up residence in Lhasa, they were inevitably questioned about their homelands
and about the situation that prevailed in the neighboring or more distant States. 25 Rather than being
ignorant of the rivalries between the European nations, or the advancing power of the British, Rus-
sians, or French, the government usually had a pretty clear idea of what was actually transpiring." The
Nepalese, Bhutanese, Indians, Kashmiris, Mongols, Turkestanis, etc., as well as the occasional Euro-

2l Desideri, op. cit. "Shortly after our arrival at Lhasa, I was summoned to the palace and received by a high Tartar official ••.
Commander-in-chief of the anny ..• he asked me from whence I had come, what was my rank and profession, what business
had brought me to the Kingdom, and how long I wished to remain ... 91. ..... the custom-house officers sent to daim 120
rupees for duty on goods passed by us at Cartoa. frontter town of the Kingdom. Surprised at this demand. I replied that we
were not merchants and bad no merchandise, and therefore could have nothing to pay ... 96...... now [the fonress and
province of Kutti.-Nilam] .•• are subject to the Kingdom of Lhasa. There is usually only one Governor in the principal cities
of Thibet, but in Kutti there arc three ... The reason for this is partly political as so many foreigners pass through Kuru,
and the King thinks .•. to guard against any corruption, for the revenue accruing to the State from the import of goods is very
considerable. Firstly, all the iron used in Thibet comes from this districtj and secondly ... the caravans of merchandise from
Cascimir, Hindustan, Armenia, and Nepal come through Kuru. The goods arrive well and safely packed, weighing about
two mans [maunds] of Pattna. These bales are not opened for examination but pay by weight ... This taX is .•. not levied
equally ... a Grand Lama of Thibet ..• born in Nepal reduced the duty for all Nepalese merchants. If the packages are small
they are charged according to their contents. People entering Thibet from Kuru pay nothing,; but those who leave the
Kingdom are charged ... I must not omit to mention ... that he who has paid duty in Kutti can go all over Thibet without
paying anything more in any place or being in any way molested ••. 130-131 ...... in another [part of the Lha-brang] is the
customhouse, where merchandise entering Thihet is_ examined, for though ..• many bales are taXed in Kuru, some of the
merchants prefer to wait until they arrive in Lhasa to pay duty. Merchandise which comes across the Western Desert, or from
China by ... the Eastern Desert, or by that of Kham is all examined and has to pay duty in royal custom-house of Lhasa .••
After paying duty at the frontier, merchants can buy or sell, go where they like and stay as long as they please in the country."
176. Cf. also Markham, op. cit. for Manning receiving escort to Lhasa from "Grand Lama' or 'Tibetan government' at Lhasa,
p. 254-255. Also Lamb, ap.cit., 213-214.
:N Ibid..... . [In] the large monastery of Bree-bung ..•_speral Lamas, many Doctors and Masters, and several thousand monks,
not only natives of the Third Thibet, but of Second Thibet, Upper and Lower Tartary, and China [live] ..... 137. Cf. also
Tsybikov, Kawaguchi, in passim.
25 Ibid. "along the route, whenever camping. she [Mongol princess] would .•. ask me about our country, Europe, our customs,
our Holy Law, the images of Saints in my Breviary, my .•. praying and the meaning of my prayers, my journeys in other
countries and the customs I had noticed there." 88. Also: '"He [the Dalai Lama] continually receives visits, and is often
occupied in discussing matters with the King, the nobles, the Lamas, superiors of monasteries, sometimes with merchants,
and often with pious people of both sexes, also foreigners who bring him offerings ... [spaced out by BDM] 206. Cf. also
Bonvalot, op. cit.: "Our guest [Amban] next asks for infonnaaon regarding our customs and manners, the position of women
in our country and their looks; and then he speaks of the books of the English, and of the astonishing inventions which they
have brought to India, though he himself bad never seen them." 69-70. Cf. also Das, op. cit., ".•. while I ate she [the
'Lhacham'] asked me many questions concerning the marriage laws of India and Europe ..• she stared at me with undisguised
astonishment. 'One wife with one husband! [for the British] ... Tibetan women are happier than Indian ones, for they enjoy
the privileges conceded ... to the men ... '''162 ...... a woman whose husband, a Kashmiri, had died a year or so before and .,.
now living alone with her husband's son. The Kache (Kashmiri) received us ... he became alarmingly suspicious ..• and kept
continually turning the conversation to the Shaheb-Iogs ("Englishmen') he had known at Katmandu. and the greatness of
the Engrez Maharani ('Queen of England') ...• 228.
26 Lamb, op. cit. He notes that the Nepalis, Russians, etc., along with the French missionaries in southeast Tibet sought to stir up
Tibetan sentiments against the English, p. 148 et seq. Cf. also McGovern, op. cit., 385: "Tsarong displayed a keen interest in
European politics and .•. manifested a fairly accurate knowledge of the general trend of affairs. He stated that the Bolshevik.
revolution co~pletely destroyed any sympathy which the Tibetan Government might have had for Russia. He quaintly
added, 'It would have been all right if the Russians had deposed their ruler; but to kill him was another matter ......
 Lhasa: An International Politico-Economic Center Through the Centuries 261

peaits,27 kept them apprised of events. When the occasion seemed to warrant it (i. e., when it appeared
to be in Tibet's own interests), the Government had no hesitation about granting "special favor" to
particular inmviduals2B regardless of nationality.
Furthermore, as many an "explorer" found to hislher own discomfiture, Tibetans were not at all
averse to travelling into foreign lands. They too brought back information about the situation there."
In short, rather than being a closed land, Tibet sought to be well-informed, while simultaneously
attempting to avoid the risks that seemed - quite realistically - to beset it on all sides.

Unofficial "Relations"

Most modern authors have taken notice of the subsequent fate of the four young Tibetans who had
been sent to England in 1913, to be educated at Rugby. The writers almost unanimously decry the
whole venture as a "failure" since the returnees achieved no permanent stellar roles in the Tibetan
government. Similarly, they note the closure of the one English-style school opened in Gyantse.'o
Somehow, these two "failed attempts" have come to symbolize the entire extent of Tibetans' contact
with the «outside world».
In fact, of course, Lhasan - and other - Tibetans had heen wandering down into Sikkim and British
Inma from as long ago as we have any reports. While the authors were bemoaning the fate of the four
Rugby students, possibly hundreds of Tibetans - sons (and some daughters) both of government
officials and commoners - had been trickling into British-style "English Medium" schools across the
border.'! Many of these young Tibetans received full exposure to both British and Indian intellectual
concerns - Fabian, fascist, Gandhian, and Marxist alike.
During World War II, Tibet was officially neutral. However, as far back as the Sino-Japanese War in
1894-1895, some Lhasans had looked to Japan to help rid them of the Chinese.'2 In the intervening

27 Cutting,S., op.cit. The Dalai Lama requested him [via their correspondence] to perform missions for Tibet in me United
States, 177-178. The Regent and Kashag queried him for his predictions regarding the outcome of the then current "Sino-
Japanese War" 216. .
:ZlI de Filippi (in Desideri, op. cit.) "... Brian Houghton Hodgson .. . later ••• received the Tibetan canonical books from the Dalai

Lama of Lhasa, and sent copies of the Canons to the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1824-1839) ..... 382 [ftnt 30 to Book the
First]. Cf. also Cutting, et al.
2' Das, Kawaguchi, McGovern, David~Ned. They all have reported so many incidents of this kind that there is little use in citing
specific ones. However, d. also Lamb, op.cit., 203, Hopkirk, op.cit., 156, and McGovern, 01. cit., 375-376.
30 Hopkirk., 01. cit., 204. Cf. also Harrer, op. cit., and Cutting for their contacts with, and impressions of the returnees.
31 Harrer, op.cit.. 115 etpassim "... In the Indian schools the Tibetan pupils are ranked for intelligence with Europeans .. , they

are often at the head of the class. There was a boy from Lhasa at St. Joseph's College at Darjeding who was not only the best
scholar .," but also champion in all the games and sports ..... Cf. also, Taring, Rinchen Dolma, DaHghtero/Tibet. Murray,
London, 1970 and other recent autobiographies of Tibetans who had studied in India,
32. Kawaguchi, E.• op.cit., p. 519. Cf. also, Hopkirk, 01. cit., p. 186. Lamb, op.cit., 226, et al. Cf. also: Cutting. op.cit.: "... he
[the prime minister] took the initiative in discussing1apan's war on China, which had just begun ... asked ... whether it was
likely to tum into a major conflict ... I inclined to the view it would not have any wide repercussions. By this time the prime
minister has discovered that I am n~ political oracle. The Tibetan government, I gathered, was not at all displeased that the
war had broken out. The Chinese had engaged in border skirmishes and had encroached on Tibetan territory. Now that they
had their hands full in the East, they were likely to keep hands off Tibet's eastern frontier. Neverthdess, Tibet had once done
her shopping in China, and Tibetans were closely allied to the Chinese. The government hoped that Chin~, after being
properly chastened, would win the ultimate victory .. ," 216, Cf. also Pemba, Tseyang, Young Days in Tibet. Jonathan Cape,
London, 1957: ..... news reached Lhasa about the start of the war. There was already the Sino~1apanese war going on in
China. Tibetans backed the Japanese, as they were anti-Chinese [spaced out" by BDM]. We heard over the radio
the news of the fall of France and of the bombing of London .. , Tibetans were eager to hear news from the various theatres of
war. and to know whether all this would involve their country ..... 125-126. For attitudes toward another foe of Britain and
its allies, d. also Harrer, op. cit. "... Our next [visitor] was a general of the Tibetan Army, who was desperately anxious to
learn everything possible about Rommel. He spoke with enthusiasm of the German general and said that with his smattering
262 Beatrice D. Miller

years, they had been impressed by the rapid modernization Japan had experienced. Moreover, many
young Lhasans had found inspiration in the Indian Independence movement. Some viewed Subhas
Chandra Bose's Indian Nationalist Army as a possible model for a Tibetan struggle. Thus, many would
have welcomed a Japanese victory if it could bring an end to both British and Chinese domination.
In short, despite their own professions of ignorance about the world outside, and the Western
pronouncements about Tibet's '~total isolation~', Tibet and its people have had intense concerns and
curiousity about their immediate - and more distant - neighbors throughout the centuries. Further-
more, mechanisms for satisfying this curiousity, and addressing these concerns, have been an integral
feature of Tibet's international relations.

of English he had read everything available about him in the newspapers. In this respect Lhasa is not at all isolated.
Newspapers come in from allover the world via India. There are even a few persons in the town who take in Life. The Indian
daily papers arrive regularly a week after publication, .. " 118. For further acquaintance with events outside, ibid. 151: ", .. the
journal in question [Tarchin's Tibet Mirror] would have been of little account in Europe ... It appeared once a month and was
published at Kantnpong ... but it was read rather extensively in Lhasa in certain circles. 0<"
 Some More on the sa ha sa khyi 'cham
a Bhutanese 'cham on the Conversion of the Hunter
mGon po rDo rje by Mi la ras pa

MARCELINE DE MONTMOLLIN (AuVERNIER)

Introduction

In 1984, at the Csoma de Koros Symposium held in Visegrad, I presented a general survey of the sa ba
sa khyi 'cham.' Besides my own observations and some information chiefly obtained from Mynak
Tulku, Director of Bhutan's National Museum, I only disposed at the time of one single Bhutanese
text,' the abridged version of a 'cham yig, which merely dealt with the second part of the 'cham - that
dedicated to the successive conversions of the deer and the hounds and the hunter himself. Still, I was
inclined to think that the first part - purely comical, so it seemed - was likely to disclose some
interesting surprises.
As a matter of fact, I was recently fortunate enough, thanks to Mireille Helffer's kind help, to have
access to the relevant chapter in the Bhutanese 'cham yig which, to the difference of its summary,
covers both parts of the 'cham. This text' was compiled, probably during the fifties or sixties, by Dasho
Nag Phel, Thimphu 'cham dpan in the reign of the late king of Bhutan. The chapter on the sa ba sa khyi
'cham counts 46 large-sized pages describing masks and garments, dances and plays, and recording the
full text of the spoken roles. This new and much detailed source of information has led to the present
study which must be considered as a supplement to the previous one, partly summarized hereafter as an
introduction.
In Bhutan, the 'Brug pa bKa' brgyud school has been largely predominant since the foundation of
the theocracy, in the first part of the XVIIth Century, by tabs drun Nag dban rNam rgya!. It is
therefore not surprising to note the extreme amount of popularity surrounding the great saint Mi la ras
pa (1040-1123), the second Tibetan Guru in the bKa' brgyud tradition. Moreover, Mi la himself is said
to have meditated for three months in the sacred shrine of sTag chail overlooking Paro Valley (Western
Bhutan).' Besides his numerous representations in images and paintings, he also manifests himself in a
'cham regularly performed during the annual festivals (Ches bcu) held in honour of Padmasambhava.
When was that 'cham first introduced in Bhutan? Our 'cham yig does not give any precision on this
question. However, as far as Paro Valley is concerned, it is locally believed, according to a personal
information for which I am indebted to Mynak Tulku, that the sa ba sa khyi 'cham was introduced in
Paro by a son of Pha fa 'Brug sgom Zig po (1208-1276). Pha fa was a disciple of Sans rgyas dBon ras
Darma Sen ge, second in the line of the prince-abbots of Ra IuD. (in gCan) and founder of the Bar 'brug
or "middle" branch of the 'Brug pa, and is credited by Padma dKar po to have "subjugated the
Southern Region of Four Approaches",' that is to say the Western part of present-day Bhutan. To this

1 See Bibliography.
2 Nag 'Phel, Dasho. 1971. 'Brug giun 'cham gyi Mad pa.
J Nag 'Phel,Dasho. La ltar 'dus chogs so sarser skya gfiis ka'igar 'cham 'khrab stan bgyispa rnams kyi 'hyuiJ khuns dan le'u rca
cbig sogs sdeb chan ran sar dbye ba biin gsam gsal du rim par gsal ba kun gsal me Zon zes bya ha biugs,
4 Aris 1979: 167; Lauf 1972: 84.
5 Aris 1979: 174.
 294 Marceline de Montmollin

day, indeed, the dancers have to accomplish, prior to the performance itself, a ceremony taking place in
a house related with the Hii[jl ral family whose· ancestor is none other than Dam pa, one of Pha fo's
four sons.' Consequently, there is no reason to doubt the alleged association of the sa ba sa khyi 'cham
performed in Para with Pha fo 'Brug sgom Zig po's lineage. Nevertheless, in the absence of further
evidence, we may wonder whether this tradition really goes back up to Pha fo's son, which would
mean a little over a hundred years after Mi la's passing away (1123) and about two centuries before the
rNam thar and the mGur 'bum were compiled by gCait smyon Heruka (1488).7 For the time being, the
attribution of that tradition to Pha fo's son seems to look as doubtful as that of Pha fo's biography to
Dam pas and may proceed from the same glorifying process elaborated by later generations.
Whatever its origin, the sa ba sa khyi 'cham forms one of the several dance-dramas called bod 'cham
(from 'bod pa = to call, to invite) normally performed on each day of the festivals after the ritual dances
of offering and destruction of evil.' Whereas the ritual dances are interpreted by monks, the bod 'cham
are executed by lay men. The purpose of the latter dances primarily aims at edifying the audience while
adding numerous comical notes, much to the crowd's delight. The stage is, in Thimphu, the main
courtyard in the monastic part of bKra sis Chos rjon; in Para, an open area in front of a dependance of
Rin spuns ryon. The audience ranges from the abbot and monks to ministers and villagers often coming
from distant valleys. Indeed, to attend aChes bcu means a blessing but also meeting with friends and
relatives, putting on one's best clothes, having merry picnic-parties and often enough too much Chan
and "arra"!
Strangely enough, the name of Mi la is not mentioned in the title of the 'cham but every Bhutanese
knows that the scenario is drawn from an episode of his life. For readers who may not be familiar with
the song of the huntsman and the deer,1O let me summarize the story. While Mi la ras pa is meditating in
a hermitage on the border between Tibet and Nepal, he is disturbed by the arrival of a deer panting
with fear and exhaustion, closely followed by a furious hound. Both animals are appeased by the bla
ma who teaches them the Dharma. Even the sinful hunter mGon po rDo rje, who first tries to kill the
saint, is finally converted and, after receiving the teaching of the Dharma and the complete initiation,
. becomes one of Mi la's disciples under the name of Khyi ra ras pa of sNi San.ll
Such is the framework. However, the Bhutanese 'cham involves further characters: there are two
dogs instead of one; the hunter mGon po rDo rie is provided with a servant called Phan gtogs (usually
spelt Phan to) and a few'a ca rau keep interfering here and there. Moreover, whereas the second part of
the 'cham follows - with a few adjunctions or restrictions - the narrative of the mGur 'bum, including
songs and dialogues, the first part is, to my knowledge, entirely original and throws, in spite (or
because) of its joking spirit, some interesting light from a socio-religious point of view.
In the following pages, the reader will fincfa translation of the most relevant passages selected from
the first part of the 'cham yig.

Songs and Dialogues

The first part of the sa ba sa khyi 'cham begins with a succession of comic scenes played by Phan to, the
hunter's servant, some 'a ca ra and the dogs. While the 'a ca ra are fooling around with Phan to, one of
them suddenly asks him: "Where do you come from?" Phan to answers: "I come from the upper realm

• Ibid.: 174, 177-178.

7 Spanien-Macdonald 1978-1979 to 1980-1981: 249 •
• Ari, 1979: 170.
, Mynak Tulku 1980; Aris 1980: 46.
10 Translated in Chang 1977: 275-286; summed up .in the Bhutanese 'cham yig and its abridged version.

1\ Blue Annals 1976: 435.

12 Jesters said ti,.:.P''ersonify former Indian gurus (acaryaJ; see among others Snellgrove and Richardson 1980: 247.
 Some More on the sa ba sa khyi 'ebam 295

of clie gods!" - "Well", says the'a ea ra, "I have been three times in the upper realm of the gods but I
have never seen anyone like you! The beings inhabiting the realm of the gods have a white skin, a tall
hody, a beautiful face, all of them! As you have not the body of a god, where do you come from?" -
Phan to then· pretends to cOme from the inferior realm of the klu but, retorts the 'a ea ra who has also·
visited the klu, "all of them have a light blue complexion, bodies of various sizes and the Jewel
ornament on the head". Phan to makes one last attempt with the intermediate realm of the bean; to
which the 'a «I ra replies: "If you were from the intermediate realm of the bean, you ought to be like
me - with a red skin, a long nose, an elegant stature - so you should be! But you are not like that!
Looking at you, I see that you have a black skin, a short body, a poor face, a face kho kho (very angry).
By the look of your bad thoughts, you must come from the land of the bdud.»
We notice that the colours associated with the three realms are correct with the added precision that
the·klu are light blue and not just blue or black." As for the sizes and shapes of the body, I have not
found any reference elsewhere. Naturally enough, black is supposed to be the colour in the land of the
bdud. In any case, the allusion to the three realms is perfectly clear and comes as a matter of course,
denoting common knowledge among the people.
After some comical interludes (the shaving of Phan to's hair infested by lice, etc.), the text contains
several songs in the form of seven-syllabic trochees of which an unversified translation is given
hereafter. The first songs are sung by the hunter mGon po rDo rje (usually called' A leo, a probable
corruption of 'a fo = Sir, elder brother) while he is supposedly alone, high up in the mountains.
In his first song, 'A leo pays homage to the Three Jewels and sings: "May the tutelary gods he
rejoiced hy this sound-offering! May the mkha' 'gro ma remove hindrances! May bCu gog tal (the
11-faced Avalokit.svara) guide me on the way! May the God of Long Life preserve my voice from
getting hoarse! As for me, I know the successive words! Mayall of them convene here and listen to my
beautiful songs!"
The second song says: "At the time when the earliest Guru departed from the treeless pass of Gun
than for the Land of the Ogres, the mkha' 'gro Yeses mcho rgyal, Princess Mandiiravii, the bal mo
Kiilasiddhi, the mon mo bKra sis mkhyen 'bras, the bod mo Siikya bde ba, those five ladies who had
access to the Guru's heart flew further on without reaching the limits of the sky. The mkha' 'gro ma
were not seen when returning here. While they were lashing with their loosened hair pricked with
crystals at the snow-covered fallen rocks, their tears were flooding the earth, prematurely creating fish-
ponds and meadows. In the whole of Tibet there was happiness but the five mkha' 'gro were unhappy
and I, 'A leo, am still more so!"
This song obviously refers to Padmasambhava's departure from Tibet for the Land of the Riik~asas.
The names of his five consorts are those enumerated in Orgyan goo pa's and Padma glin pa's Padma
than yig, though in another order. H Out of the five epithets, three are at variance: the first quoted than
yig has the bud med (in our text mkha' 'gro) Ye ses mcho rgyal, the bal 'bans (bal mo) Kiilasidclhi, the
bal mo (bod mo) Siikya bde ba, the second gans Can bod kyi Yeses mcho rgyal, rgya garbal 'bans
Kiilasiddhi and bal yul mkha' 'gro Siikya bde ba and further precises the origin (za hor) of princess
Mandiirava and that (mon yul) of the mon mo (princess) bKra sis khye'u 'dren ("misspelt" bKra sis
mkhyen 'bras in our text). The latter consort, said to have met Padmasambhava through Ye 8es mcho
rgyal, is particularly important in the eyes of the Bhutanese: she is considered as the daughter of the
legendary Sindhu Raja of Bumthang, alias leags mkhar rGyal po, whose miraculous cure and conver-
sion are attributed to the Guru himself.1' In the form of a flying tigress, she is supposed to have
brought her divine cOnsort to the now sacred cave of ·sTag chan located in a cliff high above Paro
Valley. In the chapel later built in front of the cave can be seen, indeed, a large image ofPadmasambha-
va, in his fierce aspect of rDo rje Gro lod, riding the tigress "pregnant with knowledge and wisdom""

IJ Stein 1981: 177.

14 F. 16; I, 18.6: Mandarava, Kilasiddhi, Sakya bde ba, bKra sis khyeCu) 'dren, Ye ses mcho rgyal.
15 See Aris 1979: 57, 298-299.
t6 Mehra 1974: 69 (on the basis of an information given by Aris).
 296 Marceline de M ontmollin

- an expression which may possibly account for the "misspelt" mkhyen 'bras ("knowledge fruit"). As
for the above quoted classical spelling (khye('u) 'dren), it can be interpreted as "she who guides or,
delivers children". However, until further information is made available, we must be content with
pointing out these discrepancies while bearing in mind that they are orally hardly noticeable.
Let us turn again to the weeping' A leo whose third song is modelled after the previous one with a
view to parallel his misfortune with that of the grieving mkha' 'gro ma: "Now, I am also coming down
among the fallen rocks, crossing over the pass of the' empty stomach and belly'! I have not caught the
great deer I was chasing after on the other side! Called over here, the dogs have not come! Phan to has
not followed my instructions! While I am lashing with my hair bristling with thorny twigs at the snow-
covered fallen rocks, my tears are flooding the earth, prematurely creating fishponds and meadows. For
all law-abiding men there is happiness but I, 'A leo, am most unhappy!"
The next song is sung by Phan to after he has been joined by his master and scolded for his
disobedience. To please 'A leo, the servant now sings: "Up in the sky, the ascending fair stars! On the
earth, the warming up sun! In the intermediate space, the ascending fair planets! Up in the snows, the
high golden mountain! On the golden mountain, pure silver! On that pure silver, a bright turquoise!
On that bright turquoise, the form of a triangle!"
The meaning of this song is partially explained by Phan to whose expressive gesture, according to the
text, mimics the form of a vagina (stu), a triangle with point downward symbolizing the female organ.
Then follows a totally obscene interlude - by no means of rare occurrence in a Bhutanese Ches bcu -
where universally accepted gestures (minutely described in the 'cham yig) unmistakenly stress Phan
to's words: "On the right, I make the son of the right - si Ii Ii! On the left, I make the son of the left-
si Ii Ii! On tl;1e middle point, I make the son of the filth - khro 10 lo!"
Without further insisting on that passage and its possible hidden symbolics, its presence had to be
here mentioned for two reasons at least: the use of onomatopoeias, already signalled in Tun-huang
literature and still preserved in the Tibetan epos,17 such as si Ii Ii and khro 10 10 - the first being
associated with the clapper of a small bell, the second with that of a large bell" - .~nd the reference of a
"dirty story" in a 'cham dedicated to the saint Mi la ras pa. Similar dirty stories" are included in some
biographies of the "mad saint" 'Brug pa Kun legs whose links with Bhutan are well known." Of such
stories (beag gtam) he says: "They should not be seen by people holding wrong views and standing in
opposition to the monastic rules and considering the tantric doctrines as wrong. Do not show them
either in barbarian countries, in regions where the doctrine has not been propagated. Indeed, if they are
shown in such countries, with words like vagina and penis the faith will get deviated as it will not be
understood that those (stories) hold a good understanding of the phenomenal nature."" Now, as far as
"our" dirty story is concerned, it may be just'! a joke without any further connotation. Still, the line is
not easily drawn in the context of a Bhutanese 'cham. At any rate, 'Brug pa Kun legs'S influence cannot
be excluded, owing to his large popularity in Bhutan.
It is then 'A leo's turn to sing a song, the last in this series: "Under the revolving eight-spoked wheel
representing the sky, on the blooming eight-petalled lotus representing the earth, the holy song of the
eight auspicious symbols representing the intermediate space! With my holy song I pay homage, I pay
homage to the king of the Southern tradition of the oral school who, as human manifestation of Iha
gsan bdag, sits on the immovable high golden throne inside the palace of the extensive 'Brug pa
doctrine - bKra sis ehos kyi rjon, rNam rgya!'s beautiful dwellings! To you who reside as a protector
in this world, submitting powerful enemies with your glorious body while securing happiness to your
subjects through your compassion, I, mGon po rDo rje, pay my respects with devotion."
A few precisions are needed as to the names mentioned in that song. The "king of the Southern
tradition" is the founder of the Bhutanese theocracy, tabs drun Nag dbait rNam rgyal (1594-1651),

17 Stein 1981: 220-221.

18 According to an oral information by Panglung Rinpoche.
19 Stein 1972; Aris 1979.
20 Kretschmar 1~,~}; .66-67 (my translation from the German).
 Some More on the sa ba sa khyi )cham 297

18tli prince-abbot of the 'Brug pa at Ra IuD. (Tibet),. who in 1616 took refuge in Bhutan as a result of
various adverse circumstances,21 notably the dispute over his recognition as the incarnation of Padma
dKar po (1527-1592), the "Omniscient" scholar of the 'Brug pa school. The "Southern tradition" (!ho
'brug) was established in Bhutan by the tabs drun and has been since then predominant in the country:
lha gsan bdag, in full gsan ba'i bdag po, is an epithet referring to Phyag na rdo rje, the "Lord of the
divine secrets".22 As for bKra sis ehos (kyi) ryan, it was taken over from a rival school and given 'this
name in 1641 by the tabs drun and is at present, after being rebuilt and enlarged, the seat of the
Bhutanese government, in Thimphu, as well as the summer residence of the rIe mKhan po, head abbot
of Bhutan.

Divination by an 'a ca ra

Immediately after 'A leo's last song follows in the 'cham yig a section entitled "divination by an 'a ca
ra" of which a summary is given hereafter.
For the occasion, the 'a ca ra is called mo mkhan (expert in divination) though first referred to as
sgam chen practising the gcod. The sgom chen is said to enter the stage carrying a gcod tent and a bag
containing divination implements which he places behind a partition made of cotton cloth. Then,
holding a <lamaru in his left hand, he blows through his right fist the sound of the rkan gUn (thighbone
trumpet). Sounding his <Jamaru, he dances in the way of a gcod 'cham and blows once more the sound
of the rkan glitz. After pitching the tent, he steps three times round it while reciting whatever comes to
his mind and eventually slips into the tent. "From this day on", so he says to the other 'a ca ra, "I am
entering into strict meditation. Do not let enter a single person! Yet, you may let in through the back
door some beautiful woman with a full face and a breast as swelling as the earth!" Having fastened the
door, he performs the gcod and makes gtar ma in the prescribed manner.
The text does not contain any precision on the gcad 'cham or on the rite which is supposed to take
place within the tent. Nevertheless, of the implements requested for practising the gcod as enumerated
by Evans-Wentz (1972: 322-323), three of them are present: the tent, the <Jamaru and the rkan glitz,
the latter being significantly simulated only.
While the sgom chen is meditating in the tent, 'A leo orders his servant to bring the mo nas or
divination barley seeds, and to make some fumigations (bsans). Later on, he holds the seeds into
incense and touches his forehead with each of them. The following questions are to be asked by Phan to
to the deviner: "Will'A leo catch the deer from the snows / Will the deer be tom to pieces by the dogs
chasing after it? Will 'A leo fall down from the rocks / Will Phan to be a good assistant/"
Reluctantly, the frightened Phan to approaches the tent and throws a stone in order to attract the ma
mkhan's attention whom he addresses as sgam chen. The latter angrily refuses to be stirred, bound as he
is by his vow of silence. Finally, on Phan to's insistance: "hum hum phag phag svii hii·23 shouts the
sgam chen while sounding his <Jamaru. Scared to death, Phan to tries to run away. "What are you
asking for", says the sgam chen. - "I am sent by 'A leo to ask you to perform divination." - "Well, as I
am secluded in religious meditation, I cannot do it." However, but not without greedily arguing on the
price to be paid for his services, he eventually gives in.
The divination is performed in the following way. The ma mkhan takes his <lamaru in the left hand
and a handful of barley seeds in the right, and asks in which year'A leo and Phan to were born. Phan to
answers: "'A leo was born in the frog year, I in the tiger year!" - An obvious mistalte as there is no sbal
ba (frog) among the cyclic ailimals! Still, once informed of'A leo's questions, the ma mkhan maltes a
prayer (not reproduced in the text) and throws the seeds on the surface of the <lamaru. All of them

11 Aris 1979: 208-209.

22. Jaschke 1~72: 588, 288 and oral infonnacion of Gangteng Tulku.
23 A threatening imitation mantra.
298 Marceline de Montmollin

being dispersed, he concludes: "For this day, the divination does not hold good prospects. You must
have made a mistake with the years of birth!"
Phan to reports the matter to his master who confirms that he was born in the frog year. The seeds
are thrown again and show the same ill-omens. At last Phan to acknowledges his mistake: "'A leo's
year is the tiger and mip.e the frog!" - "Well", retorts the deviner, "1 told you that you were wrong but
you would not listen!" And throwing the seeds once more, he obtains positive prospects.
This performance of the drum-divination deserves some comments. First, the rna mkhan does not
seem to be aware of the inexistence of a frog year as he only suspects some mistake once the seeds have
been thrown and inauspiciously scattered. Secondly - and corollarily - he had definitely set his mind
on getting good prospects!
Now, it is interesting to compare the above proceedings with the drum-divination reported by
Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1952,1-4: 149-157; 1975: 457-461). Of that practice, he says that it is re-
garded as "a very ancient way of divination, which is nowadays still in vogue among the priests of the
rNin rna pa sect, the adherents of the 'white' and the 'black' Bon, and especially among the dpa 'bo and
b,iien fo mo, a class of male and female sorcerers mainly to be found in Sikkim, Bhutan and the Chumbi
Valley. Their ways of performing the rna mo (drum-divination) are identical, the only difference being
the types of drum" used. Thus, the dpa' bo and the b,iien fo mo use the rna chun similar in shape to the
4amaru. Nebesky-Wojkowitz further states that the drum-divination is mostly performed in cases of
illnesses but that it was still being practised - so he was told - a century ago in Sikkim, Bhutan and the
Chumbi Valley for deciding business-matters or questions of marriage. This would meet our present
purpose as hunting may be assimilated to a business-matter.
However, as far as the technics are concerned, they only bear a semblance of truth - as was the case
with the gcod. The Bhutanese text indeed does not mention the necessary preparation of the drum, on
whose surface should be drawn some diagrams and the respective places of each divination seed.
Considering the fumigation of the seeds by 'A leo, such process is well attested by Nebesky-Woj-
kowitz, but attributed to the deviner himself who pronounces mantras while touching his forehead
with each seed. He then sets them on the relevant places marked on the drum and impregnated with
drops of milk. The actual divination does not result from the scattering of seeds thrown on the surface
of the 4amaru but from the beating of a second drum whose vibrations are supposed to make the seeds
jump to other places, previously marked on the surface. Simultaneously, the performer pronounces the
name of the patient, his astrological data and pays homage to various deities, first of all Padmasambha-
va. Then he asks successive questions whose answers are to be read from the moves of the seeds.
Without entering into further particulars, it is obvious that the drum-divination performed in the
'cham is but a distant parody of the ttaditiorial rna mo depicted by Nebesky-Wojkowitz.
It remains to be seen whether this kind of divination is still practised in present-day Bhutan. At least,
it may be supposed that the rna mo is still remembered if not used, owing to its place in this 'cham:
otherwise, there would not be much sense in enacting a play partly meant, so it seems, to denounce
irregularities in the matter of divination - which, in itself, is widely popular in Bhutan.
To come back to the 'cham, let us see what were the good prospects predicted by the mo mkhan:
"To-morrow, when 'A leo reaches a large rock in the upper-valley, there will be a great sgom chen
looking like me, with a reddish face, weak from hunger, and a full nose. He will meet the 'gom chen and
after large offerings of incense to the gods, he must arrange for a good dinner to be served. If he pays
homage (to the 'gom chen) and gives him a lot of offerings, 'A leo shall not fall from the rocks, the deer
shall be caught, the dogs shall not tear it to pieces, Phan to shall be obedient. Whatever his wishes, they
shall certainly be fulfilled. But if those offerings are not made, I cannot give any guarantee as to the
consequences to be expected." And he slips back into the tent (with the probable intention to take the
'gom chen's place and receive himself the requested "large offerings")!
Of course, the deviner's predictions shall not come true. Yet, when 'A leo reaches a large rock in the
upper-valley - as reported in the second part of the 'cham yig - he does see a 'gom chen but also
discovers the deer and his dogs peacefully sitting next to the bla rna, that is Mi la ras pa. Seized with
anger, the huhler runs towards him, ready to kill him with his knife, but misses a step which makes him
 Some Jl{ore on the sa ba sa khyi ~cham 299

fall down from the rocks! While he is lying unconscious, his servant begins to rob him of his beautiful
garments. Eventually, 'A Ico comes to his senses and "again walks threateningly towards Mi la ... But
we know the end of the story whose songs are to be examined in a later study.

Conclusion

Several reasons have led me to undertake the difficult translation - for which I benefited from the kind
and precious help of Tshenshab Rinpoche, Panglung Rinpoche and Dr. Helga Uebach - of some
passages of the Bhutanese 'cbam yig. Having watched twice the sa ba sa kbyi 'cbam (1979 in Thimphu,
1981 in Parol, I had been puzzled by what was happening in the first part of the performance, the
second being, as already mentioned, more or less in keeping with the narrative of the mGur 'bum. I
could not understand what was being said and my questions were often left partly unanswered. Once
in possession of the text, I therefore read it out of curiosity and realized how much had escaped my
notice.
Some of'A Ico's songs deserved to be translated for their mere beauty. But above all, it looked as if
some characteristic insights could be gathered from the selected episodes presented in this paper. Such
is doubtless the case as they are not included in the original story and in alllikelyhood proceed from a
purely Bhutanese conception. In fact, the same freedom of expression used to be found in the Tibetan
versions of this 'cham as reported by Baradijn and Vlaclimircov;2< however, their chief concern seemed
to be social censure directed at malpractices and abuses committed by high-ranking monks and officers
nominally designated during the performance.
In Bhutan, where society is by no means as stratified as it was in Tibet, things are significantly
different: neither the clerical nor the civil authorities are subjects to critics in the scenario. The targets
are of another kind and located at another level: that of the crooked yogins and deviners, of the half-
witted servants, of the petty masters, outwardly full of pious devotion but thrifty in their offerings and
ready to kill both men and animals ...
To conclude, we are left with a feeling of globality where sacred and profane, together with their
own short-comings, are closely intermingling in a tune ranging from crude comic up to fine poetry. To
some extent, the sa ba fa khyi 'cbam works as a sort of magnifying mirror for socio-religious features
whose full deciphering would however need thorough field-studies.

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BLEICHSTEINER, R., 1950, L'eglise jaune. Paris: Payot.
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CHANDRA, 1., 1976, Tibetan-Sanskrit dictionary. Kyoto: Rinsen.
CHANG, G. C. c., 1977, The hundred thousands songs of Milarepa. Boulder and London: Shambhala.
EVANS-WENTZ, W. Y., 19n, Le yoga tibetain et les doctrines secretes. Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve.
FILCHNBR, W., 1933, Kumbum Dschamba Ling. Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus.
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literature (compiled by Em. Prof. D. Kawaguchi). Tokyo: Meiji Shoin (1237-1246).
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KRETSCHMAR, A' I 1981, 'Brug pa kun legs. Das wundersame Leben eines fJen'Uckten H eiligen. St. Augustin: VGH Wissenschafts-
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24 Quoted in Filchner 1933: 332-337, 505-506; Bleichsteiner 1950: 277-278j Lucas 1962: 101-102 (see also Proceedings afthe
1984 Csoma de Koros Symposium, my paper on the 14 ba Sa khyi 'cham),
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 Locating Tibet
The Maps
BRAHAM NORWICK (NEW YORK)

James Hilton in "Lost Horizon" tells a story about a remarkable library. It is that of Shangri-la, a
mysterious Tibetan monastery. There one can see a large international collection of rare books. The
only four specified European volumes all date to the 17th century. These named books actually exist.
One of the cultivated scholars at the monastery states that in addition to those rarities, they also possess
a collection of several hundred maps.
This paper, without itself engaging in intentional fiction, proposes to consider what such maps at a
place like Shangri-la might have been. Many of the maps examined have been seen at the New York
Public Library and the Library of Congress, both with extensive open collections. Others have been
found in the important libraries in Europe. Some were acquired over years of travel.
One may imagine scholars of a Tibetan monastery primarily interested in books and maps where
Tibet had an explicit part. However, they surely would have been interested in at least a significant few
not indicating Tibet in any identifiable way. Speculation on reasons for what can or can't be seen is
basic for science. Moreover, those Shangri-la Buddhists would surely have found the world of illusion a
subject for study.
Excellent scholars have already studied and prepared maps involving Tibet. Herbert Franke has
elucidated early Chinese mapping, including Tibetan areas. Also_ notable is the work of Professor
Albert Herrmann. His masterwork, published in 1935, has been reissued, added to and emended, but
remains a cornerstone for an overview of east Asian geographisal history. Sven Hedin and our late~
much missed friend, Turrell Wylie also made significant contributions to knowledge and understand-
ing of older maps. Luciano Petech has published On Islamic and Jesuit contributions to the geography
of Tibet. This earlier work, and that of many others however, always has focussed on scientific
accuracy and correct knowledge. The focus here is more blurred, since it involves mainly what people
of the past either thought they knew or wishe:d others to believe.
Before one looks at any map, it may help to keep in mind, if only subconsciously, possible answers
to a set of terse questions: source, why, when, where, who, which, how? Maps in listings of anti-
quariats tend to be classed with ephemera, such as catalogues, billboards or postcards. Maps, even those
claiming to be historical in nature, usually date rapidly. For some purposes, even last year's are passe.
Maps in general change repeatedly. Moreover, maps of a similar date from different sources may vary
considerably even when purposes don't. Names of places and their borders have always changed, with
what certain contemporaries considered alarming rapidity.
A special transformation occurs as names pass from one language or culture to another. The simplest
are those merely requiring a current transcription on a recognizable map. Examples are recent maps in
Tibetan, of the eastern hemisphere, Asia, and of the Lhasa area. There are Russian books and their
maps of Lhasa. Similarly, one can easily handle modern Chinese maps, despite changes with Pinyin.
The problems begin to be more complex as one compares old and new maps, such as a recent map of
Lhasa and a 19th century Chinese map of Tibet. The older Islamic maps, in their original, transcribed,
and derived forms, often present problems of comprehension.
Puzzling changes occur when maps have been recopied before photography. At times changes are
due to decreasing legibility of the original. At other times, they are a result of efforts at restoration,
simplification, or even unadmitted updating. There are many versions of the Martin Behaim globe of
302 Braham N orwick

1490/96. They give information on Tibet each in their own way, though all imply they are reproduc-
tions of the original. E. G. Ravenstein reviewed the variables in 1908 in an enlightening publication.
Maps, in the sense of two dimensional plots on some surface are primarily existential. A border, a
route, a place, a people, a geological formation, and other concepts may be indicated. Existential
emplacements don't necessarily involve directions, relative location nor area. At least one early map of
Tibet can be so classed, existential but not clearly directional. This is a copy of the often recopied
Tibetan map in the Onjoji temple at Mii, not far from Kyoto. The original has been dated not later than
733 A. D. It was brought to Japan in 858 by Enchin, the Tendai sect priest, better known by his posthu-
mous title as Chisho Daishi. On it, one can see Persia, Koua Koua (Tun Huang), Po (Tibet), Kinku
(Kirghis), Hor (Uigur), Than (China), and many others. It is significant for several reasons. In addition
to positioning 22 countries or places, in existence at that period, it has another value. It gives us a clue
to traces of Tibetan Buddhism in certain Japanese Buddhist sects.
Some maps have little technically valid information, at least, not by today's materialistic standards ..
They are interesting to glance at, even to study. But they are more works of art than of science. Some
seem to have been produced more by a magic wand than from a surveyor's data. The worlds of the
Wheels of Existence and the ma1'!4aia maps, surely a rich collection in any idealized Tibetan monastery
library, fall into this class. There are the largely mythological maps and those with Mount Meru in its
eastern and western forms. David Snellgrove in his "Nine Ways of Bon" published one of Mount
Meru, which unfortunately was printed upside down. An early map from Tibet and one from the
period of the late Roman empire show strong resemblances -in surprising ways.
Cosmas Indicopleustes, in the 6th century, portrayed the earth as a rectangle, with an encircling
ocean, which was itself encircled by another earth. On one side are the four rivers which flow from
paradise into the inhabited earth. There is a map published by the Tibetan Bon Foundation in the tang
tung Dictionary, and frequently republished since, which also shows a rectangular earth with an
encircling sea and again with an external earth. Mount Meru can be equated with Cosmas's conical
mountain, around which the sun moves at differing altitudes to vary the length,9f night,
Maps have been produced ana used for different reasons, Among those for tra~elers, there are many
sorts. There are those made for and by the pilgrims who come to worship at the holy places, the
missionaries who come to convert the heathen, the tourists to experience and admire, the traders to buy
and sell, the warriors who come to kill, and of course, the refugees and the rolling stones, the escapists
and vacationers who just want out.
Back of these are those who don't necessarily travel themselves, They are the litterateurs, the
inventors and perceivers of doctrines, borders, myths, magical and exstatic revelations. These also
include the historians, politicians, bankers, sH~mans and scientists.
There are also other maps of a special sort. Whenever an item can be sold for far more than the cost
of production, there is a strong economic motive for its creation. Maps that appear to be very old or
rare are such an item. "The Vinland Map and the Tartar Relation" which was issued not long ago under
a distinguished aegis, appears to contain a map manufactured at a later date than at first claimed. There
is also a map claimed to be of a friend of Marco Polo. Neither the Vinland nor the Polo maps show
Tibet. Forensic research on maps is not easy, nor is it encouraged by all possessors of "old}) maps. That
verification has proven difficult is shown by the frequency with which expert opinions change.
A number of the older maps known to have existed cannot be found, nor when and if located,
consulted or photographed readily. In such cases, one must rely on copies. Many extant maps are in
fact copies. These copies vary, at times, considerably, despite identical identifications being furnished.
The Behairn globe, just noted, shows examples which illustrate typical changes. That is why it is
important to specify as well as possible the exact source of any named example. Even when maps are in
books, two copies of the "same" edition may carry differing maps. Things get added, subtracted,
displaced and distorted, just as with the reporting of ideas.
Those maps of the previous centuries, when they can be found in good condition, and once found,
may be copied, usually lend themselves to clear photographyo Those of most of today's publications,
when one wishes to examine fine print on a map, or to photograph a close close-up to clarify exact
 Locating Tibet - The Maps 303

locations in an area of interest, tend to ,decompose i,nto sets of inc~herent dots. This is true even with
expensive and bibliographically impressive publications, such as that of Rodney W. Shirley, on "The
Mapping of the World". Many maps on which Tibet appears suffer from this printers' acne. The
rejection of the older technology used so effectively in the books of Jomard, Sant.rem, Nordenski6ld;
and Lelewel is regrettable.
A majority of those making maps seem to have shared one trait. They abhorred a vacuum -'- or
rather, an empty area. So they tend to fill space with any supposed bit of information, or variant
spellings, and often show one place two or more times. There are maps and gazeteers where one finds a
collection with strange names seemingly related to a known itinerary, battle scene, trade route, holy
place, historical or traditional writings, but not readily identifiable today. The Peutinger maps, derived
from a 4th centuty A. D. Roman trade route description, as they extend into the further oriental areas,
illustrate the problems.
Another is the Catalan map of 1375. This was originally prepared by Abraham Cresques ofMajorca,
at a time when Spain was in part Islamic. It appears to be the first authenticated in Europe to use at least
some of the information supplied at the beginning of the centuty by Marco Polo. Several scholars,
including Cordier and Ivar Hallberg, considered a place on this map labelled Elbeit is actually Tibet.
Lelewel has shown a composite map attributed to the information from Polo, but actually largely based
on Fra Mauro as well as Abraham Cresques. That map shows both Tibet and Elbeit. There is resistance
on the part of many to accept the idea that a map maker would place a name with no more solid basis
than a personal fantasy. The most recent, elegant and costly republication in Switzerland of the Catalan
map does not identify Elbeit, though it attempts to identify other places.
Putting the world on paper, or indeed on any other materials, and depicting places, things, people or
various types of ideas, began at an early period. We can look at those early maps in many ways,
historically, analytically and even emotionally. Maps may be the most plagiarised of intellectual pro-
ductions. On them one rarely finds information about information sources. Citations, where existing,
are at times untrue, misleading, puzzling or scanty. In addition to plagiarisms, supposed sources often
have little or nothing much to do with the maps bearing their names. Ptolomeic maps, shortly after
they began to be rediscovered in the west, underwent a series of changes, deletions, additions and
corrections. But the Ptolemy name persisted, even after the name of Tibet began to be added.
Geographers have been known to complain that it is not they who make mistakes, but their unac-
knowledged sources. Copying older maps, in the previous eras, always required manual reworking.
The results, as has been seen, were additions and deletions. So being explicit in one's true source, within
the limits of possibility, is often important in making a findable reference to a detail on a map.
Unfortunately, this problem was not recognized by many. Therefore, in a single collection of separate
maps with an identical identification, one may find variations. Attributions furnished at bookshops,
stalls and map auctions are often unreliable. In some older books, special maps have been bound in,
with no indication that they are absent in other copies of the same edition.
Geographical history indicates that scientific knowledge, like morality, is not a one way progression.
In the 4th century B. c., Aristotle considered the vast ocean as the only impediment to travel around
the spherical world. A century later, Eratosthenes computed that distance with less than a 1% error.
But by the time of Roman domination, despite technical improvements, Greek science seems to have
suffered. Science is based on a literate culture. Technology may be non-literate.
Ptolemy'S figure for the circumference of the earth, in the first half of the 2nd century A.D., was not
as good as the value computed by Eratosthenes. Ptolemy was almost 17% short. Ptolemy introduced
useful concepts, such as coordinating latitude and longitude. However, misjudging limited informa-
tion, he showed the width of the Mediterranean frou', west to east as 65 degrees of longitude, rather
than the correct figure of about 42. From then on, for a thousand years, at least in the west, geograph-
ical knowledge seems to have been either stagnant, decaying or confused. Even after progress again
began in the west, Ptolemy'S errors continued to be published as facts.
One can well imagine the Shangri-la library with a good collection of the founders of the western
churches, despite their scientific shortcomings. An ante-Nicene father of the 3rd and very early 4th c.
 Locating Tibet - The Maps 305

A. D., Lactantius, in his book, the <CDivine Instit.utes", is worth citing, as it gives an insight into
European maps of an extended period, and the disappearance for that time of Greek geographical ideas:
"Well, those who think the Antipodes are placed directly opposite us don't truly say much, do they? Or is ther.e
anyone so· stupid to believe there are men whose footprints are above their heads?"

St. Augustine, in his book, the "City of God" about 100 years later, repeated Lactantius.
"As to the nonsense about there being Antipodes, which is to say, people living on the opposite side of the
earth, where the sun rises as it sets for us, people with their feet facing ours when they walk, that is totally
incredible. '
St. Augustine's comments became church dogma, and geographical knowledge in the west took on a
different dimension. Belief in the spherical world became heresy. William Alingham, in 1703, noted
that in 745, Pope Zachary condemned Virgilius. He was Bishop of Salzburg, and was accused by
Boniface, Bishop of Metz, of favoring the heretic doctrine of the Antipodes. From that time on, until
almost the early 18th century, geography could not safely be written about wholly dispassionately.
One can see what that did to the maps in Europe in the middle ages. Dogma took over. Geography in
general had to agree with whatever were the current interpretations of biblical revelation. It was a
situation that did not change quickly even after the reformation. John Calvin was instrumental in the
burning at the stake of Michael Servetus in 1553. The evidence of Servetus's heresy included a book on
Ptolemeic geography he had been listed as editing. People still take passionate positions in support of
geographical illusions.
On the other hand, it should be recognized that exposure to the ancient Greek geographical culture,
kept alive and broadened in scope by the Moslems and the traders in their empires, began to change
opinions of educated people in the period of the Crusades. By the time of John Mandeville, the writer
of the most popular, though bogus or plagiarized, travel book of the 14th and 15th centuries, educated
people in the west had begun again to accept the Aristotelian Greek concept of a spherical world.
It is evident some ancient Greeks and people in the Roman empire knew things about the Himalayan
area. Megasthenes, who accompanied Aristotle's ex-student, Alexander the Great, lived in Patna for
several years. Unfortunately, we have only scraps of the writings of Megasthenes, in limited and
probably distorted citations by later writers. The early Greeks knew of the Indus and Ganges rivers,
and the Emodus mountains from which they flowed. There are many details in Pliny the Elder, who
wrote in the early part of the 1st century, concerning the numerous items of commerce which came
from all parts of "India" and the "Seres". In a book by Claudius Aelianus on the peculiarities of
animals, written in the middle of the 2nd c. A.D., there is a note on the wild oxen from whose tails the
Indians make fly-flaps. Aelianus states, "the hair on their body is extremely black, but that oLthe tail is
of the purest white".
There is a significant book, the "Periplus of the Erythrean Sea" by an anonymous trader dated
variously to the 1st or 3rd c. A. D., with most specialists preferring the earlier date. According to one of
many who translated this document, there are several references which relate to Himalayan products.
There are also the maps, discovered by Peutinger, which as noted before, describe trade routes used by
the Romans and others in the period of the 4th century. The Atlas volume of Humboldt's Kosmos
contains a route map which, despite lack of exact information on parts of central Asia at that time, gives
the modern view in one of its first forms.
Tibet, as we think of it today, seems to have begun to take shape prior to the beginning of the
Christian era. The clues are to be found in a number of places. For example, in the "Zang Zung
Dictionary" published by the Tibetan Bon Foundation some years ago, there is that fascinating Tibetan
map already mentioned. Two Russian scholars, Gnmilov and Kuznetzov, have studied it and come to
the conclusion that it must originally have been prepared shortly after the Ashokan period. They also
concluded that part of the Tibetan geographical tradition derived from India.
Cosmas Indicopleustes clearly mentions two items of trade which likely had their origin in the
Tibetan region. They are yak tails and musk. Cosmas describes the large wild ox from which is
306 Braham Norwick

obtained the "toupha", with "which commanders of armies use to decorate their horses and banners
when taking the field". Immediately after a description of what is evidently the yak and its tail, Cosmas
des.cribes musk and the musk deer. Oddly enough, the Latin "muscarium" is a fly whisk or a hairy ox
tail, while "muscus" is the musk perfume. Neither of these products are mentioned in Pliny the Elder,
despite the many dozens of other items which he describes as coming from "India". The first mention
of musk in the Roman period is in the writings of Saint Jerome, about 100 years before Cosmas.
In early Hindu literature, one finds numerous recognizable references to Tibet, the Himalayas, the
sources of their rivers and other northern neighbors. Despite some searching, relatively realistic Hindu,
as distinct from Islamic, maps of an early period, and which specifically show Tibet, have not yet been
located. Gumilov and Kuznetzov are evidently correct, that the ancient Hindu tradition of geography
had a strong influence on that of Tibet. Since the Hindu castes involve warriors and traders, and the
Hindu religion involves pilgrimages, some sort of old maps may exist. So far, all that has been found
beyond the idealized visions of Mount Meru are the gazetteers, the books of itineraries, and the
mentions of locations in the Tantras. These have been analyzed by several modem Indian and Pakistani
geographers. They do mention Tibet or Botanta.
We know, from references in the Arabic literature, such as that of ibn Khordadhbah, writing in the
9th century, that there were French Jewish merchants, called ar-Rhadaniya or Radanites, who traversed
the whole of the then known world. They appear to have had a midpoint for their travels in the lands of
the Khazars, located in the areas of the Black and Caspian seas. Ibn Khordadhbah wrote that on their
return from "China, they carry back musk, aloes, camphor, cinnamon, and other products of the
eastern countries". These western Jewish merchants, Khordadhbah wrote, "speak Arabic, Persian,
Roman, the Frank, Spanish and Slav languages'. We have information from Islamic Spain and the
middle east, originally of that period, early Arabic and Persian itineraries and several probably much
later composite maps which clearly show Tibet.
The Arabs, as they spread the doctrine of Allah and Islam east and west, felt a need for maps and the
azimuth, the angle at which to face towards Mecca. There are itineraries, geographical books, and
copies of the maps of aI-Istakhri of Baghdad, Isaac ibn Sprot, a Spanish Je'; serving the Khalif
Abderrahman, ibn Haukal and Mas'udi, all with the information dating to about the 10th century, and
all naming Tibet. Ibn Khordadhbah, writing in the mid-9th century, mentions Lhasa as a small town
with numerous idol temples. Al-Biruru, of Khiva, i';' his 10th or early 11th century book about India,
mentions Tibet, Naipal and Bhoteshar. Mas'udi mentions Tibet in ways that have been transcribed
variously: et-Turbet, el-Tubbet, Thobbet and Thobbit. The 10th century Persian geography, Hudud
aI-' Alam, which has been seen in a translation from Persian into English by way of the Russian
translation by Minorski, shows Tibet as Tu~t and Tuput. There are a number of these and the later
c,?mposite Islamic maps and books which surely merit inclusion in that Shangri-la library though some
are more picturesque than precise.
These include those of the Egyptian, ibn Iunis, and of Zarkali and Edrisi. The latter prepared his map
for King Roger II, the Norman King of Sicily. There are also the maps attributed to, or rather, based on
Beniamin ben Iona (Benjamin of Tudela), Nasir Eddin, Abu aI-Fida, ibn Said and also ibn al-Wardi,
who, in the 15th century, summarized the work of earlier Islamic geographers. The latter has in tum
been summarized by westerners.
The Arabic geographers began their creative work at a period corresponding to that of the greatest
territorial expansion of Tibetan power. One can even find that they indicate the Bay of Bengal as
Tibetan waters. The successor to Har~a, Emperor of the Five Indies in the 7th c. A. D., was defeated
and exiled by the Tibetans in their bad Karma or imperialist period. There is now considerable evidence
from documents at Tun Huang and elsewhere, which was summarized with a map by Turrell Wylie, in
an article "The Tibetan Tradition of Geography". Geza Uray has also examined documents of that
period. Albert Herrmann prepared a map showing this movement to the south and to the vicinity of
Samarcand.
One of the first western writers to mention Tibet clearly is the Spanish Jewish traveller, Benjamin of
Tudela, in the.§¢cond part of the 12th century. He travelled widely in the Muslim world, and mentions
 Locating Tibet - The Maps 307

Tibet four times, regularly noting the musk which came from that country. In one place he gives a clear
indication that Tibetan territory was huge and extended far beyond its present western borders. He
states that it is a four day trip from Samarcand to Tibet. But he also notes that it is a 3 month's journey
for the Princes of Tibet to visit the court of the Khalif Al Abassi of Baghdad. He adds that it is a 19 day
journey from Isphahan to the border of Tibet. Presumably, the Princes had to travel from the capital of
Tibet, which was far from the borders of their country.
The map of Idrisi, dating to 1154, is of the same period as the travels of Benjamin. The Arabic
writers, such as Abu al-Fida, at the beginning of the 14th century, claim that the name of Tibet comes
from the name, borne before the Prophet Mohammed, of an exiled royal family of Yemen. One can
find in their books the first mention of Bhutan, as the trading area for the best musk.
The European maps of the middle ages have informational and esthetic qualities which do not
entirely make up for their techhical deficiencies. For various reasons, involving censorship, tradition,
and surely also caution, even geographical books of some complexiry and objective value, like that of
Lilio in 1552, continued to print maps of limited value.
In the European maps based on the writings of the western travellers and writers, such as Benjamin
of Tudela, Marco Polo, Odoric of Pordenohe, John Mandeville, Hayton, John of Montecorvino,
William of Rubruck, and John of Plano Carpini, there is evidently considerable confusion. Ivar
Hallberg has listed the names of the Asian places mentioned in western documents of the 13th, 14th
and 15th centuries, and has found 29 varieties for names of Tibet. In the 1747 edition of Astley's
"Collection of Voyages", John Green, by citing Tartars, Cashmiris and Chinese, as well as the then
recent travellers, came up with about 20 different names for the Tibetan area. In Johann Huebner's
"Vollstandige Geographie" of 1730/31, one can read about Brantola, the temple of Bietala, and the
capital city of Tibet, called Cambul.
There are probably more than 20 locations for the placement of Tibet, under any of the many
recognizable variations of its name. Hallberg did not include the Arabic writers, nor that early traveller,
Benjamin of Tudela who, as noted, wrote that Tibet was only a short four day march from Samarcand.
There are European maps which seem to show Tibet not far from Persia. These include not only early
maps, such as those of Joan Martines in 1581 and 3, but not of 1582, and Matthias Quad of 1608. They
also include those of a century or more later, by Romein de Hooge (1708) and Nicolas de Fer (1717).
At the other extreme, there are those who may have noted either early Islamic writings, or more
likely, the readily obtainable book of Mandeville. The manuscripts of Mandeville's travels far out-
number those of Marco Polo. As seems always to happen, unadmittedly bogus material captured public
interest far more than authentic writings. So Contarini in 1506 shows Tibet at the coast, not far from
the recently discovered California.
Those who read Mandeville were at times mislead by a strange linguistic problem which, as all who
read old material know, is not easily solved. Quite simple seeming words at one period or in one
environment do not mean what they mean at another. Mandeville, in discussing Tibet, which shows up
in the manuscripts as Piboch, Riboch, Ribok, Riboth, Ribothe and R ybot, clearly states that it is an isle,
one of many in that area. So those who followed their misunderstanding of Mandeville tended to show
numerous eastern isles or to put Tibet at the coast. But the word isle, at the time Mandeville used it, had
a vagneness it has since lost. Today an isle is completely surrounded by water. Then it could be coastal
or even be a hilly place, any area which stood out from its surroundings. One finds Tibet at the coast in
the maps of Jan Severzoon (1520), Oronce Fine (1531), and Callapoda (1561).
At a very early period, the Chinese began mapping their own and neighboring areas. Needham has
noted that in their efforts to follow the great rivers to their sources, the Chinese made use of informa-
tion from the Tibetan geographers. With the revival of archaeology in China, many maps of early
periods are being found. Some would surely have a place in the antiquarian section of the Shangri-la
library.
Joseph Needham has confirmed and enlarged the studies of Chavannes and others in his series,
Science and Civilization in China. In Needham's review of Chinese geographical and carta graphical
work, he has noted a series of 12th century maps which include territories which had been, and in some
308 Braham Norwick

cases still were under Tibetan domination. Two had been carved in stone at the time of Liu Yu, in a
Liao dynasty puppet state. The originals are dated to 1136 and still exist in Sian. One is the map of
Huayi, or Hua I Thu, China and Barbarian States. The other is the map ofYu Chi, or Yu Chi Thu, the
map of the track of Yu. Both show Tibetan areas. In the first, the barbarian countries are specifically
noted only in the text. In the second, with the grid work made well before Descartes, it is interesting to
note the relative accuracy of the distances and the shapes of the rivers. Some writers have claimed that
pacing and judging distances by the times of travel or the number of stages necessary, introduced major
distortions in maps of the past. Evidendy that was not the case in this Chinese map, where the river
shapes compare well with those on modern maps of Asia. An example can be seen in Friedrich Hirth's
and William Woodville Rockhill's map to illustrate Chau}u Kua's book on trade in the 12th century.
Needham noted that the two stone maps, and indeed all Sung period maps show the north at the top
of the map. He has suggested that the later Chinese maps including that of 1281 illustrated at the
conference by Herbert Franke which put the south on top originated with the Arabs. However, China
Pictorial recendy illustrated a map claimed to be of the 2nd century B. C., excavated at Mawangtui,
which shows south on top. This map covers a coastal region, far east of any Tibetan area. Needham has
also shown what may be the earliest printed map. It is the Ti Li chih Thu, dated to 1155. There is
another dated to 1160. One can see a map of 1315 in a copy dated 1555, of Kuang Yu Thu. Chavannes
has analyzed the map of Yu T'sen, which shows Tibetan areas, as well as a 1653 map of Chung Kuo
T'u. A 19th century Chinese map of Tibet was previously noted.
There is a Chinese world map whose original has been dated to the 11th century, and a Korean map,
later, but evidendy from a similar source. They naturally show China close to the center. But they also
show the land of the monkish people, who might be Tibetans. Nearby is that land so loved and believed
in by the credulous of all ages and nations, that of everlasting youth. So those maps are primarily
mythological, corresponding surprisingly with European maps of the same period.
The European maps which might have been collected at Shangri-la could possibly have included
Greek maps of an early date which we no longer can find. The earliest frq!" the west are those
publicized by Peutinger. Though the place names are most difficult to analyZe in the most oriental
areas, the maps are surely superior to those of Cosmas Indicopleustes. The simplified world map of the
European middle ages, which Lilio, playing safe, was still printing in 1552, may at times be decorative,
but it is not very informational. There are several copies of European maps of the 12th century of this
type.
The revival of Greek and Roman culture in Europe brought with it the work of Dionysius and
others, such as Pomponius Mela, a Roman geographer whose reconstructed maps often emphasize the
winds. Maps dubiously attributed to him in.&he later centuries, such as one which shows Asia attached
to Peru, almost always seem unusually inaccurate and uninforming except about error. The renaissance
also helped revive Ptolemy, whose ideas were after all a great improvement over what had been around
in Europe for so many centuries. This influence began well before the publication of maps attributed to
him. The earliest, and even some of the later examples, do not show Tibet, though they include its area.
This can be seen in two maps, one of eastern Persia and the other of northern Burma, both from the
1598 issue by Girolamo Ruscelli. By the early part of the next century, in the 1622 Ptolemeus Argen-
torati, the Strassburg Ptolemy, Tebet is clearly shown.
Tibet had begun to be noted in Europe especially after the travel of Marco Polo and others of the
same period. While the Edrisi map for Roger II of Sicily had shown Tibet, it did not seem to have much
of an immediate following on the continent of Europe. The versions of the Catalan map, with.Elbeit
have been noted. There is a composite map based on the travels of Benjamin of Tudela and Petalthia of
Regensburg (otherwise known as Ratisbon), possibly of an earlier period than its publication by
Lelewel, which shows "all the way to Tibet" (usque ad Tobot).
In certain European maps one can only, though at times debatably, recognize Tibet by the various
stories about it: as the source of musk, a place with strange cannibals, those people who eat their dead
parents, and the Amazon kingdoms. Actual placement of Tibet seems based as much on fantasy as on
informationLSome debatable examples are the Hereford map of the 13th and the Catalan map of the
 Locating Tibet - The Maps 309

14th' century. Albert Herrman, in his .reconstructed map of Asia circa 750; showed two Amazon
kingdoms within the borders of Tibet.
A map of 1320 by Marino Sannto, is a harbinger of better things to come. But in 1436, Andrea
Biaoco was still mapping the world with Paradise off at one end. So was Lucas Brandis, with the first·
map printed in Europe, in 1475. He was evidently influenced by the "isles" in Maodeville. The first to
show much confidence in Marco Polo appears to be Fra Mauro, in 1459.
In 1490/96, Martin Behaim followed Polo and put Tebet between India, Maogi and Cathaya. The
numerous versions of this map have already been noted. About 1500, Juan de la Cosa showed the King
of Sabuq, in a place called Bac, not far from the land of Gog and Magog. In 1506, Contarini, as noted,
put Tibet near the coast. Martin Waldseemiiller, in his 1507 map, showed Tebet twice, encircled by
Bengala, Tangut, Mangi, Chiambo, and adds a Lama Lacus. In another of his of the same date, one sees
"Thebet Prov". By 1516 Waldseemilller is showing Burithabet, well north aod well inland, and includes
the cannibal story. Johann Ruysch's map, of 1507/08 is almost identical to that of Waldseemiiller of
about the same date.
The 1515 globe attributed by some to Schaner, places Tibet n"l't to the land of Prester John. The
1520 Schaner map also repeats some of the Mandeville tales. Another 1520 map, printed originally in
1514, that of Jan Severszoon, the fIrst map printed in the Netherlands, shows Tibet province right on
the coast, doubtless still influenced by Mandeville or Contarini.
Laurentius Frisius, or Laurent Fries, in 1525, redesigned the Waldseemiiller map, and shows
Buritahett, noring the children eat their dead fathers aod mothers. The only known surviving copy of
this map is in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich. There is a Franciscan map of 1526 with Tibet
in an Asia attached to Florida, but indicating a strait between it and South America.
Orontius Fineus, or rather Oronce Fine, in 1531, prepared a complex cardioid map, where Tebeq is
shown at the top, just past the 5th degree of latitude. A modem Mercatorized sketch of the Oronce
Fine map, by Henry Stevens, shows Tebeq and Cathay in the tropics, not far from Florida and Central
America.
The 1538 Gerard Mercator cardioid map is often claimed to be the first with both continents of
America so named. The dating and even attribution on these maps is not guaranteed. It is that on the
primary known copy, or on the basis of the reference where the map has been examined. A 1538
Mercator map shows Thebet, as does his 1541 globe and another with his name of 1569. The Mercator
name became somewhat like that of Ptolemy'S, being used by others, much as Mercator's use of the
title «Atlas" was also adopted for aoy geographical compendium.
The 1544 Sebastian Cabot map, about which there has been controversy, shows Thibiote well north
of the Caspian sea, and a little under a walking bear.
Peter Apian (Apianus), by 1520 (aod in a later copy of 1540), has divided the Americas from Asia and
shows Tebet all the way to the left in the 5th climate, equivalent to northern Europe. Dolfin Bonaldo, a
year later, in a sort of portolan map, shows Tibet all the way to the right, at the level of Rome. In the
same year Piercke presented a Ptolomeic type map with Tebet, and noting the presence there of huge
serpents.
Caspar Volpell in 1532 and later in 1542/43 still attached Asia to Florida and central America. So
Tebeth and Cathay are only slightly north of Hispania Nova. Cathay borders on the gulf of Mexico,
called then the Sinus S. Michael.
The Queen of the Amazons and the caonibals are still around on an attractive map made for Henri II
of Fraoce, and so dated to the middle of the 16th century.
Paolo Forlani and Giacomo Gastaldi, in 1560, still show Tebet near the coast, following Gastaldi's
earlier map of 1546. But by 1561, the Gastaldi map, aod in 1569, with the map of Giaofranco Camoc-
cia, Tebet has moved inlaod again. There are several versions of the 1570 maps of Ortelius which show.
Turbet and Tebet. Other maps attributed to Ortelius, of the same dating, show Thbet, with the fIrst e
added as an afterthought above. The lake is indicated as being salty.
In the 16th century, as Portugese and Jesuit information begao to circulate in Europe, Tibet began to
be left off numerous maps. The initial "new· and seemingly reliable information on Asia in the most
Martin Waldseemuller 1507 (Detail)
Locating Tibet - The Maps 313
314 Braham Norwick

popular books of the period, like those of Matthew Ricci, Giovanni Pietro Maffei and Juan Gonzalez
de Mendoza, did not include recognizable comments on Tibet. Gonzalez de Mendoza's book, which
went into about 30 editions, appearing in most European languages, contained caustic comments about
the erronious stories told by his predecessors, writing about places and people who didn't exist.
It is not until just before the period of Father Andrade's trip into Tibetan territory that Tibet began
to find its rightful place on the maps. Well prior to Andrade's expedition in 1624, commercial travellers
had preceded him. It is true that a French claim was made in print only after the knowledge of
Andrade's trip. But one can find considerable if not always readily available Jesuit literature mention-
ing Tibet before Andrade. It has been well examined by Luciano Petech, Father Hosten and Sir Edward
MacLagan, so one can trace information, from traders and others in Goa and Lahore, relating to Tibet.
This paper is primarily about maps, so despite interesting details which might be cited from the old
literature, only the map of Father Antonio Monserrate, dating to 1580/81 is noted here. It shows Both,
Bo Lacus and Mansarowar, in typical Portugese spelling. One can see why its information, and the
places mentioned, were not immediately equated with Polo's Tebet or Tibet's Chinese names of that
and earlier periods.
There is an odd 1581 trefoil map by Heinrich BUnting, on which there is an almost invisible
manuscript addition of Tibet, dating possibly to the period of the map's publication. It was recendyon
exhibit in New York. There is a 1582 map of Arnoldo di Arnoldi with Thebet near a triangular lake.
The Nancy globe of 1620 repeats the attachment of the new world to Asia, showing Thebeth above
India Orientalis. F. de Wit, about 1650, shows Thibet, Tobbit, Thibeti Regnum west of Turkestan, and
adds a note about the residence there of a powerful pontiff. Jan van Loon in 1658 uses Si Fan, the
Chinese name for Tibet. Nicolas Sanson in 1654 shows Tibret et Tobrot. In 1659 he also shows Beruan
lake, which had been mentioned by Edrisi. Nieuhof, in 1682, shows the Royaume de Lassa ou de
Boutan. Cantelli, in 1683, has Tobat, Thibet, Regno de Boutan, Thebet, the Regno de Barantola, all
near the Caucasus mountains. Nicolas Witzen and Isbrandt Ides' map of 1687 shows Tobbat and
Tebetzami. Chaparangue and Utsang appear in a map of Romein de Hooge, 4~ted about 1700.
The 1667 maps in Kircher, with Necbal, ·Cadmendu, Lassa Regnum, and Tibet Regnum in two
places, and based on the information from the Jesuits, were promptly copied with revisions. At least
one example of the John Ogilby book on Asia, 1673, has the Robert Morden map without a credit to
him in the cartouche, but Morden's name does appear in the same cartouche in other copies of the same
map. Alain Mallet, in 1685, published a set of charming miniatures, including maps. Guillaume de l'Isle
and John Harris, in 1705, both presented maps including Tibet. De l'Isle called it Tobbat and Thibet,
and repeated the information from Sanson. .IP<ris showed Boutan north of Tibet, and showed Grand
Tibit, including Necbal and Barantola. Herman Moll in 1712 shows Great Tibet, Lassa or Boutan as
well as Lassa or Barantola. Pierre van der Aa, in 1714, called the country Thibeti and Barantolae
Regnum.
While some of their contemporaries, as previously noted, were still producing copies of the far
earlier maps, one can see the major improvements in many. Guillaume de l'Isle in 1724 repeated himself
and much of the old information from Nicolas Sanson. But as the Asdey books prove, Europeans were
beginning to obtain and compare information from many sources. By the 1730s, there was a major
change for the better. Stralenberg presented his map in 1730. D' Anville, in 1733, published a series of
maps, including many of Tibetan regions. It was these maps which more or less dominated the
geography of that region until and even well into the period of British sponsored mapping in the 19th
century. There is a nice map of Isaac Tirion, of about 1740, which indicates the Dalay Chami, and the
Emanuel Bowen, with the Kingdom of Tibet and Poutala; the latter is not far from two lakes, both
slightly to the west, north and south. Thomas Kitchen, about 1759, shows Tibet or Budtan, unless the
circular lake is meant to serve double duty and function as the letter ·0". The Antonio Zatta map of
1777, shows Piccolo and Grande Tibet, along with a number of interestingly named towns.
Turner's visit to the Panchen Lama produced an excellent and clear border map which was immedi-
ately reprinted in France in 1800. There has been a bad press for an excellent scholar. So it is worth
looking at Kia'Proth's map, which shows Toubet and H'lassa, and comparing it with others that he had
 Locating Tibet - The Maps 315

to go by. Consider, for example, not only the earlier maps, but also a map translated from the Chinese,
probably by Klaproth, but found unidentified as to author in the British Library. And consider the
much later Adrien Launay map of 1889 from his Mission du Thibet. Klaproth's map isn't bad for
someone who hadn't been on the spot. Good geography often consists in knowing whom to believe
and what fits. That he sold bad information to people he didn't like can be looked at in several ways.
European maps, even at the close of the 18th century were still showIng the offspring of Noah. Tibet,
accordIng to a Wilkinson map of 1798, was populated by the offspring of Jobab and Havilah, both
descended from Joktan. Havilah is also a descendant of Shem. There are Sanbatyon river stories which
tie in with tales of the Tibetan area. The river, however, hasn't been found on maps, so must be passed
over here.
Many published maps of the 19th century derive from d'Anville, and except for a few, don't yet
merit a place in a rare map and book collection. Von Humboldt has been noted, and there are the John
Dower map of 1848 and the John Tallis map of 1851.
After the British invasion of 1904, maps of Tibet became fairly accurate, and so rather repetitive.
Typical is a 1908 map of the China Inland Mission. Sven Hedin's early 20th century maps deserve note,
especially the ones prepared by the Swedish military and published in 1913. Military maps have a
special quality, since cost is of less importance in their production. Subsequent to Hedin's work, the
only real improvements of a major sort have been due to Landsat, the satellite pictures.
There is a modern manuscript map of interest. It is a copy of the Mt. Kailas area apparently made by
Alexandra David-Neel, and found at her home in Digne, Samten Dzong, the Fortress of Meditation. It
may have been copied from one belonging to General George Pereira, when she met him in Jyekundo
in 1923. There is only one more map for this paper, based on a side issue, also related to the military.
The side issue was the Burma Road. The map published by Asia magazine has a very special quality,
much like half of a fascinating Rohrsach blot whose Interpretation can evoke one's innermost thinking.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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execute a fa fin du IV siecle, par Chy Fa Hian. Paris, 1836.
ALI, S. M., Geography of the PurarJas. New Delhi, 1966 (p. 58, Lha-sa, God's country).
ALINGHAM, W., A Short Account of the Nature and use of Maps. London, 1703.
ARISTOTLE, Meteorologica, trans!' H. D. P. Lee. CaI;Ilbridge, Mass., 1952.
ASSEMANI, 5., Catalogo de' Codici Manoscritti Orientali della Biblioteca Naniana. Padua, 1787.
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AUGUSTINE, St., The City of God. Transl. Marcus Dads, Book XVI, Chap. IX, p. 315 (original transl. 1886, frequent reprints,
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BAJPAl, K. D., editor, The Geographical Encyclopedia of Ancient & Medieval India; based on Vedic, Puranic, Tantric, Jain,
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inscription use Bhoda, which is corrupted to Bhota, Bhutiya, Bhuta and Bghotanta" ,)
BEAL, 5., Travels of Fah-Hian and Sung-Yun, Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India (400 A.D. and 518 A.D.). London, 1869
(esp, map and p. JOOCii et seq., the Tibetan route).
BENJAMIN OF TUDELA, ltinerarium. Leiden, 1633 (this is one of many editions, but has Latin & Hebrew, Marcus Nathan Adler
edited an edition in Hebrew and English, with references to Tibet on p. 45, 49, 53).
316 Braham Norwick

LE BLANc, V., Ie Voyageur Cuneux Qui Fait Ie Tour du Monde. Paris, 1664 (esp. p. 152. "D'ailleurs les lettres que nos peres
escrivent du Tibet au Puissant, [car on appelle un mesme pais de ces deux noms] nous apprennent que ce grand Estat can dent
SOllS soy sept royaumes ... ).
BLUNDERVILLE, Th .• His Exercises. A Plaine and Full Description of Petrus Plancius His Universal Map. London, 1597 and 1606
eds. (esp. p. 265 "The muske cat which they call civet and Zibeth", p. 272 "In this Country of Cergutha is found the best sort
of muske ... Campion is tbe metropolitan town of Tanguth.")
BOTERO BENSE, G., Relations of the Most Famous Kingdoms. London, 1608 (esp. p. 227-229, note 1616 edn. no longer mentions
Tibet).
BOULNOIS, L., Poudre d'Or et Monnaies d'Argent au Tibet. Paris, 1983 (numerous maps, including Stralenberg; p. 24 lists a
dozen names for Tibet).
BOWEN, E., A New and Accurate Map of all the Known World drawn from the latest and most Authentic Surveys. London, 1752
(with Tibet).
BOWLES, C, Bowles's New Pocket Map of the World ... London, 1791 (with Tibet).
BROWN, L. A., The Story of Maps. New York, 1977 (a good technical summary on early mapmaking).
BULLING, A. G., Ancient Chinese Maps. Expedition, voL 20 no. 2, 1978.
CAMOnuS, A. V., Cosmographia Universalis et Exactissima Iuxta Postre. Venice 1567. (Tebet below right of Cambalu.)
Catalan Atlas: Buchan, J. A. C. & E. J. Tastu, Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de fa Bibliotheque du Roi et Autres Bibliothe-
ques, Paris, 1841 (also in Acta Cartographica, vol. XI, 1971, p. 41 et seq.). (The first to identify Elbeit as Tibet.)
Catalan World Atlas of 1375 in Paris. Narrative by Dr. Grosjean. Zurich, 1978 (does not identify Elbeit).
CHABOT, ].-B., Notice sur une Mappemo,nde Syrienne du XIlle Siecle. jA, Sept.-Oct. 1896, p. 98 et seq. & also in Acta
Cartographica, v. IV, 1969.
CHAVANNES, E., Les Deux Plus Anciens Specimens de la Cartographie Chinoise Graves sur Pierre. BEFEO, 1903,3, p. 214 et
seq.
CRAU JU-KUA! His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the 12th and 13th Centuries, entitled Chu-Fan-Chi, trans!' and
annotated by Friedrich Hirth and W. W. Rockhill. St. Petersburg, 1911. (New York reprint 1966, p. 26, T'u-fan, the
Tibetans.)
Comquista de Portugal map dated ca. 1610 (copy from British Library in the Library of Congress).
COSMAS lNDICOPLEUSTES, The Christian Topography, transI. J. W. McCrindle, reprint, New York, n.d., orig. Hakluyt Society,
first series 98. London, 1897 (note p. 360, musk and "the wild ox from which is got the toupha").
COVENS, J. & C. MORTIER, Carte Generale de Toutes les Costes du Monde. Amsterdam, ca. 1740. Shows Tobbat & city of
Tobbat on the Indus, n & s of Cabul (which is also in two places).
DALY, C. P., On the Early History of Cartography, or What We Know of Maps and Mapmaking Before the Time of Mercator.
Journal of the American Geographical Society. XI, 1879, p. 1 et seq.; also in Acta Cartographica, v. 2, 1968, p. 31 et seq.
(Edrisi, Mauro, Sebastian Cabot, and Mercator's map of 1569).
DIONYSIUS PERIGETES, Dionysii Orbis Descriptio. London, 1688.
EDWARDES, M., The History of India. New York, 1961 (comments on Tibetan imperialism of the 7 th c.).
EISENSTEIN,J. D. (transI. E. N. Adler). Ozar Massaoth, A Collection of Itineraries by jewish Travellers to Palestine, Syria, Egypt
and other Countries ... New York, 1926. (Tibet & Benjamin of Tudela.)
FEDERICI, C., The Voyage & Travaile of R. Caesar Frederick, Merchant of Venice, into the East Indes, the Indes & Beyond the
Indes. London, 1588 (note p. 38, "musk cometh from Ta,raria"). Olga Pinto has edited the original material, in Viaggi di C.
Federici e G. Balbi alle Indie Orientale, v. 4 of II Nuov~ Ramusio. Rome, 1962.
FER, N. de, L'atlas curieux. 2 v. Paris, 1700/04.
FERRARI, A., mK'yen-brtse's Guide to the Holy Places of Tibet, Rome, 1958. (This ISMEO publication is surely famili:u- to most
serious Tibetologists, but deserves mention.)
FUCHS, W., Materialien zur Kartographie der Mandju-Zeit. Monumenta Serica vol. I, 1935, fasc. 2, p. 386 et seq. (good use of
overlays!).
-, The "Mongol Atlas" of China by Chu Ssu-pen and the Kuang Yu-Fu. Monumenta Serica, Monograph series VIII, Peking,
1946.
-,Der Jesuiten-Adas der K'anghsi-Zeit. Monumenta Serica vol. IV, Peking, 1943 (in vol. 1, p. 12-18 on Tibet; the portofolio
vol. contains 35 folding maps, with place names in Chinese. Map 13 covers Lhasa and central Tibet.)
-, The Mongol Atlas of China by Chu Ssu-pen and Kuang Yu-Fu. Monumenta Serica vol. VIII, Peking, 1946 (48 facsimile
maps). I

Gazetteer of the People'S Republic of China. Washington, 1979 (gives the latest names in Pinyin, plus latitudes and longitudes).
GEORGE, W.o Animals and Maps. London, 1969 (the Chiru of Tibet, a rare straight horned goat, is equated with the Unicorn of
fable and travel books, such as Linschoten's Itinerario of 1596; the musk deer illustrated on the cartouche in Blaeu's 1655
Tartary map).
DE GOEJE, M. J., Bibliotheca Geographicorum Arabicorum. Leiden, 1870-1894 (especially vol. 5, Ibn al-Fakih).
GONZALEZ, G. G. di Mendozza, Historia della China. Genoa, 1586 (note, no mention of Tibet, despite China, India & the source
of the Ganges, as one of the four rivers of the earthly paradise, p. 260, and the musk, p. 244, from the "gatti da Zibetto").
GOUVEA, A., Histone .orientale. Brussels, 1609 (p. 18 tells of Diego d'Almeida and his 2 years in Tibet, but not as detailed as the
anonymous Jesuibfedition of Antwerp).
 Locating Tibet - The Maps 317

GUMI~OV, L. N., &: B. 1. KUZNETZOV, Two traditions of Ancient Tibetan Cartography (in Russian). Vestnik (Proceedings)
Univcrntet Leningrad. no. 24, v. 24, 1969.
HABIB, I., An Atlas of the Mughal Empire. Delhi, 1982 (notes trade in Yak tails, goat hair, crystal., borax, Khotan jade).
HALLBERG, 1., L'ExtrEme Orient dans /a. Literature et Ia Cartographie de l'Occident des XII/e, XIVe et XV Siedes. Etude Sur.
eHistoire de la. Geographic. GOteborg, 1907 (an indispensable aid in reading old maps, with 29 names for Tibet, Gata or
Goutta, the capital, and 17 names for the Obassy, the spiritual chief residing there).
HARVEY, P. D. A., Topographical Maps, Symbols. Pictures & Surueys. London, 1980.
HAZART. C., Kirchen-Geschichte. Vienna, 1678 (p. 302, the Ricci map, which does not show Tibet).
HEDIN, S., Southern Tibet; DisCOfJeries in Former Times Compared 'With My Own Researches in 1906-1908. Stockholm,
1916-1922 (in addition to many older maps showing Tibet, note especially the separate volume of maps, produced by the
Lithographic Institute of the General Staff of the Swedish Army, with map XV of Lhasa area; Hedin is accurate, but often
over critical of his predecessors; note also the glossary of Tibetan, Mongolian and English geographical terms).
HENmG, R., Terrae Incognitae. -4 vol. Leiden, 1936/39 (a good selection of original geographical material from the earliest
available records, with consideration of such issues as Issedones being the Tibetans).
HERRMANN, A.. Die alten Seidenstraflen zwischen China una Syrien. Berlin, 1910.
-.Historical & Commercial Atlas 0/ China. Cambridge, Mass., 1935.
-,Das Land der Seide und Tibet im Licht der Antike. Leipzig, 1938.
-,An Historical Atlas of China. Edinburgh, 1966.
HBYLIN, P., Cosmographic, London, 1656, 1657 (in book 3, this edition shows Thebet in the table of longitude and latitude,
copying from Ramusio of a century earlier; p. 856 -Issedones make carousing cups of the fathers heads"; p. 857 et seq.
Ergimul "bulls ~ big as elephants, white hair like silk", the best musk; p. 859 Thebet, -a sonny region and full of woods"",
-rich in coral which they find on the sea-shore"; p. 901 etseq. Botanterwith the capital city Bonia. Not all editions have this
-information".)
BaTON, J., Lost Horizon. London, 1954.
HOPFMANN, H., Tibets Eintritt in die Universalgeschichte. Saeculum, TI, p. 270 et seq. Munich, 1950.
HOSTEN, H., Jesuit Letters & Allied Papers on Mogor, Tibet, Bengal & Burma. Asiatic Society of Bengal, Memoirs, 1914, v. 3,
p.515 et seq. (has a map of Monserrate showing Manasarowar [Wylie gives Tibetan &: Chinese names, p. 216, in his
Geography of Tibet], with Both and Bo Lacus. Tibet does not appear under that name except in the index by Hosten himself;
a remarkable decipherment!)
HULBERT, H. B., An Ancient Map of the World. B.lktin of the American Geographer, v. 36, 1904, p. 600-605 (also Acta
Cartographica, v. XTI, 1972; shows Chinese mythological map with the land of the monkish people, China, the Mekong,
etc.).
VON HUMBOLDT, F. H. A., Kosmos. Stuttgart and Tiibingco, 1845-1858 (the atlas volume shows the trade routes, with most of
the Tibetan geography based on d' Anville).
HUSAIN, Abu al-Ghazil, A GeneralHistory o/the Turks, Moguls. and Tatars ,., 2 v. London, 1729, 1730 (the translation from
Husain's IDSS. is by Petis de la Croix; the map shows Potala).
HUZAYYIN, S. A., Arabia. and the Far East. Their Commercial and Cultural Relations in Graeco-Roman and !rano-Arabian
Times. Cairo, 1982. (Not much is unfamiliar for those who have studied the subject, but it is interesting for the Islamic
literature.)
HYLANDEB., A., Index. Geographicus in Caput Primum Operis Cosmographici Ibn el Vardi. Lund, 1823 (contains Arabic and
Latin names).
IBN BATU1"rA, The Rehla, transl. Mahdi Husain. Baroda, 1933 (p. 145 Qarajil mountains the Himalayas, Tibet or Tabbat, p. 237
Kamaru mountains from China to Tibet).
IBN AL-WARDI, The Unpierced Pearl o/the Greatest Marvels (in Arabic, mss. in the John Ryland's Library, Manchester).
jesuit Publications: Histona Relatio de Potentissimi Regis Mogor ... Munich, 1598 (p. 4, 5 Bottanti, near the Indus and Lahore,
also Rebeth).
-:Lettere de P. Nicolo Pimenta Visitatore dell' Compagnia di Giesu nell'India Orientale. Venice, 1602 (p. 145 -Al regno de
Rebat" Girolamo Xavier hears that there are many Christians there, with priests and bishops).
-:Missione al Gran Mogor del P. Ridolfo Aqua'fJi'IJa delIa Compagnia di Giesu. Bologna, 1672 (p. 81, in a letter of 1579 to
Claudio Aquaviva about the people in a country called Bocan, nice, pious, white, no Moslems, ideal for missionaries).
-:Histofre Orientale des Gram Progres de PEglise Cathol. Apost. & Rom. en la Reduction. Anvers, 1609 (p. 10 et seq. tell the
story of Diego d'Almeida, a Portugese trader who spent tWo years in Thibete, the king is commonly called Tammiguia, the
name being Babgo; there are many ornately decorated churches, with images of Jesus, Mary & the Apostles; the abbot is
named Lamhao .•• a very interesting discussion).
JOMARD, E. F., Les Monuments de la Geographie; ou Recueil d'AncUnnces Cartes Europeennes et Orientales. Parist 1862 (this
book is itself a monument, and contains the 13th c. Hereford map, 1500 Juan de la Cosa [is the Rey de Sabuq a king of Tibet?],
1490 Martin Behaim, 1631 Mohammad ibn Ali ibn Ahmed, 1544 Sebastian Cabot. 1569 Gerard Mercator, etc.).
Jusov, B. V., Tibet. Moscow, 1958 (with maps, which ·the St. Petersburg 1895 book ofV. P. Vasil'yev, Geographija Tibeta, with
the names in Tibetan, didn't).
KAzwxNI, Zakaria b. M. b. Mahmud, The Martlels ofRegiom (mss. 1582 orig. written 1275, with map, inJohn Ryland's Library).
KIMBLE, G. H. T. t Geography in the Middle Ages. New York, 1968.
318 Braham Norwick

KITCHIN, Th., A General Atlas. Describing the Whole Universe. London, 1m (based on d' Anville).
KRETSCHMBR, K., Die Entdeckung Amerikas in ihrer Bedeutung fur die Geschichte des Weltbildes. Atlas. Berlin, 1892 (a good
collection of Islamic maps).
LACTANTIUs,1. C. F.• The Divine Institutions. TransL M. F. McDonald. Washington, 1964 (book 3, chap. 24. on the antipodes).
LAUNAY, A.• Atlas de Missions de La Societe des M~sions-Etrangbes. Lille, 1890.
LAW, B. Ch., Historical Geography of Ancient India. Paris, 1954 (looks also at Artian, Ptolemy and the Chinese travelers).
LELEwm., J., Geographie du Moyen Age. Brussels, 1850/57. (Numerous well reproduced maps, especially of the Islamic geog-
raphies. though later writers dispute comments.)
LETI's, Th., Maps, from the Romantic and Prosaic Standpoints. The Library Journal. New York, January 1900 (nominal author
bears brunt of errors of his authorities).
DE L'!sLE, G., M4ppe-MonJe Dresse rur ler ObSerrJ4tions de MrSTS. de l'Aca.demie ROY4le des Sciences. Paris, 1730 (with Tibet and
Chaparangue). .
-. and BUACHE, Pli., M4ppemonde a l'usage du Roy. Paris, 1779 (with Tibet).
LILIa. Z., Breve Descrittione del Mondo. Venice, 1552 (the Ganges rises in the mountains of Scythia).
DE UNSCHOT. J. H .• Histoire de la N4vigation. Amsterdam, 1619 (p. 121 et seq. the "Musc du Zibeth", with discussion by Dr.
Paludanus more for civet than musk, though he states it comes from China).
VAN LOON, J., Imperii Sinarum Nov4 Descriptio. Amsterdam, 1658 (with Tebet and Sifan).
MACKAY, A. L., Kim Su Honga &: the Korean Cartographic Tradition. Imago Mundi, second series, 1975, vol 1 (v. 27) (discusses
the Gumilov and Kuznetzov article and p. 34 shows a copy of the Tibetan lQ,ap from the Zang tung Dictionary).
MACLAGAN, E., The Jesuits & the Great 'Mogul. London, 1932. (Cites many of the early Jesuit references to Tibet, p. 38, 336.)
MAFFEI, G. P., Le Histone delle Indie Orientali. Venice, 1589 (useful for the copious indexes, only one of many editions though
the 17th, 18th and even 19th centuries, in all the major languages of Europe, with no mention of Tibet in an identifiable form;
a Cologne, 1593 edition has a map of the world, with Tibet Dot indicated).
MANDEVILLE, J., The Travels. Texts &: Translitions by Malcolm Letts. The Hakluyt Society CI &: CII. LondoD, 1953. (innumer-
able versions have appeared, the mss. outnumbering those of Polo, though they rll'st appeared at least half a century later.
Mandeville may have seen the Hereford map, since his decriptions of the mo~ters correspond well; the Tibetan references
come from Odoric; p. 130 "and the cause is for the eanh and sea are round".)
M'CRlNDLE, J. W., Ancient India as Described in Classical Literatlff'e. Westminsrer,"1901.
MICHOW, H .• Caspar Volpell. Ein Kolner Kartenzeichner des 16. Jahrhunderts. Hamburgische Festschrift zur Erinnerung an die
Entdeckung Amerikas. I, 1892 (also in Acta C4rtographica, v. 1, 1967).
MrNORSKY, V., Shar4f ai-Zaman Tahir Marvazi - On China, the Turks and India. London, 1942!-,-..fThis is the geographical
material from the Arabic material ca. 1120. The Natural Properties of Animals.) 'Y"

~ (trans!.), Hudud-al-'Alam ~ The Regions of the World. A Persian Geography. 2nd edn. London, 1970.
MONSERRATE. A., The Commentary of Father Monserrate, S. J., On His Journey to the Court of Akbar. transl. J. S. Hoyland.
London, 1922 (p. 106 Nagarcottum, "the savage and barbarous people called the Bothi or Bothantes"; p. 215 et seq. the
religious services with wine, bread, books, responses and sermons).
NAFIS, A., Muslim Contributions to Geography. Lahore, 1972.
NAKAMURA, H., Old Chinese World Maps Pr~erved by the Koreans. Imago Mundi vol. N. 1947, p. 3 et seq. (illustrations
include a Korean world map now in the British Museums, a map of the five Indies in the Horyuei Temple, a Chinese world
map by Tchang Hoang, 156211577, and the Tibetan wQrld map copied by Zenkaku in 1194 and earlier brought to Japan by
Enchin [Chisho Daishi, 814~8911).
~,East Asia in Old Maps. Tokyo, 1964 (includes the Tibetan map of ca. 733).
NEEDHAM, J., Science & Civilization in. China, vol. III, Cambridge, 1959 (esp. "Chu Ssu-Pen [1273-1337] made use of Tibetan
sources" in his cartography, and numerous Chinese maps, fig. 225, p. 548. Hua I 'fhu (Map of China &: the Barbarian
Countries), fig. 226, Yu chi Thu (Map of the Tracks of Yu).
NORDENSKIOLD, A. E., Facsimile Atlas to the E4rly History of Cartography with Reproduction of the Most Important Maps
Printed in the XV and XVI Centuries. ~tockholm, 1889 (and fortunatdy this masterpiece has been reprinted in 1973 by Dover
with photolithography).
-, The Influence of the "Travels of Marco Polo" on Jacobo Gastaldi's Maps of Asia. The Geographical Journal. p. 396-406,
1899, XIII. (also in Acta Cartographica v. VII, 1970, p. 302~312).
OnORIC DE PORDENONE, Recueil de Voyages, trans!' and comments by Henri Cordier. Paris, 1891 (p. 449 the Royaume de
Riboth, Riboch, and ten other names, including Zybet, p. 458 Gota = L'hassa).
ORTELIUS, A •• Asiae. Antwerp, 1579 (with Thbet and Thebet). T4rtanae. Anrn:erp, 1579 (with Thebet at the border of India and
Tartaria).
-. Tartariae sive Magni Chami Regni Typus. Antwerp. 1584 (with Thebet at the border).
-, Typus Orbis Terr4rum. Antwerp, 1579 (with Turbet above Arabia).
The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. Translated and edited by: Huntingford, G. W. B., London, 1980. Schroff, W. H., New York,
1912 (the two translators don't agree, and the earlier volume is more interesting).
PETECH, L., n Tibet nella Geografia Musulmana. Accademia Nazionale dei Lince~ Rendiconti. Classe de Scienze Morali, Ser.
VIII, vol. 2, p. 55 et seq. Rome, 1"947.
IJ
 Locating Tibet - The Maps 319

-,Northern India According to the Shui-chin1{-chu. Rome,195Q, (The Water Classic, ca. 2201265, and commented by Li Tao-
Yuan, ca. early 16th C,) does manage not to mention Tibet nor Tibetans in any easily recognizable way.)
-,I Missionari Italiani. Rome, 1952 (vol. 1 gives a thorough study of the first intimate contacts by the missionaries with Tibet).
PLINY, Natural,History, (Especially the geographical, gemstone and medical sections showing the variety in trade in the first
century.) .
POLO. M., Travels. (There are many editions of great worth, since the first mss. about 1300; the Yule editions are most readily
available, and the older ones are well supplied with good maps from the past; M. G. Pauthier's 1865 Paris 2 volume edition
and a series of Italian editions have value.)
PTOLEMAEUS, C, Claudii Ptolemaei Alexandrini. Geographicae Enarrationis Libri Octo. Lyons, 1535. (This is the Servetus
edition, which was used by Calvin in condemning him for heresy; the map with Tebet notes that there are huge serpents
there.)
PURCHAS, 5., Purchas His Pilgrimage. London, 1613 (p. 405 gives Reboth as a tributary of the great Mogor Echebar; p. 339,
Mongale came to Buirthabeth; p. 343 "'Xavierus addeth that while he was at Caximir, he heard of many Christians in Rebat, a
kingdome adioyning to Xatai ..... ; p. 350 et seq., several comments-on Tebeth, but repeat Polo).
RABINOWITZ, L. r.. Jewish Merchant Adventurers. A Study of the Radanites. London, 1948.
RAMSAY, R. H., No Longer on the Map. New York, 1972.
REINAUD, J. T., Geographie d'Aboulfeda. Paris, 1848. (Tibet or Tobbat, references on p. 116, 297 [Tibbet], the story of the
princes of Yemen, the Tobba, p. CCCLVIII tcles armes Thibetaines paraissem s'etre etendues jusq'au fond du Golfe du
Bengale etc., which explains why the name, the Sea of Tibet is given to this sea by al-Istachri and ibn-HaukaL)
RENAUDOT, E., Anciennes Relations des Indes et de fa Chine. De Deux Voyageurs Mahometans, qui y Allerent dans le Neuvieme
Siecle. Paris, 1718 (p. 216, 221 n. 93 et seq., Musk, p. 96 Boutan, p. 179 [Ie Royaume de Tibet, Tobit au Tobat], p. 252, 282,
285 Tibet. Note also the revised Reinaud edition, Pans, 1845, on these travels by Sulayman, al-Tafir, and Hasan ibn Yazid, al-
Siraf). (Note also the good and more recent scholarship of]. Sauvaget: Relation de la Chine et de I'Inde redigee en 851. Paris,
1948 [the bibliography p. IX-XIV is also of value].)
SANSON, G., Mappe-Monde Geo-Hydrographique. Paris, 1691 (with Tobbat, Thibet).
SANSON, N., UAsie en Plusieurs Cartes Nouvelles, et Exactes. Paris, 1652.
DE SANTAREM, Vicomte, Mappemondes, de Portulans, et de Cartes. Paris, 1842-1853 (numerous well reproduced and colored
maps, including Islamic maps and the Catalan map of 1375).
SIRCAR, D., Cosmography & Geography in Early Indian Literature. Calcutta, 1966 (numerous references to Tibet, Nepal,
Bhutan).
-,Early Indian Trade & Industry. Calcutta, 1972 (p. 40, trade route through Tibet opened in 7th c.).
SHIRLEY, R. W., The Mapping of the World. Early Printed World Maps 1472-1700. London, 1983 (bibliographically, the most
complete available, with hundreds of maps, indispensable, but frustrating if one looks for details in fine print on the maps
themselves, since they are often unreadable).
SKELTON, R. A., T. E. MARSTON, & G. J. PAINTER, The Vinland Map and the Tartar Relation. New Haven & London, 1965
(contains interesting material on the Carpini mission, and the "country which is called Burithebeht. Burith means wolf .. ,").
STEIN, M. A., Memoir on Maps Illustrating the Ancient History of Kasmir.JASB, vol. LXVIII, part 1, extra no. 2,1899 (also a
Patna reprint, 1977; p. 93, the route of the Bhutta-Iand).
Tibetan Map of Tibet. Dharamsala, ca. 1983.
TOOLEY, R. V., Maps & Map Makers. New York, 1961 (an index of value).
TUCCI, G., The Validity of Tibetan Historical Tradition. India Antiqua, p. 309 et seq. Leiden, 1947.
DRAY, G., Khrom: Administrative units of the Tibetan empire in the 7th-9th centuries. Tibetan Studies in Honor of Hugh
Richardson. Warminster, 1980.
VEIGA. M. da, Relacam Geral do Estado da Christandade de Ethiopia; ... ; & do que Nouo Socedeo no Descobrimeto do Thybet, a
que Chamam, Gram Catayo. Lisbon, 1628 (from fol. 103 to 124, or 42 pages on Thybet, Ladaca, Vtsang, etc.).
VILLIERS, J. A. J. de, Famous Maps in the British Museum. The GeographicaIJournaIXLIV.1914, 166 (also inArta Cartographi-
ca XVIII, 1974, p. 303-331: shows the Jan Severzoon map of 1520).
WAGNER, H., Marco Polo's Narrative becomes Propaganda to Inspire Colon. Imago Mundi, voL 6, 1945, p. 3 et seq.
WILFORD, J. N., The Mapmaker. The Story of the Great Pioneers in Cartography from Antiquity to the Space Age. New York,
1982 (accurate references to early literature).
WITSEN, N., Noord en Dost Tartary1en. Amsterdam, 1785.2 vols. (This is a reissue of the 1705 edition, with a Blaeu map of 1663,
a Mercator map of 1587, a Sanson map of 1659 [Iobbat. Thibet]; it mentions the Tebetzami [po 260], and shows their area in
Witzen's 1687 map, with Tibet regn east of Turchestan, and Tebetzami further east.)
WOODMAN, D., Himalayan Frontiers. New York, 1969 (with 28 political maps).
WYLIE, T. V., The Geography afTibet According to the 'Dzam-gling-rgyas-bshad. Rome, 1962 (has the geographical names in
English, Chinese and Tibetan).
YUSUF KAMAL (ed.), M onumenta Cartographica Africae et Aegypti. Cairo, 1926-1951 (indeed monumental volumes, 1 the maps
of the epoch prior to Ptolemy, 2 Ptolemy and Greco-Roman, 3 Arabic epoch. Maps of great variety and varying interest).
-,Hallucinations Sciemifiques. Les Portulans. Leiden, 1937 (trying to prove connections which don't exist except that the
material being studied is the same may lead to hallucinations).
ZURLA, D. P., If Mappamundo di Pra Mauro, Venice, 1806 (contains a simplified, engraved copy, easier to read than the more
detailed copies).
320 Braham Norwick

NAMES, DATES ASSOCIATED WITH GEOGRAPHY & MAPS

van def Aa, Pieter 1714 Kazwini, Zakariya ibn Muhammad

Abul Hassan bar Bahiul 963, 1008 ibn Mahmud a1- 1582 (1275)
Abu al-Fida, Ismail ibn 'Ali 1300 Kim Su Hong 1666
Al-Biruni, Muhammad ibn Ahmad 1020, 1050 Kircher, Athanasius 1667
Aristotle 4th c. B.C. Kitchen, Thomas 1759
Apian, Peter (Apianus) 1530, 1540 Klaproth, Julius 1820
Arnoldi, Arnoldi di 1582 Lama "Mathematicians" 1717
Astley, Thomas 1717 Landsat 1981
St. Augustine 4-5th c. A.D. Launay; Adrien 1889
Behaim, Martin 1492 Lilio, Zaccharia 1552
Benjamin of Tudela (ben lona) 1175 Loon, Jan van 1666
Bianco, Andrea 1436 Maffei, Giovanni Pietro 1593
Bonaldo, Dolfin 1541 Mallet, Alain Manesson 1685
Bowen, Emanuel 1744 Martines, Joan 1581
Brandis, Lucas 1476 Mas'udi, 'Abu al- Hasan' Ali ibn
Bunting, Heinrich 1581 al-Husain al- 947
Cabot, Sebastian 1530 Mauro, Fra Francis (?) 1459
Calapoda, Georgia 1563 Mela, Pomponius 1417 (1st c. A.D.)
Cantelli, Giacomo 1683 Mercator, Gerard 1538, 1569
Camoccio, Gianfranco 1569 Moll, Herman 1712
Chun Kuo Tun 1653 Monserrate, Antonio 1581
Contarini, Giovanni 1506 Montanus, B. A. 1571
Cosa, Juan de la 1562, 1577 Nancy Globe 1620
Cosmas Indicopleustes 6th c. A.D. Nasireddin (?) 1437
Cresques, Abraham (Catalan Map) 1375 Nieuhof, Jan 1682
d'Anville) Jean Baptiste Bourguinon 1733 Ogilby, John 1669
David-Neel, Alexandra 1922 Ortelius, Abraham 1567, 1570
Dower, John 1848 Peutinger, Konrad 1591 (6th c. map)
Enchin (Chisho Daishi) 858 (733) Pierke, Billibaldo (Ptolemeic) 1562
Fer, Nicolas de 1694, 1717 Ptolemy, Claudius (Ruscelli) 1584, 1598
Fine, Oronee (Orontius Fineus) 1531, 1566 Ptolemy, Claudius (Argentorati) 1522
Floreanus, Antonio 1578 Ptolemy, Claudius Gansson) 1617
Fries, Laurent (Laurencius Frisius) 1525 Quad, Matthias (Quadus) 1608
Fu Yin 1160 Ravenstein, E. G. (Behaim) 1908
Gastaldi, Giacomo 1546, 1564 Rennell, James 1784, 1788
Giorgi, Antonio Augusto 1762 Ruscelli, Girolamo 1561, 1598
Glarianus, Henricus 1528 Sanson, Nicolas 1654, 1659
Gutierrez, Sancho 1551 Sanuto, Marino 1320
Harris, John 1705 Severzoon, Jan 1520
Hedin, Sven 1913 Schoner, Johann 1515, 1520
Henri II map 1547, 1549 Stralenberg, }ohan von 1730
Hereford Map 1275, 1317 Sulayman, al Tajir 851-10th c.
Herrmann, Albert 1934 Tallis, John 1851
Hooghe, Romein de 1700, 1706 Tirion, Isaac 1740
Hudud aI Alam Turner, Samuel 1800
(The Regions of the World) 982 Volpell, Caspar 1542
Humboldt, Alexander 1861 Waldseemiiller, Martin 1507, 1516
Ibn Haukal, Abu al-Kasim Muhammad 950 Wilkinson, Robert 1798
Ibn Kordadhbah, 'Ubaid Allah ibn Wit, Frederick de 1650
'Abd Allah 817 Witsen, Nicolas 1673, 1687
Idrisi, Muhammad ibn Muhammad al- 1150, 1154 Wylie, Turrell 1962
l'Isle, Guillaume de 1700 Zarkali, Abu Ishak Ibrahim ibn
Istakhri, Abu Ishak Ibrahim ibn Yahya al- 1073-1075
Muhammad al- 950 Zatta, Antonio 1777

(Several Arabic and Chinese maps and their possible makers have been omitted due to bibliographical questions. Others have
been omitted as unattributed, such as the Chinese and Korean mythological maps of the world and the Comquista de Portugal,
dated about 1610. Full size copies from l the British Library can be seen at the Library of Congress, and reduced size copies are in
books noted in th~' bibliography. Few dates and name spellings are unquestionable.)
 Yuan Organization of th~ Tibetan Border Areas
LUCIANO PETECH (ROME)

The subject of the present study is actually more closely connected with sinology than with tibetology.
This is due to the nature of our sources. The few Tibetan historical works which profess to deal
expressly with Amdo (such as the mCho-snon gyi lo-rgyus and the modem Deb-ther rgya-mcho) begin
with the standard tale of the Central Tibetan monarchy and continue with the religious history of
Central Tibet down to the end of the 17th century; only after c. 1700 local history enters into the
picture. For Khams as well very little material is available, as far as the Yuan period is concerned. In the
same way, not much can be gleaned from the general i:hos-'byun. Some rnam-thar, however, can be
utilized with profit. .
The bulk of our information comes from the Chinese texts, mainly from tbe dynastic history of the
Yuan.' As is but natural, they look upon things from the purely Chinese-Mongol angle, and this
influences the choice of events for inclusion. They describe, neither clearly nor consistently, an ad-
ministrative structure which looks partly theoretical, and in any case is limited to narrow frontier areas,
nowadays included in tbe provinces of Kansu, Ch'ing-hai and Szechwan. They have almost nothing to
say of the internal history of the tribes and statelets of these areas, except for some glimpses of their
relations with the imperial power.
The Yuan bureaucracy employed three terms for the Tibetan-speaking areas: T'u-fan, Hsi-fan and
Wu-ssii-tsang. They are not synonymous. As I had occasion to point out some years ago,2 in the T'ang
period (7th-9th centuries) the name T'u-fan applied to the whole of Tibet as ruled by the Yar-luti
dynasty, centered in the Tsangpo valley. After c. 860 it came to be limited to tbe north-eastern fringe of
that vast territory. In the official terminology of the Sung dynasty (10th to 13th centuries) it indicated
Amdo, or ratber its north-eastern portions. This restricted denotation was inherited by the Yuan
administration. When Central Tibet came again within the range of view of the imperial government, a
purely Tibetan name was adopted for it: Wu-ssii-tsang, dBus-gCati. As to Hsi-fan, it was no adminis-
trative term in the proper sense, but was loosely employed as an overall name for the East Tibetan
populations. Other general names employed without a strict denotation were T'o-ssii-ma (mDo-smad)
for Eastern Amdo and To-kan-ssii (mDo-khams) for Eastern Kham•.
Another preliminary remark is in order. Khams bordered with Szechwan province and Amdo with
Shensi (Kansu was not concerned in Yuan times). However, we have to dismiss from our mind the
picture of those two provinces as they were in the early 20th century. In the period here under
consideration their limits were more restricted, and practically coincided with the Tibetan ethnic
border, which in its tum was slightly more advanced than it is today. The Yuan province of Szechwan
did not extend beyond tbe Min river. Similarly, settled administration in Shensi did not overstep the
eastern banlt of the T'ao-ho and, for a stretch farther west, the northern bank of the Huang-ho. What
lay beyond those limits was Hsi-fan country. Accordingly, we shall meet in our account with several

I YUan-shih (henceforward: YS). I have used the punctuated Peking edition of 1976. A check with the Po-na edition showed
the reliability of the former.
2 L. Petech~ "Tibetan relations with Sung China and the Mongols", in M. Rossabi (cd.), China among equals) Univ. of.
California Press 1983, 185.
370 Luciano Petech

toponyms which in Ch'ing times were situated well within provincial territory. The great shift west-
ward of the Szechwan border took place in the early 18th century only.
Yiian administration in Amdo was the result of a long-drawn process. The earliest contact took place
in the reign of qayan Ogiidei. In 1236 the Mongol general Aljur or Anjur (1195-1263), on his march
toward Szechwan, stormed Tang-ch'ang, destroyed Chieh-chou and attacked Wen-chou, all of them
towns now in southernmost Kansu. There he obtained the collaboration or allegiance of a T'u-fan chief
called K'an-t'o-meng-chia (the Tibetan original of this name is unknown), to whom he granted the
silver badge of honour. Soon after, Sung troops and Tibetan tribesmen violated the new Mongol sphere
of influence; but Anjur re-established control over Chieh-chou, and this town apparently represented
for some years the farthest Mongol outpost in that region (YS, 121.2984). Generally speaking, Mongol
action consisted in several piecemeal campaigns of pacification of T'u-fan tribes and clans. They met
with no concerted resistance from any political formation worth the name; the Con-kha kingdom that
had played such a role in the 11 th century was long since defunct.
In the meantime relations with Central Tibet had begun with the famous interview between Sa-skya
Pa"c;!ita and prince Kiiden in 1247. It seems, however, that the increased prestige of the Sa-skya abbots
did not develop into a real political influence in Amdo.
After a long lull, penetration in the border areas started again, and this time with a sustained and
programmed effort. Soon after his election (1251) the new qayan Miingke appointed the general
Qoritai to command the Mongol troops in T'u-fan. As we know from Tibetan texts, the troops of Hur-
ta (Tibetan transcription of Qoritai) penetrated, looting and burning monasteries, as far as 'Dam in
Northern Central Tibet (YS, 3.45).' Apparently taking advantage of the absence of the Mongol ex-
peditionary forces in Tibet, in 1253 the Sung general Yii Chieh invaded Southern Kansu, retaking Wen-
chou and provoking a rebellion among the clans of the Chieh-chou zone (YS, 121.2984-2985): There
was no immediate reaction, and only in 1261 Anjur was sent to his old post and redressed the situation.
Actually, on account of his advanced age the effective commander on the spot was One of his sons
called Kuo-pao, alias Hei-tzu;' he succeeded in pacifying the district and persuac;!ing K'an-t'o-meng-
chia to return to allegiance and to present himself at court. Kuo-pao realised the strategical importance
of Wen-chou for the control of the difficult track from Kansu to Szechwan through tribal territory, and
memorialized the new emperor Qubilai proposing to fortify the town and to settle there a military
colony. The proposal was accepted and carried out. Kuo-pao was appointed commander (yuan-shuai)
of the Mongol troops and daruyaCi of the myriarchy (wan-hu fu) of Wen-chou T'u-fan, while K'an-
t'o-meng-chia was granted the golden badge. Kuo-pao governed Wen-chou till his death in 1267. His
elder brother Kuo-an inherited the office and in 1278 defeated and took prisoner the feudatory prince
Tu-Iu who had rebelled in the Liu-p'an-shan mountains. Then he handed over his charge to Kuo-pao's
elder son Yeh-yung, who rose to be acting general (i-shih tu-yuan-shuai) of the T'u-fan Government
Commissionership (hsuan-wei ssit). Thus Anjur's family held that key point for about 25-30 years
(YS, 121.2985-2987; 180.4163).'
The decisive step for the submission of Amdo was the campaign led in 1265 by general Qongridar,
who penetrated deeply into the country (YS, 6.106).7 The final organization of Mongol sovereignty in
the whole of Tibet took place in 1268-1269; on that occasion Qubilai created the T'u-fan Government
Commissionership (hsuan-wei-shih ssit) with headquarters at Ho-chou (later called Lin-hsia) (YS,
60.1429); it was intended as the supreme authority in Amdo.
The Khams border area saw for the first time Mongol troops in action when the qayan Miingke in
person led his great expedition into Szechwan. One division of his army, led by the general Hsi-li-ta,

3 See L. Petech, op. cit., 182.

" The biography of Yti Chieh in Sung-shih, 416.5b (Po-na edition) supplies no details on this campaign.
S The Hei-tzu, allegedly son of Pu-lu-ha-t'a, who has a closely similar biographical notice in YS, 132.3208, is merely a doublet.
6 On Tu-Iu see also the biography of Wang Wei-cheng in YS, 155.3656.

7 The garrison then stationed in T'u-fan under the command of Kaden's grandson Yesti-buqa received in January 1266 a reward

of 300 taels; Y$!)~.109.

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372 Luciano Petech

raided Tiao-men, Li, Ya and the frontier areas'in general; Ya was formed into a regular district (chou).
After Hsi-Ii-ta's death T'an-ma-chih was appointed in his place. In 1260, upon the withdrawal of the
army after the death of Mongke, Sung troops ravaged Tiao-men and the local population took refuge in
the mountains. In 1262 the Mongol authorities of Szechwan took steps for the pacification and
rehabilitation of that area, offering help to the refugees to rebuild their homes. The Ya-chou and Tiao-
men Surveillance Commissioner (an-fu shih) Kao-pao-ssii was put in charge of this action (YS,
60.1433; 132.3211).'
The civil war between Qubilai and his brother Ariq-boge had also some effects in the Tibetan
frontier region. In 1261 Qodu (Huo-tu), probably a supporter of Ariq-boge, rebelled in the Tien-hsi
range (ling) of Hsi-fan, was defeated and fled into Hsi-fan with 500 men. A division of 3000 men under
Koden's grandson Jibik Temiir pursued him there and took him prisoner. Two years later one T'a-chi
rebelled in Hsi-fan only to be captured quickly in the Sung-p'an region (YS, 162.3793). Mter the
pacification, the communications between Kharns and Amdo were ensured by the creation of the postal
route knot of Ning-ho (1272) (YS, 7.141). Toll barriers were set up in 1277 in Tiao-men and Li-chou,
to control the T'u-fan trade (YS, 9.190).
Farther south Mongol control was imposed in 1268-1269, when general Mangyudai led six
thousand men to conquer Chien-tu in Hsi-fan (YS, 6.119). This is Marco Polo's Gaindu, i.e. the
Chien-ch'ang valley, now in Szechwan but at that time included in Yiinnan.' It took some time for
subduing completely the region and in 1271-1272 another campaign was necessary; it was led by the
Szechwan governor EI Temiir and byT'an-ma-chih (YS, 7.139-140; 132.1311).10 The valley was partly
re-settled with Chinese miners (YS, 7.141). Still, other expeditions were necessary in 1273 and 1275,
after which the country was organized as the four circuits (lu) of the Lo-Io (YS, 8.152, 153, 163-164).
Mongol influence penetrated deeper in Khams than in Amdo, at least along the great trade route
from Ch'eng-tu to Ta-chien-Iu, Li-than and Ba-than. Regular garrisons were permanently stationed in
Hsi-fan territory, and already in 1267 a Mongol daruyaCi was posted in Yii-t'ung, the area to the north-
east of Ta-chien-Iu." Li-than was organized as a circuit (lu) in 1278 (YS, 10.201).'2 Mter this, the
pacification could be considered as complete and for some years there was qui~t on the Amdo and
Khams frontier.
This seems the proper place for giving an outline of the Mongol organization of the Tibetan border
areas, as it had grown up in the course of the events sketched above. It is described in a somewhat
confused way in th. 87 of the Yuan-shih and some additional material can be found in ch. 60 and 91.
Leaving out many details, we may summarize it as follows.
It was at first a purely military organization, developped in the course of the Mongol campaigns and
raids in those regions. Our first piece of infom;atioll goes back, to the time when prince Qubilai was
granted the apanage of Ching-chao, including Central Shensi with Hsi-an as headquarters. We are told
that after the census taken in 1252 the tamaci troops on the Szechwan front were listed in the military
registers of Li-tien,13 and placed under the control of the princely administration (wang hsiang-fu) of

8 Tiao-men, meaning "gate of the stone tower", refers to the fortified houses which till recent times were a characteristic feature
of the Chin-ch'uan valleys. Apparently it designated the tract between Ya-chou and Ta-chien-Iu, but nearer to the former
place.
, See P. Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, Paris, 1959-1963. 728-730. The word chien-tu was not recognized as a place name by
T. V. Wylie, "The first Mongol conquest of Tibet re-interpreted", in HJAS 37 (1977), 125, followed by L. Petech, ap.cit.• 185.
- Actually the valley had little to do with Hsi-fan, as the local population was of La-Io stock, a fact of which the Chinese
were well aware.
10 Qubilai's son Kamala, prince of An-hsi, took part in the campaign; YS, 166.3896.
II Yii-t'ung was the Chinese name for the country on the east bank of the Ta-ru-ho.locally called [Yii-]T'ung-ho; see A. Tafel.
Meine Tibetreise, Stuttgart, 1914, II, 217-218. It is the Tibetan sGo-ldoil; R. A. Stein, Les tribus anciennes des marches sino-
tibitames. Paris, 1959,40-41.
12 The first character Ii is written differently from the present usage; there is, however, no reason for doubting mat modem Li-
than is intended.
13 The tamaci w~e the troops supplied by the Mongol apanage-holders. - Li-cien was situated slightly to tbe East of Li-bsien in
Kansu. about 3'4..fio' N, 105°10' E.
 Yuan Organization of the Tibetan Border Areas 373

the imperial princes of An··hsi, viz. Qubilai's third son Kamala. He was formally enfeoffed in 1272, but
was already stationed in that are.a some years earlier. He died in 1280 and was succeeded by his son
Ananda, enfeoffed in 1282.14 Later he was disgraced, the princely administration was dissolved and the
Li-tien troopS came under the Shensi provincial government. Then (about 1290), following a memorial .
submitted by the minister Sang-ko, they were placed under the control of the T'u-fan Government
Commissioners (hsuan-wei shih) (YS, 98.2520). Ananda was given back his apanage, but in 1298 the
taxes and corvees of mDo-smad were reserved for the common enjoyment of all the princes. is During
the illness of emperor bljeitii prince Ananda came again to the fore, and in 1306 a decree laid down that
the registration of 1252 was to be re-inforced, i. e. the Li-tien troops were restored to Ananda. After the
death of the emperor he made a bid for power, but failed and was executed, whereupon in the 4th
month of 1307 Li-tien was shifted again to the T'u-fan hsuan-wei shih (YS, 98.2520)Y The new
arrangement lasted for three months only, and a final change took place on August 2nd, 1307, when
these troops were taken away from T'u-fan and placed under the mDo-smad hsuan-wei shih (YS,
27.483).
About the time of Mangala's death the growing influence wielded by Qubilai's favourite 'Phags-pa,
and generally by the Sa-skya 'school, made itself felt through the creation of governmental agencies
overshadowing the princely authority. Their common feature was that they were saddled with two
different tasks: the supervision of the Buddhist clergy in China proper and the control of civil and
military affairs in T'u-fan.
The first in order of time was the tu kung-te shih ssil., an institution going back to T'ang times and
normally concerned with Buddhist rituals and charities for monks and laymen. It was resurrected (or
reorganized?) by a decree of April 14th, 1280, in order "to supervise all the monks subject to the
Imperial Preceptor (ti-shih) as well as the civil and military affairs of T'u-fan" (YS, 11.223). By 1281 it
was serving as the normal official channel between the monks and the government;" however, we do
not read of any actual interference by this office in Amdo.
Soon after another institution came to the fore: the tsung-chih yuan. It had come into being in 1264,
or slightly later, as a sort of secretariat of the State Preceptor (kuo-shih), since 1269 or 1270 Imperial
Preceptor (ti-shih), i. e. 'Phags-pa. Its executive head was an Uighurized Tibetan called Sang-ko (Sail-
gha), destined to a brilliant political career and .. tragic end. Later he obtained also the interim of the
business of the tu kung-te shih ssil.; this was the situation already in 1284. 18 The natural conclusion of
these developments was a radical reorganization carried out on December 17th, 1288. The tsung-chih
yuan was transformed into the Department for Buddhist Affairs (hsuan-cheng yuan), one of the top-
ranking departments of the imperial government. It was headed at first by two, later by several
directors (yuan-shih), over whom the Imperial Preceptor exerted an all-over influence (YS, 15.317).
The (tu) kung-te shih ssil. quietly faded out of the picture, although a formal suppression is nowhere
mentioned. When it was revived in 1303, it remained limited to its original task of supervising Buddhist
rites and ceremonies in the imperial palace." The control of the Department for Buddhist Affairs over
the T'u-fan region appears as firmly established in 1292. 20 The top local instance in Amdo was the
Office of the Government Commissioners and Military Command (hsiian-wei shih ssil. tu yiian-shuai

14 On Kamala and Ananda see L. Hambis, Le Chapitre CVIlI du Yuan che, Leiden, 1954,2,3, 58.
15 Decree of July 3rd, 1298; YS,19.419.
16 On the whole question of the An-hsi princely administration see the detailed study by Matsuda Koichi, "The feudal system in
the Yuan period, focusing on the case of An-hsi Wang", in Shigaku Zasshi 88 (1979), 1249-1286.
17 Fo-tsu li-tai t'ung-tsai, Taisho Tripi~aka, XLIX, 707-c.
IB Pien-wen-lu, Taisho Tripi~aka, LII, 776-a; Fo-tsu li-tai t'ung-tsai, 708-b, 709-a.
I'J See YS, 87, as translated by P. Ratchnevsky, Un code des Yuan, I, Paris, 1937, 151-152. Cf. Nogami Shunj6, "The hsuan-
cheng yuan of the Mongol dynasty of China", in Asiatic Studies in honour of Tom Haneda, Kyoto, 1950, 779-796. Also
L. Petech, op. cit., 190-192, with some slight changes.
20 In that year the Department for Buddhist Affairs appointed a Tibetan official as Government Commissioner and Military
Commander of the T'u-fan area; YS, 17.360.
 374 Luci'ano Petech

fu} of the T'u-fan area, created in 1269; it ranked 2b, meaning in the lower second class of the official
scale (YS, 87.2195). It superintended two divisions, both ranking 3a (upper third class).
The first was the myriarchy office (wan-hu fu) of themDo-smad circuit (Chinese lUi Mongol colge,
transcribed in Tibetan as chol-ka). It extended over the more settled areas, inhabited mostly by Chinese
farmers, and comprised the districts of Min-chou and T'ieh-chou. It was headed by a darwyaCi, a wan-
hu (Tibetan khri-dpon) and lesser officials. In 1307, 1308 and 1343 mDo-smad appears as a Govern-
ment Commissionership (hsuan-wei ssii) distinct from T'u-fan (YS, 22.483; 23.512-513; 41.868).
The second division was the civil and military general administration (tsung-kuan fu) of the Hsi-hsia,
Chung-hsing and Ho-chou area. Its headquarters Ho-chou (later called Lin-hsia) was an important
town which had been one of the capitals of the Con-kha kingdom in the 11th century and continued to
be the pivot of Sung and Chin administration and military forces in that region; under Yuan rule it was
practically the civil headquarters for the whole of the Tibetan frontier. Later it ranked as a circuit (Iu).
It was governed by a daruyaci, a tsung-kuan (Chinese civil governor) and a t'ung-chih. Its authority
extended over the districts of Kuei-te-chou, T'ao-chou, Mao-chou, Ya-chou and Li-chou (YS,
60.1432-1433), i.e. a long but narrow strip of land, now well within southern Kansu and western
Szechwan, but at that time a border area in direct contact with the Tibetan tribesmen. The tsung-kuan
fu maintained a detached office at the commercial and postal centre of Ning-ho.
The military forces in Amdo were under a separate organization, with four local commands (yuan-
shuai fu). They were: A) for T'ao-chou (after 1270 subordinate to An-hsi), ranking 3b; B) for the
Eighteen Tribes district, since 1264 called An-hsi-chou, ranking 3b; C) for Chi-shih-chou (rank
unknown); D) a special command for the Mongol and Chinese troops and the Hsi-fan military and
civilians at Li-tien and Wen-chou, ranking 3a. Wen-chou was established as a district in 1272.21
The highest instance above the whole military set-up was the Supreme Military Council (ch'u-mi
yuan) at the imperial capital, acting in concert with the Department for Buddhist Affairs; but in 1311
the latter was made sole responsible for military affairs in Amdo (YS, 24.543, 546).
Security and repression of banditry was the resort of a separate agency, the TIl-fan Security Office
(chao-t'ao shih ssii), ranking upper third class, with several local offices, all oCthem situated on the
Amdo frontier.
Farther south the same duties were performed by a Surveillance Commissioners' Office (an-fu shih
ssii) with jurisdiction over the districts of Sung-p'an, Tang-chou, T'ieh-chou, Wei-chou, Mao-chou,
i. e. mainly the northern section of the Szechwan border area. It ranked upper third class. In 1309 it was
transformed into a Pacification Office (hsuan-fu ssii) with headquarters at Mao-chou; each of its several
agencies controlled a group of native tribes (YS, 23.512-513)." The change apparently implied an
increased degree of local autonomy. .f
Thus far for Amdo. As for Khams, we have already pointed out that Mongol control penetrated
deeper than elsewhere, following the Ta-chien-Iu - Li-t'ang trade route. According to ch. 87 of the

21 The dates here quoted are drawn from YS, 60.1446.

22 It is not easy to grasp the actual difference between an-fu shih and hsiian-fu shih. Both these offices were concerned with
recently pacified or half-pacified areas and both had the same rank (3a). In attempting a new interpretation I disagree both
with the Japanese dictionary Ajia rekishi jiden and with C. O. Hucker, A dictionary of official titles in Imperial China,
Stanford, 1985, nn. 17 and 2661. The following remarks may be useful. In Yunnan, where the an-fu shih title was fairly
common, it was granted almost solely to tribal headmen; on the other side, in the re-organization of 1309 with which we are
dealing, the hsiian-fu ssu was staffed with Mongol noblemen. There are other cases, besides this one of 1309, of an an-fu ssit
being changed into (or promoted to?) a hsiian-fu ssu, I would therefore suggest that in Yuan times an-fu shih was a title
granted to local chieftains, being the expression of their particular interests; they acted as a mediating instance between the
Tibetan clans and the imperial authorities. The hsiian-fu shih, being a detached imperial office, was superior in authority,
albeit not in rank. At least this was the case under Qubilai and his immediate successors; toward the end of the dynasty the
hsiian-fu S5U too had sunk to a mere tide of honour for indigenous chiefs. For all it is worth, we may also recall that under the
Ch'ing dynasty both were tides granted to local headmen of the aborigines, but h5iian-fu shih, ranking 4b, was superior to an-
fu shih, ranking Sb. - This particular hsiian-fu ssu was still extant in 1368 and played a considerable role in the early years of
the Ming dyna:;:,ty; Ming-shih, 331.19b-21b.
 Yiian Organization of the Tibetan Border Areas 375

Yiian-shih the overall instance was the combined Government Commissioners' Office and Military
Command (hsiian-wei-shih ssii tu yiian-shuai fu) of the T'u-fan circuit (lu). This name is identical with
that of the T'u-fan Government Commission mentioned above, the only difference consisting in the
word lu, circuit, instead of ch}u} place or area. However, this cannot be a mere textual doublet, because
the staff establishments of the two Commissioners' Offices were quite different." Clearly an error has
crept in here. A correction, however, may be suggested. We know that at a later period there existed a
Hsi-fan Government Commissioners' Office, which is mentioned only twice, in 1311 and 1326 (YS,
24.539; 30.669-670). On the other side a work of the 18th century mentions a To-kan-ssu (mDo-
khams) hsiian-wei ssu, created in 1288 along with several other agencies; it was still in existence when
the Yiian regime collapsed." So there is reason to suppose that in the 14th century there was a separate
Government Commissionership for Khams, and that it was listed in ch. 87 with a corrupt name.
There were several subordinate agencies of this Government Commission. One was the civil and
military command (tu yiian-shuai fu) for the agricultural areas of mDo-khams. It was apparently a sort
of local constabulary, and as such (hsiian-pu tu yiian-shuai fu) it is designated in 1330, when it was
abolished, only to be revived four years later (YS, 33.746; 38.820). Other local offices were the Security
Office (chaa-t'aa-shih ssii) of La-ma-erh-kang, the Security Office for the agricultural lands of Pen-
pur -ssul, and the two daruyaci for the people (po-hsing; in practice the landed aristocracy) of Pen-pu-
erh-i-ssu-kang, i. e. sBom-'bor-sgaIi.. 25 They dealt with the settled areas.
Control of the outer zones was the task of four separate Security Offices (chao-t'ao-shih ssii).
1) Security Office for the Six Tribes (Liu-fan); 2) Security Office of T'ien-ch'iian, with three subordi-
nate myriarchies, respectively for the Yii-t'ung circuit (lu), for the military administration in Tiao-men
and Yii-t'ung" and for the military administration of Ch'ang-ho-hsi;27 3) Security Office for the
internal military administration of Ch'ang-ho-hsi; 4) Security Office for mDo-khams, with a tsung-
kuan fu for the commissariat affairs of Ha-t'a, Li-t'ang and Yii-t'ung and with a separate myriarchy
office for I-ssu-ma-er-kan 28
Lastly, there was a Surveillance Commissioner's Office in Khams, set up, as already remarked, in
1262. In 1298 the Surveillance Office and the Transport Office (yiin-ssii) of Tiao-men and T'u-fan were
amalgamated into the Pacification Office (hsiian-fu ssii) for the areas of Tiao-men, Yii-t'ung, Li, Ya,
Ch'ang-ho-hsi and Ning-yiian, ranking upper third class (YS, 19.417).29 It had a considerable staff and
controlled a large territory extending over Eastern Khams, West Szechwan and Northern Yiinnan.
We are not concerned here with Central Tibet, which was under the Government Commissionership
(hsiian-wei-shih ssii) for dBus-gCaIi..
This complicated and somewhat rambling structure, with the overlapping of several instances whose
competences are difficult to distinguish, may simply reflect a garbled compilation of materials belong-

23 The T'u-fan area hsuan-wei ssu was staffed by five hsiian-wei shib, two ching-Ii, two tu-shih. The T'u-fan circuit hsuan-wei
ssu had four hsiian-wei shih, two t'ung-chih, one fu-shih, two ching-Ii, two tu-shih.
24 Ming-shih, 331.17b-18a; Hsii. Wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao (Shih-t'ung edition), 412.4828c.
25 Of these names, La-ma-erh-kang cannot be identified, except for the last syllable which is almost certainly Tibetan sgaiz. Pen-
pu-erh-i-ssii-kang is sBom-'bor-sgan., one of the three or six regions (sgaiz) into which Khams is traditionally divided. It is
mentioned in the Deb-ther snon-po, NA, 53b and 64a (misunderstood by G. Roerich, Blue Annals, 523 and 525). Its centre, or
one of its main centres, is Li-than.; see the Vai4urya-ser-po (Lokesh Chandra edition), II, 236. Pen-pu is perhaps the same as
sBom-'bor. .
26 On Tiao-men and Yii-t'ung see notes n. 8 and 11.
27 Ch'ang-ho-hsi was the Chinese official denomination of a tract of land on the western bank of the Ch'ang-ho, which in its
turn was an early name for the Ta-tu-ho or Ta-chin~ch'uan, Tibetan dNul-chu. Its main centre was Ta-chien-lu; Ming-shih,
331.19b.
2S Since this kan was still pronounced kam in Yuan times, the theoretical reconstruction of I-ssu-ma-erh-kan would be sMar-
gam. This tends to identify this place with sMar-khams, Markham Gartok of the maps, which, however, seems to lie too far
West to suit our context. We could also think of one of those transfers which occasionally occur in the earliest toponyms of
Tibet. R. A. Stein, Les tribus anciennes des marches sino-tibetaines, 52-53, has shown that there are grounds for supposing
the existence of another sMar-khams identical with, or not far from, Glin-chan.
29 An independent Surveillance Office of Tiao-men appears again in 1330; YS, 34.761.
376 Luciano Petech

ing to different periods, There is a passage of the Yuan-shih in which its compilers complain of the
disorder in the official registers, which made it very difficult for them to build up a complete and
reliable account (YS, 60.1433-1434). Other factors of uncertainty may have been the disconnected
development of Mongol action in the frontier areas, and also a consciously pursued flexibility of
adaptation to continually changing conditions and local needs.
What was the situation farther West, on the fringe of the Mongol-controlled area, remains obscure
because of the scarcity of sources. The darkness is total for Western and Central Amdo. As for Central
Khams, we know that Sa-skya political influence had penetrated into that region. The rGya-Bod yig-
chan gives the list of the dpon-chen, i. e. of the stewards of the Sa-skya estates in Central Tibet; at the
end it remarks in passing that "in the same way, in Gon-gyo of mDo-stod and in Glin-chan of mDo-
smad there were a dpon-chen in each of them"]O Now and then we get some glimpses of these local
representatives of Sa-skya power. In December 1358 the fourth Karma-pa Rol-pa'i-rdo-rJe met at 'Dan
KIO!l-than the dpon-chen, as well as the dbu-dben-sa (tu yuan-shuai) and the chao-t'ao[-shih} of Glin.)1
After the end of the Yuan, in 1393 the fifth Karma-pa De-biin-gsegs-pa wrote a letter to the Go-'Jo
dpon-chen Nam-mkha'-'od-zer, whose land had been badly hit by the locust plague. In the same year
or in 1401 the latter gave rich presents to the Karma-pa, who was passing through his territory.32
This may be understood in the 'sense that Gon-gyo and Glin-chan were domains pertaining to Sa-
skya and governed by separate stewards. In the late 14th century these local dpon-chen became
independent, and in 1407 the Ming government recognized them as two of the Eight Prince-Abbots,
with the titles of Hu-chiao-wang for Gon-gyo and Ts'an-shan-wang for Glin-chan. 33
, The question arises whether there is any connection between these old Sa-skya domains and the two
little estates which as late as 1959 belonged to the independent ecclesiastical principality of Sa-skya.
One of them was IDan-thog, on the right bank of the 'Bri-chu, opposite Glin territory; it is likely that
this was the only portion of the old Glin-chan domain that remained under the direct rule of the Sa-
skya see. The other was sMar-khams rGya-khag, to the south of Markham Gartok and to the West of
Ta-chien-Iu; this position is very far from Gon-gyo and can hardly be connected,with it."
In the later portion of Qubilai's reign the border area remaines relatively quiet for some years. At
first there was a noticeable component of Uighurs in the local officialdom. The Uighur Yeh-shen-nai,
who had campaigned in T'u-fan and Yunnan in the fifties of the century and had led the van of
Qubilai's army against Ariq-biige in 1260, acted as Tu-fan hsuan-wei shih for twenty-four years (YS,
133.3227). About the same time the nominal ruler (idiqut) of the Uighurs, Ne'uril Tegin, kept a watch
over the territory of the hsuan-wei ssli (YS, 122.3002)." Later we notice an increase of Tibetan
influence. Thus in March 1292 the Department for Buddhist Affairs appointed Nien-chen-shu-na-ssu
(Rin-chen-'byun-gnas), till then overseer of'lluddhist affairs (shih-chiao tu tsung-t'ung) in all the
circuits [of Szechwan?], as hsuan-wei ssli tu yua;-shuai of the Tu-fan area (YS, 17.360);36 other
Tibetans were appointed to the same office in 1320 and in 1325 (YS, 27.606; 29.653).

]0 rCya Bod yig-chan. Thimphu edition, II, 85. This is confirmed by the Myan-chun, quoted in G. Tucci, Indo-Tibetica, IV, 1,
83, according to which Gliil and Gon~'Jo were two of the four great dignitaries of the Sa-skya government.
31 See Karma Kam chan brgyud pa Tin" po cbe'i mam par thaT pa Tab 'byams nor bu zla ba chu sel gyi phren ba, ed. by
D. Gyaltsan and Kesang Legshay, New Delhi, 1972, I, 177b-178a. On 'Dan Klan-than see R. A. Stein, op.cit., 72-73.
12 See G. Raerich, Blue Annals, 507; dPa'-bo gCug-lag, mKhas pa'i dga' stan, FA, 76b (p. 517 in Lokesh Chandra's edition);

R. A. Stein, Recherches sur Npopee et le barde au Tibet, Paris, 1959, 212-213.

)) R. A. Stein, Recherches sur l'epopee, 213. For more details see the ample study by Sata Hisashi, "Mindai Chibetto no hachi-
daikyoo ni tsuite", in Toyoshigaku 22 (1963/1964), 493-50l.
)~ G. W. Cassinelli and R. B. EkvaU, A Tibetan principality: The political system of Sa-skya, Ithaca, 1969, 361.
15 On this prince see L. Hambis, Le Chapitre eVIll du Yuan che, 131, and T. T. Allsen, "The Yuan dynasty and the Uighurs of

Turfan in the 13th century", in M. Rossahi (ed.), China among equals, 254-255.
36 He had been appointed joint Lung-hsi and Szechwan tsung[-t'ung} on March 6th, 1291; YS, 16.344. For the bureaux called

shih-chiao (tu) tsung-t'ung see Nogami Shunjo, in Asiatic Studies in honour a/Tom Haneda, 794-795, n. 10. They were the
local agencies ot¥he Department of Buddhist affairs; sixteen such agencies were abolished in 1336; YS, 92.2335.
 Yiian Organization of the Tibetan Border Areas 377

The existence of a local commander-in-chief (tu· yiian-shuai), a charge which as a rule was not
permanent, shows that restlessness was appearing during the very last years of Qubilai's long reign. In
1293 a rebellion broke out in T'u-fan and an expeditionary corps of 3000 men had to be despatched,
while a reserVe corps of 10,000 men from Shensi and Szechwan was also mobilized; Ne'uril Tegin too'
intervened with his tribesmen (YS, 17.371). In the following year Su-ko (d. 1295), head of the Sze-
chwan military Council (hsing ch 'u-mi.oyiian), being detailed to keep open the route to Tu-fan,
defeated the rebels who had laid siege to Mao-chou (YS, 131.3183). Mter a short lull, fighting broke
out again in 1296; Chieh-chou was sacked and both the garrison and the civilians were massacred. In
spite of a grand-scale campaign led by the princes Temur-buqa, I-lien-chen and others, the town was
sacked a second time in 1297. When the region was eventually pacified and the corps of 3000 men sent
by the Shensi authorities could be withdrawn, the central government had to provide cartle, horses and
personnel for the nineteen postal stations of mDo-khams, which had been utterly ruined by the
fighting (YS, 19.404, 406, 410, 413; 99.2546).37 No further risings happened during the following years.
In 1311 unre~t became again apparent, more in the form of widespread brigandage than of actual.
revolt; yet the outlaws were able to loot the military bases of Li-tien and Wen-chou (YS, 24.545).
Other outbreaks took place in 1318 and 1320, and once more the postal stations had to be rehabilitated
(YS, 26.584, 588-589; 27.606).
Much more serious was the revolt of the TS'an-pu-Iang tribe, whose exact habitat and Tibetan name
cannot be ascertained. It broke out in 1323 and lasted for several months, mainly because no serious
effort was made to suppress it. Only in 1325 the Tibetan official Chi-Ia-ssu-pa-p'an-tsang-pu (Grags-
pa dpal-bzaiJ.-po) was appointed hsuan-wei shih tu yuan-shuai of Tu-fan with a considerable staff and
with overall authority over Ch'ang-ho-hsi, sBom-'bor-sgaiJ., Ch'a-sha-chia-erh (?), mDo-khams,
mDo-smad etc., and with the special task of pacifying the TS'an-pu-Iang. This he succeeded in doing
within the year; only at Chieh-chou some brigandage lasted till 1326 (YS, 28.629, 631, 648, 652; 29.653,
654, 655; 30.875; 175.4081).
During the serious rebellion of Nangiatai in Szechwan (1328-1329) the frontier apparently remained
quiet, so that in 1330 the Tu-fan police command (hsun-pu tu yuan-shuai fu) was temporarily
abolished, as stated above. On the same occasion the Tibetan monks rGyal-ba-bzati.-po (at that time
Sa-skya dpan-chen) and '}am-dpal-rgyal-mchan were appointed as hsuan-wei shih tu yuan-shuai of
both dBus-gCaiJ. and Tu-fan (YS, 34.750). It was a momentary measure, possibly connected with the
aftermaths of the Szechwan rebellion, but also with the severe famine which hit the Tu-fan region in
March of the same year and needed prompt relief (YS, 34.752-753, 756-757, 759).
The revolt of the Lo-Io tribesmen under their chieftain Sa-chia-pai, which broke out in July 1330,
necessitated large-scale movements of imperial troops. A considerable body of 13,000 soldiers from
mDo-khams, mDo-smad and Yung-ch'ang, each man being supplied with three horses, were set in
motion. Probably they did not take part in the fighting. Acting upon the orders of the Department for
Buddhist Mfairs, the Tiao-men an-fu shih sent seven hundred men to watch the approaches of the Lo-
10 territory and to prevent the Hsi-fan clans to join the rebels. Although the emergency lasted till the
following year, the revolt was quelled chiefly through the efforts of the Chen-hsi Wu-ch'ing prince
Chos-dpal, acting under the nominal command of the imperial prince Aratnasri (YS, 34.759, 761,764,
783; 35.782)."
A local outbreak of the Hsi-fan in January 1336 seems to have been taken so seriously by the
imperial government, that it set up a temporary detached Department for Buddhist Affairs in Hsi-fan,
an emergency measure provided for by the rules; it was headed by Esen Temur (YS, 38.831; 92.2335).
But nothing further is heard of the matter. Another small rising broke out in June 1337 and the rebels
slew a son of the Chen-hsi prince (YS, 39.840). .

17 Cf. Hsu Tzu-chih tJung~hienJ 192.5239.

)i This was not the first time that Khams trOOps were employed against the La-Io. In 1303 one thousand soldiers from Hsi-fan
and 'Tiao-men were sent to watch the Lo-Io; of these, 150 men from Tiao-men were kept on that post for several years; YS,
99.2548, 2549.
378 Luciano Petech

In 1343 the Central Secretariat (chung-shu sheng) memorialized the emperor complaining that in the
former fief of Kaden aqa, which had remained vacant after the death of Toy Temlir, the population and
the livestock of the Tatars had.been frequently captured, killed or wounded by the Hsi-fan. The Yung-
ch'ang hsiian-wei shih ssu tu yiian-shuai fu was ordered to settle the matter (YS, 92.2338).39
The Mongol dynasty was now slowly sinking toward its end under the weak rule of Toyan Temlir.
In 1347 Byan-chub-rgyal-mchan of Phag-mo-gru conquered dBus and in 1354 he put an end to Sa-skya
(and Mongol) rule in gCan as well, where he garrisoned with his own men the great monastery-fortress
Lha-khan chen-mo at Sa-skya, till then the administrative centre of Tibet proper. It seems that the
Yuan government did not or could not react to this event. However, it cannot be said that the new
situation was formally recognized; the title ssu-t'u (Si-ttl), conferred upon Byan-chub-rgyal-mchan at
an unknown date, had been granted to many other Tibetan chiefs and apparently had no great political
significance.
What is relevant to our purpose is that the troubles that accompanied the rise of Phag-mo-gru
apparently extended to Khams as well. At the end of 1347 a rebellion broke out among the Hsi-fan; it
spread to more than two-hundred places and the rebels looted Ha-Ia-ho-chou, killed the imperial
couriers etc. Only in 1349 the Peking government was able to send against them Arakibag, prince of
Ch'i (YS, 41.879, 887).40 We hear nothing further of the matter; probably the rising was quelled
somehow. In 1354 a revolt broke out at Chieh-chou. In the following years some efforts at repression
were made by the imperial government (YS, 43.916, 918; 44.926); but once more we hear nothing of the
result. After 1355 Hsi-fan (and Tu-fan) are no longer mentioned in the Ylian annals. Apparently
Mongol administration on the Szechwan frontier evaporated, in the sense that the local officialdom,
being by then composed of Tibetans only, maintained the old titles of office but became practically
independent; titles such as dbu-dben-sa (tu yiian-shuai) and si-tu (ssu-t'u) remained in use for a long
time.
Some glimpses of the situation in Khams at the end of the Mongol dynasty are afforded by the
accounts of the widespread travels of the third Karma-pa incarnate Rol-pa'i-rdo-rje (1340-1383). In
1359 he was at Ho-chou, where he met the imperial prince Sangha,r!" and "';here he found the
countryside devastated by swarms of locusts. Then he turned south through Eastern Khams to rGyal-
mo-ron and Rab-sgan (i.e. Ta-chien-Iu) in Mi-iiag-ron, where he stayed through the winter
1359-1360, arranging an agreement with the Mongol troops fighting in dBra-'Dru and in sGo-ldon
(Yii-t'ung). He then returned north, went to Sin-kun (Lin-t'ao) and \0 Peking. On his return journey
in 1361 he passed through Liang-chou, Kan-chou, Byan-dmar Cha-sgan, the IDan country, Bom-iiag,
and went on to Kon-poY One gets the impression that the country was ·not overmuch disturbed, apart
from the usual bickerings between the various P!i!1cipalities. The control of the Mongols, to whom the
Tibetan clergy owed gratitude for protection and increased wealth, was perhaps somewhat effaced, but
still in being.
Mongol administration on the Amdo border, being possibly less disturbed by revolts, actually
outlived the end of the dynasty. After the flight of the last Ylian emperor to Mongolia, the Ming troops
occupied Ho-chou in 1370 and summoned the population to tender their submission. Thereupon the
T'u-fan hsiian-wei shih So-nan-p'u (bSod-nams-mgon-po or bSod-nams-bzan-po I), evidently a Tibe-
tan, submitted and sent to the Ming court the badges of honour and the seals issued to him by the Ylian
government. At the end of that year or early in 1371 he travelled in person to the new Chinese capital

" Cf. YS, 41.868 and F. W. Cleaves, "Aqa Minu", in HJAS 24 (1962/1963), 72.
40 Ha-Ia-ho-chou in Hsi-fan is mentioned as bringing tribute in April 1330. Its whereabouts are unknown, but of course it is
quite distinct from Qara Qoco. - On prince Arakibag see L. Harnbis, Le Chapitre CVlII du Yuan che, 50.
41 On this prince see L. Hambis, op.cit., 37-38.
~2 G. Roerich, Blue Annals, 500-505; dPa'-bo gCug-Iag, op. cit., PA, 54b-59b (Lokesh Chandra's edition, 490-496); Karma
Kam chan etc., 178a-179b. On dBra [and] 'Bru, two ancient clan names in Khams, see R. A. Stein, Les tribus anciennes des
marches sinto-tibetaines, 40, 46, 74, Byan-dmar Cha-sgan cannot be localized, Born-nag seems to designate sBom-'bor-sgan
and Nag-roil. 2 c..:t
 Yuan Organization of the Tibetan Border Areas 379

Nanking, bringing a tribute of horses and local produce and obtaining recognition and fresh symbols of
office." Here too the local Tibetan chi"fs maintained the trappings of the old administrative terminolo-
gy, which had sunk to the level of mere honorific titles. Aiter their nominal submission the clans of the
Amdo border were left very much to themselves; and indeed, for about 140 years the official history at"
the Ming dynasty has nothing to report about that area.

CHINESE CHARACTERS

Aljur, Anjur n.:~1! Huo-tu ;kill

an-fu shih 'ieJm!£ I-lien-chen pJ;ifH~

An-hsi 'iel!!i i-shih [tu yuan-shuai} j;ji*

Ch'a-sha-chia-erh ll"i:1'.J>;/Ju ~ I-ssil-ma-erh-kan pJ; Ii!Ll§ ~ 1:1"
Ch'ang-ho-hsi {;t ill.f l!!i K'an-t'o-meng-chia /!1JJlSZill!!
chao-t'ao shih ssu mil;f!£~ Kao-pao-ssu ~i'jH!l

Ch'eng-tu llIGiIl Kuei-te-chou :tiHUf

Chi-shih-chou l1i:fijff Kuo-an 1l!J'ie
Ch'i, prince of ~~ Kuo-pao 1l!J'll
Chieh-chou '~jff La-ma-erh-kang !f;U~~)l!JJ

Chien-ch'ang ~~ Li-chou ~jff

Chien-tu ~iIl Li-t'ang (modern) l1I!ll§

Ching-chao JR~K Li-t'ang (Yiian times) *ll§
ch'u-mi yuan lIiHi'ililt Li-tien til liS
Ha-la-huo-chou IIUU;kJjf Lin-hsia IltZjI
Hl!i-tzu illIf'I' lu ill!
Ho-chou liifJH Mao-chou DtJfi
Hsi-fan l!!i# Min-chou ~jff

Hsi-li-ta =fjjjjJ~ Nien-chen-shu-na-ssu fUOlt!Jllifl

hsing-sheng iT',!!' Ning-ho $llI.f
hsuan-cheng yuan J1!:ii&~ Pen-pu-erh-i-ssil-kang 'J!f1' ~ pJ; ,IUJ
hsiian-fu ssli J1!:Jm~ Pen-pur -ssill 'J!f1'
hsuan-wei shih ssli lU~!£~ po-hsing ali'!:
hsiin-pu [tu yuan-shuai} ~I!II Sa-chia-pai jj&;/JU fs
hu-chiao wang lUXE shih-chiao tu tsung-t'ung ~¥H!!~1dC

13 Ming Shih-Iu, Hung-wu, S2.9a; 53.2b, 12b-13a; 59.9aj 60.3b. The parallel text in the Ming-shih, 330.1b, has been translated
a
by L. Hambis, Documents sur l'histoire des Mongols Npoque des Ming, Paris, 1969, 119. For other tales of surrender in the
Kokonor region see L. M. J. Schram, The Monguors of the Kansu-Tibetan frontier, III, Philadelphia, 1961,25.
380 Luciano Petech

So-nan-p'u £!lm~ tsung-chih yuan ~lIiIJ[!jij

ssu-t'u iiJ1t tsung-kuan fu ~'B'1ff

Su-ko If'llf tu kung-te shih ssit ~:!1Ji'll/j!iiJ

Sung-p'an rAil tu yuan-shuai fu lIIl5Gmulff

Ta-chien-Iu jJft!j1t T'u-fan IIHf
Ta Chin-ch'uan j;:5EJlI t'ung-chih FilI~

Ta-tu ho j;:ilJfjiiJ wan-hufu ~f'ilff

T'a-chi ~l!II wang-hsiang fu I*~1ff

T'an-rna-chih !1I1,~iiF Wei-chou lil<ffl
Tang-ch'ang ;£iii!!. Wen-chou xffl
T'ao-chou ~tffl Wu-ssu-tsang JiU!Uli
Tiao-men Him Ya-chou !lffl
Tieh-chou Affl Yeh-yung 1t~

Tien-hsi ling l&'ii!!i~ Yeh-shen-nai ~fi1Iiii\

T'ien-ch'iian 7C~ Yii-t'ung fi:l.liii

T'o-ssii-ma IllL[{)!'f yuan-shih [!jij/j!
To-kan-ssii ~ttJ! yiian-shuai fu 5GBililff
Ts'an-pu-Iang #HIl Yii Chieh ~fir

ts'an-shan wang t!l't:H yiin-ssu lIiiJ

 Die Astronomie im Kalacakralaghutantra

W,NFRIED PETRI (MiiNCHEN)

Die Geschichte der Astronomie ist ein wesentlicher Bestandteil der allgerneinen Kulturgeschichte der
Menschheit. J e weiter wir in der Geschichte rnenschlichen Denkens und Glaubens zuriickgehen und je
weiter wir uns von der wohlbekannten Geschichte der Antike und des christiaoisierten Europas
entfemen, desto wichtiger wird auch die Astronomie fiir Probleme der Religions- und Geistesgeschich-
te einerseits und vieler Disziplinen der sogenannten exakten Wissenschaften (Mathematik, Geowissen-
schaften und Physik) andererseits. Eine Sonderste1lung nimmt dabei die Astrologie ein. Obwohl sie ja
keineswegs als ·Wissenschaft gelten kaon, kommt in ihr der uralte menschliche Glaube an universelle
Zusammenhaoge des Geschehens in Mikro- und Makrokosmos, gebunden an gesetzmiiJlige kausale
Verknupfungen, zum Ausdruck. Wie sehr astrologische Doktrinen nicht nur Termine des taglichen
Lebens, sondern auch grolle politische Entscheidungen beeinflussen, liegt in einigen Laodem des
Orients klar zutage - eigenartigerweise besonders in soIchen, wo der Buddhismus Staatsreligion ist.
Dies hat eine laoge Tradition. Ein eklatantes Beispiel hierfiir ist die Motivation der astronomischen
Praxis in Tibet, die wesentlich auf die rechnerische Gewinnung von Horoskopen, das heillt die Kennt-
nis der Stellungen der Wandelsteme (Sonne und Mond eingeschlossen) am Himmel zu einem bestimm-
ten Zeitpunkt abgestellt war. Unberechenbare Ereignisse wi. Finstemisse und Korneten waren selbst-
verstandlich beunruhigend und gaben AnlaB zu Befiirchtungen und Spekulationen. Immerhin war mao
schon friih bemiiht, auch hier Periodizitaten herauszufmden. Das bekannteste Beispiel hierfiir ist der
sogenannte Saros-Zyklus in Mesopotamien. Die zweite wesentliche Motivation friiher astronomischer
Praxis ist die Chronologie. Sowohl fUr den Ackerbau wie fur religiose Feste spielten Sonne und Mond
als Zeitgeber seit jdIer eine dominierende Rolle. Dabei war die Inkommensurabilitat der eingehenden
Perioden eine stete Quelle mathematischer Bemuhungen. AIs dritte Motivation ist dann noch in mehr
historischer Zeit der Einsatz astronomischen Wissens fiir erdkundliche Zwecke - von der Kosmogra-
phie bis hin zur Navigation - zu nennen.
Alle drei praktischen Aspekte finden sich auch in der traditionellen tibetischen Astronomie. Dber
einen derselben, die Chronologie, liegt eine fundierte Studie durch Dieter Schuh vor, die leider noch
keine Fortsetzung gefunden hat. Dort sind aber inmIerhin auch einige Ausfiihrungen uber die Kosmo-
graphie und vor allem eine hervorragende Bibliographie zu finden. Der wichtigste fruhe Text ist das
erste Kapitel des Kiilacakratantra. Er ist dreisprachig uberliefert und inzwischen auch gedruckt: Sans-
krit, Tibetisch und Mongolisch. Grundlegend ist der indische Text. Die Dbersetzungen bieten inhalt-
lich offenbar nicht mehr, sind aber vor allem flir die Terminologie von grollem Werte. Dabei ist
interessant festzustellen, daB die mongolische Version oft das urspriingliche Saoskritwort verwendet,
wo inI Tibetischen eigene Dbersetzungen stehen. Leider, und das soli gleich an dieser Stelle gesagt
werden, ist das Quellenstudium der mongolischen astronomischen Texte (von einer eigenen mongoli-
schen Astronomie zu sprechen, ware wohl ubertrieben) noch in den ersten Anfaogen. In den fiinfziger
JalJren erschien ein Aufsatz von C. R. Bawden uber die schriftlichen Quellen von Astrologie und
Divination bei den Mongolen (ZDMG 108), dem ein Manual of Mongolian Astronomy and Divination
(FacsinIile-Text und Critical Introduction) von Antoine Mostaert (Harvard 1969) folgte. Gleichfalls in
den fiinfziger J wen erschienen zwei Aufsatze von L. S. Baraoovskaya uber mongolische Astronomie,
der noch eine Schuler-Dissertation folgte. Leider hat Frau Baranovskaya die Bitte urn produktive
Kontakte 1968 briisk abgelehnt, da die Erforschung der mongolischen Astronomie - so wortlich -
382 Winfried Petri

ausschlielllich Sache sowjetischer Forscher sei. Weitere Ergebnisse sind hier bisher nicht bekannt
geworden.
Wahrend also der mongolische Zweig der aus Indien stammenden Astronomie des in Tibet dominie~
renden KaIacakra vorlaufig nur rudimentar zu erkennen ist und etwaige nichttibetische Zwischenglie-
der wie Soghdisch und Uigurisch noch rein spekulativ sind, wenn man vielleicht von Listen der
Mondstationen absehen will, ist die sachliche Quellenlage durch etliche Arbeiten zur indischen Astro-
nomie in letzter Zeit besser gekliirt. Man darf mit Schuh sagen: "Die Kalacakra-Astronomie ist ...
ihrem Wesen nach rein indisch und mull insbesondere der dritten Periode der indischen Astronomie
zugerechnet werden. Dabei ist zu betonen, dall es sich hierbei um eine eigentiimliche, buddhistische
Tradition dieser Astronomie handelt, in der die ii1teren kosmologischen Vorstellungen der mittleren
Periode der indischen Astronomie iiber Weltaufbau und Planetenbahnen in modifizierter Form beibe-
halten wurden." Hierzu ist aIIerdings zu betonen, daJl die sogenannte dritte Periode der indischen
Astronomie schon voll unter d~m Einflull der hellenistischen Astronomie steht. Was in ihr autochthon
und was Fremdgut ist, lallt sich oft schwer sagen. J edenfalls ist das KaIacakra trotz seinem in vieler
Hinsicht synkretistischen Charakter auch fiir dieses Problem ein nicht zu unterschatzender Zeuge.
AIs au1lerindisch diimen wohl sicher zwei Komplexe mesopotamischen beziehungsweise griechi-
schen Ursprungs anzusehen sein: Die weitgehende Benutzung des Sexagesimalsystems und das Epizy-
kelmodell fiir die Ephemeridenrechnung der Wandelsteme. Andere Vorstellungen, deren Herkunft
nicht so sieher zu lokalisieren ist, sind die vier Weltzeitalter mit ihren eschatologlischen Implikationen,
die Siebentagewoche und die Konzeption des Weltberges inmitten einer f1achen, ringformig und sekto-
riell gegliederten Erde. Eher typisch indisch ist die Liebe zu hohen Zehnerpotenzen mit centesimal
fortschreitender Nomenklatur, die bedeutende Rolle der Mondstationen, das Operieren mit sehr lan-
gen Zeitraumen, in denen die siderischen Perioden ganzzahlig aufgehen, eine eigentiimliche arithmeti-
sche Weiterentwicklung des urspriinglich von den Griechen rein geometrisch konzipierten Epizykel-
modells sowie die Behandlung der Mondknoten als - um mit Willy Hartner zu sprechen - Pseudo-
planeten. Gerade hier hat das Kalacakra einiges zu bieten. t,<
Als typisch buddhistisch springen zunachst einige Namen extrem hoher Zahlen ins Auge, die schon
bei Sarat Chandra Das im Worterbuch angefiihrt sind. Wir finden da die vier altbuddhistischen Tugen-
den, ahnlich wie im Lalitavistara hohe Zahlen mit hohen Qualitaten belegt werden. Deutlich buddhi-
stischen Einflull zeigen auch einige der in Indien sehr beliebten "symbolischen" Zahlworter. Besonders
genannt seien: thabs-ses (zweifache Weisheit, entsprechend upiiya und prajiiii) fiir zwei; sde-pa = varga
(Schar, 4 altbuddhistische Schulen) fiir vier; phyun = skandha (Aggregat) fiir fiinf; rten 'brei =
pratityasamutpiida fiir 12; und khams = dhiitu (Elementarsphare) fiir 18. Bei manchen symbolischen
Zahlnamen ist auch eine Beziehung zum sa1Pkhya zu erkennen, das ja dem friihen Buddhismus nahe
gestanden hat. '
Buddhistisch klingen ferner die Namen jener Entitaten, denen die langsten der mythologischen
ZeitmaJle zugeordnet sind. J enseits von deva und asura finden sich da noch iakti und bhartr (nus und
gco-bo) und an anderer Stelle entsprechend nus-pa und gzugs-med bii.
Geradezu selbstverstandlich sind auch buddhistische Bezeichnungen in der scholastischen Kosmo-
graphie fiir die drei Seinsbereiche der Begierde, der Gestalt und der Gestaltlosigkeit. Andererseits zeigt
die detaillierte Aufgliederung des Weltgebaudes deutliche Verwandtschaft mit der Lehre der Jainas,
besonders in der Nomenklatur der Unterwelt.
Formal ist der astronomische einleitende Teil des Kiilacakralaghutantra aIs Karal1a einzuordnen -
ein Rezeptbuch fiir den praktischen Gebrauch des Astrologen, aber keine wissenschaftliche Darstel-
lung im Stile der grollen Siddhiintas. Weiterfiihrende und erganzende Traktate gibt es in der tibetischen
Literatur bis in die jiingste Zeit, wie Dieter Schuh eingehend belegt hat. Zumindest genannt werden
mull hier die grolle Enzyklopadie aus dem 17. Jahrhundert: Vai</.urya dkar-po, die immerhin schon seit
Csoma de Koros im Westen bekannt ist. Sie kann als authentische Interpretation der Astronomie des
KaIacakra genutzt werden, ungeachtet der grollen Zeitdifferenz und ihres Eigenwertes und eines
zunehmenden chinesischen Einflusses, dessen Eruierung hier, ebenso wie in der "mongolischen"
Astronomie',sln besonderes Desiderat ist.
 Die Astronomie Un Kalacakralaghutantra 383

Nicht iiberraschen kann den Kenner indischer Kultur das recht unbekiimmerte Nebeneinander
alterer und jiingerer, beziehungsweise primitiver und "fortenrwickelter Lehren und Daten im gleichen
Werk. Ein gutes Beispiel dafiir ist die Vorstellung einer £Iachen Erde einerseits und ihrer Kugelgestalt
andererseits. So ist es in erstaunlicher Weise gelungen, die Vorstellung des zentralen Weltbergs Meru .
inmitten der Erdscheibe nahclos in einen brauchbaren Wert fUr die Schiefe der Ekliptik einzuarbeiten.
Andererseits finden wir auch im Kiilacakra - wie in den Siddhiintas - den Gedanken, daB an beiden
Erdpolen jeweils ein halbes J ahr Tag und ein halbes J ahr N acht herrschen, und zwar gegenHiufig, wie es
den zugeordneten mythischen suras bzw. asuras zukommt. DaB der Siidpol des Globus' eine rein
spekulative Extrapolation war, erhellt schon daraus, daB dort auch ein Pendant zum Meru des Nordens
postuliert wird.
Fortgeschrittene astronomische Kenntnisse finden wir im Kalacakra nicht. Es beruhte durchaus auf
traditionellen Daten und Verfahren und laBt - anders als in den .biJa"-Korrekturen der spateren
Hinduastronomie - keine Verbesserungen aufgrund neueren Beobachtungsmaterials erkennen. Wie
zuriickhaltend man mit der Vermitclung neuerer oder zumindest unkonventioneller Erkenntnisse war,
zeigt die Tatsache, daB die schon in der Antike seit Hipparch bekannte Prazession der Aquinoktien nur
beilaufig und recht unklar erwahnt wird. Zwischen einer rohen Liste der Halbperioden der Wandel-
sterne und naheren Ausfiihrungen iiber die Planetenbewegung lesen wir erwa: .Aus "der Zahl von
eineinhalb Tagen wird ein Jahrhundert. Hier ist eine Kiilacakra-Minderung." Dies soil offenbar bedeu-
ten, daB eine Abnahme von 1,5 Tagen pro 100 Jahre dem Rad der Zeit eigentiimlich sei. Ohne auf
weitere Details einzugehen, ist festzuhalten, daB dies einer Prazessionsperiode von rund 24000 Jahren
entspricht. Dieser Wert findet sich auch irn Suryasiddhanta. Er entspricht 54 Bogensekunden pro J ahr
und ist besser als der abgerundete des Ptolemaios von einer Bogenminute jahrlich, welcher auf eine
Periode von 36 000 J ahren fUhrt und von al-Bironi auch den Indern zugeschrieben wurde. Hier ist also
eine Verbindung des Tantras mit einem klassischen Siddhiinta nahegelegt.
Eine Besonderheit des KaIacakra ist die herausgehobene Stellung des Wesens, das die Finsternisse
von Sonne und Mond bewirkt und sich somit als ihnen noch iibergeordnete kosmische Potenz erweist.
Man mochte geradezu von einer .Finsternistheologie" sprechen, wenn der Buddhismus iiberhaupt
Gotter irn abendlandischen Sinne kennen wiirde! Natiirlich war man bestrebt, das Auftreten der
Finsternisse in eine empirische Regel zu fassen. Wir wissen heute, daB fiir jede Finsternis die Bedingung
erfiillt sein mull, daB Sonne, Mond und Erde zumindest annahernd in einer geraden Linie stehen. Dies
tritt dann ein, wenn der Mond durch einen seiner Bahnknoten (Schnittpunkte von Mond- und Sonnen-
bahn) Hiuft. In Indien wurden" die beiden Knoten wie Planeten berechnet und mit den Namen Riihu
und Ketu (fUr den auf- bzw. absteigenden Knoten) belegt und mythologisch hypostasiert. Diese
.Drachenpunkte" sind einander um"180' entgegengesetzt und machen infolge eines Prazessionseffektes
in 18,61 Jahren einen vollen Umlauf auf der Ekliptik.
Nun gibt eine Stelle des Tantras eine Liste abgerundeter Werte fUr die Halbperioden der Wandelster-
ne - einschlieBlich Riihu und Ketu. Da lesen wir fiir Rahu .9 Jahre", aber fUr Ketu .Null". Offenbar
wird hier Rahu als regularer Pseudoplanet gefiihrt, wahrend man mit Ketu nichts anzufangen wullte.
Das ist sofort verstiindlich, wenn man bedenkt, daB besonders bei Sonnenfinsternissen, die immer nur
in einem schmalen Gebietsstreifen des Globus' total sein konnen, stets Dberraschungen moglich sind.
DafUr muBte im KaIacakra der Drachenschwanz Ketu herhalten. Mit Ketu hat es aber noch eine
besondere Bewandmis. Eine Analyse der zahlreichen Synonyma ergibt eindeutig, daB Ketu auch als
Komet aufgefaBt wurde. MaBgebend hierfiir war - neben der Tatsache iiberraschend eintretender
Finsternisse - das Auftreten dunkelroter Farbeffekte bei Finsternissen und die Tatsache, daB bei
totalen Sonnenfinsternissen gar nicht selten ein schoner Komet in Sonnennahe zu sehen ist, der sonst
nie hatte beobachtet werden konnen. Was lag naher, als ihn fUr das Phiinomen verantwortlich zu
machen?
Dber Ketu und seine diversen .Metastasen" in der tibetischen Astronomie lieBe sich noch viel sagen.
Allein die zahlreichen Synonyma sind eine Fundgrube voller Hinweise auf empirische Phiinomene und
ethnologischer Parallelen, bis hin zu dem Schwarzen Himmelhund (Tngri-yin qara noqai) der Mongo-
len (Manual, p. 49) und den Finsterniswolfen der altnordischen Mythologie. DaB Ketu auch .zweizop-
384 Winfried Petri

fig" genannt wird, konnen wir heute astrophysikalisch erkUiren: ein gerader und gleichzeitig ein
gebogener Schweif sind durch unterschiedliche Beschleunigungsmechanismen bewirkt.
Geradezu als Kuriositat kann angesehen werden, daB sowohl im Kiilacakra-Tantra wie in dem ihm
sehr nahestehenden Kiilacakra-Avatiira auch Ketu eine definierte Periode zugeschrieben wird - und
Zwar von dreiJahren und eineinhalb Monaten, wobei imAvatiira noch der interessante Zusatz steht:
• Wahrend eines Monats sieht er wie ein Stern aus, ohne Rauch. Danach fiir einen halben Monat ist er
deutlich ,Rauch-Ketu' (dhumaketu; tib. aber ,Langschweif': mfug-ma rin-po)." Damit ist nicht nur die
Schweifentwicklung im Perihel beschrieben, sondern der fragliche Komet eindeutig als der Enckesche
zu identifizieren. Dessen Periode betragt 3,3 Jahre, und er soll (nach miindlicher Mitteilung von Owen
Gingerich) friiher auch ein sehr auffalliges Objekt gewesen sein.
Eine gewisse Selbstandigkeit hat neben dem eigentlichen Ketu noch eine Art kosmischer Gegenspie-
ler von Rahu, der unter dem Namen Kruagni (Zeitfeuer; so auch tib. dus me und mongo cayun yat) fur
den Weltbrand zustandig ist im Gegensatz zu Rahu, dem endzeitlich die Sintflut zugeordnet wird.
Gelaufig ist die Verbindung: RahulWasserlNord und KalaguilFeuerlSiiden. An anderer Stelle stehen
Rahu und Kalagni im Zentrum der Welt, Ketu und Saturn im Westen usw. An dieser Stelle wurden
eben zehn ,Planeten' gebraucht - fur jede Himmelsrichtung plus Mitte je zwei!
Kosmographische Zuordnungen von Himmelskorpern, Richtungen, Elementen und Farben bietet
das Kruacakra in Fiille. Besonders hervorzuheben ist eine Konzeption, wonach die verschiedenen
Weltzeitalter sich zwar fiir den jeweiligen Sektor des Erdlotos zyklisch ablosen, wohl aber gesamthaft
gesehen stets aile existent sind. Nach der Lehre des Kruacakra wird der Cakrin (hier als endzeitlicher
Erloser zu verstehen) der Reihe nach aile Bezirke durchziehen.• Krta geht dorthin, wo der Cakrin
gerade eintritt, tretii ist in seinem Riicken, kali davor und dviipara zwischen den beiden.« Damit ist
allen Wesen die ErlOsung durch das Rad der Zeit verheiBen.

SUMMARY

Towards the end of the first millenium C.E., there existed in the North-West of India a remarkable
Buddhist teaching, called KALACAKRA (The Wheel of Time). This religious system presents us with
various cosmographic and astronomical conceptions, not only from India, but also from other coun-
tries, even from Persia.
Some of the Kruacakra pamphlets give instructions on the reckoning of time and how to calculate the
planets' path on the zodiac. There are lists of the1unar mansions and descriptions of heaven and earth.
One of the texts is ascribed to the legendary Indian astronomer Garga. May be, a close study of the
Tibetan texts will enable us to elucidate the presiddhantic epoch of ID.dian astronomy, although some
of the works have been designed for practical use only (skrt. karar}a). Their purpose was chronological
and astrological and culminated in eschatological speculations on a future saviour of mankind. Any
matter-of-fact observations are not mentioned in this ·context.
Although most of the original texts are lost, at least two of them have been preserved in both
languages. Of the major text exists also a Mongolian translation. Very important among astronomical
books written originally in Tibetan is the encyclopedia Vai</Urya dkar-po (White Beryl), from the 17'h
century. Notwithstanding its late date, the astronomy there looks essentially the same as in the much
earlier treatises.
Astronomically very interesting are two items: An esoteric hint'to the precession of equinoxes, and
the mentioning of a cometary period of about 3,3 years which is beautifully compatible with Encke's
comet.
The cosmography of the KaJacakra looks pretty syncretistic. Spherical earth, including a hypotheti-
cal South pole, complete with another Mount Meru, a £lat earth with seven mythological oceans and
ringed mountains, different "climates' according to the varying length of daylight, and an unusual
scheme of the e"Jiptic centered on Mern, should be mentioned.
 Die Astronomie im Kalacakralaghutantra 385

A'very particular feature is that the highest cosmic.force is neither the Moon (as it probably had been
in the remote past) nor the Sun (as it still shows up in some parts of our texts), but that entity which
causes the eclipses of both. In India there are the well-known ·pseudoplanetary" nodes of the ecliptic:
Rahu and Ketu - the Dragon's head and tail. Moreover, Ketu is also a comet. But this "eclipse-"
theology" has been superseded by a teaching, where Rahu is confounded with Time itself. Time (Kala)
is considered to be a manifestation of the supreme transcendent Adibuddha of Mahayana. It lacks any
individuality and keeps the universe going. This reminds us of the Persian Zrvanism. But the Kalacakra
goes even further in expanding the cosmic periodicity into a kind of "steady-state-universe". It teac;hes
that alI 4 world-ages (skrt. yuga) co-exist on earth at the same time, but on different sectors of its lotus-
shaped surface.
The influence of Indian astronomy extended even beyond Tibet. In medieval Uigur (Turkish)
fragments from Turfan, the lunar mansions are listed by their Sanskrit names in the same way as in the
Tibetan books. And from a survey of Mongolian astronomy by L. S. Baranovskaya (Moscow 1955), we
learn that Sun and Moon were believed to circle around Mount Meru on the mantle of a truncated cone
- exactly as the Kalacakra implies.

LITERATUR

BANEAJEE, B., Ober dar Lokailhiitu Patila - 1. Kapitel des Laghu~Kalacakra-Tantra-Raja. Miinchen 1959 (ungedruckte Disser-
tation). . .
RAGHU VIRA und LOKESH CHANDRA (ed.). Kalacakra-Tantra and other Texts, Pt. I and II. New Delhi 1966. Skrt., tib. mongo
Texte in Typendruck.
PETRI, W., lndo-tibetische Astronomie. Munchen 1966 (Habilitationsschrift, nur als Facsimile veneilt).
-,Ob asuonoallceskom sodedanii pervoi knigi KalaCakra-Tantra (sanskritskii i tihetskii teksty). Istoriko-astronomiceskie lssl.,
Bd. IX. Moskau 1966.
-, Tibetan Astronomy. In: Vist4s in Astronomy, voL 9. Oxford & New York 1968.
- .Colours of Lunar Eclipses according to Indian Tradition, Indian Journal of History of Science, vol. 3,2,1968, S. 91-98.
LOKESH CHANDRA (ed.), Sanskrit Manuscripts from Tibet. New Delhi 1971. Skrt.-Text aus Narthang in Facsimile.
SCHUH, D., Studien zur Geschichte der Mathematik und- Astronomie in Tibet, Tell 1. In: ZAS, Bd. 4. Bonn 1970.
-, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der tibetischen Kalenderrechnung. Yen. d. orient. Handschriften in Deutschland, Suppl. 16.
Wiesbaden 1973.
 Some Remarks
on M.A.]. van Manen's Contribution to Tibetology

PETER RrCHARDus (LEIDEN)

Introduction

One would not quite expect a subject of the Low Countries to rank under the first Europeans ever to
set foot on the roof of the world. This was, however, indeed the case when Samuel van de Putte
(1690-1745) left the Indian Subcontinent's most southern region and entered the Himalayan kingdom
of Nepal in the late 1720s. After continuing his journey, initially in an easterly direction and then
northwards, he allegedly became the first layman to see Lhasa. The Koko-nor was reached in due
course. Maps depicting this lake, Central Tibet, Sikkim as well as the Kathmandu Valley have been
handed down to us.! The Dutchman destroyed a "nomenclatura mogol" shortly after its compilation in
order to escape being accused of spying by the Chinese. Having spent no less than twenty years
without interruption in the Orient, Van de Putte passed away at Batavia (capital of the Dutch East
Indies). We read in his biography' that, as stated in a last will, all diaries together with other notes were
set alight. He presumably did not wish to be held responsible for informing the West on alien ways of
life.
Ph. F. B. von Siebold acquired fifty-five Central Asien ethnographica which, since 1837, form a
mirior part of the collection with Inventory number 1 as kept at the National Museum of Ethnology in
Leiden, the Netherlands. Its second series (six polychrome metal masks made after originals housed
within the walls of the Hemis lamasery at Leh, Ladakh) was donated by the von Schlagintweit brothers
in 1859. Paul Mowis, a Darjeeling-based art dealer-cum-butterfly collector, sold several Tibetan
Buddhist bronzes as well as dance masks and utensils to the above museum (Inv. nr. 1119: 1-86) in
1897.'
Lamastic scroll-paintings were for the first time shown to a Dutch public at the Museum voor Land-
en Volkenkunde in Rotterdam between December 18th, 1938 and January 22nd, 1939.' A number of
these exhibits had been given on loan by the Dutch orientalist M.A.]. van Manen (1877-1943). In
August 1948 the ethnological museum at Leiden procured the larger part of Van Manen's collection,
mainly made up of Himalayan ethnographica (Inv. nr. 2739: 1-198) and Tibetan Buddhist painted
scrolls (Inv. nr. 2740: 1-153). A selection from the latter items was on display in the Leiden museum
between December 19th, 1948 and March 12th, 1949.' Since then it has also been possible to admire the
most interesting pieces of the Van Manen Collection outside the Netherlands. For instance, at the
major international exhibition on Tibet held in Paris and Munich during 1977.'

I "Tijdschrift van het Aardrijkskundig Genootschap" ["Magazine of the Geographical Society"}, Eerste Serie [First Series J, II,
(1877), Kmt [Map] I, fig. 1-5.
2 P. J. Verb, "Ontdekkers en Onderzoekers" {"Discoverers and Explorers"} (Leiden, 1884), pp. 58-94.
J H. H. Juynboll, "Mitteilungen aus der tibetanischen Abteilung des Ethnographischen Reichsmuseums in Leiden", Ost-
asiatische Zeitschrift, III (1914), pp. 243-252, ill,
.~ Cat, "Tentoomtelling van Chineesche en Tibetaansche Kunst" {"Exhibition of Chinese and Tibetan Art"} (Rotterdam, 1938),
p. 47, ill.
5 Cat. "Goden en Demonen van Tibet" {"Gods and Demons of Tibet"} (Leiden, 1948), pp. 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31,
32, 34, 36, ill.
6 Cat. "TIBET. Kunst des Buddhismus" (Paris/Munchen, 1977), pp. 253, 254, 280, 281, ill.
 388 Peter Richardus

M.A.J. van Manen; Pseudo-Tibetology (Rampaism);

Authentic Himalayan Autobiographies

Complementary to an "In Memoriam Johan van Manen'" an extensive ac~ount of his remarkable walk
through life is being composed by the present author. Some extracts are given below.
In his nineteenth year Mari Albert Johan van Manen joined the Theosophical Society, a movement
which introduced elements of both Hinduism and Buddhism to Western thought. His personal interest
focussed on the language and religion of the Himalayan people. Johan van Manen's first article related
to Tibetology was written in Dutch. 8 Through referring to publications by W. W. Rockhill, Sven
Hedin, A. Griinwedel, L.A. Waddell et aI., he presents us with a critical analysis of views held by
Helena Petrovna Blavatsky (co-founder of the Theosophical Society) on Tibet which she published
under the title "Lamas and Druzen".'
Officiating as Assistant Director of the Library attached to the Theosophical Sociery's International
Headquarters at Adyar in Madras (S. E. India), the Dutchman writes an article titled "The Wonder
Tree of Kumbum".l0 Herein Blavatsky's opinions are yet again discarded. Van Manen's observation
did, nevertheless, by no means terminate publications by advocates of pseudo-Tibetology. All this
ultimately culminated in a bestseller called "The Third Eye. The Autobiography of a Tibetan Lama"
(London, 1956) which was, in actual fact, penned by an Irish plumber using Lobsang Rampa as a nom
de plume. 1l
In order to further expand his knowledge of Lamaism, Van Manen left theosophical circles at Adyar
during 1916 and moved to a small village named Jorebungalow, not far from Ghoom Railway Station in
the district of Darjeeling. He settled down in Calcutta some two and a half years later before finding
employment at the Imperial Library (1919-1921), the Indian Museum (1922) and the Asiatic Society of
Bengal (1923-1939). Further Tibetological studies were executed with the help of a scribe called
Puntsog Lungtok as well as an English speaking schoolteacher: Karma Babu (whose wife was presum-
ably the first Tibetan woman to collaborate with a Western scholar). They were'later joined by Drin
Chen, a Sino-Tibetan clerk.
On request of their Dutch Sahib the three men wrote down their life-stories. A short summary of
these texts kept at the National Museum of Ethnology, Leiden (Inv. nr. 2739: 189-191) follows.
A. Puntsog Lungtok (1882-1926) composed the 765 page Tibetan manuscript of his autobiography
between October 1920 and December 1924. Shortly afterwards a verbatim English translation hereof
was completed.
At the age of ten Puntsog Lungtok, having .~een born and raised in the Central Tibetan area named
sNe-mo, moved in with an elder brother who resided at the foot of the Potala. During the following
years both attended many a Lam';stic feast-day. There are, for instance, descriptions of Lord Buddha's
birthday and Con-kha-pa's ascension day.
In Chapter III the author writes about his work as a scribe to rGyal-ba Rinpoche. After leaving
Lhasa to enter the monastery of dGa' -Idan, he then moves on and seeks refuge at the monastery of
bKra-sis Ihun-po. Next, while on a pilgrimage in the Kathmandu Valley, tribute is paid to the shrines
called 'Phags-pa sin-kun, sTag-mo lus-sbyin and Bya-run kha-sor. Puntsog Lungtok then sets off for
the Indo-Nepalese border. From Raxaul the journey is continued by train to Siliguri. Having walked
up to Ghoom, wages are earned by teaching at a missionary schooL However, when urged to confess
Christianity, he refuses to do so even though it could mean dismissal.

7 P. H. Pott, "Introduction to the Tibetan Collection of the National Museum of Ethnology. Leiden" (Leiden, 1951).
pp. 133-165.
" "Theosophia", VoL II (1900/1901), pp. 257-271, 321-331, 385-389.
, "The Theosophist", VoL II (1881), pp. 193-196.
" "The Theosophist", VoL XXXIV, Part II (1912/1913), pp. 44-57.
Il A. Bharati, "Fi.~ptious Tibet, the Origin and Persistance of Rampaism", "Up-date", Vol. IV (1980),4, pp. 21-35.
 Some Remarks on M.A.J. van Manen's Contribution to Tibetology 389

o'nce allowed leave, the Tibetan scribe travels towards his home-land. Along the way laymen request
him to copy religious texts for them. At the royal court in Gangtok (Sikkim) he works on the
transcription into dBu-chen of a text titled "The History of the Nine Kings". Having returned to the
Kathmandu Valley as a pilgrim, he then ventures towards northwestern Nepal. Chapter XII deals witli
customs in this region as well as his own religious activities such as honouring a cave in which G:uru
Rinpoche had dwelled. The ceremony a monk performed in order to bring about rainfall is also
described.
Back in the Darjeeling district Puntsog Lungtok discontinues his wanderings - twelve years had
passed since his departure from the monastery of bKra-sis !hun-po. He now receives rewards for
copying texts or performing religious ceremonies for the local laity. Teaching at the lamasery of
Ghoom is given up when, in the second half of 1916, lohan van Manen asks the Tibetan to assist with
his studies on Lamaism. They would continue collaborating at Calcutta until the middle of the 1920s.
B. The final draft of Karma Babu's annotated autobiography was finished in 1928. The Tibetan
version counts 617, the author's English translation hereof 414 pages.
Karma Babu, whose ancestors hailed from Khams, first reports on his childhood years spent at a
village called Sukhiapokhri in the Darjeeling district. After being educated by a Hindi speaking teacher,
he is schooled at the monastery of Ghoom. David MacDonald, the future British Trade Agent at
Gyantse, then gives him his first English lessons.
At the age of twelve Karma Babu attends the British High School in Darjeeling. Here work is
afterwards found as a clerk to the Deputy Commissioner. Next, when the Panchen Rinpoche came to
India as a guest of the British government, the author was appointed interpreter thanks to his capability
of expressing himself fluently in English and Tibetan. Having arrived at Rawalpindi, the party from the
bKra-sis !hun-po monastery is welcomed by the Prince and Princess of Wales. Agra, Delhi and Benares
are also visited. At Bodh Gaya the Panchen Lama performs a religious ceremony. A description hereof
concludes Chapter IV.
Mter a short sojourn in Calcutta, the Tibetans travel up to Darjeeling where Karma Babu is
employed as an interpreter to R. Steen, a physician on his way to the British hospital at Gyantse. Stages
of their journey: Darjeeling-Gangtok-Chumbi Valley are dealt with in detail including, for instance,
explanations of the names such as "Three Sisters" and "Weeping Elephant" which were given to two
table-lands. Moreover, the author reports on stories related to religious buildings he was told by people
along the way.
At Gyantse doctor Steen begins vaccinating the local population against smallpox. A number of
operations to remove goitres were also performed. A lengthy discourse on how burchers in Central
Tibet go about slaying sheep, yaks and pigs follows. Chapter IX contains a description of the manner in
which one governed Gyantse as well as of its inhabitants' customs. Durin$ the four years (1906-1909)
Karma Babu spent serving successive medical officers attached to the British Trade Agency in Gyantse
numerous Lamaistic festivals were witnessed. A survey hereof is given.
Then, after discussing the tax system which caused a great deal of suffering to the poor, the author
writes that thieves could be punished by means of fines, canings or even exile. More serious offenders
may be branded on the forehead as soon as they had effectively been inebriated. Flesh together with
muscles were removed from legs, eyes sometimes scooped out. A typical Tibetan form of punishment
consisted of the miscreant being sowed tightly into a yaIt's hide, left in the sun to die while the hide
dried and shrank. Many criminals saw chance to escape from justice in Tibet by fleeing to the Darjeel-
ing district.
Chapter X discusses the monasteries, villages, passes, mountains, rivers as well as the life-styles of
those Tibetans Karma Babu came accross between Gyantse and Lhasa. A description of festivals which
took place at Lhasa during his ten month long stay there concludes this account. Information on the
history of the Ja-khan which was, in part, forwarded to him by temple guards secretly is dealt with in
Chapter XIII. He visited incarnate monks and received from them corporal as well as spiritual blessings
in order to avoid future damnation.
Soon after his return to Darjeeling on November 12th, 1909 Karma Babu starts teaching classical and
390 Peter Richardus

colloquial Tibetan to a missionary of the Free Church of Finland. Having been converted to Christiani-
ty in 1913, he realises some seven years later that his belief in a foreign religion had been a serious
mistake. The missionaries dismissed him from their school at Ghoom in the course of 1923. After
reaching Calcutta, he looks up his Dutch friend Johan van Manen who was now officiating as General
Secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Not much later Karma Babu is appointed Tibetan instructor
at the University of Calcutta. He' published under the name K. S. Paul.
C. Drin Chen's autobiography was hand-written in Tibetan, Chinese and English. Hereto the author
added ninety) somewhat primitive but nonetheless interesting, pen-drawings in 1925.
Drin Chen (whose father hailed from Szechuan, his mother from Khams) was born in 1893 at Lhasa.
Having attended the Chinese Primary and High Schools he then works for the Sino-Tibetan Transla-
tion Department. The first chapter of this life-story contains a report on ceremonies which took place
when one of his elder sisters married. Furthermore, rituals executed after his father's passing away are
described.
The second Chapter tells of an omen brought in connection with British troops approaching Lhasa
as well as of the reactions hereto given by Chinese and Tibetan leaders. In 1909 Huang Hsu Emperor of
China expired. Drin Chen, at this moment in time working as a clerk in the office of the Chinese
representative at Lhasa, informs us on how one celebrated Hsuan Tsung's enthronement. When a
comet was spotted by the Tibetans they regarded this to be an evil sign. The Chinese Revolution broke
out not much later. Its result: anarchy in the streets of Lhasa. The town's Chinese inhabitants soon
moved to its southern quarters, while the Tibetans remained in the northern part. Both groups were
engaged in an eight month long battle which came to an end only after the withdrawal of all Chinese
soldiers. Before sailing from Calcutta to China, they left behind their weapons in the custody of
Nepalese troops.
During the turmoil at Lhasa Drin Chen lost all his family possessions when his house went up in
flames. He then decides to start a new life in Darjeeling. After taking English lessons, he teaches
Tibetan to a missionary although his friends expressed the view that contact wit~a foreign religion was
a sin. The author explains the reason of his interest in Christianity but he could not fully understand its
meaning.
After a lengthy absence from his place of birth Drin Chen finds it difficult to adapt to life there.
Once back in Darjeeling, English lessons are again followed. Thanks to his knowledge of three
languages, it proved relatively easy to find a livelihood as a merchant in Calcutta. As an employee of a
trading company he travels to Peking via Penang, Singapore, Hong Kong and Shanghai. A commercial
mission from Calcutta to Gangtok, Phari, Gyantse and Shigatse followed. Chapter V contains reports
on these journeys. - '"'~
The following chapter describes the five shrines built in honour of the Panchen Lama at Shigatse.
Local marriage as well as funeral ceremonies are dealt with, too. Having returned to Calcutta Drin
Chen starts working together with J ohan van Manen at the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

Conclusive Observation

As shown above, M.A.]. van Manen did not confine his attention to Tibetan Buddhist ethnographica
or scroll-paintings. He was very much interested in the personal history of his informants and urged
them to write down their life-stories. It is through these three documents humains, introduced here in a
nutshell, that we are presented not only with a vivid report on lives as led in the Himalayan region but
also with anthropological, historical and religious data. Inside information on Lamaistic culture was
during this period (ca. 1880-1925) at any rate scarce, based on descriptions published by daring
foreign travellers and sometimes even fiction. Seeing English versions of these autobiographies through
the press as contemplated by the present author may perhaps even arouse curiosity amongst those not
engaged in Tibetan studies.
 The Applicability of the Concept
of Feudalism to Traditional Tibetan Society
RrNZIN THARGYAL (0STERAS)

My problem is: can identical or similar social organizations occur in discrete spatial and temporal
contexts? Montesquieu, for instance, maintained that feudalism was an inimitable European peculiarity
while Voltaire held that it was not a Medieval European particularity, but a well-nigh ubiquitous and
recurrent phenomenon. Montesquieu's postulate is, in a way, analogous to Franz Boas' theory of
historical particularism. Boas claimed that each culture was an unique entity which entailed that
crosscultural comparison was impossible. Voltaire's position is comparable to the evolutionary theory
of anthropologists and the Marxist theory of inevitable developmental stages all societies must
undergo.
However, without being fervent exponents of either cultural relativism or evolutionism, most an-
thropologists would recognize the sterility of a rigid relativist theory of society or of being sweepingly
evolutionary. Hence, we have Russian feudalism, Chinese feudalism, Japanese feudalism, etc. My
argument is not whether discrete social and political systems can be compared, but how best they can
be compared and on what sound basis. The application of the concept of feudalism to any other society
than the European Middle Ages is almost invariably controversial. It is fraught with the pejorative
connotations of social schism, inequality, exploitation, traditionalism, etc. The tendency sometimes has
been that doctrinaires have exploited its opprobrious connotations to suit their political purposes.
Now I shall first attempt to analyse whether the kingdom of sDe-ge was a protofeudal society or not
by drawing on the fieldwork data I collected in Kathmandu among a group of Tibetan refugees from
sDe-ge in 1982 for my magister thesis. I shall at the outset spell out what my intentions are: my bias is
not to refute or defend any ideological doctrines, but simply to try to gain deeper insight into the social
realities that Once existed in sDe-ge. First, to introduce sDe-ge briefly, I shall quote the following
passage:
"Among the native principalities in the eastern part of Khams, which are sometimes inaccurately called 'king-
dams', was the principality of Derge. Like the other principalities in this region Derge managed to maintain
both its de facto independence and its peculiar lay and ecclesiastical form of government over a long period.
Derge seems to have been the oldest surviving political unit in the area and its ruling family exercised both
temporal and religious control over about 78,000 square kilometres on both sides of the Chin-sha River, consti-
tuting a 'kingdom', the largest and most influential of its kind in Khams" (Kolmas, 1968, p. 22).

Among others, I shall criticise Chen's interpretation of the polity of sDe-ge, but there is no malice in it.
It is only an intellectual attempt to point out how muddled the limited literature on sDe-ge is. Then I
shall discuss to what extent feudalism was prevalent in Tibet by discussing relevant literature published
by Goldstein, Carrasco, and others.
Chen labels the king of sDe-ge "chieftain" and its social and political system "proto" or "early"
feudaL The subject of my contention is the employment of the term "proto" or "early" feudalism to
characterize the polity of sDe-ge. I quote Chen:
<c . . . the entire agrarian system of the Khamba can only be classified as early feudalism" (p. 144).
" ... under the rule of a chieftain it is more centralized in Tekke (sDe-ge)" (p. 83).

Chen here gives the impression that early feudalism and centralization are coterminous phenomena.
392 Rinzin Thargyal

But if I understand the main criteria of European feudalism correctly, centralization and feudalism
are incompatible. If we stick to this broad definition of feudalism, sDe-ge could hardly have been both
feudal and centralized. What triggered the emergence of feudalism in the Merovingian or Carolingian
Empire was a centrifugal process that pervaded Western Europe between approximately the 4th and
8th centuries. Owing largely to the Hungarian, Arabian, and Scandinavian invasions and to internal
disintegration, the Carolingian Empire dwindled and the central political apparatus became ineffica-
cious. Hence, a centripetal process took place. Metaphorically speaking, the centre could no longer
hold and it disintegrated into small islands of strongholds in the formless sea of the moribund empire.
Marc Bloch has this to say:
"... feudalism coincided with a profound weakening of the state, particularly in its protective capacity~ (143),

and a few lines later he adds:

"'European feudalism should therefore be seen as the outcome of the violent dissolution of older societies"
(143).

Bloch gives a picture of a centrifugal process which rendered everybody vulnerable to both external
and internal encroachment. Feudalism in its infancy was not preoccupied with landed property per se;
but its quintessent preoccupation was to seek personal or individual security. This necessitated the
establishment of asymmetrical interrelationships between lords and vassals on a purely personal and
contractual basis. Vassalage functioned as a surrogate for the state and kinship network which had
become ineffective for civil protection.
Chen's implication that both centralization and an early form of feudalism co-existed in sDe-ge is
contradictory. Firstly, as Chen has asserted, sDe-ge had been a centralized kingdom until very recent-
ly. The kingdom of sDe-ge has a historical span of about 50 generations and the house of sDe-ge traces
its anc~stry from the prestigious minister mGar of SrOli.-bcan sgam-po. It had been in a'; expansive and
consolidating process, until recent years, due largely to its renowned leaders; among,whom was bsTan-
pa Che-riil (1678-1738) who established the printing complex of Kanjur and Terifur in sDe-ge, which
is famous throughout Tibet. Sa-skya 'Phags-pa and Gusri Khan, whose religious and political prestige
and protection enhanced sDe-ge's political power (see KolmaS, 1968). bsTan-pa Che-riil was called the
Sroil-bcan sgam-po of sDe-ge, which is indicative of his religious and political dimension. The political
system of sDe-ge was hierarchical and centralized (see Thargyal, 1985).
Secondly, feudalism in its nascent stage was personal and the concept of nobility was well-nigh non-
existent though it might have been in the offing. The dyaclic contractual ceremonies of homage,
commendment, fealty, and the code of chivalry'llere absent in sDe-ge. However, a class of nobility was
prevalent in it, and the basis of the nobility was land endowment (enfeoffment) which is a reminiscent
characteristic of advanced feudalism. Endowment of land which loomed large in sDe-ge, was not a
decisive factor for early feudalism in Europa. Chen has also asserted that labour service and official
duties performed by tax-payers and aristocratic officials were analogous to vassalage, but his assertion
is not without flaws. There was no discernible contractual and personal element in the endowment of
estates to nobles and the land they received was a form of salary for their official duties. In view of this,
I find it cumbersome for Chen to bespatter pages after pages with the term proto or early feudalism
which he supposedly discovered in sDe-ge and Khams. What I am getting at is aptly summed up by
Carrasco in the following manner.
"Among recent reports, Chen Han-seng's study of land tenure in Hor and sDe-dge in 19~O is weak in
describing the total social structure in which the land system operates and is vitiated by his attempts to find
everywhere feudal or semifeudal systems ... " (p. 231).

However, some feudal-like traits were discernible in sDe-ge as well as in Central Tibet (see Bell,
Goldstein, Carrasco, etc.). But Goldstein in a paper entitled "The Balance Between Centralization in
the Traclitional Tibetan Political System", 1971, has refuted Cassinelli and Ekvall's contention that
Tibet was a decentralized society in their book A Tibetan Principality: The Political system of Sakya.
 The Applicability of the Concept of Feudalism to Traditional Tibetan Society 393

He a;gues that the Lhasa government had absolute authority in terms of defence, postal, monetary,
judicial and tax affairs in Tibet, though monastic and aristocratic estates remained semi-autonomous.
Goldstein concludes his paper in the following manner: "Centralization existed side by side with
hereditary decentralization and the uniqueness of the Tibetan form of government lies in the delicate
balance between these" (182, 1971 a).
It is interesting to note Goldstein~s use of the term "uniqueness" to describe the Tibetan form of
government. It suggests that the Tibetan system of government is unamenable to cross cultural com-
parison which is antithetical to the claims of such writers as Chen, etc.
The most feudal-like element in sDe-ge and Central T~bet was the endowment of estates (enfeoff-
ment) to competent men who became hereditary nobles. Royal families of ancient kings and those of
the Dalai Lamas were also ennobled. This fief-like trait appears to have emerged in response to a need
to administer and manage distant or newly annexed districts for the monarch in sDe-ge. Not only the
nobility, but also lesser leaders, and tax-payers were endowed with estates of varying sizes and units of
fields. The nobility in sDe-ge had to furnish with eight external and internal giier-pa (senior ministers)
and a phyag-mjod (financial minister) in addition to the district magistrates or governors of major
districts, on a rotational basis. The lesser leaders were delegated to the tenure of governorship of minor
districts, chief of the trade department, etc.
The tax-payers paid numerous taxes, worked on the demesne land of the state and tilled their own
fields. The dependants tilled their land and they were obliged to till the fields of their lord for a certain
period of time annually. Owing mainly to an acute shortage of manpower and the necessity to maintain
a constant number of household units for tax, tax-payer households were not allowed to move else-
where or sell their land for it was not allodial. They were tied to the estates they worked for and
especially male dependants were not allowed to abandon their estates in marriage or otherwise. In cases
of interestate dependant marriages, an out-going male was usually compensated for by the incoming
marriage partner of a female dependant and so on. Any defecting and recalcitrant dependant was
subject to pursuit and harsh treatment. However, the estate-lord did not have seigneurial immunity.
All criminal cases had to be submitted to the final court of justice and appeal, the cabinet of sDe-ge
which executed joint decision in all important· matters.
The crucial question is: was sDe-ge or Tibet a feudal society? Goldstein renders a somewhat
incomparable picture of traditional Tibet: he gives the impression that Tibet was a unique society and
yet he has the following to say:
« ••• it is not surprising that no conflict developed between the principles of feudal-like decentralization and

centralization. Since the feudal elements had co-opted control of the government, they were perfectly satisfied
to leave the sub-units (i.e., themselves) great internal latitude of rule" (p. 181).

Carrasco, on the other hand, does not appear to consider that the political system of Tibet is incompar-
able, but he at the same time appears more undecided as to what political typology is most suitable for
Tibet. Avoiding the terminology of European feudalism, Carrasco has this to say;
"In comparison with European feudalism, Tibet offers great similarity in a few fundamental traits such as the
importance of labour rent, the granting of land in return for services, and the close connection of rights over
land with political functions .
... it is clear that the Tibetan landed e..<;tates as units of production resemble the manor, and as rewards for
services are comparable to the fief, while the home lands of an estate correspond to the lord's demesne, and the
labour services of the Tibetan peasant to the European corvee" (p. 207).
But Carrasco, perhaps, in tune with Goldstein, is discontent to categorize Tibet feudal because of a
numerous empirical reasons.
"But the granting of land, even if a basic trait, is not diagnostic of feudalism. As a feudal institution the grant of
land are part of personal contractual relations of vassalage which establish well-defined and limited duties
between members of a military class and form the basis of the political system. The situation in Tibet is
different. Here land is granted as salary to officials of an absolute ruler who demands unrestricted obedience and
who can resume the land at will" (p. 208).
394 Rinzin Thargyal

Yet a few lines later he writes:

"... the theory of Oriental or Hydraulic society as developed by Wittfogel provides a more useful frame of
reference to classify Tibetan society as belonging to a 59rtain type" (208).

What Goldstein and Carrasco are preoccupied with, apparently, is the elusive nature of Tibetan
political system which evades any wholesale typological categorization. Their work make us aware that
the Tibetan political system cannot neatly be pigeonholed into a Euro-American political framework.
Carrasco's suggestion that the concept of Oriental hydraulic society is more suitable to Tibet is
unfortunate. I agree with Goldstein that "it is erroneous to talk of Tibet as a centralized hydraulic or
historical bureaucratic state". The question-at issue is what societal typology is suitable for Tibet, but as
we have just seen, neither of the two classical political typologies is amenable to Tibet without
loopholes. Wittfogel's theory of Oriental despotism or hydraulic society is meant to be a rival or better
approach to study Oriental political systems. This is indicative of the problems a feudal approach to
Oriental societies entails. Whether Tibet (Central Tibet and sDe-ge) was a feudal society or not can
best be determined by scrutinizing the structural properties of the typology called Tihet. If there are
sufficient parallels between European feudalism and the Tibetan system, then the latter can be called
feudal. Let us see. What are the fundamental traits of European feudalism?
Vassalage and fief were the two most fundamental· features of European feudalism. As has been
alluded to before, they were precipitated by tumultuous and anarchic social and political conditions
which deprived citizens of their legal and domestic protection. Consequently, they had to contrive self-
protective measures on their own initiative. Hence, contractual interrelationships between patrons and
vassals came into being as protective units against the encroaching world. Initially a vassal became a
commended man which involved the ritual ceremony of homage, which in turn was superseded by the
ceremony of fealty.
Fief was originally called benefice or beneficium, which was based on a rigid bilateral contract
dissoluable only by the death of either party. It was a. system of patron and client relationship
renewable every new generation. The contractual ceremony of homage and fealty rendered every
asymmetrical interrelationship binding for life. The vassal had to have unwavering loyalty and al-
legiance to his lord and be ready to sacrifice his life for the former. Vassal/lord relationship was a
bilateral, contractual, and security arrangement terminable at death. Peculiarly enough, fief was not
always endowed by the lord, but sometimes the vassal's allodial land was offered to his prospective lord
or patron who returned it to its original owner as fief so that the vassal received protection.
However, towards the end of the feudal age, fief became an economic arrangement rather than a
security one. One and the same vassal could have several lords simultaneously and the erstwhile
knights and pa,rons gradually became hereditary aristocrats who, perhaps, were the catalytic agents of
capitalism.
In juxtaposition, Tibet was neither in a state of dissolution nor was it engulfed in insecurity. On the
contrary, it was in a process of centralization. The endowment of estates was an administrative device
which was controlled and regulated, even confiscated (if necessary) by the central authorities. The
Tibetan equivalent of fief, estate endowment, was a form of salary which lacked the contractual,
personal, non-hereditary, and cliental elements of European feudalism. Moreover, estates were in the
mould of the state though they at the same time had great latitude of rule. Hence, structurally, sDe-ge
or Lhasa does not seem to have been a proto-feudal society let alone its being an advanced feudal
society.
However, as we have seen, there were some feudal-like traits in sDe-ge: i. e. the necessity of
performing state duties by the nobility in return for the endowment of estates, tax-payers having to
perform labour service and paying a myriad of taxes, and the khorpas having to perform labour service
for their lords and being tied to them hereditarily. Goldstein calls the social political system in Central
Tibet Ilpervasive serfdom", and the system in sDe-ge was akin to the former, though there was more
social mobility and latitude in the latter.
Generally, se''t£dom, schism, exploitation, inequality, traditionalism, etc. are characteristic features of
 The Applicability of the Concept of Feudalism to Traditional Tibetan Society 395

feudalism, but they are not exclusive concomitants of feudalism; they are almost omnipresent in many
ancient and modern societies. In other words, if all societies that indulged or indulge in the above
mentioned excesses are christened feudal, then many modern societies must _necessarily be called
feudal, which, of course, is a vacuous statement.
In diametrical contrast to the Marxist contention that capitalism emerged out of the ruins of feudal-
ism, West, among others, holds that feudalism was the harbinger of capitalism. West maintains that
Marx and Engels identified feudalism with the manorial lord with his demesne land cultivated by
unfree peasants as a matter of obligation. But he argues that the manorial system was not an exclusive
feature of feudalism: " ... the manorial system, meaning by that an estate divided between the lord's
land and tenant land, long antedates feudal society and long servived it" (p. 58).
However, on the eve of the Chinese take over of it, sDe-g. had plunged into a political state
reminiscent of European feudalism: i. e. a centrifugal process began to take place due primarily to
exogenous encroachments, and internal co-wife and fraternal contentions, perhaps, incited by alien
elements. But this is the topic of another paper, and I shall let it rest here.
Now the question is whether Tibet defies any typological or cross cultural comparison. Chen, in all
probability, believed that Tibet was a feudal society, Goldstein finds it difficult to pigeon-hole Tibet
into a feudal political framework, and Carrasco seems to be searching for an appropriate typology.
My own argument is not to imply that crosscultural comparison is impossible, but it should be made
on sound empirical grounds. If the fundamental diagnostic features of a given typology are present in a
society, only then can it be identified with that typology, and not otherwise. The structural features I
have discussed in the present paper indicate that the political systems of Central Tibet and sDe-ge were
to a large extent discrepant vis-a.-vis European feudalism. Hence, it must necessarily be said that Tibet
lacked some of the basic feudal elements and the application of a feudal terminology to Tibet appears to
be unenlightening and cumbersome, at best. Then, what kind of society was Tibet? It may be called an
estate society (in line with Goldstein), but the main purpose of my paper is to draw attention to this
muddled issue for further scrutiny and analysis, rather than to draw conclusions.

REFERENCES

BLOCH. M., 1961, Feudal Society, London.

CARRASCO, P., 1972, Land and Polity in Tibet, Seattle.
CHEN, R., 1949, Frontier Land Systems in Southermost China: A Comparative Study of Agrarian Problems and Social Organiza-
tion among the Pal Yi People of Yunnan and the Kamba People of Sikang, New York.
KOLMAS, ].,1968, A Genealogy of the Kings of Derge (edited from the Tibetan), Prague,
GOLDSTEIN, M., The Balance Between Centralization and Decentralization in the Traditional Tibetan Political System, CAl 15:
170-182,1971a.
WEST, F. J., 1975, Feudalism, Capitalism and Beyond, edited by Kamenka and R. S. Neale, London.
CASSINELLI and EKVALL, 1969, Sa-kya: A Tibetan Principality, Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
 The Biographies of the Grand Lamas of Dagyab (Brag-g.yab)
as a Contribution to the History of East Tibet
P. SCHWIEGER (BONN)

Brag-g.yab belongs to the eastern districts of Tibet, together known by the name of Khams. It is
situated next to Chab-mdo. Brag-g.yab is devided into two parts. They are commonly named after the
two monasteries Ma-dgon and Bu-dgon. The Brag-g.yab skyabs-mgon or Brag-g.yab rin-po-che acted
as secular and spiritual rulers over that district. Considering the rank they were followed by the Brag-
g.yab chun-chan rin-po-che. Both were eminent figures of the dGe-lugs-pa school. Closely linked with
the activities of the Grand Bla-mas who were reincarnated in these two positions is the establishment
and maintenance of Brag-g. yab as a centralized territory and administrative district as well as the
preponderating position of the dGe-lugs-pa school in that area.'
Mr. Dagyab possesses five manuscripts and block-prints of alltogether about 360 folios which
contain six biographies of these Grand Bla-mas. We do not know any other copies or editions of these
texts from western libraries. Their publication will provide new sources for the history of East Tibet.'
By the following I'd like to give you a short introduction of the biographies of the six Bla-mas. The
two persons' life at the beginning of both successions of incarnation I am going to relate in more detail.
The history of the Brag-g. yab district starts with Grags-pa rgya-mcho, the first of up to now nine
Brag-g.yab skyabs-mgon. His biography was composed 1709 - 71 years after his death - by Blo-bzan
bstan-pa, who is also known by the name of Nag-dbari dge-legs dpal-bzan. As sources he used the
collected works of the first sKyabs-mgon, which have not been preserved so far,' and three older
biographies of which we know only the titles and the names of two authors.
Grags-pa rgya-mcho was born in 1572 as the son of a follower of the rNin-ma-pa school, a scholar of
the old Tantras. His mother is described as a plain woman. Since the son got into a quarrel with a
relative on his father's side and hurted him with a knife he had to fear for his life and so searched for
refuge in a monastery. In the 21" year of his life he took the vows of a dge-bsiien, two years later those
of a dge-chul. Mter many years of studying at several monasteries in Central Tibet he returned to his
home country. On his travels to many places and monasteries in East Tibet he distinguished himself
through preaching, religious instructions and giving initiations. In the year of 1621 he founded the
great monastery bKra-sis chos-rjon, which served himself and his following three incarnations as
residence. His different activities made him popular far over Brag-g. yab itself. Finally the status of an
incarnation was adjudged to him. A line of important preincarnations was constructed with the help of
the dreams of 'Phags-pa lha, the secular and spiritual head of the Chab-mdo region.' When he finally

I See the article by Loden Sherap Dagyab, Die Verwaltung des Bezirkes Brag-g.yab (= Dagyab, Osttibet) durch die Brag-g.yab
skyabs-mgon, in: Heilen und Schenken, Festschrift fur Gunther Klinge zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. by H. Franke und W. Heis-
sig, Wiesbaden 1980, pp. 12-21.
2 Mr. Dagyab and I will publish the biographies in facsimile provided with a complete index of personal names and places as

well as a detailed summary. In the meantime additional texts regarding the first sKyabs-mgon came into hand. They will be
published soon in L. S. Dagyab and P. Schweiger, Die Biographie des ersten Brag-g.yab sKyabs-mgon Grags-pa rgya-mcho,
St. Augustin, 1988.
) According to the knowledge of Mr. Dagyab.
~ This is the fourth incarnation of 'Phags-pa lha (1604-1644). See Zahiruddin Ahmad, Sino-Tibetan Relations in the Seven-
teenth Century, Roma 1970, pp. 59, 123, (See also Turell V. Wylie, The Geography of Tibet According to the 'Dzam-gling-
rgyas-bshad. Roma 1962 (SOR XXV). p. 100.)
436 P. Schwieger

succeeded in his efforts to unite the previously separate~parts of Brag-g.yab called Phya and sKyoD.
under his dominion he reached the climax of his activities.'
At his death in 1638 the rule of the Brag-g.yab skyabs-mgon, which he had founded, was not yet
consolidated. It was especially threatened by the pugnacious East Tibetan king of Be-ri, Be-ri Don-
yod, a promoter of the Bon religion.' Because of the danger that the Be-ri rgyal-po could take
advantage out of the situation Grags-pa rgya-mcho's death was kept secret for more than one year.
The consolidation of the Brag-g.yab skyabs-mgon's position as the ruler of Brag-g.yab is largely
owing to Sails-rgyas bkra-sis, the main disciple of Grags-pa rgya-mcho and the first in the line of the
Brag-g.yab chun-chan Tin-po-che. The history of his life together with that of his reincarnation is given
us in one text, also written by Blo-bzail bstan-pa, the author of Grags-pa rgya-mcho's biography.
Sails-rgyas bkra-sis was born in 1588. After having taken the vows of a dge-bsiien and a dge-chul he
met Grags-pa rgya-mcho. At the age of 23 or 25 he took the vow of a monk from him. He accepted
responsibility during the construction of the monastery bKra-sis Chos-rjon. Instructed by Grags-pa
rgya-mcho he served as a go-between for Be-ri Don-yod and 'Phags-pa lha. Because of Be-ri rgyal-po's
hostile attitude towards buddhism the position of 'Phags-pa lha as the head of Chab-mdo was so much
weakened that he was about to leave the country. A notice in Ahmad's "Sino-Tibetan Relations in the
Seventeenth Century" shows us the degree of the strained relations between the two. Here we get to
know that the king of Be-ri destroyed the monastery Gails-dkar bde-chen g1iD., which was built by the
third 'Phags-pa lha (1517-1604).7
In the summer of the year of 1638, shortly before Grags-pa rgya-mcho died, the Be-ri rgyal-po made
war with five army groups against the buddhists. One group secretly attacked the monastery bKra-sis
chos-rjoD. while Sails-rgyas bkra-sis was 'staying in another monastery. But the monks were able to
defeat the soldiers from Be-ri.
When Gushri Khan with his army invaded Tibet and passed through East Tibet Sails-rgyas bkra-sis
took advantage out of the new situation for the consolidation of the sKyabs-mgon's rule over Brag-
g.yab. He went to see the Mongolian ruler in his military camp and could serve him with informations
about East Tibet for his onward march. Accepting Gushri Khan's supremacy he won a mighty protec-
tor who freed him from Be-ri rgyal-po's hostility. With his army strengthened by East Tibetan
auxiliary troops Gushri Khan wiped out the troops of Be-ri Don-yod. Petech in "China and Tibet"
and Ahmad mention Gushri Khan's victory for the year of 1641.' According to Ahmad the king of Be-
ri was able to resist for a long period as Gushri Khan's campaign lasted more than eighteen months"
Gushri Khan explicity gave Sails-rgyas bkra-sis his protection and honoured him with many pre-
sents. Due to' the special favour and support PI the Mongolian ruler Sails-rgyas bkra-sis was able to
annex additional territories to the district of Brag-g.yab and also to assert himself against the revaling
monks of the 'Brug-pa school.
During the following time Sails-rgyas bkra-sis still supported two other Mongolian army leaders
who passed through Khams.
He started to project a new monastery, although it couldn't be constructed during his lifetime.
In 1651 the incarnation of the first sKyabs-mgon was found and enthroned. At that time Sails-rgyas
bkra-sis was already ill. He died in the same year.
Grags-pa chos-'jin, the reincarnation of Sails-rgyas bkra-sis and the second in the line of the Chun-
chan Tin-po-che, was born in 1657. He got only 25 years old. There are no exceptional events, apart

S The territory of dGe-chail., which according to L. S. Dagyab, ibid., p. 12, was also annexed by Grags-pa rgya-mcho, is not
mentioned in the biography.
6 See on the rulers of Be-ri as promoters of the Bon religion also Z. Ahmad, ibid., p. 122.
1 Z. Ahmad, ibid., pp. 59, 122-123. On Be-ri fgyal-po's hostile attitude towards buddhism see also W. D. Shakabpa, Tibet - A
Political History, New Haven, London 1967, p. 103; Giuseppe Tucci, Tibetan Painted SCTolh, Vol. It p. 61.
B Luciano Petech. China and Tibet in the Early 18th CenturyJ p. 43 note 6; Z. Ahmad, ibid., p. 126. (According to the Koko-

, nor annals the~.~ftory of Gushri Khan was in 1640. See Z. Ahmad, ibid., p. 128.)
Z. Ahmad, ibid:, p. 126.
 The Biographies of the Grand Lamas of Dagyab (Brag-g,yab) 437

from'his religious activities, reported in his biography, He died in 1682, the same year as the fifth Dalai
Lama Nag-dbaIi. blo-bzan rgya-mcho as well as the sewnd sKyabs-mgon Nag-dbaIi. bsod-nams lhun-
grub, His biography is again written by the same author.
The appearance of the second sKyabs-mgon was not without any hindrances. So to say he was born
twice - at first in 1644. But only after three years the reincarnation died. Again to the same parents
were born a son in 1647. After long examinations and according to the opinions of experts he was
finally recognized as the second sKyabs-mgon. lO At first the recognition was in dispute because there
were also indications to a rebirth at another place.
During his lifetime, in the year of 1653," the great monastery dGa' -ldan bsad-bsgrub chos-'khor was
founded in Byams-mdun.
The life history of the fourth sKyabs-mgon was for the most part composed by Byams-mdun khri-pa
Rin-chen rgya-mcho, the abbot of the monastery dGa' -ldan bSad-bsgrub chos-'khor in Byams-mdun.
The final part was composed by Zan-'bum, the secretary of the fifth sKyabs-mgon, based on oral
information of the fourth sKyabs-mgon's nephew, The text is written in a clear dBu-med handwriting,
A part of the folios are pasted together out of several sheets of paper. According to the knowledge of
Mr, Dagyab they were polished with a snail-shell. The kind of writing and the quality of the paper
show him that the manuscript originally belonged to the private library of the sKyabs-mgon rin-po-che,
The third sKyabs-mgon Nag-dban chul-khrims did not get older than ten years. His reincarnation,
Blo-bzan rnam-rgyal, was born in 1693. During his life Tibet was shaken by some revolutionary
political events: the rule of the Qosot Khan !Ha-bzan as king of Tibet from 1705 to 1717, the invasion
of the Dzungars in 1717 and finally in 1720 the marching in of the Manchu army, which also led sKal-
bzan rgya-mcho, who alone was recognized by the Tibetans as the seventh Dalai Lama, to lHa-sa,12
These events are also touched by the biography, There is reported about the invasion of the Dzungar
army to Central Tibet (dBus), the murder of king lHa-bzan and the destruction of the r/\[in-ma-pa
monasteries by the Dzungars, East Tibet was not stricken directly by these events. It is only mentioned
that a little fear and anxiety was spread over the areas of Khams,
According to Petech 13 the military potention of the invasion army was just sufficient enough to
occupy !Ha-sa and parts of Central Tibet. Khams was actually independent of lHa-sa and only liable to
the authority of his high Lamas. But the Chinese influence was more and more growing in that area. In
the year of 1719 the Manchu general Galbi took over the command of the army which was standing in
Szechwan and which together with a second Chinese army was to attack the Dzungars in the following
year, As part of the preparations to this campaign he occupied Batang,14 Local resistence was broken by
the execution of the 'abbot of Li-than."
In 1719 the emperor K'ang-Hsi (bDe-skyid) conferred the title of No-mon-han on the Brag-g,yab
skyabs-mgon. He confirmed the bestowal by sending a seal. In respect to the consolidation of the
Chinese influence in Khams and the preparations of the campaign against the Dzungars this fact
obtains its particular political character.
According to Dagyab's article about the administration of the Brag-g,yab district - which is based
on information of gsol-dpon Blo-bzan chul-khrims - the fourth sKyabs-mgon received along with the
title of No-mon-han the title of a Hu-thug-thu,16 There is no hint at this in the biography, It might as
well be the case that he was conferred the title of a Hu-thug-thu as early as in 1713 by the Qosot Khan
!Ha-bzan, because for that year the author of the biography tells us that Jingir Khan - how the Qosot

10 See also L. s. Dagyab, ibid" p. 13 note 7.

II L. S. Dagyab, ibid., p. 13, gives the year 1652.
11 For a detailed description of the events see L. Petech, ibid., pp. 8-73.
lJ L. Petech, ibid., p. 51.

14 L. Petech, ibid" p. 67.

15 L. Petech, ibid., pp. 67-68. (Petech refers to A. Heim, Minya Gongkar, Forschungsreise ins Hochgebirge von Chinesisch-

Tibet, Berlin 1933, p. 150.)

l~ L. S. Dagyab, ibid., p. 14.
438 P. Schwieger

Khan is called in the biography l7 - put in lHa-sa the sKyabs-mgon on a par with the rTa-chag rje-dru7z
rin-po-che through the arrangement of the seats. He confirmed the rank by a read seal. We could
interprete this as the bestowal of the Hu-thug-thu title on the sKyabs-mgon if the rTa-chag rje-dru7z
Tin-po-che already held the same title at that time - though we do not have verification for so early."
In many biographies of high Tibetan Lamas among their religious activities prominence is especially
given to the foundation of monasteries. The one founded by Blo-bzati mam-rgyal in 1745 in dByen-
zlum was called bKra-sis g.yan-'khyil. It became the most important monastery in Brag-g.yab. There-
fore it was also known by the name of Ma-dgon - mother-monastery - in opposite to dGa' -ldan
bsad-bsgrub chos-'khor in Byams-mdun which from then on was called Bu-dgon - son-monastery. It
replaced bKra-sis chos-rjon as the residence of the Brag-g.yab skyabs-mgon. This monastery was
destroyed by a fire in 1749.
Blo-bzati mam-rgyal died in 1750 in the 58th year of his life.
Finally I just want to mention the biography of the seventh sKyabs-mgon mKhyen-rab blo-gsal dpal
bzati-po,19 who lived from 1859 to 1882.20 It was composed in 1905, 23 years after his death, by the
sDe-dge Bla-ma Karma bkra-sis chos-'phel blo-gros rgya-mcho. It is written on 88 folios in a 'Khyug-
yig handwriting.

TIBETAN SOURCES

The biography of the 1st sKyabs-mgon Grags-pa rgya-mcho (block-print. 70 folios). Title: TIe bcun grags p4 Tzy4 mcho'i mam
thaT byin rlabs kyi ChaT rgyun. Composed in 1709 by Blo-bzail bstan-pa (= Nag-dbaIi dge-Iegs dpa!-bzail).
The biographies of the 1st and the 2nd Brag-g.yab Chun-chan rin-po-Che. Sans-rgyas bkra-sis and Grags-pa chos-'jin (block-
print, 19 foHos) Title: dpal bla rna sans rgyas bkra sis daW de'isprul pa'i sku grags pa Chos 'iin zun gi roam partharpa me tog
gis (/) phren ba. Composed by Blo-bzail bstan-pa.
The biography of the 2nd Brag-g.yab skyabs-mgon Nag-dbail bsod-nams !hun-grub (block-print, 35 folios). Title: Tje bru. bla
rna nag elba;' bsod nams /hun grub leyi mam par thar p4 zar byun dan heas pa Tag pa cam zig brJoU pa dnos grub char 'bebs.
Composed by Blo-bzail bs,an-pa.
The biography of ~he 4th sKyabs-mgon Blo-bzaIi rnam-rgyal (dBu-med handwriting, 144 folios). No title (title-page is missing).
Composed by khri-pa RID-cben rgya-mcho and ~an-·bum.
The biography of the 7th sKyabs-mgon mKhyen-rab blo-gsa! dpa! bzail-po ('Khyug-yig handwriting, 88 folios). Tide: mdo
khams iva seT bstan pa'i gsar byed brag g.yab che chan mchog gi spTul pa'j phren ba baun pa mkhyen rab blo gsal dpal bzan
po'i rnam par thar pa no mchar gzugs brgya 'char ba'i me Ion. Composed in 1905 by Karma bkra-sis chos-'phd blo-gros rgya-
rocho.

17 See also L. Petech, ;bid., p. 13. There is mentioned that IHa-bzan hdd the title of bsTan-'jinJiil-gir rGyal-po.
18 Relating to later incarnations of the rTa-chag rJe-drun rin-po-Che tbe Hu-thug-thu title is verificated. See Dieter Schuh,
Grundlagen tibetisrher Siegelkunde, Sankt Augustin, 1981, pp. 129-130.
19 L. S. Dagyab, ibid., p. 16, gives as the name of the seventh sKyabs-mgon mKhyen-rab lun.-rigs mkhas-bcun rgyal-mchan.
20 According tol·J-e biography we have to revise the dates for his lifetime, which are given in L. S_ Dagyab, ibid., p. 16.
 The Revival of Buddhism in Modern Ladakh
NAWANG TSERING SHAKSPO (LEH)

Due to the repeated invasions by the Dogra force of Maharaja Gulab Singh (1792-1858), Ladakh lost
its political freedom to the founder of Kashmir State, Maharaja Gulab Singh in 1842.' The root of
Buddhism sown by the religious kings were shaken and an atmosphere of anarchy set in. The Dogra
rulers broke the back-bone of aristocracy in Ladakh.2 Under these circumstances hardly anyone
considered the future of Buddhism (on political grounds), and we could thus call this the darkest period
in the one thousand year long history of Buddhism in Ladakh. As aliens to the religion and culture of
Ladakh, they did considerable damage to Buddhist religious objects like dGon-pas, statues, stupas,
mal1i-walls and other religious and cultural centres. J In this initial stage, the root of Buddhism was
threatened on political grounds, however due to the people's unbending faith in the Buddhist religion,
the Dogras (except for taking financial advantage) completely failed in the religious' sphere to affect
people's minds before or after the war.'
This left the Ladakhis with the huge task of re-strengthening Buddhism in the region. This was not
an easy task under a colonial regime. However, for the sake of their religion, immediately after the war
the learned Lamas of different monasteries raised their heads, and decided to take responsibility for
strengthening and giving BuddlJism its dueposition. Foremost among these scholar Lamas was Saspola-
born Bla-ma Chul-Jthrin,s Ni-ma' (1790-1865). The biggest accomplishment of Bla-ma Chul-khrinls
Ni-ma, had been to renovate the giant statue of Lord Buddha at Shey,' built by King bDe-ldan rNam-
rGyal in (funeral) memory of his father King Sen-ge rNam-rGyal (1590-1620). The Buddha had been
heavily damaged by the Dogra invaders. In addition, Bla-ma Chul-khrinJs Ni-ma founded the dGon-
pa of Ri-rjon in 1834 and bSam-rtan gliti. dgon-pa of Nubra in 1M2. At the same time sKin-dyang born
Bakula dKon-mChog Ran-gro Ni-ma,1 took responsibility for renovating the Bla-ma g.yu-ru dgon-pa,
which the Dogras had turned into stable during the war, destroying valuable books and statues. At that
same time the incarnate Bla-ma of sTag-sna-dgon-pa, Bla-ma bKra-sis dam-'phel,' not only found
various monasteries and places of worship damaged by the Dogra invaders, but also found that the
economy of all the dgon-pas had deteriorated and were in a critical position owing to the heavy State
tax. So Bla-ma bKra-sis dam-'phel, visited Maharaja Gulab Singh and pleaded for the exemption of all
the dgon-pas of Ladakh from the State tax.' The Maharaja, being a far sighted king, gave his approval
for such exemption. This contribution of Bla-ma bKra-sis dam-'phel greatly contributed to the flour-

I K. M. Panikhar, 1953, "The Founding of the Kashmir State, A Biography of Maharaja Gulab Singh (1792-1858)." For the
same informacion, I am indebted to Prof.. C. L. Datta of Punjab University, ChandlIigrah.
2 Sheeraza Ladakhi (Ses~rab-zom). Volume 5, No.1, p. 95.
:s Sheeraza Ladakhi (Ses-Tab-zom), Volume 7, No.3, p. 41.
.of Sheeraza Ladakhi (Ses-rab-zom). Volume 5, No.1, p. 95.
5 Nawang Tsering. 1979, Buddhism in Ladakh. p. 12.
, Ta5hi Rabgias, 1984, History of Ladakh Called The Mirror Which Illuminates All. p. 436.
, S. S. Gergon, 1975, Bla-Dvags rGyal-rabs 'Chi-mea gter, p. 594•
• Nawang Tsering, 1979, Buddhism in lAdakh, p. 12.
, Tashi Rabgias, 1984, History of Ladakh Called The Mirror Which Illuminates All, p. 438. For the same informacion, I am
greatly indebted to rGyaI-sr4S Bakula Rinpoche.
440 N awang Tsering Shakspo

ishing of the monasteries. After Maharaja Gulab Singh, his son Maharaja Ranbir Singh (1857-1885)
came to the throne. Maharaja Ranbir Singh had four sons, Partap Singh, Ram Singh, Amar Singh and
Lachman Singh. After him, the throne pas~ed to his eldest son Maharaja Partap Singh (1885-1925).10
The reign of Maharaja Partap Singh carries great significance in the religious history of Ladakh.
During this time many changes took place in the field of knowledge and action. At that time the second
successive Ladakh born incarnate of gnas-brtan Bakula, and the first to succeed the abbotship of sPe-
thub dgon-pa, Bakula Blo-bzari-ye-ses bstan-pa rgyal-mchan (1860-1917) was very popular with the
people of Ladalth for regulating religious, social and political activities in the region. Though Maharaja
Partap Singh was an excellent politician and meritorious king accepted by the people, he and his subject
were extremely sad because he had no children to succeed to the throne. At that point, one of the
Maharaja's minister, who had just returned from Ladakh, informed the king that the sKu-zogs of sPe-
thub dgon-pa had some unique qualities as an incarnate Bla-ma and as a great sage in the field of
religion. He further suggested that it would be possible to conceive a crown prince through the power
of sKu-zogs' prayer. On hearing this with delight, Maharaja at once sent a royal invitation to Bakula at
sPe-thub.It was duly accepted by the sKu-zogs, who set off for Jammu along with some senior bfa-mas
of the dgon-pa. When the sKu-zogs reached Jammu he received a royal reception. In particular, the king
spoke of the great sorrow afflicting the royal family. The sKu-zags prayed for seven days at the palace.
During this period of meditation and prayer, the king kept his turban under his seat." It is recorded
that the Maharaja was intensely religious and always wore a very large turbanY To convey his deep
emotion, the king offered to make a donation which would satisfy the need of sPe-thub dgon-pa and
Bakula himself. In reply Bakula asked for exemption of all the dgon-pas of Ladakh and Zanskar, which
were also not exempted from the State tax. (It is said that during the reign of Maharaja Partap Singh,
heavy State tax was levied on all dgon-pas except for He-mis and Ri-rjori. 13 This was conceded by the
Maharaja.
For the remainder of his stay in Jammu, the sKu-zogs continued to discuss State problem with the
King. The British Field Marshall Lord Robert (1832-1914) visited Srinagar, andthe sKu-zags of sPe-
thub dgon-pa addressed him as well.14
During this time Zanskar, the native country of Bakula was under Kisht.war Tehsil. Due to that fact,
the sKu-zogs received stiff opposition from the rulers towards the development of various dgon-pas of
Zanskar. After colossal efforts, Bakula succeeded in transfering Zanskar from the jurisdiction of
Kishtawar to Ladakh. sKu-zags Bakula lived for. long period in Zanskar and carried out much
renovation work at dKar-sa dgon-pa and sTori-sde dgon-pa. He built the present magnificient block of
dKar-sa dgon-pa, popularily known as bfa-bran, the Head Bla-ma's residence and the bla-bran of
sTori-sde dgon-pa. Later the sKu-zogs receivei administrative and judicial power from the Maharaja,
and transfered one big hall of dKar-sa bfa-bran into his court, which is still preserved along with his
chair. IS
The sKu-zogs's activities were not confined to Zanskar alone. At sPe-thub dgon-pa he also carried
out considerable renovations and built most of the present old block of the dgon-pa. In addition, the
sKu-zags built the present dignified bSam-dkar dgon-pa of Leh in 1890 in the shape of sTori-sde bfa-
bran." It is said that none of the dgon-pas of Ladakh remained untouched by his assistance at that time.
On August 12,1917, the sKu-zags passed away at sTori-sde dgon-pa after a prolonged illness caused by
poisoning,I7

[0 For this information, I am greatly indebted to rGyal-sras Bakula Rinpoche of sPe~thub dgon-pa.
11 For this information, I am indebted to dGe-slon Thub-bstan Dar-rgyas, Manager, gSan-mKhar dgon-pa.
12 G. M. D. Sufi, History of Kashmir, p. 819.
Il This informacion I received from rGyal-sras Bakula.
H C. F. Knight, Where Three Empire Meet, London, 1893.
15 For this information, I am greatly indebted to rGyal-sras Bakula Rinpoche.
16 D. Kantowsky and R. Sander, eds., 1981, Recent Research on Ladakh, Band I, article by Sjoerd-Jan de Vries, p. 29.
l7 S. S. Gergan, 1'9r5, Bla-Dvags rGyal-rabs 'Chi-med gter, p. 224.
 The Revival of Buddhism in Modern Ladakh 441

After Maharaja Partap Singh, his nephew Maharaja Hari Singh carne to the throne." His reign also
had great significance in the Buddhist history of Ladakh, Popular voice was raised both in J arnmu and
Kashmir, The Buddhist of Ladakh were guided at that time by a staunch Kashmiri Buddhist, Pandit
Shridhar Ko;"l, popularily known as "Masterji", Prior to that no one at the State level showed any
concern for the future of Buddhism in Ladakh, In 1931, the Maharaja Government appointed an
enquiry commission, presided over by B, J, Glancy of the political department of government of India,
to enquire into the grievances of different faiths and communities of the State, including Ladakh, Its
members consisted of a representative each from the Hindus and Muslims' of the provinces of Jammu
and Kashmir, But Buddhists of Ladakh was given no representation, This ommission forced the'
Buddhists of the State to. form an organisation under the shrewd guidance of Pandit Shridhar KouL It
was known as Kashmir Raj Bodh Mahasabha, This organisation existed for the "two-fold purpose of
propagating Buddhism in a land where it once flourished with full vigour and rehabilitating the
Buddhists of Ladakh, socially, politically and economically", sTag-chan Rin-po-che Nag-dban '1arn-
dpal dge-legs rgyal-mchan was nominated as its patron, Pandit Shridhar Bhatt as its Secretary,19
At that time the Tibetan born sTag-chai{Rinpoche, began to take an active role in the religious and
cultural affairs of Ladakh, His Holiness paid a visit to Kashmir in connection with a pilgrimage to
various Buddhist holy spots and called on Maharaja Hari Singh, The Maharaja received him warmly
and honoured him by presenting a full Maharaja's dress to sTag-chan Rinpoche,20 While residing in
Kashmir, beside discussing the future of Ladakhi Buddhists, sTag-chan Rinpoche requested from the
Maharaja a piece of land for the construction of a dgon-pa. The Maharaja donated 24 kannals of land at
Raj Bagh, Srinagar, (This has now been reduced to only one kannal of land,)21
As the Kashmir Raj Bodh Mahasabha had the full support and blessing of Ven, sTag-chan Rinpoche
Nag-dban dge-legs rgyal-mchan, the Buddhist leaders at Leh gave full authority to the newly formed
. Kashmir Raj Bodh Mahasabha to take the grievances of the Buddhist community of Ladakh before the
Glancy Commission, Accordingly, the Sabha's president appeared before the commission and submit-
ted a detailed memorandum on December 20, 1931, drawing the commission's attention to the
economic and educational backwardness of the Buddhists of Ladakh and outlining measures for their
revivaL Among other things, the memorandum urged legislation for the abolition of polyandry and the
law of inheritance underwhich only the eldest child inherited the ancestral property,21
Sabhas activities were not confined to Jammu and Kashmir State alone, but drew the attention of
various international Buddhist organisations around the world, such as the World Fellowship of Bud-
dhists, Bangkok, and the Maha Bodhi Society of India, Calcutta, Soon after the appeals of the Sabha,
Tripitakacharya Rahul Sanskirityan, a renowned Hindi writer, and German monk Anagarika Govinda
visited Ladakh to do an on-the-spot study of the condition of Ladakhi Buddhists, Soon after theirvisit
to Ladalth, these two scholars submitted a report to the Government about the difficulties and the state
of Buddhists monasteries of Ladakh and their urgent need for renovation."
In the year 1934, under the guidance of Pandit Shridhar Koul, the youth of Ladakh founded the
Buddhist Association, This was the first ever association established in Ladakh, bKa-blon Che-dban
rig-'jin was elected its first President, with Munshi bSod-nams che-dban as its Secretary, and Sra-na-ra
Tonyot Shah and others as its members, This association did its best to promote Buddhist education,
along with other social issues of Ladakhi society by raising funds, in the form of donations, Among the
major contributions of the association was the preparation and publication of Buddhist Ladakhi text
books for Ladakhi children in their mother tongue, Later on due to the repeated request of the

18 Maharaja Partap Singh had a daughter and a son. Both died in infancy. One thesis is that, due to disease contracted in youth,
he could not be expected subsequently to have a child of his own. See G. M. D. Sufi, History of Kashmir, p. 830.
19 J. N. Ganhar M. A. and P. N. Ganhar M. A.. Buddhism in Kashmir and Ladakh, 1956, p. 216.
10 Tashi Rabgias, 1984, History of Ladakh Called The Mirror Which Illuminates All, p. 477.
21 For this information, I am greatly indebted to Baba Noor~din Shah of Batmailu/Leh.
22 J. N. Ganhar M. A. and P. N. Ganhar M. A., Buddhism in Kashmir and Ladakh, p. 217.
2J Ibid. p. 218 & Yatra ke Panney by Rahul Sanskirityan.
442 Nawang Tsering Shakspo

association, the government also sanctioned allowances for religious preachers and social reformers,
who could develop public opinion along the desired lines, denouncing excessive drinking of chan (local
alcohol), and polyandry, and promoting literacy."
In 1934, for the first time the people of the State were granted power to nominate their own
representative, and a legislative assembly known as, "praja Sabha" was established. That assembly had
75 members and the Buddhists of Ladakh were given two nominated seats. After the formation of the
assembly, the first Ladakhis to attend the assembly were King 'Jigs-med dgra-'dul, bKa'-blon Che-
dban rig-'jin and Sra-na-ra Tonyat Shah. These Ladakhi representatives were fully guided by Pandit
Shridhar Koul and succeeded in passing the law of equal distribution of inherited land to all the
brothers, and outlawed polyandry. Later the Maharaja's Government promulgated the Polyandrous
Marriages Prohibition Act in 1941. 25 Prior to that younger brothers were not entitled to receive
inherited land nor were they permitted to bring independent wives for themselves. (Where the younger
sons did marry they had difficulty in feeding their wives and children. Due to that fact, the number of
monks and nuns substantially increased, which kept the Buddhist population in check.)
In 1947, India became free from British rule and Pakistan was created by partition. Ladakh, along
with the rest of the State Jammu and Kashmir, decided to remain with India, since, among other
reasons it was the birth place of Sakyamuni Buddha. The joining of Ladakh to the rest of India
provided an opportunity for the people of Ladakh to give full attention to the development of their
religion accor~ing to their own fashion and choice. India, after independence, beca~e a democratic
country, and the people were granted the right to practice religion as per their own wishes. Similarily,
the Buddhists of Ladakh also did their best to strengthen Buddhism in Ladakh. Thus the year 1947 can
be fixed as the date of the beginning of Buddhist revival in modern Ladakh, on the grounds that from
that time onwards the responsibility fell squarely on the people themselves.
On July 4, 1949, Pandit J awaharlal Nehru, then Prime Minister of India, personally paid a visit to
Ladakh. Pandit Nehru's visit to Ladakh coincided with the very first democratic expression in the land
of Bla-mas and dGon-pas. Needless to say the Ladakhi people elected rGyal-srao,oBakula Rinpoche, a
high incarnate bla-ma as their leader and the President of National Conference. Speaking in Leh, the
Chief town of Ladakh, the Prime Minister of India, stressed the importance ohhis occassion by saying,
"Ladakh is no longer far away; but whether we are near to each other or far away, we are all children of
India and we shall face all our problems together" .2'
During his stay, Pandit Nehru presented to sTag-chan Rinpoche Nag-dban chos-kyi iii-rna, the
young Head bla-ma of He-mis dgon-pa and rGyal-sras Bakula Rinpoche, one set each of an ivory
casket containing photographs of Buddha at Sarnath, the Sanchi Stiipa, the Buddha Gaya Temple and
two statues of the Buddha, one in bronze and the other in marble. Commenting on Buddhism, Pandit
Nehru said, "Buddhism is the prevailing religion here in Ladakh and so Buddhist religion and learning
must be encouraged and helped. You know that Buddhism came from India; rest assured that Bud-
dhism and Buddhist institutions here will receive every possible opportunity for development" ."
In the year 1950, the Kashmir Government headed by Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah, passed a bill
called the, "Big Landed Estates Abolition Act.". As the bill was passed without consulting the Ladakhi
Buddhist leaders, they reacted against the bill because it directly affected the interests of Ladakhi dgon-
pas and monastic communities. It was a fact at that time that the monasteries or dgon-pas of Ladakh
held extensive lands/estates comprising some of the most fertile tracts of land in Ladakh. But the people
did not look upon them as an agents of exploitation, like the Zamindars andJagirdars as in other parts
of the country. At the same time the land and property of the dgon-pas were never treated as heredit-
ary. So this act of the government aroused strong sentiments among the Buddhists of Ladakh, who
protested at the decision of the government under rGyal-sras Bakula, and later a Buddhist delegation

2~ Tashi Rabgias, 1984, History of Ladakh Called The Mirror Which Illuminates All, p. 472.
2S J. N. Ganhar M. A. and P. N. Ganhar M. A., Buddhism in Kashmir and Ladakh, 1956. p. 220.
26 Ibid. p. 230.

" Ibid. p. 231. :J

 The R ...ival of Buddhism in Modem Ladakh 443

comprising rGyal-sras Bakula Rinpoche, Gergan dKon-mchog bsod-nams, BIa-rna Kun-dga', then,
Manager He-mis dgon-pa and bSod-nams dban-rgyalas interpreter called on Pandit Nehru, then the
Prime Minister of India in New Delhi. Beside that they organised an action committee under the name,
"Gonpa Association", to fight the case with the government."
At government level, much heated debate was held between the Ladakhi leader, rGyal-sras Bakula,
and Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah.29 Simultaneously, there were organised. demonstrations in Leh.
Finally, the government had to appoint an enquiry committee headed by justice J ankinath Wazir, then
the Chief Justice of Jammu and Kashmir State. The Wazir Committee visited Ladakh in 1953 and
investigated the case with regard to Ladakhi dgon-pas. On page 30 and 31 of its report it records:
"It was rather surprising that the tenants who were likely to gain by the operation of the Act on the lands
attached to the dgan-pas have unanimously desired that these lands should remain attached to the dgan-pa and
be free from the operation of the Abolition Act. It was especially enquired of them why they were in favour of
the retention of the lands with the dgan-pas. Their reply was that the lands which were attached to the dgan-pas
were cultivated by the tenants and they had to pay ouly one-fourth of the produce to the dgan-pas. The dgan-
pas' share of the produce was utilized for educational, religious and charitable purposes for feeding the poor and
the needy and, therefore, they would like that the dgan-pas should not be devested of these lands .• "
Later the case was won by the " Gonpa Association". This was a great relief to the various dgon-pas of
Ladakh. Since the majority of the lands which would have been affected by the land abolition bill
involved He-mis, the vict"ry had special significance in the history of He-mis dgon-pa. It was recorded
that at that time He-mis was in possession of some 16,000 kannals of land. At that time sTag-chan
Rinpoche Nag-dban bsT';'-'jin chos-kyi iii-rna, was on the throne. In appreciation of the victory,
sTag-chan Rinpoche, presented the presentland of "GonpaAssociation", which was originally proper-
ty of He-mis dgon-pa, to carry the cause of dgon-pas effectively. Since 1950, the " Gonpa Association",
under the President of rGyal-sras Bakula Rinpoche, has played a key role as the only central organisa-
tion of Ladakhi dgon-pas. 31
The day of .26th of May. 1950 has great significance in the Buddhist history of Ladakh. As promised
by Pandit Nehru, then the Prime Minister of India, during his visit to Ladakh, the relics of Sariputra
and Mandgalyayana, the chief disciple of the Buddha currently kept at Mulgandh Kuti Vihiira at
Sarnath, were brought to Leh under the auspices of the Maha Bodhi Society of India for people's
dariana (vision of the divine). Commenting on the auspices day rGyal-sras Bakula said, "This is the
proudest day in my life and in the life of my people. Our gratitude to Pandit Nehru and India is
immense. »32 .

As these were the first hply religious objects ever brought to Ladakh in recent history, the entire
population was keen for dariana and came to pay their respect and to show reverence. The relics were
kept here for two and half months, during which time they were taken to various monasteries and
villages so that people could see them personally. .
After Pandit Nehru's visit to Ladakh, the area received much media publicity as an important
Buddhist region of India, on August 9,1953 rGyal-sras Bakula, the reverend representative of Ladakhi
Buddhists in the State legislature, was made Deputy Minister for Ladakh Affairs. Soon after this
historic event, Ladakh's link with the rest of the world was established. On 2500th anniversary of
Buddha J ayanti, rGyal-sras Bakula was nominated as a member of the National committee, which was
set up by the Government of India, under the Chairmanship of its Vice President, Dr. Radha Krishnan.
In November 1953, the Government of India sponsored a high-level goodwill mission to Tibet under
Bakula's leadership. During his stay in Tibet, Bakula Rinpoche had two audiences with His Holiness

21 For this infonnacion, I am greatly indebted to Shri bSod-nams stobs-ldan, Secretary, Ladakh Buddhist Association, Leh.
" Ibid.
" J. N. Ganhar M. A. and P. N. Ganhar M. A., Buddhism in K4shmir and Ladakh, 1956, p. 196.
]1 For this information, I am greatly indebted to Sbri bSod-nams stabs-ldan, Secretary, Ladakh Buddhist Associations, Leb.
" J. N. Ganhar M. A. aad P. N. Ganbar M. A., Buddhism in Kashmir and Ladakh, 1956, p. 232.
 444 Nawang Tsering Shakspo

the Dalai Lama at Potala palace. The purpose of the mission was to acquaint the Tibetan government
with the right~ granted by the Indian government to Buddhists and secondly to confirm the invitation
issued by the Chos-rgyal of Sikkim, late dPal-ldan don-'grub rnam-rgyal, the President of Maha Bodhi
Society of India to His Holiness the Dalai Lama and to His Holiness the Panchen Lama to attend the
2500th anniver.ary of Buddha Jayanti in India."
In 1954, Bakula Rinpoche attended the third conference of the World Fellowship of Buddhists at
Rangoon, Burma. This was the first time any Ladakhi was represented at an International Buddhist
Forum. From this time onwards Ladakh became popular as one other strongholds of Buddhism even
on international scene. In 1966, Bakula Rinpoche led a Buddhist delegation to the 8th General Meeting
of the World Fellowship of Buddhists at Bangkok in Thailand. In that conference, the Ladakh Bud-
dhist Association, Ladakh-Leh was officially recognised by the World Fellowship of Buddhists as a
branch centre. 34
The celebration of Buddha J ayanti, with processions and public meetings in Leh, was a new devel-
opment. However, the Buddha J ayanti celebration at Timosgang dates back to the reign of King Grags-
pa 'bum-sde of the 14th Century. Under the auspices of the Ladakh Buddhist Association, Buddha
Jayanti was celebrated for the first time in the compound of Wazir Bagh, in 1934. At that time the
association was known as the "Youngmen Buddhist Association". Since then the Buddhists of Ladakh
have been celebrating Buddha Jayanti on 15th day of 4th month according the Tibetan calendar.
In 1956, as in other part of the country, the 2500th anniversary of Lord Buddha was celebrated in
Ladakh on grand scale, under the Chairmanship of rGyal-sras Bakula Rinpoche on May 24, 1956 in
Leh. The Jammu and Kashmir Government sanctioned an amount of Rs. 15,000 for the event." With
this aid a grand programme was implemented with the full participation of all the leading ten monas-
teries in the Indus Valley. Representing the State government two ministers from Srinagar came to Leh.
On that day the golden image of Buddha ~t bSam-dkar dgon-pa was taken in procession. In the
evening, a public meeting was held in which rcligious leaders of the Buddhists, Muslims, Christian anci'
Hindu communities took part. The whole town was brilliantly illuminated .:.at night. Since then
Ladakhis have been celebrating Buddha Jayanti according to the Tibetan calendar. However, in the
year 1985, the Buddha Jayanti was celebrated in Leh on the Buddha Purnima, the full moon day, with
the rest of the Buddhist world, in accordance with the decision of the World Fellowship of Buddhists
conference held in Sri Lanka."
Since early days, the Buddhists of Ladakh had considerable difficulty in carrying out their activities.
The Buddhist Association, formed in 1934, was without a proper centre, where Buddhist leaders could
sit and discuss their problems. Their leader, Ba\>ula Rinpoche, was keenly aware of this. Upon persua-
sion by Bakula Rinpoche, a part of the Wazir B~gh was transfered to the Ladakhi Buddhist Association
in 1956 to build the present, "} 0- Khan" temple of Leh. Having access to such a choice bit of land in the
heart of the city, the Ladakhis spared no efforts for its rapid construction. With Buddhists donating
money, labour and other forms of materials, the construction was completed in 1958. Then in 1960, the
Tibetan built statue of "}o-Rinpoche", was installed in the lo-Khan temple.'7
After the construction of the J0- Khan temple, providing a centre for the Buddhists of Ladakh in Leh,
a new chapter was added to the Buddhist revival in modern Ladakh. This was soon overshadowed by
the massive Chinese crack-down in Tibet in 1959. Thousands of Tibetans, along with their temporal
and spiritual head, His Holiness the Dalai Lama had to flee from Tibet and the Chinese appeared to
present both a religious and political thread to Ladakh. Ever since the reign of IHa-chen dNos-grub
(1300-1335), Ladakh had looked to Tibet for spiritual guidance and as the centre of learning. After this

33 For this information, I am greatly indebted to rGyal-sras Bakula Rinpoche.

J.j. For this information, I am indebted to Shri bSod-nams stobs-ldan and dGe-slon Thub-bstan Dar-rgyas, Manager, bSam-dKar
dgon-pa, Leh.
35 For this information, I am graetly indebted to Shri bKra-sis rab-rgyas.
36 For this info~~tion, I am greatly indebted to 5hri bSod-nams stobs-ldan, Secretary, Ladakh Buddhist Association, Leh.
37 For this inforin~·tion. I am greatly indebted to dGe-slon Koglug, the Ex. Ela-rna of sPe-thub dgon-pa.
 The Revival of Buddhism in Modem Ladakh 445

tragic happening Ladakh's link with Tibet was discontinued. This proved a big challenge for the future
of Buddhism in Ladakh and raised a number of quesnons, e. g. the settlement of thousands of Tibetan
refugees who entered Ladakh from Byan-than, the eastern part of Ladakh and the question of where to
send young i.adakhi novices for higher education. At this point, taking the inspiring words of Pandit·
Nehru regarding his personal feeling and affection for Buddhist education, under the guidance of
Bakula Rinpoche, the Ladakh Buddhist Association together with the "Gonpa Association", decided
to establish an institution, which could impart instructions in Buddhist Philosophy and other related
subjects. Accordingly, on October 23, 1959, the Buddhist Philosophy School, now called the Central
Institute of Buddhist Studies, was established with only ten students, one each from He-mis, ICe-'bre,
Brag-thog, Khrig-se, sTag-sna, Ma-spro, sPe-thub, Phyan, Li-kyir and Ri-rjon monasteries of Leh
region. During its initial stages no government assistance was received. Later, due to the tireless efforts
of the teachers and its students, it was formally recognised as an autonomous State institution and
started receiving government grants from 1962. The year 1985 has special significance in the history of
this school, as on the Silver Jubilee year of the institution on April 18, 1985, the founder of the
institution Bakula Rinpoche laid the foundation of the new complex of the institution, which spreads
over an area of 208 kannals of land."
Similarily, in 1959, again due to the tireless efforts of Bakula Rinpoche, the government of India
sanctioned scholarships for eighteen young Ladakhi novices to obtain modem education at Samath and
in 1961, deputed another 5 young monks to Sri Lanka to Study Buddhism there. This initiative opened
a new era in the field of education in Ladakh. Parents were enlightened about the importance of
education and soon a positive response was noticed in the spheres of both religious and modem
education.
Bakula Rinpoches' activities in the field of Buddhism and Buddhist studies were not confined to
Ladakh alone. Bakula was very keen to see Buddhist temples and Buddhist rest houses built for
Ladakhi pilgrimes at all Buddhist centres in the country as well as Delhi, the capital of India.. During
the 1960's, the construction of a temple and rest house at Delhi was difficult on both political and
financial grounds. However, Bakula Rinpoche made known this requirement of the Buddhists of
Ladakh to Pandit Nehru. Panditji gave his approval for bnilding the present Ladakh Buddhist Vihara in
Delhi by extending personal support for the allotment of the site on the bank of the river Yamuna and
for its early' completion. It is worth mentioning here that Panditji supported Buddhism and was
favourable towards the rise of Bakula Rinpoche as a Buddhist leader. Finally, on the completion of its
construction, the Vihara was inaugurated by Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru on February 24, 1963. 3'
The aim of Bakula Rinpoche was not only to bnild a temple in Delhi, but also to establish education-
al institutions in Delhi to educate young Ladakhis by providing modem educational facilities. Accord-
ingly, the Ladakh Institution of.Higher Studies was established in Delhi with students from various
Himalayan regions like Himachal Pradesh, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh in 1963. The school got recogni-
tion from the government and scholarships were sanctioned for the students. Actually the school
expected to impart Buddhist education, with Tibetan and Sanskrit as compulsory subjects. But due to
many set-backs, it failed to achieve its objectives. However, the Institution is still active, although now
it imparts only modern secular education.
In 1968, big political changes took place in Ladakh. Bakula Rinpoche, who had been representing
Ladakh in the State cabinet since 1953, was elected unopposed to represent Ladakh in the Indian
parliament. This was for the first time since the country's independence in 1947 that Ladakh had been
given a voice in parliament to lobby for the Ladakhi people. At the same time, among the Buddhist
population there prevailed considerable dis-satisfaction due the discriminatory attitude of the State
government with regard to employment and admission to technical institutions. In addition, the
conversion of Buddhist girls to non-Buddhist faiths was a serious problem facing the Ladakhi Bud-

31 For this infonnation, I am greatly indebted to Shri 'Jam-dbyans rgyal-mchan, Lecturer, C.l. B.S., Leh.
J9 For this information, I am gready indebted to rGyal-sras Bakula.
446 Nawang Tsering Shakspo

dhist.'O At this crucial time, Ladakh was without a representative in the State cabinet, which aggravated
the already tense situation. These factors compelled the Buddhist to launch an agitation in 1969, under
the leadership of rTog-ldan Rinpoche. For the first time in Buddhist history, an incarnate Bfa-rna was
arrested by police on charges of leading a demonstration and breaking prohibitory orders. This Bud-
dhist agitation lasted for over two months, and it greatly helped in uniting the community. At that time
the settlement of Tibetan refugees was also a focal demand of Buddhist agitators. The agitation finally
ended with a peaceful settlement with the State government. Arrested Buddhist leaders were released
and the case were withdrawn. The government agreed to the demands of Buddhist that the Ladakhi
language should be taught as a subject, and that Ladakhi/Bodhi teachers should be appointed for all
primary, middle, lower and high schools in Ladakh. Tibetan refugees were granted land on both side of
the Abi-canal." The settling of Tibetans on both sides of the Abi-canal has great significance in the
religious and cultural history of Ladakh due to the fact that Buddhists of Ladakh felt from deep in their
heart that it was their historical duty to do everything possible for the Tibetan refugees in recognition
of the moral and spiritual help the Tibetan had given for centuries.
As already mentioned, conversion and polyandry were now regarded as the two major threats to
Buddhists interests, due to an ever-increasing Muslim population and majority rule in a democratic set-
up. In 1969, some Ladakhi youths decided to establish a society called, Lamdon Social Welfare Society,
for the eradication of social evils like polyandry. The society carried out extensive activities directed at
the eradication of all these evils principally through the medium of education. In addition it published a
collection of Lamdon Songs, composed by dGe-slDn Thub-bstan dpal-ldan and dNDs-grub rnam-
rgya!. In 1973, the society established the present Lamdon Model School, and from 1974, it started
organising Ma-l1i dun-phyur (recitation of millions of mal1i mantras) annually. In 1976, during the
Kalacakra (The Wheel of Time) initiation of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, this society was one of the
sponsors. In this way, the society received full support from the local Buddhists as well as from H. H.
the Dalai Lama for all-round developments.
The Buddhist youth also started a similar society named "Nams-gSo". The main function of this
society has been to renovate Buddhist temples and stupas. The society also staged many dramas for the
propagation of Buddhas teachings, taking Jataka stories as plots. Among its achievements and con-
tributions are the cementing of the stair-case of Jo-khan temple and the installation of 89 prayer wheels
surrounding the temple. These prayer wheels contain more then 150 million of mal1i mantras and were
inaugurated by H. H. the Dalai Lama on September 6, 1980.
In the past two cecades, since the Chinese takeover of Tibet, Ladakh has been fortunate to have been
visited by all the religious leaders of Tibet. Among the most notable are His Holiness the Dalai Lama,
His Holiness rGyal-ba Karma-pa, Sa-skya bdag-chen Rinpoche, bDud-'jom Rinpoche, 'Brug-chen
Rinpoche, 'Bri-gun "he-chan and "hun-chan Rinpoche, and the senior tutor of H. H. the Dalai Lama,
Yons-'jin Glin Rinpoche and many others from different countries. These teachers not only blessed the
land by their visits, but delivered mass initiations and visited various dgDn-pas and holy spots in
Ladakh.
Starting in 1965, His Holiness the Dalai Lama visited Ladakh on several occasions. His 1976 visit has
special significance in the Buddhist history of Ladakh. Commencing of September 7, 1976, His Holi-
ness delivered a five-day long Kalacakra (The Wheel of Time) initiation at Jivetsh~l (the peace garden of
Leh at Choglamsar). For this initiation, the entire population of Ladakh, i. e. Nubra, Byan-thait,
Zanskar and Central Ladakh gathered at the peace garden, Choglamsar. The present temple hall was
built on the bank of river Indus specially for this initiation, through donations made by sponsors such
as Che-brtan rnam-rgyal, and other devoted Buddhists. (Prior to that, in 1975, the local administration
installed the marble statue of Lord Buddha in the peace garden compound.)
In 1980, the Dalai Lama once more paid a visit to Ladakh, this time to bless the region of Zanskar
and its people. His Holiness entered Zanskar via the rough motor road from Kargil, crossing the 3255

40 B. L. Kak, 19~8f:Chasing Shadows in Ladakh, p. 21.

4' For this informa:tion, I am greatly indebted to Shri bKra-sis Dar-rgyas, Dimbir,
 The Revival of Buddhism in Modern Ladakh 447

metr~ high Panzila pass. Altogether His Holiness spent one week in the Zanskar'VaIley. In between he
visited various dgon-pas of the region and gave AvalokiteSvara initiation at Pa-sKyum for three days.
The same year, the present peace garden of Zanskar at Pa-sKyum and the temple hall were constructed
and developed. After that His Holiness toured the Indus Valley and visited various dgon-pas of '
Ladakh. On August 27, 1980, His Holiness inaugurated the 37 feet high Maitreya statue of Khrig-se
dgon-pa.
After having been closed for over 20 years, Ladakh was reopened to foreign tourists in 1974.
Thousands of foreign tourists started arriving in Ladakh to see the cultural life of the people and to visit
various dgon-pas. This sudden influx of tourists had a mixed affect on both religious and economic life.
Ladakh seized the opportunity to become one of the richest strongholds of Mahayana Buddhism, and
the dgon-pas started receiving donations from foreign tourists, which were used for the renovation and
expansion of the monasteries. At the same time the responsibility fell on the dgon-pas to carefully
guard their precious religious objects, such as scrolls, statues and idols of the Buddha and Bodhisattvas,
which have been preserved in the various dgon-pas for centuries. Prior to the opening of the region for
tourism on a couple of occasions idols were stolen and on certain occasions the government considered
handing over this serious matter to the Central Bureau of Investigations (C.B. I.) for enquires." After
the opening of the region many antique shops were opened in Leh. They deal not only with Buddhist
religious objects made in Kathmandu, Delhi, Srinaga;, etc. but also with religious objects procured from
different dgon-pas of Ladalth through un-scrupulous people. Then the State government opened an
office for the registration of antiquities at Leb. Prior to that, the local police had stamped many
valuable scrolls from various dgon-pas. But these steps of the government never succeeded and for a
long time the antiques business created a lot of problems both for the local people and for lovers of the
art, culture and religion of Ladalth. However, on June 25, 1984, a written agreement was signed
between the President, Ladalth Buddhist association, H. H. sTag-sna Rinpoche and the representative
of antique dealers that, "none of the shopkeepers in Ladakh, irrespective of any religion or creed,
whether Tibetan Buddhist or Muslim Kashmiri, Ladakhi or non-Ladalthi shopkeepers shall transact
business in Ladakh of Buddhist scrolls, statues or scriptures from October 1, 1984". Despite this
agreement we still find the practice continuing. It is hoped that in the near future, both the Buddhist
association and the government will take some positive steps to curtail this very harmful business.
Beginning on June 12,1984, H. H. gZugs-'bails rTog-sprulRinpoche, delivered bKa'-'gyur-lun(the
recitation process of 108 volumes of original teachings of the Buddha) in the Jo-khan temple for about
three and half months. This is very significant in the Buddhist revival in modem Ladalth, for since the
beginning of the history of Buddhism in Ladakh, there has never been such an extensive instruction on
the Buddhas wordS.

Conclusion

Since India's independence in 1947, many remarkable and noteworthy achievements have been re-
corded in the Buddhist history of modern Ladakh. The Buddhist Association of Ladalth constructed a
permanent centre in the heart of the city . Under the guidance and supervision of the incarnate bla-mas,
of various dgon-pas, many renovaoons have been undertaken and some new dgon-pas have been built.
Through the teachings of various Tibetan and Ladakhi Bla-mas people have become were more
enlightened about Buddhism than ever before.
In recent years, under the guidance of rGyal-sras Bakula Rinpoche, Ladakh has not only emerged as
a Buddhist stronghold in India, but has received due recognition on the international level. Several

42 Hindustan Times, New Delhi, date 15-4-1977, Rising Nepal, a Kathmandu Daily, 18-10-1977, and Statesman, Delhi,
19-4-1979.
448 N awang' Tsering Shakspo

Buddhist delegations from Japan, the Soviet Union, Mongolia, Thailand and Sri Lanka have visited
Ladakh. Similarly, several Ladakhi Buddhist delegations have toured other Buddhist countries. Due to
the founding of the Asian Buddhist Conference for Peace, Ladakh has developed cordial relations with
many Buddhist countries. In 1983, at the request of the Buddhists of Ladalth, the Japanese Buddhist
leader, and Nehru peace award winner, Fuji Guruji selected Ladakh for the construction of a peace
pagoda.
Under the guidance and leadership of rGyal-sras Bakula Rinpoche, sTag-sna Rinpoche, Khrig-se
Rinpoche, rTag-ldan Rinpoche, Sras Rinpoche and other Ladakh-born spiritual teachers, Buddhism is
making steady progress, though the Buddhists of Ladalth have a long way to go in preserving their
cultural heritage, i. e. dgon-pas, Stupas, statues and scrolls of different Buddha and Bodhisattvas. Beside
the above, the dedicated works of some leading spiritual leaders like sTag-lun Rinpoche of Brag-thog
dgon-pa, Abo Ye-ses ran-grol at rGod-chan and mKhas-spans meditation centres, Klu-sdins-khan
Rinpoche at Sa-skya dgon-pa of Ma-spro and Blo-thos Rinpoche at Li-kyir monastery have brought
great transformation which in due course of time may produce fresh a spiritual movement in Ladakh
and elsewhere.
Addressing the gathering at the inaugural day of a five day long seminar on Buddhist art, culture and
their inter-relationship at the Central Institute of Buddhist Studies on August 28, 1985, in the presence
of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, rGyal-sras Bakula Rinpoche expressed his view on the present state of
Buddhism in Ladalth by saying, "In ancient times, most of the northern region of India, including
Kashmir, Gilgit and Baltistan were strongholds of Buddhism. But with the passage of time, Buddhism
has disappeared from these areas - including certain parts of Ladakh - reducing the Buddhist popula-
tion to a bunch of people in central Ladakh, Zanskar, Nubra and Byan-than.» According to Bakula
Rinpoche, this situation occured due tJ a lack of proper teachers of Buddhist thought and ideas. Now,
however, Ladalth is in a very good position to disseminate the Buddhas religion and to give it proper
shape. With the establishment of the Central Institute of Buddhist Studies, Rinpoche Bakula sees a ray
of hope for the revitalization of Buddha, Dharma and Sanga in the region of Ladakh as well as in the
other countries of the Himalayas. 7'

<-C;
 The Lineage of Taranatha According to Klon-rdol bla-rna
GYORGY SOMLAI (BUDAPEST)

One of best known personage of Tibetan lo-nail-pa order was Taranatha Kun-dga' snm-po
(1575-1635). In the Westernfield of Tibetan studies he is famous as author of biographical and
historical works. Although Kun-dga' siiin-po was an encyclopaedic writer as one can take a look at his
collected works.
Taranatha is considered by the Tibetan authorities the 14th member of a reincarnation-lineage (sku-
'phrenp This special lineage has not stopped by the death of Taranatha but proceeded on one hand in
Tibet and on the other in Mongolia. We know from the biography of 'lam-mgon Kon-sprul blo-gros
mtha' -yas about this subject,2 and further details about relation of this lineage with the Mongolian chief
bla-mas.' While in the case of Kon-sprul one can speak about a personal choice, in case of Mongolian
head bfa-mas we have to assert an official declaration! So it is obvious that Gndur Gegen the rle-bcun
dam-pa Qutuytu alias Blo-bzan bstan-pa'i rgyal-mchan dpal-bzan-po (1635-1723) has written his
lineage's 'khruns-rabs gsol-'debs.' According to Gndur Gegen the lineage of his previous reincarna-
tions contains the persons as follows:

1. Blo-gros sin-tu mam-dag 9. Sans-rgyas ras-chen

2. 'Bar-ba'i gco-bo 10. Sail-gha bha-dra
3. sPyod-pa'i rdo-r)e 11. 'jam-dbyans chos-r)e
4. Ra-tan chen-po 12. Chos-kyi iiin-byed
5. Ron-zorn chos-bzan 13. 'jam-mgon bla-ma
6. Dar-rna dban-phyug 14. dGa' -byed sa-skyon
7. 'Od-zer dpal 15. rle-bcun rdo-r)e 'jin
8. 'Brug-sgra rgyal-mchan

In Europe this lineage was also known as far as at the end of the 18th century/beginning of the 19th
century. P.S. Pallas made longer journeys towards the end of 18th cent. and published his reports in
two large volumes at St.-Petersbourg in 1803.' In his work P.S. Pallas wrote also about the lineage of

I In the dPal-ldanjo-nan-pa'i chos-'byun rgyal-ba'i chos-chul gsal-byed zla-ba'i sgron-me the author 'jam-than bla-ma Nag-
dbail blo-gros grags-pa writes (f. 54h): sku-skye bcu-bii-pa rfe-bcun Kun-dga' siiin-po-ste / This work was published by D.
Tsondu Senghe, The Bit Tibetan Society, Bit 1983.
2 According to G. Smith (Kongtrul's Encyclopaedia of Indo-Tihetan Culture, Ed. by Lokesh Chandra, with an intr. by E. Gene
Smith. New Delhi 1970, Introd. p. 75.) Gnas-gsar Bkra-'phel, who completed and edited Kon-sprul's autobiography, implies
that Kon-sprul thought of himself as an incarnation of the lineage that passed from KH.!).iicarya through Jo-nan Taranatha.
J Gu-sri Dharma-tala alias Dam-chos rgya-mcho's Hor chos-'byun (ed. by Lokesh Chandra, New Delhi 1975) says (f. 203b):
Byan-phyogs bstan-pa'i sgron-me 1am-dbyans chos-rje'i rnam-'phrul hu-thog-tu Tii-ra-na-tha rje-bcun dam-pa rin-po-che
Blo-bzan bstan-pa'i rgyal-mchan dpal-bzan-po /
~ Cf. Dharma-tala op. cit. (f. 204a) dBen-sa sprul-pa'i skus rab-byun-gi mkhan-pa mjad- (204b) de mchan Blo-bzan hstan-pa'i
rgyal-mchan des gsol / rgyal-ba Yab-sras gfiis-la ius-par rje Ta-ra-na-tha'i sprul-skur nos-'jin gnan / dgun-lo bco-Ina'i dus
dBus gCan-du phehs-che Se 'Bras dGe gsum dan bKra-fis lhun-po-sogs-nas bsu-ba ser-sbrens rgyal-ba Yab-sras lugs-biin
gnan I
5 rJe-bcun Tii-ra-na-tha'i 'khrufts-rahs gsol-'debs smon-lam-dan hcas-pa, ff. 1-7.
6 Sammlungen historischer Nachrichten uber die mongolischen Viilkerschaften, Band I-II. St.-Petersbourg 1803.
450 Gyiirgy Som/ai

Ondiir Gegen but according to a work of Jaya p:lI.l<;iita Blo-bzan 'phrin-las (1642-1715) and with help
of Johannes Jaehrig who was his interpreter. As one can see from the following list of names it suffered
a great change through the two-three steps transmission (see pp. 420-421):
1. Burchan Backschi (Schaktschamuni's [= Burqan baysi SakyamuniJ) contemporary Maschi-
Arion-Ojutu [= Masi ariyun oyutu]
2. Warwihsowah, Mong. Badarangoin-Erken [= Badarangyuy-yin erkin]
3. Galla-Larrijah, Tib. Bsodba Dandsche
4. Raddanschenbo
5. Soo-Adaschi's contemporary Galla-Sarriah
6. Rongsan-tschiisang, Mong. Darmah-Darah [= Ron-zorn chos-bzan]
7. Darma-Bangptschuk, Mong. Darma-Erkatu [= Darma erkerii]
8. Odser-Ball, Mong. Gagan Garal-Zoktu [= Gegegen gere! coytu]
9. Brug-da-gdshalzen, Mong. Luhdootii-dooh a [= Luu dayutu duvaja]
10. SanggdJah-ratschen, Mong. Jika-Biiflta-Burchan [= Yeke biistii burqan]
11. Bronggabah-tschiidsin, Mong. Dsamjang-tschadshin, Braschi-Baldan, Kang-sam-sajang
12. Tschiigdschi-ngin-bdsad
13. Gdsebsun-gunga-doltschok
14. Dshibsundamba-daranatah
15. Ondur-Tiiriiltu [= Ondiir Tiiriiltii = Ondiir Gegen]
16. Dundu Tiiriiltu-Bogdo-Dsibsun-Damba-Daranata [= Dumda tiiriiltii boyda jibJundamba
Daranata]
A. M. Pozdneev, the famous Russian mongolist dealt with this subject in his two works.' S. Hummel
wrote also about this in one of his works although only referring to it.'
After these authors we have to mention Klon-rdol bla-ma, too. In chapter ZA of his gSun-'bum he
gives also a list of names concerning the rle-bcun dam-pas of Urga as follows:'",,_
22a Khal-kha rje-bcun dam-pa'i sku-'phren rim-par brgyud-pa ni I rgyal-ba Siikya thub-pa'i spyan-
snar Gyad stobs-chen-du 'khruns-pa dan-po ni I yan Thub-pa'i spyan-snar IHa'i ma-bo-che'i mdo
gsun-che hyan-sems Blo-gros sin-tu rnam-dag-tu 'khruns-pa giiis-pa I Klu-sgrub spyan-snar pa1J4i-ta
'Bar-ba'i gco-bo smra-ba'i mchog gsum-pa I brtul-iugs spyod-pa'i dban-po Mi-bskyod rdo-rfe bii-pa I
dge-ba dpal-gyi rigs-su 'khruns-pa Ra-tan chen-po lna-pa I/o-bo 'A-ti-sas Nag-po spyod-par lun-bstan-
pa Ron-zom chos-bzan drug-pa I mNam-med Dvags-po'i slob-ma gNos rGyal-ba IHa-nan-pa bdun-
pa I Sans-rgyas ras-chen yan zer I dbu-ma-pa 'Qd-zer dpal brgyad-pa I drag-snags 'grub-pa 'Brug-sgra
rgyan dgu-pa I Sanga-bha-dra bcu-gi':ig-pa I dp;I-ldan ' Bras-spuns phyag-'debs-pa 1am-dbyans chen-po
r/e bKra-sis bcu-giiis-pa I blon-po Nin-byed bzan-po bcu-gsum-pa I rfe-bcun Kun-dga' grol-mchog bcu-
bii-pa I rgya-gar-ba rgyal-bu dGa' -byed sa-skyon bco-lna-pa I/o-nan Tii-ra-nii-tha'am Kun-dga' siiin-
po bcu-drug-pa I Khal-kha rje-bcun dam-pa Blo-bzan bstan-pa'i rgyal-mchan bcu-bdun-pa I Khal-kha
r/e-bcun dam-pa Blo-bzan bstan-pa'i sgron-me bco-brgyad-pa I Khal-kha r/e-bcun dam-pa Li-than-du
'khruns-pa Blo-hzan hstan-pa'i iii-ma-dan hcu-dgu-pa'o II
If we compare the lists of names given above first of all we could make suggestions concerning the
changes of names given by different authors. But we should like to point to another misprint or mistake
that can be found in list given by Klon-rdol bla-ma. In this lineage he did not mention the 10th person.
On the other hand he gave two names for the 7th (gNos rGyal-ba !Ha-nan-pa and Sans-rgyas r.s-
chen).

7 A. M. Pozdneev, Urginskie Khutukhti, Istoricheskiy ocherk. Ih proshlogo i sovremennogo byta: Travaux de la Troisieme
Session du Congrcs International des Orientalistes, St.-petersbourg 1876. St.-Petersbourg 1879-1880, pp. 371-408. Mongolia
i Mongoly, vol. I-II. St.-Petershourg 1898, p. 473.
8 S. Hummel, Die lamaistischen Malereien und Bilddrucke im Linden-Museum: Tribus, Veroffentlichungen des Linden-
Museums, Nr. 16, Juli 1967. Stuttgart 1967, pp. 35-196, cf. pp. 126-127.
9 Cf. f. 22a-b. i_~.r
 The Lineage of Taranatha According ta Klan-rdal bfa-ma 451

According to the Blue Annals (p. 373): " ... gNos 'byun-po to his own son rDo-r)e bla-ma. The latter
to his own son gNos dPal-le; the latter to his own son gNos Grags-pa-dpal; the latter to his own son
rDo-r)e gzi-brjid, known as Sans-rgyas Ras-chen rGyal-ba Lha-nan-pa; the latter composed also a
commentary' on the Guhyasamaja and taught it at Lho-brag, sKyi-sod (Lha-sa), Lha-nan and other'
places."!O According to this source rDo-r)e gzi-br)id is the same person as Sans-rgyas ras-chen rGyal-
ba IHa-nan-pa whose father was gNos Grags-pa dpal. Also in Blue Annals we find the dates of birth
and death of gNos rGyal-ba IHa-nan-pa as 1164 and 1224.11
In another source (Hu-Ian deb-ther of 'Chal-pa Kun-dga' rdo-r)e) we find similar statement about
this person 12 One can read the same text in the new edition by Dun-dkar blo-bzan 'phrin-Ias (Peking
1981) but with some differing notes." And these notes can confuse the reader.14
According to the sources above it is clear that Sans-rgyas ras-chen and gNos rGyal-ba IHa-nan-pa
are the same. In this case then Klon-rdol (or rather his copyist) made the mistake omitting the name of
'Bab/Bha-rom-pa Dar-rna dban-phyug who was disciple of sGam-po-pa. And because gNos rGyal-ba
IHa-nan-pa was born 11 years after sGam-po-pa's death he might not have been disciple of sGam-po-
pa.
Therefore the lineage given by Klon-rdol contains two mistakes. First he left the name of'Bab/Bha-
rom-pa Dar-rna dban-phyug. Second that he (or his copyist) wanted to remedy this mistake and having
forgotten the name of 'Bab/Bha-rom-pa Dar-rna dban-phyug, took that of Sans-rgyas ras-chen in its
place.

10 Tibetan text d. 7th chapter. f. lOb.

U Cf. SA p. 601.
12 'Chal-pa Kun-dga' rdo-rjes mjad-pa'i Hu-lan deb-ther, photo-reprint, no date, d. f. 38a.
13 Cf. p. 443, note 573 Ka and 574. Note 573: gNos IHa-nan-pa 1gNos rGyal-ba lHa-nan-ha 1 'Eri-gun skyob-pa 1ig-rten mgon-
po'i dizos-slob yin I, note 574: Sam-rgyttS ras-chen 1 'Gro-mgon Phag-mo gru-pa'i slob-rna Sans-rgyas gRan-ras.
H Note 574 would require further sources whether Sans-rgyas ras-chen is the same person as Sans-rgyas gNan-ras.
 The Long Life of rDo-sbis dGe-bses Ses-rab rGya-mcho':-
(1884-1968)

HEATHER STODDARD (PARIS)

Avant Propos
The tide of this paper might rather be "The two lives of dGe-bses Ses-rab rGya-mcho") or even "Life begins
again at fifty". I am not going to attempt a traditional short life story or rnam-thar, as far as I know none exists,
but rather a study in political ambivalence, a characteristic of eastern Tibetans - at least of a small number of
politically conscious eastern Tibetans - in the thirties and forties of this century, reflecting in many ways the
shifting political currents of the first half of the 20th century in East Asia.

At the end of the 1920s, Amdo Zondri, who used to serve food to dGe-bses Ses-rab at his residence in
Klu-'bum Kham-mchan, in 'Bras-sprun monastery, described his master in the following terms: "He
was very hot-tempered and had an enormous forehead and a high bridge to his nose. He would get
angry when offered food in the Tibetan way, with two hands and the head bowed humbly. He wanted
it simply left on the table. I would go off and weep and he would know and come after me saying:
'Come here) are you hurt?'})
At this time, dGe-bses Ses-rab was at the height of his monastic career, indeed we might say at the
pinnacle, for according to his obituary in Ses-bya,l "he was the first amongst scholars from all Gaden,
Sera and Drepung". At the age of fifty, rDo-sbis Ses-rab thrived busily, close intimate of the 13th Dalai
Lama, loved, feared and respected by young aspiring monks and nobles alike, he taught metaphysics
and poetry, took part in contemporary philosophical/doctrinal controversies' and kept abreast of
Asian if not of world politics, at least as far as the rarified air of the high Tibetan plateau permitted.
Orthodox from the doctrinal point of view, he was at the same time one of those ambiguous and
restless Tibetan ecclesiastics, who in the first half of the 20th century, combined vast learning of the
Buddhist scriptures, with, what was at the time in Tibet, a surprisingly progressive and socialistic
political standpoint. Various conscious and unconscious efforts have been and are continually being
made by the weighry Tibetan ecclesiastical tradition to efface or transmute the political activity of its
religious teachers, and it well might be argued in the case of rDo-dbyi Shes-rab at least, that the Chos
and the Srid were not Zun-'brel- that is to say: his religious and political activity were not simultane-·
ous or interconnected, and that we should treat the two as separate periods in the life of a man,
following each other in chronological sequence, and brought about fortuitously by the unstable politi-
cal times. One might also claim, as Shakabpa and other Tibetans maintain, that the political activity was
imposed and involuntary, since rDo-sbis Ses-rab became a communist tool, being used in spite of
himself, in a process that was beyond his c.ontrol. Both interpretations no doubt contain a marcel of
truth. The chronological sequence is of course obvious, for as we have mentioned, dGe-bses Ses-rab
lived and thrived at the summits of Tibetan monastic life till the mature age of half a century.

Secret name; dPal-ldan rDa-rJe bDud-'duL Full name; Ses-rab rGya-mcho 'jam-dpal dGyes-pa'i Bla-gros.
I See Bibliography.
1 For example the sGe'u-steri Bla-bzan debate that lasted over a decade, throughout the 1930s; see Rikha Blo-bzan bsTan-'jin
rGyun-mkho'i Chos-srid Ses-bya gNas-bsdus (Anthology of Religious ;Ind Political Knowledge for General Use), Benares
1972, p. 184-185.
466 Heather Stoddard

We are, iIi spite of everything, a little surprised to learn that in 1936, at the age of 53, two and a half
years after the death of the 13th Dalai Lama, dGe-bses 5es-rab abandonned the Land of Snow, never to
return. 3 Was he banished, as Richardson says: or did he leave of his own free will, as Tharchin
suggests?s Was he seduced by Guomindang promises of a high official post in China. What very strong
motivation would induce a Tibetan lama of the highest calibre, at the summit of a glorious career, to
give up and go and start a new life in China?
Let us recapitulate the first half of dGe-bses 5es-rab's life, from the meagre sources available.'
He was born in 1884, of humble parents, in rDo-sbis in North-East Amdo, not far from the banks of
the Yellow River. After studying dialectics in Labrang, he was invited by the Thirteenth Dalai Lama,
with a group of Amdo scholars to come to central Tibet, where he entered the college of sGo-man in
'Bras-spun monastery, taking up residence in Klu-'bum Khams-mchan at the age of 21, in 1905. He
brilliantly attained the highest degree of dGe-bSes Lha-ram-pa in 1916.
Shortly afterwards the Dalai Lama invited him to assist the mChan-z.bs bDe-yans bsTan-'jin
'Phrin-las 'Od-zer in editing the Collected Works of Bu-ston. 7 This important task took three years
(from 1916-1918) and following on from there, the Dalai Lama appointed dGe-bses 5es-rab editor-in-
chief of the 108 volumes of the new Lhasa Kanjur. This work started in 1921, and continued for twelve
and a half years, in close collaboration with the Dalai Lama, who himself took on part of the editing. 8
In 1933, the printing of the entire Kanjur was completed. Logically, the new Tenjur should have
followed on afterwards, and dGe-bses 5es-rab noted at the time:
"The printing of the Kanjur is almost fioished. I am wondering whether (the Dalai Lama) wishes to have the
Tenjur blocks carved, though I do not know."
This brief reflection is quoted from a passage in which dGe-bses 5es-rab is full of praise for the Dalai
Lama, and there is no hint of any friction between the two men. It was not long before the unexpected
passing awaylD of the Dalai Lama, in December of that year. dGe-bses 5es-rab was, as we have
mentioned, verjr close to the 13th Dalai Lama. Some Tibetans maintain that he wa~ a mchan-labs -
that is to say his companion in debate - but this appe';s to have been only in an indirect and unofficial
capacity, as the Dalai Lama had already gone beyond that stage in his education when dGe-bses 5es-rab
came to Lhasa. Nevertheless, the dGe-bses' qualities as dialectician were very much admired by the
Great 13th, and the Amdo scholar literally had the Dalai Laina's ear. It is said that, since the Dalai
Lama was unable to take part in debates or even to attend them in person with dGe-bses 5es-rab, due to
court etiquette nc> doubt, the Dalai Lama used to invite groups of monks together with dGe-bses 5es-
rab to the Potala, to debate in one of the courtyards there. The Dalai Lama would sit inside, out of
view, with his ear glued to an open window.• ~.
However, it happened that dGe-bses 5es-rab fell from grace, and in the Biography of the Thirteenth
Dalai Lama, there is no mention of the dGe-bses' name in the paragraph dealing with the editing of the
Kanjur. This is most irregular, especially since he is recorded in the same work as assistant editor for
the Bu-ston gSun-'bum.t' This almost certainly suggesJs the disfavour into which dGe-bses 5es-rab did
in fact fall. The biography, it must be remembered was written by a government clerk, and completed

J Melong, Kalimpong, 13. 3. 1937. However he did return to Amda, and tried, in 1944 to enter central Tibet by the northern
route, see below.
• H. E. Richardson & D. L. Snellgrove, A Cultural History of Tibet, Boulder 1980, p. 245.
S MelongJ Kalimpong, 1950/1951, DecemberlJanuary lst, p. 17.
• See Bibliography,
, The Collected Works of Bu-ston, edited by Lokesh Chandsa, part 28, SPS va!. 68, Delhi 1971, f. 630-631, the work was
completed in 1921.
8 Glen Mullin, "Tibetan Buddhism and the Dalai Lama Office", Tibetan Review, April1985, p.12.

'J r}e-bcun Ses-rab rGya-mcho 1am-dpal dgyes-pa'i Blo-gros kyi gSun-rcom. vol. I, f. 57b.

10 See "The Death of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama", by the present author, to appear in the volume dedicated to Densapa, to be
published by the LTWA, 1988.
11 No-mchar Rin-lhen....·Phren-ba, vol. Kha, f. 24la and 202b.
~,-,g
 The Long Life of TDo-sbu dGe-bses Ses-rab rGya-mcho 467

after the demise of the Dalai Lama, when there would have been time to e~punge the names of
undesirable elements. The disfavour may in fact have been less than is suggested by "public opinion"
during the time the Dalai Lama was alive, and might have become seriously aggravated following the
change of pow'er and the reinstallation of the most conservative party, that took place during the year
after the death of the Dalai Lama. This may also help explain why dGe-bses 5es-rab left two and a half
years later, and not immediately, as was the case of a small but significant number of progressive
Tibetans who had also been close to the Great 13th, but whose roles had been much more clearly
political."
The reason given for the disfavour shown to dGe-bses 5es-rab is constant. He is said to have m;>de,
or suggested the making of a certain number of emmendations to the Kanjur. (Some say that in this he
had the collaboration of his very unorthodox disciple dGe-'dun Chos-'phel, who was in Lhasa, in the
same monastery, same college, same residence, and studying, from 1927 onwards though with less and
less enthusiasm, under dGe-bses 5es-rab.) However that may be, the making of unauthorized emmen-
dations to the Buddhist Canon ammounted, in the eyes of the pious clergy, to correcting the sacrosanct
Word of the Buddha, "perfect and unchanging till the end of time".13 It would seem, from one of the
examples given of these emmendations, that the exercise was rather one of economy or literary
elegance, of omitting redundancies, rather than any attempt at transforming the significance of the text.
(I imagine the affair was much more complicated than this would indicate: It was suggested for example
that the second sems-dpa' in the epithet byan-chub sems-dpa' sems-dpa' chen-po should be deleted.
(Thus giving, in sanskrit equivalent: mahabodhisattva instead of the rather sonorous mahabodhisatt-
vasattva.) )
However, in spite of the fact that the question of philology is given for the cause of the conflict, it
would seem to me that there existed a much more serious indictment against dGe-bses 5es-rab. In a
hitherto unexplored hindi sourceJ4 we learn with a little astonishment that in 1934, he was expressing
sympathy for the proletarian revolution in China! Rahul Sankrityayan, writing in his diary in the
summer of that year says:
"I met and conversed frequently with dGe-bses 5es-rab. He was not only learned in the scriptures, but also
understood matters concerning the world. It was he who first (amongst the Tibetan clergy) welcomed the
success of Mao Zedong and the communist party in China, and it had always been his desire that Tibet should
accept the new age."

This was before Y enan, at a time when Mao and his companions were undergoing the last and most
gruelling of the Guomindang annihilation attacks, and was also perhaps more significantly, two years
after the Jiangxi Constitution, guaranteeing freedom, self determination and equal rights for all peoples
and nationalities in. the newly projected communist state. IS
If dGe-bses 5es-rab was voicing, even in the relative privacy of his residence in Lhasa, such radical
opinions, it would hardly have been easy for him to maintain good relations with the ecclesiastical
hierarchy. In 1932, the 13th Dalai Lama had published his bKa'-'chems, the famous and prophetic
Testament, in which he forsaw the devastation of the Buddhist church in Tibet, and its destruction to
the very name. 16 The Dalai Lama was very well-informed about events in Mongolia. He had lived there
for over a year, during his flight from Younghusband at the beginning of the century, and he had

12 See H. Stoddard, Le Mendiant de l~AmdoJ Societe d'Ethnographie, Universite de Paris X. 92001 Nanterre. Ch. 1.
11 See the poem by dGe-'dun Chos-'phel in the colophon of the first edition of his translation of the Dhammapada into Tibetan,
Chos-kyi Chigs-su-bi':ad-pa, dated IS. 7. 1944, p. 156.
14 Rahul Slitilqityiyan, Min fivan Yitra ("Autobiographie'"), vol. II, llahabad, Kitab Mahal, 1950, vol. N & V, Delhi,
Rajkamal Prakasan, 1967. See also by the same author,jinka: Maim Krtagya ("To Whom I am Grateful"), llahabad, Kitab
Maha~ 1957, ch. XLIII, p. 204-209. .
15 See June Teufel Dreyer, China's Forty Millions, Harvard 1976, p. 63-64.
16 W. D. Shakabpa, Tibet. A Political History, Yale 1967, p. 264, and the Tibetan version of the same work, Political History of
Tibet, Bod,kyi Srid-don rOyal-rab, vol. II, 307-311; P. Mehra, The North-Eastern Frontier, vol. 2,1914-1954, Delhi 1980,
p. xxiii-xxiv.
468 H _ather Stoddard

always kept a very efficient network of info',.",ants, letting him know of events allover Central Asia
and no doubt furtber afield. When tbe revolution swept over Mongolia, tbe Dalai Lama heard all about
it. From 1925 onwards, for many reasons, not least tbe growing assertiveness of the young military
officers in Tibet itself, he had already started a swing away from his earlier modernisation policy, and
tbe grim foreboding tbat is expressed in tbe bKa'-'cherm no doubt reflects a real personal distress at the
vision of tbe imminent collapse of the huge and ancient superstructure of tbe Buddhist church in Tibet.
Someone should write a book on tbe role of prophecy in Tibetan society, both at an individual and a
collective level. The effect of tbe bKa'-'ch_ms was very strong. It was, no doubt, responsable to a large
extent for the very marked return to conservatism, translated as profound and lethargic inactivity
between 1934 and 1947, tbat is the seal of the interrim government. But it also inspired a small group of
young politically conscious Tibetans, mostly from tbe peripheral areas, to plan towards a new "real"
Tibet of tbe future, holding her own against tbe two giant neighboursY
At tbis time, the modern political ideologies, democracy, republicanism, communism and even
fascism, were viewed by the majority, or perhaps rather by the ruling elite - for it was they who had
the opportunity of hearinb about tbeir implementation in otber countries - as pretty horrifying, and
inconceivable in tbe context of the Land of Snow, for these systems had in common tbe elimination of
all religious responsability in government, even going so far as to execrate it, and cause Cas in Mongolia,
which was much closer to Tibetan .sensibilities tban eitber China or India), untold destruction of
monasteries and suffering to tbose who practiced religion.
Taking this larger and more political context into consideration, and given tbe exodus of a small but
signifi:ant number of progressive individuals, immediately following tbe deatb of tbe 13tb Dalai Lama,
it is not so surprising tben, tbat in 1936, dGe-bses 5es-rab too, kft Tibet. He had been invited to China,
to occupy a high official Guomindang post, and teach in tbe universities tbere.
He had before him anotber 32 years of bustling activity in a completely different setting. Firstly in
war-tom Republican China, and tben in tbe People's Republic, where he "elected to remain" after
Mao's v i c t o r y , t s . .
The apparent ambiguity of his political stance, in between communism and rep';.,blicanism, is one of
tbe constants amongst Tibetan progressist intellectuals during tbis period. It reflects partly, no doubt,
tbe fluctuating situation in China itself, but more probably a global attraction towards modern political
systems, as possible alt~rnatives to tbe ecclesiastical state tbat was Tibet.
Anotber problem we must be constantly aware of, in discussing tbese new politicised Tibetans,·is to
project tbem too rapidly beyond the protective snowy ramparts inside which they thought and lived,
and launch tbem into tbe world of exploration and expansion, of accelerating scientific and technical
discoveries of tbe 19tb and 20tb centuries. W# all know tbat in tbe early 1930s in Tibet, tbere were no
newspapers or radios, and learning about tbe world outside was tbrough hearsay, through reports from
visiting lamas and pilgrims, coming from India, Mongolia and China, from tbe periphery areas of the
Tibetan world. dGe-bses 5es-rab, like a number of "dissident" Tibetans at tbe time, came himself from
tbe periphery, and tberefore had a greater grasp of what tbe world beyond the snowy mountain ranges
might be like.
A well-known and controversial anecdote illustrates tbe entirely traditional world view that was
dGe-bses 5es-rab's on tbe eve of his departure for China. Here is one version: Travelling to Nanjing by
boat via Calcutta, dGe-bses 5es-rab invited his disciple dGe-'dun Chos-'phel, who had left Tibet two
years previously, in self-imposed exile, to come and see him at Pandara Lumba Hotel in Lower
Chitpur. It was in February 1937, and when they met, tbey began to dispute, as was tbeit wont, for
relations between tbe two, master and disciple, had always been fiery. The conversation turned to the
shape of the world, and dGe-'dun Chos-'phel declared that it was spherical. dGe-bses 5es-rab retorted:
'tben I shall make it flat!'. dGe-'dun Chos-'phel spat on tbe ground and said 'If you say such things in
China, not even a dog will come to see you, let alone a man!'. dGe-bses 5es-rab jumped up and clouted

11 See n. 12.
II A Biographic ~~rwnary of Chinese Communism, 1921-1965. Harvard 1971, p. 766.
 The Long Life of rDo-shis dGe-bIes 5es-rab rGya-mcho 469

his disciple. Someone asked them to stop, and the dGe-bses said: 'Do not worry, he's my pupil, we are
always like this!'"
As if to confirm the anecdote, refuted by Tibetans now, due to the embarassing violence of these two
brilliant dialecticians, dGe-'dun Chos-'phel published 4 months later, on the 28th of June of that same·
year, in the Melong at Kalimpong, an article entitled "Is the world round or flat?" illustrating it with
what must be the first modern map of the globe drawn by a Tibetan. 2•
Let us get back to dGe-bses 5es-rab. In spite of maintaining a traditional Buddhist cosmological
world view, he was, we are told sympathetic to the revolution in China. What was his vision of Mao
Zedong? Why the necessity for Tibet to accept the new age? We do not know, but as we have
mentioned, there was the Jiangxi constitution of 1932. dGe-bses 5es-rab came from Amdo, that is to
say, within the borders of the newly established Chinese province of Qinghai, that encorporated
almost the whole of Anido. The region had also been well within the zone of influence of the Manchu
empire. After the aggressive colonialist policy of the end of the Manchu dynasty, and the violent
despotism of the warlords of Republican China, especially rapacious in Qinghai and Sichuan, and the
indifference of the Central Tibetan government, the stated policy of the new constitution of the
Chinese communist party must have sounded sweetly in dGe-bses 5es-rab's ears. He was not the only
one amongst the Tibetans of the periphery to turn towards the new China.
After arriving in Nanjing, dGe-bses 5es-rab lectured in. several universities: in the National Central,
in Zhongshan, Beijing, Qinghua and Wuhan. By the early 1940s he was associated with two organisa-
tions in Chongquing, where he spent most of the war years. He was president of the Association for
the Promotion of Tibetan Culture, and one of the executive directors of the China Association for the
Promotion of Border Culture. Thus acting as a bridge between the two cultures. In 1942 he was one of
the three Tibetan delegates to the National Government's Third Peoples's Political Council, and in this
capacity he was assigned to Lhasa, to improve Sino-Tibetan relations.
The complete divorce in relations between the two governments is well illustrated by the Tibetan
reaction to dGe-bses 5es-rab's attempted return to Central Tibet in early 1944. The government feared
that he might stir up unrest in the monasteries, where he still had a lot of influence, and no recognition
at all is given of his official GMD position. The British report in april that "a well-known geshe, Sherab
Gyatso arrived at Nakchuka a short while ago. He is known to be very pro-Chinese and interested in
spreading·Chinese propaganda. There were fifty soldiers with him and he was turned back to Jyckundo
by the Tibetan government.,21
In december of the Same year, another British report says: "There are in Lhasa some copies of a
book, printed in both Chinese and Tibetan called the San Ming Truh Yi (Sanminzhryi). The Tibetan
version is by Geshe Sherab ... The books are published by the office of the Guomindang and may have
been brought by Geshe Sherab himself as far as Nakchuka. '22
This clearly refers to The Three Principles of the People of Sun Yatsen, the most important work of
the father of the Chinese revolutio~ and a basic text on nationalism, democracy and on the liberties,
rights and duties of citizens. Inversely, dGe-bses 5es-rab also translated (or supervised the translation)
·from Tibetan into Chinese of the Lam-rim Chen-ma of COli-kha-pa. The translation of both of these
works is no mean task, and seem strangely evocative of dGe-bses 5es-rab himself - his desire both for
Tibet to "enter the new age" and for China to gain a sympathetic understanding of Tibet.
After the abortive attempt to return to Lhasa, dGe-bses 5es-rab's biography comes down almost to a
list of posts and functions he held until his death. I will indicate only the most important to give an idea
of his activities and interests. From 1945-1949 he was alternative member of the 6th supervisory

19 See H. Stoddard, Le Mendiant de /'Amdo, op. cit. p. 178.

2D Melong, Kalimpong, 28. 6. 1937, vol. X, no. 7-8, p. 11.

" India Office Records, LIP&S/12/4201 Coil. 36/30. Confidential Weekly Reports by the British Mission. Lhasa 1942-1945,
30.4. 1944 and 14. 5. 1944.
" Ibid. 1. 12. 1944.
470 Heather Stoddard

committee of the Guomindang, and from 1947 to 1949, vice-chairman of the Mongolian and Tibetan
Affairs Commission of the Nationalist Government.
In 1949, at the age of 65, he remained, as we have said, in China. One nationalist source says that he
"elected to remain (in China) and was rewarded with a number of nominal positions". Ses-bya, organ
of the Tibetan government in exile, says on the other hand that he tried to escape and rerurn to Lhasa,
but was caught and forcibly taken back, where his voice and his name were used to spread pro-Chinese
propaganda on the high Tibetan plateau. Tharchin, well-known for his republican, anti-communist
views, says that dGe-bses 5es-rab: "hesitated, wondering what would be best to do for the Dharma,
and that he retired to Kumbum, in the north of Amdo, for the time being, sitting in his Dharma boat,
trying not to be submerged in the red waters· trying his best to prevent the atheist red way from
entering the great religious State of Tibet, thinking of a way of building a wall around Tibet, so that it
might retain, for a long time, its independance, as before. He evokes the peaceful and fruitful exchange
berween Tibetan lamas ane! the Emperors of the Manchu dynasty and expresses the hope that the new
Chinese government and the religious government of Tibet will be able to re-establish a peaceful
relationship. That was in 1951.'23
Whatever dGe-bses 5es-rab's status in China, whether honoraty or not, we can see from the plethora
of posts that he occupied for the following 15 years, that he was as active as ever, and we see from the
speeches that he made that he had lost none of his fiety and uncompromising temperament. He actively
defends the rights of the national minorities, on questions of education, economy, respect of traditional
customs and 'religious beliefs. Together with, side by side, or perhaps shadowed by the Chinese lay
Buddhist leader, Zhao Puchu, dGe-bses 5es-rab became the most important Buddhist in China.
For a decade or so he occupied five different posts:
1949-1964: Vice-governor of Qinghai.
1954-1964: Deputy for Qinghai in the National People's Council.
1955-1964: Chairman of the Chinese Buddhist Association.
1956-1964: President of the Chinese Buddhist Theological Instirute.
1956- : Honoraty editor-in-chief of the Encyclopaedia of Chinese Buddhism, and contributor to
the International encyclopaedia being compiled in Ceylon.
During the same period, he travelled·abroad at least six times. In 1959, he went as delegate to the World
Peace Council in Sweden. As the Buddhist leader in China, (together with Zhao Puchu) he took five
Chinese delegations to different countries in Asia. He made rwo trips to Burma (in 1955 and 1960).
He went to Ceylon (in 1961). And most ~~ortandy to Nepal (in 1956), when he was elected vice-
president of the World Federation of Buddhists (and re-elected, in absentia, in 1958). And to Cam-
bodia (in 1961), when he was elected religious advisor to the WFB.
Simultaneously he was member of innumerable committees, here are a few of those of international
interest:
He was member of the: China-Asian Solidarity Committee (1956) - this developed into the China
·Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee (1958) and then the China Afro-Asian Society (1962).
Chinese People's Committee for supporting Egypt against agression 1956.
Chinese People's Committee for World Peace, (1958).
He was also member of the Nationalities Committee.
In 1964 he began to fade from the scene, perhaps due to his advanced age. He was to die, four years
later in Qinghai, during the Cultural Revolution. Execrated as a Chinese collaborator by the Tibetans
in exile, dGe-bses 5es-rab was re-instated as a national hero in an obiruary written in June 1981, inSes-
bya, and based on a radio announcement made by Na-phod Nag-dbaIi 'Jigs-med on the 1st of May of
that year in which it was stated that dGe-bses 5es-rab died after false accusations, degradations and
beatings.

" Me/o'g, 1.12.i9~~, p. 17.

 The Long Life of rDo-sbis dGe-bies Ses-rab rGya-mcbo 471

Perhaps the Tibetan nationalist rehabilitation was justified? One last whisper of goings on in Eastern
Tibet at the end of the 1940s: according to G. Patterson," reported by M. Peissel,25 and I admit these
two sources JDight cause some raised eyebrows in this distinguished company.
0,
"Just before the fall of the Chiang Kaishek regime, the Pangdatshangs plotted secretly, more less in accord
with two Amda leaders, Lobzang Tshewang and Geshe Sherab, to raise an army in order to chase the Chinese
out of their provinces of Kham and Amdo (of Xikang and Qinghai). Once reunified, they had the intention of
forcing th~ government of Lhasa to recognise officially Eastern Tibet as an integral part of a new, larger
independant Tibet, including the territories that the Chinese had succeeded in separating from the old Tibet. A
new enlarged Land of Snow would then - they thought - have a good chance of keeping abreast with China in
the future."

But just a short while after, Mao Zedong came to power. A radio announcement was made from Peking
inviting the eastern Tibetans either to join with the People's Republic or be annihilated. dGe-bses Ses-
rab seems to have wasted no time in hesitation. After all, if we are to believe Rahul SiiIik.ityayan, he
was well predisposed.
The story of Tibet in the first half of the twentieth century is far from being told.

BIBLIOGRAPHY - TIBETAN SOURCES

'Bras-spuns Klu-'hum rDa-sbi Lha-ram-pa Ses-rab rGya-mcho'j gsuil-'bum. 3 volumes. - Collected Works.
Tie bcun Ses-rab rGya-mcho jam-dpal dGyes-pa'j Blo-gros kyi gsun-rcom. 2 volumes, mCho-snon, 1982. - Collected writings.
Melong. Kalimpong. January 1st, 1951, 17-18, article by K. Tharchin.
Mi-rigs dpe mjod-khaiJ gi dpe-tho Lu gsun-~bum skor gyi dkar-Chag Ses-bya'i gter-mjod (Chin. Minzu Tushuguan. Zangwen
dianji muiu). Sichuan 1985, p. 65-67. - Biographical note and list of works.
Rakra run-po-Che, bKras-mthOIi Thub-bstan Chos-dar, dGe-'dun Cho,-'phel gyi Lo-rgy." LTWA 1980, p. 34-38, 134.
Ses-bya, Dharamsala, June 1981, p. 25-26. - Obituary.

HINDI SOURCES

Rihul Smlqityiyan, Merijivan Yitri (Autobiography). See entries for 1934.

WESTERN SOURCES

A Biographic Dictionary of Chinese Communism. 1921-1965, edited by D. W. Klein and A. B. Clark, Harvard University-Press
1971, p. 766-768.
Tibet. 1950-1967, Hong Kong 1968, see Shirob Jaltso, p. 1, 46, 178, 179, 186, 188.

14 George ,Patterson, Tragic Destiny, London 1959 1 p. 17-20.

15 M. Peissel, Les Cavaliers du Kham, Laffont 1979, p. 43.
 Maitri-pa and Atisa
MARK TATZ (SAN FRANCISCO)

Prominent in Tibetan accounts of the life of Maitri-pa is a tale of how he was expelled from the
monastic university of Vikramasila by Atisa (Dipamkarasrijiiana). The story does not appear in any
non-Tibetan source. Nor can any Indian or Nepalese basis be identified for the contention of some
Tibetan scholars that Atisa received the text of the Mahayana-uttaratantra-sastra and/or instructions
on it from Maitri-pa. The two tales are broadly contradictory, for they place the two Indian masters in
opposite relationships of authority. Their use by Tibetan historians on apparently sectarian grounds
calls into question the validity of Tibetan historical tradition as it bears upon the later period of
Buddhism in India. Neither purported event is central to the spiritual career of either figure, and I
present a study of them here so as to exclude them from a later study of the hagiography of Maitri-pa.
In a Nepalese Sanskrit manuscript (designated Sham Shere) that may be the earliest witness to the life
of Maitri-pa,1 there is no hint of either tale. The absence is not of course decisive, because the
manuscript is not a complete "life": it traces the lineage of Maitri-pa's philosophic doctrine, called
Amanasikara, concluding in the middle of his life after Maitri-pa's spiritual quest and instruction under
Sabaresvara.
According to the Sham Shere manuscript, Maitri-pa is born a brahman named Damodara2 in the
Middle Country (madhyadesa). As a brahmanical renunciate named Martabodha,3 he is converted and
taught general Mahayana ("the way of the perfections") by Naropa; then Ragavajra teaches him tantra
("the way of mantras"). He then studies the nirakara philosophic system under Ratnakarasanti. The
sites of these studies are not named. Going to Vikramasila, he studies under Jiianasrimitra (an adherent
to sakara). From Vikramasila he proceeds to Vikramapura and is ordained a bhik~u in the Sammati-
ya (!) school, his name becoming Maitrigupta - hence the Tibetans' designation Maitri-pa, from the
honorific Maitripada. Dream-visions (svapna-darsana) of Avalokitesvara inspire him to remove him-
self to KhasarpaI).a, then to travel south in search of the siddha SabareSvara. He receives the name
Advayavajra in a waking dream that constitutes tantric initiation (~eka). (The name Avadhuti-pa,
known from Sanskrit colophons and Tibetan historical tradition, is not attested by this text.) The
account concludes with the last instructions and disappearance of SabareSvara. In Tibetan accounts
Advayavajra then returns to the gr~at monasteries of the Middle Country to teach.
Maitri-pa is contemporary with Atisa - the dating of ca. 986-1065 made by Hadano (293-294) will
suffice for this discussion - and they inhabited the same milieu.

1 See bibliography s. v. Sham Shere. The ms. is available only in transliteration, as Levi and Tucci made copies by hand; it is
palm-leaf (Tucci 138), and the script seemed to be "du moyen age nepalais" (Levi 417). The better copyist was Tucci.
2 Padma-dkar-po gives the name Dharma (287.2). Cpo also n. 3 below.
3 Cpo Padma-dkar-po: his later buddhist name Dharmabodhi (287.5). Comparison with Sham Shere makes clear that Padma-
dkar-po preserves some names that the other histories do not, but in corrupted forms and inaccurate attributions. See
Taranatha's stricture upon the Doha-histories that are sources for Padma-dkar-po: "The late, blabbering histories (to rgyus) of
the Doha-preachers of old, are hollow" (rGya-gar 217.18, tr. 304-305).
474 Mark Tatz

Expulsion from Vikramasila

Reports of expulsions from monasteries of the period appear with such persistence in Tibetan histories
that one must believe that one such incident, at least, must actually have occurred. The earliest sources
for the story of the expulsion of Maitri-pa are probably the biographies of Atisa, of which the first may
date from as early as 1150. 4
The suggestion made by Chattopadhyaya (136) is convincing: the incident, or the connection of
Atisa to it, serves to explain certain evidences of bad karma that attended Atisa in Tibet (and the very
necessity to go from India to Tibet is regarded as evidence of bad karma!).5 In the same way, texts of an
earlier era explain that the Buddha was once stricken by a thorn in his foot as the karmic consequence
of having killed a man, in a past life, with a spear - the first of a set of "karmic connections" between
past-life misdeeds and calamities witnessed by his disciples. 6
The account reads (Eimer, section 194 end-l96):

He [Atisa] expelled some who indulged themselves/ and in so doing they functioned as misdeeds for Elder
Brother. [rGyas-pa version only: They said, "T':te hypocrite expells US.,,]8
In particular, 'fPrabhu (mna' bdag) Maitri-pa dwelt there [at VikramasIla] ... 9 This Maitri-pa did visualization
meditation (thugs dam) of [':-Vajra-]yogini (rnal 'byor may, for the purpose of which he kept some liquor (chan)
as pledged requisite (dam rjas) for her. One elder monk (bcun pay saw and reported this to the monastic
community. The monastics said, "Someone who has transgressed should be removed from residence." He
replied, "Do not make me leave by driving me out; there is no harm in this."IO They said, "There may be no
harm for you, but there is harm for others", and expelled him. He declared, "Someone who has transgressed
should not leave by the door," and departed straight through a wall.
Elder Brother wondered whether this had been the right thing to do. He made offerings that night to Tara,
and entreated her by reciting a praiseY Elder Brother had barely fallen asleep when a voice was heard to say,
three times: "The girl was all right!" He went outside but there was nothing to be seen. Returning indoors, he
entreated the deity. Lady Tara appeared in person. "May it please you, monk, but in regard to the expulsion,
':-Prabhu Maitri-pa is a bodhisattva who has generated the initial thought [of awakening]. A wrong done to a
bodhisattva has a very great karmic maturation", she declared.

The motifs of this story may be isolated as follows:

1. sins of wine and women,
2. spied by someone else,
3. expulsion with expressed justification ("What you have done is a bad example to others, if not
harmful to your own practice"),
4. justification for the misdeed by his own magical power (departure through a wall),12 and
5. justification for the misdeed by a deity.
The biographies tell what seems to amount to the same tale, mmus the woman,13 m regard to
Kamalarak~ita (Eimer 110, 24a.2f).

4 Eimer, personal communication, 23-August-1985.

5 The karmic consequences of Atisa's act of expulsion are specified at Eimer 195; see also Chattopadhyaya 135-136.
6 Upayakausalya-siitra, Otani 760: 38, 927, sec. 127-173, ed. & tr. forthcoming; see also Lamotte, Le Traite de la Grande
Vertu de Sagesse 1: 507-517 & refs. to Msv" Apadana, etc. (Louvain: Institut Orientaliste, 1949).
7 Not, as Das translates, someone "called by the name of Kirilsukha" (cited Chattopadhyaya 135).
8 Cpo dPa'-bo 290: 15: "Elder Brother expelled from residence some who indulged themselves."
9 Here is a sentence relating that Maitri-pa was criticized by Ratnakarasanti, yet succeeded in "dispelling his faults".
10 Read 'di for 'din, var. 'di san.
11 See T 3688 by Atisa. On Tara and Atisa see Beyer 11-12.
12 A monk who has been defrocked should be put over a wall, not allowed to leave by the gate; see n. by Templeman at
Taranatha, bKa'-babs, tr. 115-116.
13 Taking alcohol is not in itself an expulsable offence (parajika), as is sexual intercourse, but in the monastic view, intoxication
is followed closely by fornication.
 Maitri-pa and Atisa 475

Two self-justifications are added:

4a) he transforms the liquor into milk, and
4b) he crosses the river on a mat.
Kamala - [var. Karma- ]rak~ita, the yogin of "Yamari, changed liquor into milk. [rGyas-pa version only:]
':'Yamari-yogin drank liquor, and was expelled. "It is not right to leave by the door, he declared, and went
straight through a wall. He spread a rug on the water and departed ... " (24a.6) He drank liquor and the
disciplinarian ('dul 'jin) said, "There may be no harm to you, but there is harm to other monks", and expelled
him from the congregation, whereby he grew weak. Then he dreamed that a deity said, "You are a bodhisattva
with one more lifetime." He begged forgiveness, and it declared, "You were without a mean thought." [End
rGyas-pa only.] A guru who is able to depart spreading a mat on the river Ganges has obtained most of the
benefit (bka' drin) of mantras. 14

All five motifs and additional self-justification 4b are present in the mKhas-pa'i-dga'-ston (written
A.D. 1565) by dPa'-bo-gcug-lag. The story is related twice in that history - in the chapter on the
bKa'-brgyud (at 370.11-17), and again in the chapter on the bKa'-gdams (290.15-24). The wording of
the bKa'-gdams version is strikingly similar to "the expulsion of Maitri-pa" in the Atisa biographiesY
The bKa' -brgyud chapter sees Maitri-pa cross the river, and then continues:
All the community wept, saying "the sun has set". Elder Brother circled him in a boat, asking him to hold on, so
he said:
"Nowadays, pandits living within the same walls are incapable of holding to each other. But I have dreamed
of meeting a holy guru, and if I meet him I will be held. Within my quarters is a painted image of Tara. Make it
your obligational deity (yi dam)."
The History by Padma-dkar-po (wr. 1575, revised 1580) contains all the elements of previous accounts.
Atisa's justification for the expulsion is that he fears "dissension in the order". He informs the king,
who puts Maitri-pa to a test (motif no. 4a). The result: "Because he practiced the oral instruction of
Hevajra, Maitri-pa vomited liquor on them [the other scholars], milk on himself" (297.2).
Taranatha, in the bKa'-babs-bdun-ldan (wr. 1600), includes all motifs save departure through a wall
(15.3-7). A novice spies Maitri-pa drinking liquor with a woman (who is in actuality Vajrayogini).
Then
... a dispute occurred in the assembly, but as it came to pass the teacher was made to vomit only milk, while the
novice vomited liquor on himself, and from someone vomiting liquor, no discussion was possible. Then again,
on one occasion the disciplinarian and others heard of it and disapproved. They said, "He has changed liquor
into milk, and made the woman invisible or changed her into a bell." They hid in ambush. There was no time
[for Maitri-pa] to effect 'a change by mantras, and the community expelled him.
The Blue Annals (by 'Gos locava gZon-nu-dpal, wr. 1486) does not mention the incident (but makes
reference to the controversy with Ratnakarasanti, ed. 746, tr. 842), nor does the History by Bu-ston
Rin-chen-grub (wr. 1347). The brief account of Maitri-pa by Sum-pa-mkhan-po in the dPag-bsam-
ljon-bzan (18th cen., 118-119, LC 152.1-3) contains all motifs except no. 5.
As a whole, this story dramatizes a conflict between the orderly life of the monastic community and
an idiosyncratic path of tantric practice. The community elders acknowledge the legitimacy of the
"other path" when they say, "There may be no harm for you, but there will be harm for others." This
feeble justification for expulsion is furthermore demolished by the miscreant's show of siddhi -
departing through a wall and crossing the Ganges on a hide - and by the testimonial of a deity. That is
why in the full accounts the community signals regret for its action, despite the fact that it may have
been justified by the monastic code. 16

14 "Most ... benefit", but not the supreme siddhi of Mahamudra. More on Kamalarak~ita infra.
15 See n. 8 above.
16 From the point of view of the miscreant in this case, retreat from monastic and academic life is necessary for spiritual
development. But this is the subject of hagiography.
476 Mark Tatz

These questions need to be addressed: whether such a conflict arose in India and, if so, who may
have been involved as expeller and expelled.
There is reason to doubt that this conflict, s.o highly dramatized by Tibetan sources, was played to
any great extent in India precisely because. it was so important in contemporary Tibet. Atisa was invited
to Tibet in order to reform a Buddhism allegedly corrupted by tantric rituals including sexual inter-
course and murder (sbyor sgrol)Y In his Lamp for the Path (lam sgron) composed for the Tibetan king
Byari-chub-'od, Atisa explains that practices requiring uncelibacy are not for monks. is A correspond-
ing work add~essed to the Indian king Nayapala (tr. Chattopadhyaya 520-524) shows no such reform-
ist concern. Even in the Lamp, Atisa is not adamant: the line that follows (and concludes the work)
declares. "For someone who knows reality, there is no transgression" (ed. 654, cpo tr. 177), and it is
clear from the biographies that tantra was central to his own practice in India. 19
Furthermore, there are sources that insist that Atisa taught more in Tibet than some of his disciples
cared to admit. The Blue Annals says (232.6-233.3, tr. 261):
When Elder Brother came to Tibet, 'Brom-ston-pa [rGyal-ba'i-'byuri-gnas, A.D. 1005-1064] acted as his
administrator (bdag ner), and he [Atisa] was intimate only with him. During his residence at bSam-yas, he
bestowed upon 'Brom, at mChims-phu, many means for tantric practice, as well as profound instruction on
Doha and other [texts]. 'Brom made it his highest pri~rity to dissociate from Elder Brother those of coarse
behavior who practiced the tantras literally, so he said that he had never heard the profound [doctrines]. Even
the venerable Mid-Ia [Milarepa, A.D. 1040-1123] decried this on the occasion of his meeting with Dvags-po
lHa-rje [sGam-po-pa, A.D. 1070-1153] ... 20

The biographies attest Atisa's bestowal of instructions in tantra. 2i

With the story of "the expulsion of Maitri-pa", the biographies and later historians are projecting
onto Indian Buddhism a competition between monastic institutions for economic and political power
that took place in their own day. Accounts that introduce a king into the drama carry this process
furthest.
I have related in an earlier work, as an instance of how the bodhisattva's ethic may require him to
perform an act of banishment, a story that circulated in Se-ra monastery in recent times: Atisa expelled
Na-ro-pa from Nalanda for consorting with a q,aki'f}z.22 This tale must represent a corruption of "the
expulSIon of Maitri-pa" as known to bKa'-gdams-pa tradition, Na-ro-pa being now the better known
precursor of the bKa' -brgyud schooL No basis for it is found in the biography of Na-ro-pa (Guenther
24-28): his colleagues see him off with as great regret as do those of Atisa when he leaves for Tibet.23
To thus demonstrate the function of the story in Tibetan sectarian history does not; of course,
disprove its historicity. Taranatha, who is the historian with no axe to grind in this matter, seems to
accept it, although he casts doubt on the story of the controversy with Ratnakarasanti that is interpo-
lated in the Atisa biographies. Of this, Taranatha says:
The purportedly historical accounts (10 rgyus 'chad paY of Tibetans - that he debated with Santi-pa - appear to
make no sense, and they have no counterpart whatsoever in the oral tradition of Aryadesa. Since it is so reported
in Tibet, I submit that bhotasvanavakya samaya-chotika siddhasadhaka kiyat [corrected; cpo Schiefner 25 n. 1,

17 See for ex. BA tr. 245, Chattopadhyaya ch. 30.

18 Lamp v. 64, ed. 649, tr. 173. See also Ruegg in Melanges Chinois et Bouddhiques 20 (1981): 214 n. 12 - these offences
attributed to "the red acarya".
19 E. g. Eimer 379.
20 See also BA cited below s. v. Uttaratantra; also 747.4-6, tr. 843-844.
21 E. g. Eimer 304.
22 Tatz, Candragomin and the Bodhisattva Vow. Doctoral dissertation, Universiry of British Columbia, 1978, p. 432 n. 113.
23 The person expelled by Atisa has been identified as various disciples of Maitri-pa as a result of Das' lack of clariry in the index
to his edition of the dPag-bsam-lfon-bian. Das is so taken by the story that he alludes to it under the entries for several of
Maitri-pa's disciples. So for example under Ramapala reads: "a prince disciple of a Brahman Buddhist of Vikramasila, who
was expelled from the monastery of VikramaSila by Dipamkara-srijiiana ... " This leads D. S. Sircar to believe that Ramapala
was expelled (fBORS 27: 3 [1941J: 388). A similar entry for Devakaracandra misleads t;p.e History of Bengal (1: 336).
 Maitrt-pa and Atisa 477

Templeman 12J: "Tibetans snap their fingers at the pledges by yelping like dogs. 24 Who are the accomplished
ones versus the ordinary practitioners?" That is to say, the lies of Tibetan fools should be considered as
dramatization (16.5-7).

The inclusion by Taranatha of "the expulsion of Maitri-pa" does not necessarily indicate that it is
attested by contemporary tradition in India: he also identifies his sources (at the end of the bKa'-babs)
as the accounts of older Tibetan teachers "when they are credible".25 What Taranatha doubts in the
story is the role of Atisa. He says (15.6-7):
The disciplinarian at that time is said (skad) to have been Elder Brother. He purportedly (zer) came to Tibet as
purification of its [the deed's J karmic obstacle ...

According to Taranatha, Maitri-pa is spied first by a novice, then by the disciplinarian and others; the
community expels him.
To review the other versions on this point: In the Atisa biographies, Maitri-pa is spied by an elder
monk and expelled by the community led by Atisa; the story of the expulsion of Kamalarak~ita gives
no indication of the individuals who were responsible. The Life of Marpa reluctantly accepts Atisa's
role in the expulsion. 26 According to dPa' -bo-gcug-Iag, he is seen by Atisa as steward (ial ta) and
expelled by the community; the chapter on the bKa' -gdams-pa follows the Atisa biographies. Padma-
dkar po: He is seen by Atisa as disciplinarian (dge bskos), who is instrumental in the expulsion. Sum-
pa-mkhan po: He is expelled by Atisa as disciplinarian.
Tibetan historical tradition aims less often at preserving data than at portraying important figures
and their interactions. An expulsion first imputed to Maitri-pa would not later be imputed to a lesser-
known Kamalarak~ita, but the reverse. So we may have in these accounts an incident deriving from the
life of Kamalarak~ita assigned to that of Maitri-pa and then, as the latter drops from prominence, to
Na-ro-pa.
The origins of "the expulsion of Maitri-pa" seem to lie in the biographies of Atisa. The later
historians - dPa' -bo and Padma - who treat the incident under the two headings, base both versions
upon the account given by the biographies, adding additional justifications to that of the bKa' -brgyud
chapter. The biographies of Atisa do not indicate at what point in the life of Maitri-pa this may have
occurred. (And the dates of Maitri-pa will not be determined with sufficient certainty to allow deduc-
tion of the answer from the dates of Atisa himself.) Generally, the assumption is made that the forced
departure is tied to his quest for SabareSvara and spiritual instruction. This discredits the departure on
quest, otherwise understood to be motivated by dream-vision. In addition, it disagrees with evidence of
the Sham Shere manuscript that Maitri-pa's stay at Vikramasila precedes a longer stay at Vikramapura,
after which he departs south through Bengal. Padma-dkar-po locates the expulsion incident, and also
the controversy with Ratnakarasanti, at a time that follows his studies with Sabaresvara and return to
the Middle Country (296.5-297.4); the expulsion prompts him to establish a hermitage with his
disciples. 27 This could explain why the incident, if it did occur, is not mentioned by Sham Shere: the
manuscript does not cover the post-Sabara period except to relate the guru's last instructions: to
publish the philosophy (of Amanasikara) and to practice the siidhana of Vajrayogini. Implementation
of these two injunctions could explain the controversy with Ratnakarasanti, his former teacher, as well
as illicit activity with a female yogin in his cell.
The connection of Maitri-pa with the cult of Vajrayogini, especially under his name Avadhuti-pa,
has been pointed out by Hadano (287-288, 295). The association is borne out by the Sham Shere
manuscript, in that it discusses - side-by-side - the lineages of Vajrayogini and Amanasikara. The
story of the expulsion may point to an attempt by academics to reject the practice. In another story told
by Taranatha (bKa' -babs tr. Templeman 70-72), the teacher Abhayakaragupta (ca. 1100) thrice refuses

24 A reference to the pledge (samaya) not to denigrate the guru, see e. g. Beyer 405 n. 1.
25 The BA is obviously held in high regard by Taranatha, see e. g. Templeman tr. 35- 36.
26 Life 260.4-6, tr. 77-78, Bacot 34.
27 Hadano draws a similar conclusion (292-293).
478 Mark Tatz

to take siddhi from Vajrayogini (as a brahman, a monk, and a tantric), and for that reason fails to attain
liberation ("highest siddhi") in that lifetime. On the other hand, the story may illustrate prolepsis; even
Atisa is supposed to have accepted the blessing (byin rlabs) of Vajrayogini from a female yogin, one of
his twelve gurus (Eimer 012).
The biographies of Atisa have no clear conception of who the "Maitri-pa" expelled from Vikramasila
may have been. They do not tie "Maitri-pa" to one of his other names, nor even show an awareness of
the full name "Maitrigupta". The extended (rgyas paY version addresses the question at one point and
identifies the expulsed as ':-Prabhu (mila' bdag) Maitri-pa. But this title must derive from the histories:
according to dPa' -bo (371.10-13) it is given by a king for victory over Ratnakarasanti. At Blue Annals
746.2 (tr. 842) the title Victor (rgyal ba, "jina) is given; the Life of Marpa entitles him ':-jinaputra
(293.1). The rGyas-pa version may even be intended to clarify this last. Discussing "SuvarI).advipa
Dharmakirti, teacher of Atisa, it has this interpolation (Eimer 055):
[He] was also called Maitri-pa, because of his great lovingkindness (byams pa, ':-maitri). There have been three
Maitri-pas: ':-Prabhu Maitri-pa, whom Elder Brother expelled from Vikrama (!), the ':-jinaputra Maitri-pa or
reverend Maitreya, and this "Suvarn~dvipa, who acted out of maitri.

The confusion of "Maitreya" and "Maitri" was undoubtedly initiated by Tibetans, though probably
not by the translator Nag-cho, the source of the biographies. Hadano discusses a list of three Maitri-
pas in which Maitreya is replaced by ':-Kalacakra[-pada], also known as Nepalese (bal po) Maitri (291),28
but that priority of that list cannot yet be established.
This Dharmakirti, concerning whom the Atisa texts give some biographical information further on,
is clearly not Maitri-palAdvayavajra. In searching further for Maitri-pa, designated perhaps by another
name, we come in the next passage to a teacher of Atisa named Jiianasri-maitri, presumably an error for
Jiianasri-mitra (Eimer 056 & n. 9). The error could be taken as repetition or conflation; the latter would
suggest that Maitri-pa was intended by some version. The name Jiianasri-maitri, however, is unlikely.
The next possibility is Kamalarak~ita, also a teacher of Atisa. Following the account of his expulsion,
the biographies explain that this teacher is also his student, in that Atisa converted him from Cittama-
tra-alikara (= nirakara) to the Madhyamika. Kamalarak~ita changed his view consequent to the
obtainment of Mahamudra, for which he had prepared with the practice of mantra (Eimer 111).
Rejection of nirakara as well as sakara does correspond to the mature thought of Maitri-pa (see for
example Tattvadasaka, v. 2). Likewise, the integration of siitric with tantric practices is regarded as
characteristic of his Mahamudra schooI,29 There is no other evidence, however, for an identification of
Maitri-pa with Kamalarak~ita.30
, The biographies give the following summary of Atisa's teachers, in four sets (Eimer 012-013, in
paraphrase) :
There were (1) twelve source (mula) gurus, including Bodhibhadra, Jetari, and Dharmarak~ita; (2)
three gurus who possessed higher knowledge eabhijiia), being Duhura-nag-po, Guptavajra, and "a
disciple of N a-ro-pa known as ':-Abhijiia" [of Bengal, see BA 360 - 361]; (3) two who had attained
Mahamudra, the highest siddhi, being A vadhiitipa and Kamalarak~ita - both of whom he attended in
person; and (4) ':-guru Suvamadvipa.
This statement may be the primary source, but since the list of twelve (in set one) is not complete,
two alternative traditions are inserted:
(a) Great Zul-phu-pa reports that there were twelve gurus who had attained realization (':-siddhi), two
gurus who had seen the truths, and one guru who was blessed by a low-caste yogin; and
(b) There were six, plus an additional six gurus" endowed with both transmission and comprehension
[of sacred texts]". The primary six comprise three male yogins - guru Avadhiiti-pa, the yogin of

28 Possibly the author of T 1363; see also Wylie, Nepal, 34 n: 107.

2' See for example the system ascribed to Mar-pa and Mi-la at BA 632, tr. 724.
30 Nor with Yamari-yogin or PailJ.c;\apatika, the other names of Kamalarak~ita; see Eimer, index s. v. PailJ.c;\apatika & refs., Ruegg
at MCB 20 (1981): 217-219.
 Maitri-pa and Atisa 479

':-Yamari, and pombhi-pa - and three female yo gins (not named but described). The additional six
include "three who possessed ':-abhijiia", and three other female yogins, including the one men-
tioned above who bestowed the blessing of Vajrayogini.
Among those who might be Maitri-pa, Jetari/Jiianasrimitra and Kamalarak~ita/Yamari-yogin have
already been discussed. The yogic name Avadhuti-pa is also applied to Maitri-pa, as well as to others. 3 !
The biographies know two teachers with that name, which they designate "elder" and "younger". The
elder ordained Atisa a layman; the younger ordained him a monk (Eimer 024). In neither of these
passages, nor in those of the histories where only the named "Avadhuti-pa" is used, does it appear that
Maitri-pa is intended.32 The author of works attributed to "Avadhuti-pa" in the bsTan-'gyur will be
difficult to identify. Sarikrtyayana's identification of Maitri-pa as teacher of Atisa (fA 225 [1934]: 226)
on the basis of the name "Avadhuti-pa" must also be considered problematic.
On the other hand, there is no doubt that Nag-cho Chul-khrims-rgyal-ba, interpreter and translator
of Atisa, studied Amanasikara under VajrapaQ.i, a disciple of Maitri-pa. 33

Transmission of the Uttaratantra-sastra

Hadano concludes that Maitri-pa is teacher to Atisa (298) based on evidence given by the Blue Annals.
Perhaps as repartee to the story of the expulsion, 'Gos locava describes Atisa as first to disseminate
Maitri-pa's system of Mahamudra in Tibet (BA 747.4-6, tr. 834-844):
As to the first [spread of Mahamudra in Tibet]: The reverend Atisa 34 heard the text and commentary of the
"Mahayana-uttaratantra [a. k. a Ratnagotra-vibhaga] , along with the cycles of Doha and other texts, from
Maitri-pa. Later, during the period of his residence at bSam-yas, he went to [near-by] mChims-phu for a few
days and taught to 'Brom the cycles of Doha and grub-snin,35 as well as the method of practicing the ':-Saman-
tabhadracarya. 'Bram refused to disseminate them, however, for fear that Tibetans would become coarse in
their behavior. There is, incidentally, an extant translation by 'Brom in the '"1nanasiddhi. 36 The translation of
the text and commentary of the "Mahayana-uttaratantra was done [by Atisa] at Yer-pa at the request of rNog
Byan-chub-'byun-gnas.

In its chapter on Atisa, the BA refers to his translation, in conjunction with Nag-cho, of the commen-
tary ("by Asariga") at Yer-pa - posterior to his stay at mChims-phu (231.4-5, tr. 259). The biog-
raphies of Atisa do not mention it among works translated at the home of rNog (Eimer 339). They do
name the Uttaratantra (along with the Dharmadharmata-vibhaga, T 4023) among a set of works
translated with Nag-cho at Sol-nag Thari-po-che (Eimer 311).37 The parallel passage by dPa'-bo-gcug-
lag (305.13-14) says only that he taught "the latter three texts of ':-Maitreya" [of which the Uttaratan-

31 Maitri-pa is named "Avadhuti-pa" in Tibetan and Sanskrit sources: see Hadano 287-289, 295; Sadhanamala lxii, xci, 426;
Finot inJA 225 (1934): 5 n. 3 (a ms. believed to have been brought to China in A.D. 1057); colophons to Adv. works no. 1,3,
7, etc.; Life of Marpa 293.5, tr. 117; Bu-ston 1037: 1-2. According to Padma-dkar-po, Sabaresvara gave him the name
':-Advayavajra-avadhutipa (294.2). On "Avadhuti-pa" as a general designation for those who practice Yogatantra, see Hadano
287; also Eimer 1: 422; at Taranatha, bKa'-babs 63: 1 it is even applied to a brahmanical yogin. But many buddhist names
could be considered "generic", e. g. Kamalarak~ita.
32 In the histories, for example: Taranatha, bKa'-babs 85.2 etc. refers to the elder; Sum-pa-mkhan-po 119.1-2 to the younger;
BA tr. 390-391 to "Avadhuti-pa or PaiI;lQapatika the elder" who practices Vajrayogini but apparently is not Maitri-pa. The
name "Avadhuti-pa" at Atisa, Lamp tr. 173ff. is incorrect; it should be bhik~u PaiI;lQapatika.
33 See BA tr. 857, and their collaborative translations of works by Maitri-pa in the bsTan-'gyur.
34 Lit./o bo chen po r/e lha gag; "Elder Brother "Ekadeva". The epithet is also used by dPa'-bo-gcug-lag (370.12) in connection
with Atisa's function as monastic steward (ial-ta).
35 These constitute three related sections of the bsTan-'gyur; see Hadano 297.
36 On this lost translation see Hadano 298 & n. 42.
37 This Than-po-che is located in the Yar Valley, whereas Yer-pa is north of Lhasa; see Wylie, Geography 169 n. 507, 83 & 159
n.402-403.
480 Mark Tatz

tra should be considered the last; see Ruegg 1969: 39 & n.]. Then again, the Yons-grags version of the
biographies (Eimer 380, n. 3) names the Uttaratantra among a set of works by Maitreya/Asanga that
were translated by Atisa and Nag-cho, some editions say at sNe Plain;38 dPa'-bo mentions "the texts of
Maitreya" (313.9).
Whether he translated the text (and commentary) or not, there can be little doubt that Atisa taught
the Uttaratantra in Tibet. The next question is whence he received it. The biographies do not mention
it among the lineages that came to him in India. (An intercpolation by the rGyas-pa says that the lineage'
of Maitreya ca~e from Kusulu the elder, Eimer 057.) According to 'Gos, the Uttaratantra had
disappeared for several centuries until Maitri-pa discovered it in a shrine.
In context of "the five texts of Maitreya", the BA says (308.4-6, tr. 347):
According to the history (10 rgyus) of the school of bCan [Kha-bo-che, b. 1021], the 'fMahayana-uttaratantra
and the *Dharmadharmata-vibhaga (T 4024-4025, 4023) were unknown to others 39 when the venerable
Maitri-pa saw a ray of light coming from the chink of a shrine (mchod rten, "stupa) and removed the two texts.
He then entreated Reverend 'fMaitreya (ma pham pa, 'fajita), who came through a gap in the clouds and
formally transmitted the two texts to him. Maitri-pa taught them to pandit Anandakirti, who went to Kashmir40
dressed as a beggar. Sajjana perceived Anandakirti to be remarkable, served him, and received instruction in the
. two texts. He copied the books and gave them to the scholar Jiianasri and others ... [Sajjana taught them to
bCan, and himself translated them with locava Blo-Idan-ses-rab, A.D. 1059-1109.]

Atisa is not part of the lineage of bean, but he is mentioned at the close of the chapter as having made,
in collaboration with Nag-cho, the first translation (of texts and commentary) in Tibet. In another
place (BA 242.7-243.3, tr. 271-272), the superiority of the Blo-Idan-ses-rab translation is acknowl-
edged by the descendents of Atisa.
What importance the Uttaratantra may have to Maitri-pa's philosophy has yet to be established. The
work is not cited in the commentary by Sahajavajra to the Tattvadasaka (Adv. no. 20), Maitri-pa's
major statement of Amanasikara. 'Gos mentions it prominently (as cited above) in the chapter on
Mahamudra, and 'Gos holds the transmission of the TD itself (BA tr. 866), so the question should be
left open.

History by lineage, as the Tibetans inherited the genre from India,41 is unlikely to establish the
relationship of Atisa to Maitri-pa with clarity and objectivity, because it is inherently sectarian. The
histories often weave attributions that cannot be unravelled even by scholars of the century succeeding.
Any accurate description, therefore, must depend upon evidence internal to their works. The teachings
'Of Atisa are not important to the writings of Maitri-pa, unless like Kamalarakljita the latter was
converted by Elder Brother to Madhyamika. On the other hand, there is some reason to believe that
the works of Atisa, and his teachings, may contain influences not acknowledged by his bKa' -gdams-pa
heirs, and Maitri-pa may be among them. Although Atisa did not translate any works by Maitri-pa, his
disciple Nag-cho devoted considerable time and effort to doing so.

38 sNe-than on the east bank of the sKyid River, south of Lhasa; see Wylie, Geography 76, 147 n. 298.
39 'Gos later points out that Haribhadra does not cite the Uttaratantra in the Abhisamayalar'nkaraloka, although he utilizes
others among the five texts of Maitreya. See BA .308.4-310.3, tr. 347-349; also Ruegg 1969: 39 n. 1, Le Traite du
Tathagatagarbha de Bu ston Rin chen grub (Paris: EFEO, 1973): 20 n. 5.
40 This account, and what is known of the life of Maitri-pa, make it unlikely that the shrine was in Kashmir, as Ruegg suggests

(1969: 38).
41. See the remarks by Hoffmann in the Journal of Asian History 4: 2 (1979): 170.
 Maitri-pa and Atisa 481

ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

Adv. = Advayavajrasamgraha, ed. Haraprasad Shastri. Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1927.

ATISA, Byan-chub-lam-sgron, ed. R. F. Sherburne, Ph. D. dissertation, Univ. of Washington, 1976. Tr. Sherburne, A Lamp for,
the Path and Commentary. London: Allen & Unwin, 1983.
BA = Blue Annals. See 'Gos lodiva.
BEYER, St., The Cult of Tara. Berkeley: U. C. Press.
Bu-sToN Rin-chen-grub, Chos-kyi-'byun-gnas. In: Collected Works, ed. L. Chandra. New Delhi: lAIC, 1971. Tr. E. Obermiller
as History of Buddhism, repro 2 pts. in 1. Tokyo: Suzuki Research Foundation, 1967.
CHATTOPADHYAYA, A., Attsa and Tibet. Calcutta: Indian Studies Past and Present, 1967.
EIMER, H., rNam-thar-rgyas-pa. 2 pts. Asiatische Forschungen, Band 67 (1979).
'Gos LOcAVA gZon-nu-dpal, Deb-ther-silOn-po. Ed. L. Chandra. New Delhi: lAIC, 1976. Tr. G. N. Roerich as The Blue
Annals, repro 2 vol. in 1. Delhi: Motilal, 1976.
BAnANO, H., "A Historical Study in the Problems Concerning the Diffusion of Tiintric Buddhism in India" in Religious Studies
in Japan. Tokyo: Maruzen Co., 1959.
History of Bengal, ed. R. C. Majumdar. Vol. 1. Dacca: U. Dacca, 1943.
Life of Marpa in bKa'-brgyud-gser-phren-rgyas-pa, vol. 1. Darjeeling: Kargyud Sungrab Nyamso Khang, 1982. Tr. Niilandii,
Boulder. Shambhala, 1982. Ed., tr. in part by J. Bacot, La vie de Marpa Ie 'traducteur'. Paris, 1937.
PADMA-DKAR-PO, The Tibetan Chronicle of Padma-dkar po. Ed. L. Chandra. New Delhi: lAIC, 1968.
dPag-bsam-IJon-bzan. See Sum-pa-mkhan-po.
DPA'-BO-GCUG-LAG, mKhas-pa'i-dga'-ston. Ed. L. Chandra. New Delhi: lAIC, 1959f.
RUEGG, D. S., La Theorie du Tathagatagarbha et du Gotra. Paris: EFEO, 1969.
Sadhanamala. Ed. Benoytosh Bhattacharya. 2nd ed. Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1968.2 vol.
Sham Shere manuscript (from the collection of General Kesar Sham Shere Jung Bahadur Ranii). Ed. S. Levi at BSOS 6
(1930-1932): 417-429. Ed. G. Tucci atJASB 26 (1930): 138-158.
SUM-PA-MKHAN-PO Ye-ses-dpal-'byor, dPag-bsam-IJon-bzan. Ed. S. C. Das. Calcutta: Presidency Jail Press, 1908. Ed.
L. Chandra. New Delhi: lAIC, 1959.
TARANATHA, bKa'-babs-bdun-ldan. In: Two Sources for the History of Buddhist Tantrism in India, Tibetan Craft Community,
1970. Ed. & tr. A. Griinwedel as Taranatha's Edelsteinmine. St. Petersburg, Bibliotheca Buddhica 18, 1914. Tr. by D. Tem-
pleman as The Seven Instruction Lineages. Dharmsala: LTWA, 1983.
-, rGya-gar-chos-'byun ('Phags pa'i yul du chos ji ltar dar ba'i chul). Sarnath: Tibetan Institute, n. d. Tr. by A. Chattopadhyaya,
repro Calcutta: Bagchi, 1980.
WYLIE, T. V., The Geography of Tibet According to the 'Dzam-gling-rgyas-bshad. Rome: ISMEO, 1962.
-,A Tibetan Religious Geography of Nepal. Rome: ISMEO, 1970.
 paramartha as an Object of Cognition -
paryaya- and aparyayaparamartha in Svatantrika-Madhyamaka .

HELMUT TAUSCHER (VIENNA)

"The teachings of the Buddhas are based upon the two truths, the conventional truth of the world and
the truth in an absolute sense" says Nagarjuna (MK XXIV,S), and "without having realized the
absolute truth, nirviir,a is not attained" (MK XXJV,lOcd).l
But here the question arises: Can paramiirtha, the ultimate reality, the absolute, be an object of
cognition at all, and - if so - in what way?
According to its very nature it cannot be an object of ordinary cognition. PPS, e. g., describes it as
"inexpressible, not to be perceived of discerned, unexplained, unrevealed, ... ",2 SPSN even calls it
"transcending the realm of being an object of the knowledge of the Allknowing" (sarvajiiajiiiinavi-
~ayabhiivasamatikriinta),3 and BCA IX,2cd clearly states: "Reality is not an object of perception;
perception is called conventional (truth)."·
On the other hand, for the sake of a possible liberation paramiirtha has to be object of some sort of
cognition - at least of mystic intuition. Candraklrti, e. g., leaves no doubt about it: "Object of correct
seeing is reality, (object of) wrong seeing is called conventional reality."s
But how can this absolute reality become an object? - It is knowable to the Aryas by direct intuition
(pratyiitmavedya),' which is, according to Candrakirti's explanations, to be understood as me~ing the
same as "without conceptualization" (nirvikalpa), and this again is the same as "free from activity of
mind" (cittapraciirarahita).7 Or, to express it differently, paramiirtha can be "seen" by way of not-
seeing (adarsanayogena).' But this kind of "seeing" of course is possible only for the perfect Buddhas.'

1 MK XXIV,S: dvt satye samupasritya buddhanarp, dharmadesan41

lokasaTflfJrf:isatyam ea satyam paramarthatal; /1
MKXXIV,10 cd: paramiirtham anagamya nirui1lam nadhigamyate//
2 PPS70a6f.: don damparganyinpa de ni br/od dumedpaste / Iesparbya bamayinpaI rnampar Ies bya ba mayinp,!, lyons
su Ies par bya ba rna yin p4 / rna bstan pa / Tab tu rna bstan pa / ...
cit. Sikf 256,6£.; BCAP 367,6-8: yah punah paramarthah so 'nabhilapyah / anajiieyo 'fJijiieyo 'desito 'prakaJito ... ;
translation of BendalllR.owe 236.
3 SPSN 258a2: This text is frequendy quoted as Satyad'IJayavatara(su.tra), e. g. MAvBh 110,15; BCAP 366,10j dGonspa rab gsal

112.6; rCa 1ik 358b6; LRCh 307b4; Grub bii 112,4.

" BCA IX,2cd: huddher ago caras tattTJarp buddhih sattJ'lJrbr ucyatell
s MAv VI,23cd: yan riag mthon ylll gan de de flid del
mthon ba brjlln pa kiln rjob bden par gsuitsll
6 Cf. e.g. Pras 493,11; Ph 190.1; BCAP 367,13.
1 Pras 493,10f. defines paramartha as: aparapratyayah santa!, pratyama'IJedya aryirJam sarvaprapaiicatitah according to MK
XVTII,9, where instead of pratyatrnavedya the teon niroikalpa is used, which Pras 374,1 is explained as cittapracararahita .
• Cf. e.g. h.s 265,4; MAvBh 110,13f.; SDA v. 7.
Seeing paramartha by way of "not-seeing" J however, does not mean that it is seen by not seeing anything ,(as it is, e.g.,
interpreted in Lindtner's translation of SDA), as this would be a contradiction in itseH. MA'lJBh 357,10f. and 14f. (ad MA'IJ
XII,3) says: yons su Ies pa med pa flid de kho na iiid yons su Ies pa'o II ies bya baryan mi rigs so 1... 1kun nas mi Ies pa iiid Ies pa
yin no ies bya ba 'di ni phan chun 'gal ba iig rte I
Con kha pa explains: The absolute reality of something is seen by not seeing tbe respective thing (like skandha etc.). This is
meant by calling the absence of seeing pure seeing, not a total not-seeing. "Seeing" and "not-seeing" do not refer to the same
substratum. (dGoiu pa Tab grall1l b5-7: ... ies sam rgyas kyi don dam mkhyen pa'i ye Ies kyis chos can la ma reg par Chos flid
484 Helmut Tauscher

Now, does this mean that paramiirtha is totally inaccessible on earlier stages of the path? Of course
not, as this would make liberation impossible, and thus the "path" would cease to be a path. Though
not expressible by words, paramartha can be pointed to by words and approached also by discursive
thinking and conceptual consciousness. This is made clear by MK XXN,10ab: "Without relying on
(wordly) convention, paramiirtha cannot be taught", 10 and also by the beginning of the BhK-texts,
e.g.: "Who wants to obtain omniscience quickly has to strive for the following: compassion (karu7!ii),
mind of enlightenment (bodhicitta) and religious practice."" The importance of faith (iraddhii) for
approaching paramiirtha has been pointed out by Ruegg, "On the Knowability and Expressibility of
Absolute Reality in Buddhism"; Komito is basing his "Tibetan Madhyarnika Psychology" mainly on
living dGe lugs pa - tradition to explain the process of transforming conceptual into non-conceptual
consciousness.

In this paper I want to deal with a more theoretical question, viz; the systematic division of paramartha
according to its perceptibility and expressibility. This division has its origin in the works of Bhiivavive-
ka and became prominent particularly within the Sviitantrika-branch of Madhyamaka. (The Prasangi-
kas' point of view regarding this question will have to be subject of a separate investigation.) I am
basing my paper mainly on the Svatantrika-chapter of Grub bii,12 written by the Mongolian Lama Nag
dbaIi dpalldan from 'Bras spuIi sGo mail in 1835, and the texts quoted in it.
"In general", Grub bii says, the meaning of the wordparamartha can be explained in three ways:"
1. parama and artha both refer to the object-aspect of absolute reality, paramiirtha thus has the
meaning of "ultimate/absolute object".
2. parama refers to the subject-aspect, which is "concentrated non-conceptual gnosis knowing the real
state of existence" (j.lta ba mkhyen pa'i miiam biag mam par mi rtog pa'i ye ses), or in other words,
that aspect of the Buddha's omniscience which knows paramiirtha; artha refers to the object of this
gnosis. paramiirtha is thus to be understood as the "object of supreme gnosis".
3. parama and artha both refer to the subject-aspect, viz. the three kinds of conc~ptual discriminative
understanding (rtag beas rigs ses) which examine emptiness. They are called paramiirtha, because
they perceive reality and because they have to be accomplished by those who want to abolish the
obstacles (avara7!a). In this case paramiirtha has the meaning of "that which has the ultimate as its
goal/object".

'ha' zig thugs su chua par gsum te / phun sogs ma gziMlJ!4'i chul gyis de Jag gi de kho na fiid gzigs paT gruns pa dan don gag go I
mtbon ba mea pa ni mthon ba dam pa'o ies gsu;,s pa'j don yan I Ci yan mi mtbon ba mthon bar mi bied kyi / ... / mthon rna
mthon gii gag la byed pa min no /)
d. LRCb 307,1£1.
, CI. e.g. LRCh 3080(1-)3; MAv XII,I-7 + MAvBh.
10 MK XXIV,10ab: vyafJaharam anamtya paramartho na delY~!I!/

It BhKI 229,15-17: thams caJ mkhyenpa nidmyur au thob paT 'dod pas mclornasiiin rle. dan byan chub kyise.msdan sgrubpa
dan gnas gsum /a 'bad paT bya'oll (missing in Skt.)
11 According to Hopkins this text was published in New Delhi (Guru Deva) 1972. Unfortunately this edition is not available in

Vienna. My references are to an edition which was published "some years ago'" (according to my Tibetan informants) in
Dharamsala and distributed among the main dGe lugs pa-monasteries, but was never available in the market. I was, however,
lucky to get a copy as a present from Ven. Gungbar Rimpoche from the 'Drepung Loseling Library Society, and I want to
thank him again here. I also want to express my gratitude to dGe 'dun bzod pa and Grags pa stobs rgyal from 'Bras spun Bio
gsal glin, who spent much time reading this text with me and explaining it.
Il Grub bii 120,6-:-121,2: spyirna den dam la hlad cbul du mayod de I don dan dampagnu kay.1 /a shyarha dan I donyul dan
dam p. y.1 can /a sbyaT ha dan I den dan dam pa gnu ka yul bm la shyar pa'; Mad chut gsum yod p.'i phY;T I
dan po ni / yul chos iiid de don yan yin la / dam pa yan yin pas rut don dam pa ie.s bya rte. / Ie.s par bya ba'i don mchog La don
dam p. ies hlad pa'i phyiT [I}
gnu pa ni / mar Itar dam pa ni ji Ita ba mkhyen pa'i miiam biag rnam par mi rtog pa'i ye Ies dan / don ni de'i riied don la byed
do I
gsum pa ni / ston iiid nogs pa'i thos bsam sgom gsum gyi rigs Ies rtog beas rnams de kho na nid rtogs pas na dam pa dan / sgrib pa
spon bar 'dod P.'!inams leyis don du gner bya yin pas don yan yin pa'i phyir don dam pa ies bya'o//
 paramartha as an Object of Cognition 485

Grammatically speaking this distinction is based upon interpreting the Skt. compound paramartha as
karmadharaya, tatpuru~a and bahuvrihi respectively."
This threefold interpretation is already to be found with Bhavaviveka, e. g. PPr on MK XXIV,8,!' its
actual source, however, is seemingly TJ 59blf. It is tbe third interpretation which is the most interest-'
ing in our context: yan na don dam pa dan mthun pa ste don dam pa rtogs pa dan rfes su mthun pa'i ses
rab la don dam pa de yod pas don dam pa dan mthun pa'o II
One would feel tempted to interprete the expression don dam pa dan mthun pa - like Thurman
(282) does - as "that (object) confirming with the ultimate". In tbe light of tbe systematic division of
paramartha, however, one could understand it - as my teachers at 'Bras spun Blo gsal glin did - as
"that which is similar to paramartha". don dam pa rtogs pa dan rfes su mthun pa'i ses rab, translated by
Thurman as "the wisdom that conforms to the realization of the ultimate", could be interpreted as a
synonym for rfes thob ye ses I pmhalabdhajiiana ("the gnosis gained succeedingly"), the object of
which is paramartha and sarr<vrti at the same time. This gnosis (ye ses) is gained by the Bodhisattva after
tbe bar chad med lam I anantaryamarga ("the path [tbe fruit of which is gained] immediately") of
mthon lam I darsanamarga ("the path of seeing"), the object of which is sunyata exclusively. These two
parts constitute the ye ses of the Bodhisattva from the first to the tenth bhumi.
In the context of tbis paper I do not want to discuss whether this interpretation might be faitbful to
the intentions of Bhavaviveka. In either way this third explanation brings paramartha somehow down
to a worldly level, referring, however, to cognition alone.
Up to now we have been talking only about different explanations of the word paramartha. But some
lines later TJ16 talks about two kinds of paramartha, one being transcendent and free from discursive
development (spros pa I prapaiica), the other being wordly gnosis and endowed with discursive devel-
opment. Here again, the second type seems to refer to the subject-aspect only, and not to botb aspects,
as the paramartha distinction is generally understood in later times and explained in Grub bii (see
below).
Kongtrul's Encyclopaedia e.g. gives a short and clearly arranged survey:"
paramartha is of two kinds: a) rnam grans pa'i don dam pa I paryaya- (conceptual or "similar")
paramartha, which is free from only a part of discursive development and equal to negation of
origination. b) rnam grans ma yin pa'i don dam pa I aparyaya- (non-conceptual or "real") paramartha,
which is free from all kinds of discursive development (spros pa I prapaiica).
According to the point of view from which it is done, conceptual or "similar" paramartha can be
divided into either pudgaia- and dharmanairatmya, the three doors of liberation (vimok,amukhani), or
the 16, 18 or 20 kinds of sunyata.

14 Cf. Ruegg, Literature 75 n. 241.; Thurman 282.

15 PPr 228a3-6: don dam parni de don /ryan yin la I dam pa yan yin pas don dam pa'am I mam parmi rtogpa'iye ses dam pa'i
don yin pas I don dam pa ste I de kho na gian las ses pa ma yin pa la sags pa'i mchan iiid do II don dam pa iiid bden pa yin pas I
don dampa'ibdenpaste I de ... phyirroll rnamparmirtogpa'iye sesde'iyulcanyanyulmedpa'ichulgyisdon dampaste I de
la don dam pa yod pa'i phyir ro II de 'gagpa dan rjes su mthun pa skye pa med pa la sags pa bstan pa dan I thos pa dan I bsam pa
dan I bsgoms pa las byun ba'i ses rab kyan don dam pa ste I don dam pa rtogs pa'i thabs kyi phyirphyin Ci ma log pa'iphyirro II
16 TJ 6ob4f.: don dam pa ni rnam pa giiis te I de la gCig ni mnon par 'du byed pa med par 'jug pa 'jig rten las 'das pa zag med pa
spros pa med pa'o II giiis pa ni mnon par 'du byed pa dan beas par 'Jug pa bsod nams dan ye ses kyi chogs kyi rfes su mthun pa
dag pa 'fig rten pa'i ye ses ies bya ba spros pa dan bcas pa ste I ...
17 Kongtrul's Encyclopaedia of Indo-Tibetan Culture, Hum 34,5-35,1; sgras brfod cam du dbye na bden chud las rnam grans
pa dan rnam grans pa rna yin pa'i don dam pa gnis su gsuns te I
dan po ni spros pa phyogs re cam dan bral ba ste skye ba bkag pa'i skye med Ita bu'o II
phyi rna ni spros pa mtha' dag dan bral ba'o II
rnam grans pa'i don dam bden pa de la dgag bya'i sgo nas dbye na gail zag dan chos kyi bdag med gnis so I
rnchan iiid kyi sgo nas dbye na stan pa nid dan mchan rna rned pa dan srnon pa med pa ste rnam thar gsum marn mnon par 'dus
rna byas dan bii'o II
chos can gyi sgo nas dbye na ston bcu drug dan I sags khans nas beo brgyad dan iii SU rnams su dbye ba yin no II
 486 Helmut Tauscher

The term rnam grans / paryaya, however, poses some problems. Although it is the usual term in later
Tibetan texts, I could not find it in older ones. Of course it appears in the Madhyamakarthasart;Lgraha"
ascribed to a Legs Idan byed (Bhavaviveka). But as it is not used in any other of Bhavaviveka's works
and I do not see why he should introduce a·new term in a short verse-text of 13 stanzas, a term which is
not used, let alone explained, elsewhere, I share the doubts of Ejima and Mimaki19 about the identity of
the authors of TJ and PPr and of MAS. Furthermore MAS is never quoted in later texts, neither as
original source nor as additional evidence for this division of paramartha, although the verses 4 and 5"
would come in handy for this purpose. The texts usually quoted, i. e. SDV, MA, MA and their
commentaries, all use the expression mthun pa instead of rnam gram. Also Can kha pa and his disciples
make - as far·as I can see - only the distinction between don dam dnos po and mthun pa'i don dam.
Only in SD VP is the term rnam grans ma yin pa used once, but rather as an attribute to don dam pa
than to indicate a systematic division.'o On the other hand, for BID gsal Grub mtha' (14.c.) e. g. rnam
grans and rnam grans ma yin pa are the usual terms. 21
Grub bii (124,6££.) explains: don dam dnos po is the same in meaning (don gcig) as rnam grans rna
yin pa'i don dam. In its subject-aspect it is concentrated non-conceptual gnosis (miiam biag rnam par
mi rtog pa'i ye ses), because it is free from both kinds of discursive development, viz. the "discursive
development of taking as real" (bden 'jin gyi spros pa) and "discursive development of dualistic
appearance" (giiis snan gi spros pa). In its object-aspect it is exclusively "in reality non-existence" (bden
par med pa), i.e. siinyatii.
mthun pa'i dim dam pa on the other hand is the same in meaning as rnam grans pa'i don dam pa. In
its subject-aspect it is conceptual discriminative understanding of reality (rnam par rtog pa de kho na
iiid rtogs pa'i rigs ses), because it is free from bden 'jin gyi spros pa, but not from giiis man gi spros pa. In
its object-aspect it is the siinyata of anything together with the respective thing.
This distinction corresponds to the distinction between absolute (non-presuppositional) negation
(med dgag / prasajyaprat4edha) and relative (presuppositional) negation (ma yin dgag / paryudiisa-
prat4edha).'2 "'.'
This means, "real" paramartha is "in reality non-existence" (bden par med pa), which is the med
dgag-type negation of "being established as real" (bden par grub pa). "Similar" paramartha on the
other hand is the rna yin dgag-type negation of bden par grub pa of any object in the form bden par
med pa yod (there is in reality non-existence) or bden par grub pa ma yin ([something] is not establish-
ed as real). It has for its basis the awareness of both, the thing itself and its siinyatii.
Con kha pan explains that this latter sort of "being empty" (stan pa, not stan pa iiid) is called
paramartha, but it has the characteristics of sart;L'lJl:ti, because it is necessary that its basis, the respective
thing, appears to a conventional perception -Ilke eye-perception in a way of dualistic appearance, and

18MAS vv. 4, 5 (329b6): / dam pa'; don n; spros bral te II de yah rnam pa gnu su bya /
/ rnam graiu leyi ni don dam dan / / roam grant ma yin don dam ma /
I dan po de yan gnu yin te /1 rigs pa roam gram don dam dan /
/ skye ba bkag pa'; don dam mo II
" Cf. Mimaki n. 441; Lindtner n. 14 (p. 200).
" SDVP 18b4 (introduction to SDV v. 5); cf. Mimaki n. 441.
11 Cf. Mimaki 160-163.

22 Cf. e.g. sTon thun (cit. Grub hii 126,6): bden medlta bu'i med dgag don dam dnas dan / bden med dan my" gu chogspa'ima
yin dgag Ita bu ni mthun pa'i don dam tiu 'fog pas ... The translations of the terms are the ones from Ruegg, Literature; see
especially p. 65.
2J rCa tilt 361b6-8: 'on kyan don dam pa'i skye ba sags phun po dan gan zag gi steTz du bkag pa'i ma yin dgag 'gi stan pa ni stan

gii de Jag mnon sum du man ba'i tha s.nad pa'i chad rna mig ses /a sags pa fa man dgas pas / ran mnan sum du mthan ba'i bla'i
nor gnu snail dan hcas par 'Char gyi gnu srum dan bral bar mi 'char pas don dam btags pa ba kun rjob mchan nid pa'o 1/
For the dis~&on between med- and ma yin dgag see also LSN 183a7ff. (Thurman 376ff.).
 paramiirtha as an Object of Cognition 487

th~ also the rna yin dgag appears endowed with du:ilistic appearance (gnis snan beas).24 What he means
by "has the characteristics of sarr<vrti" becomes cle~ from a statement of LRCh25 commenting on
SDVV 6a2:" "The explanation of the negation of origination etc. in reality as sarr<vrti does mean that it
exists in a sarr<vrti-Iike way (kun rjab tu yad), but it does not teach it as being sarr<vrti."
Is this interpretation faithful to Joanagarbha and Santarak~ita or to later Svatantrika interpretation, or
does it merely reflect the PrasaiLgika's point ofview? - SDV9a-c, as quoted by Grub bii and Con kha
pa, reads:
«Also the negation of origination etc.,
as it is similar to the real Cyan dag pal,
we consider- to be absolute reality.»

And llab:
"There are no two kinds of reality;
(reality) is without discursive development.'

Z4 ThiS corresponds to the definition of satp.vrUsatya as something that can be perceived by direct cognition, endowed with
~ualistic appearance (Grub hii 111,5: ran mnon sum au rtogs pa'~ chad mas gnis snan dan boo pa'j chul gyis rtags paT bya ba'i
chos de / kun rjob bden pa'; mchan iiid yin te / )i paramiirthasatya on the other hand is 'defmed -as -s~~'~hing that can be
perceived directly without dualistic appearance (Grub bii 111,4£.: ... gnu snan nub pa'j chul gyis ... ).
The exact meaning of gnis (su) snail (ba) will have to be the subject of a separate closer investigation.
The use of the tenn in this context seems to be a Tibetan invention. At least I never found it in any of the Indian texts. I came
across it only in MSA (XI,21: dvayiibhata) and its bhif)'a (to XI,21 and 22: dvayiibhasataj. where it is used in a different
conteXt and meaning.
The term spros pa (prapanca) will. for this matter, have to be included in these studies.
In the context of this paper I merely want to point to some facts and statements in the texts. The presentation here does not
claim to be complete or even systematically arranged..
With respect to the appearance or the cognition of paramartha(satya) we find two statements: it is without dualistic
appearance (gnis snail med pa. - nub pa. etc.) or without all discursive development (spros pa thams Cad med pa, - Jdas pa.
etc.).
Now; gnis man is - according to Grub bii 132.3 f. - of four kinds: "ul yut can gyi gnis man, bden grub tu snait ba la gnis
snait, Jon spyi'i snan ba la gnis man, kun rjob kyi snan ba la gnis man;
spros pa is of two kinds: bden 'iin gyi SPTOS pa and gnis snan gi spros pa.
According to oral explanation, however. the tradition seems to use the terms gnis snan and spros pa - at least in this context
- as synonyms, identifying bden Jjin gyi spros pa with bden grub tu man ba La gnis snan, and giiis snan gi spros pa with the
remaining three sorts of gnis snan. This usage could perhaps be approved by passages like dGons pa rab gsal111a8 (ad MAvBh
110,12f.), where the svabhafla of-the hairs seen by a taimirika, viz. that what is seen of them by an ataimirika. is explained as
gnis snan thams cad nub pa, which here clearly is the same as spros pa thams Cad med pa.
Grub bii 140,2ff. argues that in fact no paramartha exists which is (in general, i.e. under all conditions and for eachies pal
free from either one sort or both sorts of SPTOS pa. The fIrst alternative is not possible, because there is no paramartha which is
free from "discursive development of appearing as real" (bden [par grub pa'i) snan gi spros pa), as there is no thing whatsoever
- including paramartha - which i~ free from discursive development of taking as real (bden 'im gyi SPTOS pa).
The second alternative is not possible, because there is no paramiirtha which is free from "discursive development of
dualistic appearance" (gnis snan gi spros pa), as there is no thing free from it. Something which is not free from bden 'jin gyi
!pros pa is also not free from gnu man gi spros pa. (140,3-5: '" spros pa phyogs gag cam dan bral ba'i don dam pa med14 gan
zig / spros pa giiis Char dan bral ba'i don dam pa med pa'i phyir I dan po grub ste I bden man gi spros pa dan bral ba'i don dam
pa med pa'i phyir I der thai I bden 'jm gyi spros pa dan bral ba'i don dam pa med pa'i phyir I der thal I de dan bral ba'i thos med
pa'i phyir I nags yig <has grub po II giiu pa grub ste I giiu man gi spros pa dan bral ba'i don dam med pa'i phyir I der thall giiu
snail. gispros pa dan bral ba'i chos med pa'i pbyir I der thal I bden snail gi spros pa dan rna brat na giiis snan gispros pa dan rna
bral bas khyab pa'; phyir •.. );
d. alsoLRCh 311a4f.: des nablo 'ga' zig gi nor gnis snangisprospa thamsCad dan bral bamagtogspal bdenston de snail ba'i
spros pa thams cad dan bral ba mi srid pas I don dam bden pa yin na gfiis man gi !pros pa tham; Cad dan bral dgos pa ni gzun gi
don min no 1/ See also p. 489 n. 35, 36.
" LRCh 31lb5f. (cit. Grub bii 130,1): dan dam par skye sogs bkagpa kun rjob par Mad pa nikun rjob 'uyod pa'i donymgy;I
kun rjob yin par stan pa min no II
26 See n. 29.
488 Helmut Tauscher

V. 9, however, is quoted incorrectly; the root-text reads:

"Even (?)27 the negation of origination etc.
is considered [to be paramartha], as it is similar to the real.
(But] as the thing to be negated does not exist,
there is in reality no negation. »28

The addition '[to be paramarthaJ" is made according to SDVV 6.1£., which then goes on: .... if you
analyse it logically, it is only sal1Jvrti, ... because there is no negation, if the negated does not exist;
because negation without object is not possible."29 So, negation of origination etc., which stands here
for the opposite of origination, viz. sunyata, as an object of cognition, looks very much like paramar-
tha and is therefore called ("similar") paramartha; but if it is analysed it turns out to be only sal1JVrti, as
the negation of a non-existing thing cannot be existing in an absolute sense. Furthermore "real"
paramartha should be free from all discursive development.
The argumentation in M:A and MA runs very much along the same lines. Siintarak,ita in his MA V'o is
more precise and counts negation of origination as "true" (samyak) sal1Jvrti (yan dag pa'i kun rjob). As
Ruegg points out, this poses some problems, if you keep in mind the generally accepted definition of
'true" sal1Jvrti, which is "possessing causal efficiency on the surface level of relative transactional
convention"." But if one defines negation of origination as sal1Jvrti and - as the Svatantrika do -
accepts. twofold sal1Jvrti, there is no other possibility but attributing it to "true" (samyak) sal1Jvrti; as
it is similar to paramartha, it could not possibly be "false" (mithya / log pa) sal1Jvrti.
A less hypothetical explanation is given in Grub bii according to SDVV: Opponent (Sems cam pal:
If bden par grub pa is "false" sal1Jvrti, ·because it does not appear together with the respective object,
the same must be true for its negation - so it also should be "false" (mithya) sal1JVrti.
Answer: No. Because bden par med pa is identical in nature (no bo gag) with the respective thing, it
necessarily appears together with that thing to a conventional cognition like eye-perception etc. J2
Despite these rather clear statements even the Sviitantrika-tradition itself - at I~ast according to later
Tibetan dGe lugs pa interpretation as represented by Grub bii - denies the attribution of similar
paramartha to sal1Jvrti, using mainly Con kha pa's arguments.
Grub bii (127,6ff.) gives the misunderstanding of the above texts as reason for the position of some
"Old Tibetans": paramartha is not an object of cognition (don dam pa ses bya ma yin)," and rejects it
by two arguments:34

27 For a different interpretation of 'Jan according to SDVV and SDVP see below. p. 489.
" SDVv. 90-c as quoted Grub bii 126,7f. and rCa ~J'361b1f.:
/ shye /a sogs pa bkag pa yan II yan d4g pa dan mthun pa'i phyir /
/ don dam yin par kho bo(s) 'dod /
SDV v. 9: / shye /a sogs pa bkag pa yan II yan dag pa dan mthun phyir 'dod /
/ dgag bya yod pa rna yin pas II yan dag tu na bkag med gsal II
v. llab: / yan Jag ;Ua du gnis mea de 1/ de ni spros pa rnt!d pa yin /
29 SDVV6al-3: skye La sogs pa bkag pa yan II yail dagpaT skye ba !a sags parrtogpaJi dnos po bkagpaJigtan chigs kyis I

yan dag pa dan mthun phyir 'dodll dondampayinparkho bo eag'doddoll giandagniyandagpakhonar'jinpas/yan

ies bya banihsduba'idon toll deyanrigspasdpyadnakun rjobkhonastel ... I dgaghyamedna bkagpami'byun baJiphyir
te I yul med paJi bkag pa mi rigs pa'i phyir TO II
)0 MA V 73a2 f.: skyt! ba med pa fa sogs pa yan I yan dag pa'i kun rjob tu gtogs pa yin du zin kyan I ...

31 Ruegg, LiteratIFTe 64.

]2 Grub bii 129,2-4: de iiid (= SDVV) las I yan dag pa'i skye sogs dnos po snail ba namisn4il bas 10gpaJikun rjob yin pa biin

du / yan dag pa'i skye sags bkag pa yan log pa'i kun rjob tu 'gyur te / de ni dgag gii'i dnos po snan ba 114 mi man no / / ies read
pa'i 14n du I mi snan ba rna yin te / dnos poJi no ho dan tha mi dad pa'i phyir TO / / ies ... is not a quotation of SD W, but it is
paraphrasing and summing up SDVV sbs-6a1. However. in rCa #k 361b8-362al it appears in the fonn of a real quotation,
and from there it was seemingly taken over by the various Yig cha-s as being one. This fact is pointed out by Grub bii itself
(131,7ff.).
1) This is, according to Grub bii 122,6;md 150,1, the posicion of rNog Lacava.

)of Grub hii 127,6-128,1.128,2-4; 128,7-129,1: giun 'di dag gi don fa bsam nas / siton gyi bod man pas I gzugs sogs pa don

dam par skye htJ. j9gs bkag pa'i ston iiid ni rnam graits pa'i don dam yin La / de yail don dam hden pa btags pa ba dan / kun rjob
 paramartha as an Object of Cognition 489

1. The statement that real paramarthais free from all discursive development does mean that direct
(milOn sum) perception of reality (de kho na iiid) 'is free from "discursive development of dualistic
appearance" (giiis snan gi spros paY, but it does not mean that it is free from "development of
appearance" (snan gi spros pa)," which is - according to oral explanation - the appearance of the
object in its correct form, i. e. as "not established as real" (bden par rna grub pay. As evidence rCa tik
is quoted, where Can kha pa continues: " ... otherwise paramarthasatya would not be possible at all,
because the appearing of siinyata (ehos iiid) and the respective thing (ehos can) would not be
separated. »36
2. The attribution of negation of origination to sarr;V7J:i has to be understood in an entirely different
way, because this explanation in MA V" is given without distinction between the subject- and object-
aspect; but, making this distinction, only the subject-aspect of similar pararnartha could be attri-
buted to sarr;vrti. This argumentation follows LReh."
The second reason for this argument is based upon the grammatically rather problematic explanation of
SDVV" and SDVP" on SDV 9a, skye fa sags pa bkag pa yan, according to which yan indicates that
others, i. e. the Sems cam pa-s, take the negation of origination exclusively as reality (yan dag paY. Thus,
Grub bzi says, this passage does not in fact attribute negation of origination to sa1'[lvrti, but it is merely
to emphasize the different points of view of Sems cam pa: the negation exists in reality (don dam par),
and Ran rgyud pa: it exists in a sarr;vrti way (kun rjob tu ).'0
Thirdly, the statement: negation of origination is true sa11J.vrti, is to be understood in the context of
the actual discussion between Ran rgyud pa and Sems cam pe (see p. 488 + n. 32). There it is counted as
true sa1'[lvr:ti, because as rna yin-negation it appears to the direct conventional perception together with
the object. Thus it has the characteristics of sarr;vrtisatya, but it still is paramarthasatya.· 1
Taking into account the detailed discussion of the paramartha distinction under various aspects in the
mTha' dpyod-section of Grub bii's Svatantrika chapter," one could sum up: The distinction between
nreal" and "similar" pararndrtha - even in its object-aspect - is relevant only for the respective
cognition. siinyata is "real" paramarthasatya for the non-conceptual gnosis of the Buddha, but also
conceptual understanding has access to the same sunyatd, as it can appear in a san:zvrti way. In ~his case

bden pa mchan iiid pa yin iin I roam gram ma yin pa'i don dam ni blo gail gis kyail yul du bya mi nus pas ses bya rna yin no II .. ,
II 'dod chul don giun de mams kyi don ma yin te I
[r]nam grans ma yin pa'i don dam spros pa thams tad las 'das par Had pa ni snar Mad pa {tar de kho na fiid milan sum du gzigs
pa'i nor giiis snan gi spros pa nub pa La bya'i / snan ba'i spros pa med pa la mi bya fa I
don dam par skye sogs med pa kun rjob yin par Mad pa ni dgons pa gian yin pa'i phyir / , .. / don dam par skye sags bkag pa la
'dis bgagpa'i rigs les dan de'i gial bya giiisyod pa rna phye ba dan phye nas 'dis bkagpa'i rigs les yan dag kun rjob tu Mad la / .,
35 Cf. the explanations of prapanca as verbalization given Pras 373,9:prapaiico hiviik prapaiicayaty arthan iti krtvii / .. , and PPr

189b4: spros pa mams kyis rna spros pa lies bya ba ni milon par brfod pa'i mchan Rid kyi spros par ii ba'i phyir ro II
Obviously this explanation is no longer the only valid one for Coil kha pa (see n. 36) and the later dGe lugs pa-s.
dGons pa rab gsal71a4 f., explaining the ten dharmasamatii, Coil kha pa distinguishes between gfiis snail gi spros pa and sgra
dan rnam nog gis spros pa.
36 rCa #k 361b3ff. (cit. Grub bii 128,4f.): (de fa spros pa ni 'dir nags kyi dgag bya'£ spros pa cam ma yin gyi snan ba'i spros pa

yan yin no II) de las 'das pa'i chul ni de kho na iiid mnon sum du gzigs pa'i nor giiis snail gi spros pa thams cad nub pa fa bya'i I
snan ba'i spros pa med pa La mi bya ste gian du na thos iiid dan thos can snan ba'i spros pa gfiis ya mi 'bral bas don dam bden
pa mi srid par 'gyur ba'i phyir ro II
Ji LRCh 312a5f. (cit. Grub bii 129,5f.):yan dagpa'iskye sogs bkagpala yan I 'dis bkag pa'i rigs ses dan I de'igial bya gfiis yod
pas I yan dag pa'i kun rjob tu grogs chul yail de'i steil nas ses par bya'o II
311 See n. 29.

39 SDVP 246f.: gian dag ni rnal 'byor pa dag gis skye la sogspa bkagpa ni / yan dag pa kho nar don dam par 'jin pas yan ies

bya ba ni bsdu ba'i don to /1

4() Grub bii 129,1£.: snar drails pa'; bden gilis kyi 'grel ba las I gian dag ni yan dag pa kho nar 'jin pas / , .. ies pa ni gian

sems cam pas thos bdag bkag pa'i ston iiid don dam paryod par 'dod pa dan I ran lu:gs fa kun rjob tu yod par 'dod pa'i
khyad par phye ba yin kyi kun rjob yin par bsad pa rna yin iin I ...
" Cf. p. 487 + n. 24.
+1 Grub bii 140,2-149,3.
490 Helmut Tauscher

it is called "similar" param-artha. But this does-not mean that as an object of conceptual understanding
it is sartlvrtisatya. Or, as my friend Grags-pa stobs-rgyal from 'Bras spun Blo gsa! glin used to put it:
Non-conceptual cognition of sunyatii is like holding a dog by its ear, conceptual cognition is like
holding this dog on a leash - the dog remains the same, and one is holding it.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BCA Bodhicaryavatiira by Santideva, with the Commentary of Prajnakaramati. Ed. L de La Vallee Poussin.
Calcutta 1901-1914.
BCAP Bodhicaryiivatiirapaiijika (Prajiiakaramati). - See BCA.
BENDALL, C., ROUSE,W. H. D. (trans!.), Sikshii-Samuccaya, A Compendium of Buddhist Doctrine. Compiled by Siintideva.
London 1922.
BhK I First Bhiivaniikrama (Kamalasila). - TUCCI, G., Minor Buddhist Texts II, Rama 1958 [SOR 9].
Bla gsal grub mtba'. Chap. IX, XI ed., chap. XII ed. et trad. par K. Mimaki. Kyoto 1982.
rCa #k rCa Ie #k chen [= Rigs pa'i rgya mchoJ (Can kha pa). - P 6153 (Vol. 156).
·EnMA, Y., Chugan-shiso no tenkai - Bhavaviveka kenkyii [Development of Madhyamika philosophy in India, studies in
BhavavivekaJ. Tokyo 1980 (quoted acc. Lindtner).
dGons pa rab gsal (Can kha pal. - P 6143 (Vol. 154).
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dbyans (Nag dbaiJ. dpaI ldan). Tibetan blockprint, s.l., s.a.
HOPKINS, J., Compassion in Tibetan Buddhism. London, Melbourne, etc. 1980.
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Kongtrul's Encyclopaedia of Indo-Tibetan Culture, parts 1-3. Ed. Lokesh Chandra. Delhi 1970.
LINDTNER, Chr., Atisa's Introduction to the Two Truths, and its Sources. jIPh 9, 1981, 161-214.
LRCh Lam rim ,hun nu (Can kha pal. - P 6002 (Vok 152, 153).
LSi! Legs b,ad siiih po (Can kha pal. - P 6142 (Vol. 153).
MA Madhyamakalamkara C~antarak.:;ita). - D 3884 (Vol. dBu ma 12).
MA Madhyamakaloka (KamalaSila), - D 3887 (Vol. dBu ma 12).
MAS '~Madhyamakarthasan:z.graha (Legs ldan byed). - D 3857 (Vol. dBu ma 3).
MAV Madhyamakalamkaravrtti (Santarak~ita). - D 3885 (Vol. dBu ma 12).
MAv Madhyamakavatara par Candrakfrti. Traduction Tibetaine. Publ. 1. de La Vallee Poussin. St.-Petersbourg
1907-1912.
MAvBh MadhyamakavatiirabhaD'a (CandrakIrti). - See MAv.
MlMAKl, K. see Blo gsal grub mtha'.
MK Mulamadhyamakakarikiis de Nagarjuna, avec fa Prasannapada Commentaire de Candrakfrti. Publ. L. de La
Vallee Poussin. St.-Petersbourg 1903-1913.
MSA Mahayana-Sutralan:z.kara. Expose de fallJoctrine du Grand Vehicule. Ed. et trad. par Sylvain Levi. Paris 1907.
PPr Prajnapradfpa (Bhavaviveka). - D 3853 (Vol. dBu ma 2).
PPS Pitaputrasamagama-Sutra. - P 760 (16) (Vol. 23).
Pras Prasannapada (Candrakirci). - See MK.
RUEGG, D. S., On the Knowability and Expressibility of the Absolute Reality in Buddhism. IBK20/1, 1971, (1)-(7).
RUEGG, D. S., The Literature of the Madhyamaka School of Philosophy in India.. A History of Indian Literature, vol. 7, fasc. 1.
Wiesbaden 1981.
SDA Satyadvayavatiira (Atisa). - See Lindtner.
SDV Satyadvayavibhanga Q"nanagarbha). - D 3881 (Vol. dBu ma 12).
SDVP Satyadvayavibhangapaiijika (Santarak~ita). - D 3883 (Vol. dBu rna 12).
SDVV Satyadvayavibhangavrtti Q"nanagarbha). - D 3882 (Vol. dBu ma 12).
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C. Bendall: St.-Petersbourg (1897-)1902.
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THURMAN, R. A. F., Tsang Khapa's Speech of Gold in the "Essence of True Eloquence". Princeton 1984.
sTon thun sTon thun chen rna of mKhas-grub dGe-legs-dpal-bzan and other Texts on Madhyamika Philosophy. Madh-
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i .:1
 On bdag, gian and Related Notions of Tibetan Grammar':-

TOM J. F. T'LLEMANS (LAUSANNE)

Those of us who try to approach the analysis of Tibetan verbs by relying on indigenous Tibetan
grammatical works, be they in translation or in the original, are often, I think, initially tantalized by the
prospects of radically novel perspectives: an alternative set of concepts for active and passive voices,
voices being linked with tenses, etc. But, alas, after a certain amount of effort and reflection, one tends
to experience an ever-growing frustration as the sought after clarity becomes more and more elusive.
Why is it all so difficult? First of all, we are easily led astray by a number of serious mistranslations of
relevant passages of key Tibetan texts, notably of the mKhas pa'i mgul rgyan mu tig phren mjes of Si tu
Pal). chen thos kyi 'byun gnas (gCug lag chos kyi snan ba) (1699-1774). Secondly, some of the
important technical terms in Tibetan admit of several different senses, and one must struggle assiduous-
ly to see exactly which sense is at stake in any given context. Finally, there are, amongst Tibetans
themselves, significant differences of interpretation, in particular, Si tu's point of view should be
contrasted with that of the Fifth gSer tog, Blo bzan chul khrims rgya mcho (1845-1915), and others.
With these points in mind then we shall attempt an introductory exposition of the cluster of concepts
centered about the grammarians' notions of "self" (bdag) and "other" (gian), arguably the most
important, and yet most obscure, part of Than mi Sarjlbhota's rTags kyi 'jug pa.' Although there are
quite a number of important pre-Si tu developments which are certainly worth examining, we shall,
largely for reasons of space, confine ourselves to Si tu and post-Si tu grammarians, a delimitation of the
field which, we trust, is not unwarranted as Si tu does represent a turning point in the, history of
Tibetan grammatical reflection.

Thon mi and Si tu's Definitions

It is the twelfth verse of the rTags kyi 'jug pa which is invariably cited as the root-text for discussions of
self, other and the verb tenses:
Ci phyir 'jug par byed ce na II
pho ni 'das dan gian bsgrub phyir II
rna nin gnis ka da Itar ched II
rno ni bdag dan rna 'ons phyir II
sin tu rno ni miiam phyir TO /1

* My initial interest in bdag and gian was stimulated by a number of conversations with Charles Genoucl of Geneva, who
introduced me to the text of dByaiLs can dga' ba'i ble gras. Subsequently, in Japan, Prof. Shoryu Katsura, Mr. Derek Herforth
and I took up this text and others, and the present paper is an attempt to communicate some of our joint results. Mr. Herforth
and I expect to publish, in the near future, a Dew translation of the important parts of Si tu's section on bdag and gian as well
as a translation and study of dGa' ba'j ble gras' short text on this subject.
1 For the question of the historicity of Thon mi (7th C. [?]). and his authorship of the Sum en pa and rTags kyi 'Jug pa, see
Miller (1976), (1983) and (1984). The latter two articles, as they are essentially a polemical debate with Prof. Zuih6 Yama-
guchi, also provide references to the learned Japanese tibetologist's articles.
492 Tom J. F. Tillemans

"Why a,e [the prefixes] applied?

The masculine [prefix b-] is for establishing the past and other;
The neutral [prefixes g- and d-] are for both [self and other] [and] the present,
The feminine [prefix 'a_] is for self and the future;
The extremely feminine [prefix m-] is for [self, other and the three tenses] all alike.,,2

Si tu elaborates on self and other as follows:

las gan iig byed pa po gian dan dnos su 'brei ba'i dban du bya, na, I byed pa po'i dnos po de iiid dan de'i byed pa
dan bcas pa la ni bdag ces bya iin I des bsgrub par bya ba'i yul gyi dnos po bya ba dan bcas pa la ni gian ie,
bya'o II
"Given some [or another] act directly related with a distinct agent (byed pa pa gian), then that very entity which
is the agent and its "doing" (de'i byed pay are termed "self". The entity which is the focus (yul) to be established
by that [agent] as well as that thing which is to be done (bya bay are termed "other".'"
The definition, in effect, specifies two sorts of things which are self: the agent(s) of the action and its
activity or "doing". In the classic example of a woodcutter cutting wood with an axe, "agent" refers to
the woodcutter himself as well as the axe, although, as we shall see below, there are some thorny
problems of interpretation with regard to this latter inclusion; the agent's doing means his effort (real
baY in cutting the wood. "Other" in Si tu's definition spans both the focus, or object, of the action (e. g.
the' wood) and the action which that object undergoes, the "thing to be done" (bya baY (e.g. the fact of
the wood's having been cut to bits; fin dum bur bead pa'i eha).' We see, then, that Si tu's definition
specifies complex rubrics for self and qther: both include entities (dnos po), viz. the agent(s) and the
object, and different aspects of the action.'
Now, these two aspects of the action are more usually known as "act-qua-doing" (byed pa'i las) and
"act-qua-thing-(to be) done" (bya ba'i las) and represent approximate analogues of active and passive
voices. To keep my explanation relatively bias-free, however, I have found it preferable to translate
terms as literally as possible; thus I have opted for the somewhat unwieldy hyphenated renditions
which do, nonetheless, have the merit of capturing the two principal senses of the'English words "act"
and "action", viz. a process, or doing, and a result, or thing d'one; the Tibetan terms byed pa'i las and
bya ba'i las are in effect bringing out a similar duality in the term las ("act").'
Note, however, that there are various terminological ambiguities in Tibetan discussions of self and
other, some of which pose problems even for tbe Tibetan commentators themselves. Firstly, the word
las ("act") as it figures in Si tu's definition and in the locutions byed pa'i las and bya ba'i las is not to be
confused with a more technical use of las (= karman) meaning the object of the action; in the
../

2 In the previous verse, Thon mi explains why the prefixes are termed "masculine", "feminine", etc,: it is because the
pronunciation of the base letter of the word (min gii'i yi ge) is affected. The prefix b- makes for a "sharp" (drag paY
pronunciation, while with the others, the pronunciation, or more exactly, the "'effort of articulation" (sgra rcol bay becomes
progressively less acute. Cf. 5i tu on verse 11 (p. 191). Also d. mKhyen rab 'od gsal (p. 12): snon 'Jug fa rtags de [tar dbye ba'i
rgyu mchan ni / shan 'jug rnams ran ran 'jug yuI du gyur pa'i min gii'i yi ge dan shyar nas klog pa'; che sgra gdans sugs the
chun du 'gyur ba'i tha nas biag pa'o I In modern Tibetan, however, these differences are not generally perceived.
3 Si tu p. 193. Cf. Durr p. 82. Our text corresponds to the citation in 'jam mgon Kon sprul's Ses bya kun khyab, (bar cha) pp.
215-216, where we find Kon sprul citing Si tu as the accepted doctrine on bdag andgian, Durr's text, with his additions and
erratic punctuation, is unreliable.
4 Cf. dGa' ba'i blo gros, rTags kyi 'jugpa'i bka' gnad, pp. 436-437: sta res fin gtod pa'i reol ba ni byed pa po fin mkhan la yod
an I sin dum bur bead pa'i cha ni byayul sin gisten du yad pa biin no II dan po 'di la byed pa'i las sam bdag dan 'breI ba'i las
dan I phyi mala bya ba'i las sam gian dan 'brel ba'i las ies kyan bya'o II Note the important equivalences between byed pa'i
las=bdag dan 'brei ba'i las and bya ba'i las=gian dan 'breI ba'i las. These are found again and again in grammatical texts.
5 gSer tog p. 139: de dag gi don bsdu na / dnos po dan / las gnis su 'dus pa yin te .
6 Cf. The Concise Oxford Dictionary p. 11: "action 1. n. Process of acting, exertion of energy or influence ... 2. Thing done" j
"act n. 1. Thing;__,-49ne, deed ... 2. Process of doing, operation",
 On bdag, gzan and Related Notions of Tibetan Grammar 493

woodcutter example, the las / karman in this technical sense is, of course, the wood. 7 This latter sense of
las, which is the same as the technical sense of karm~n to be f<;lUnd in Pru;,ini, is what is at stake in bya
byed las gsum ("action, actant and object (las)"), a triad which is part of the constellation of term~
associated with Tibetan presentations of self and other and which is frequently invoked in Madhyami-
ka-style analyses of processes such as motion and perception. 8
Another troublesome ambiguity concernS the terms byed pa po and byed pa. "Agent" (byed pa po =
kartr), in Indian and Tibetan grammatical discussions, can span both the sentient being responsible for
the action - the so-called "principal agent" (byed pa po gco bo = pradhiinakartr) - as well as the
instrument by which the action is accomplished. The latter is known as the "secondary agent" (byed pa
po phal ba = gutJakartr), or just simply the "instrument" (byed pa = karatJa): in the woodcutter
example this means the axe" A difficulty then arises with regard to the interpretation of the word byed
pa occurring in Si tu and other grammarians' definitions of self and other. gSer tog and the bKra sis
!hun po grammarian, bKa' chen Pad rna (a commentator on dByaiJ.s can grub pa'i rdo rje's (1809-1887)
iilfluential rTags 'Jug gi siiin po don gsa!), for instance, understand byed pa po in their analogues to Si
tu's definition to mean the principal agent, while byed pa means the instrument, or secondary agent,
rather than the "doing" or act-qua-doing. ' • This interpretation, however, seems difficult to maintain,
and in my translation above I have preferred to follow the Sel gyi me Ion commentary to Si tu, which
takes byed pa po as including both the principal and the secondary agents, and understands Si tu's use
of byed pa in this context as equivalent to byed pa'i las; this latter approach also accounts better for
various occurrences of byed pa, byed pa cam, etc. further on in Si tu's text. ll
But actually these terminological ambiquities and the divergences between Si tu, gSer tog and other
commentators in their interpretations of the wording of the definitions are more of a nuisance than
anything really significant. What is important is that all these grammarians agree that self include.s the
principal agent, the instrument and the act-qua-doing, while other includes the object and the act-qua-

1 Cf. dGaJ ba'i bID gros p. 436: 1m ni las dan / de bdag gian gnis kyi nan nas gian yin iin I ... This author takes the las in bya
byed /as gsum as equivalent to bya baJi )luI; but to avoid using "object" as a translation for both words, I have preferred to
translate the yul in bya ba'j yul by the somewhat unusual rendition, "focus". As for las, I have had" to translate it differently
according to its two principal senses: "object" and "act", For the two senses of las I karman, d. Renall (1957); May (1959) n.
413 shows how in philosophical contexts too (viz. chapter VIII of the Prasanntzpada) there is frequendy a fluctuation between
the two senses of karman, viz. "act(:" and "object-direct". Note that Tibetan grammarians are also certainly aware of the
ambiguities of the term las. mKhyen rab 'cd gsal, for example, distinguishes three sense of las (p. 43): go;' du bsad pa ltar I las
fa rnam pa gsum ste I bya las byed lar gnu kyi las dan I bya byed las gsum gyi las I spyir bya chig la las chig as pa'j las te rnam pa
gsum yod pa phan chun ma 'jins par rtogs dgos pa ni sin tu gal che ba yin I. Some grammarians, however, do seem to make a
cenain difference between las in the sense of "object" and bya ba'i yul. CE. gSer tog p. 138 and sKal bzaiJ. 'gyur med p. 379,
where the lauer term is used respectively in the sense of the goal of the action and the locality in which it takes place.
I PiQini's Af(acihyayi 1.4.49 defines karman as kartur ipsitatamam ("what the agent aims at most"). Strictly speaking, if we
follow the Tibetan grammarians' use of bya byed las gsum. the second member is byed pa not byed pa po. Hence, I have used
the term "actant", instead of "agent". Cf. A lag sa Nag dbaiJ. bstan dar p. 185: des na de Ita bu byed pa la [i.e. the byed pa in
bya byed las gsum1bdag dan las Ia ,tan gy; tha mad byed pa yin pas .. . Here it is clear that byed pa in this context is just byed
pa po - the difference is of no consequence. Note that in Tib~tan philosophical works - especially those on the Midh-
yamika - we find the use of the triad bya ba, byed pa po and las. Cf. Can kha pa's rCa Ies tik then (on Madhyamakakarika II)
p. 92 where we find such headings (sa bi34d) as las dan byed pa po I. bya ba so sor dgag / las dan byed pa po Ia bya ba thun mon
du dgag pa'o I.
9 For pradhinakartr and gU1}akanr, d. Cardona (1974) p. 237. For the Tibetan use of these notions, d. dGa' ba'i bio gros
pp. 435-436 and bKa' chen Pad rna pp. 156-157: good papo lin geod mkhangan zag de gco be yin I gced byedsta re niphal
ba yin /.
10 bKa'then Pad rna p. 153: de /a byed po gian dan dims su 'breI ba'i dban du byas nas byed po gan zag dail ·de'i byed pa nisin
. good pa Ita bur mchon na sta re yin pas de giiis ni I bdag gian gnu kyi nan nas bdag yin I.
II Selgyime ian commentary of Don 'grub,p. 70 in Durr:Im gCodpapo/ gCod byed Ita bu byedpapo dan / gCodparbyed/ gcod
do / Ita bu las sam byed pa cam Ia 'jug pa ste bdag ces da Ita ba dan / gcad bya'i 1m / glad bya / gcad par bya ba Ita bu bya ba';
yulnid dan I gcadparbya I gead de I Ita bu byaba'igii 'brel gyi las sam I byaba cam la 'Jugpaste gian zesma 'oiupal. Note
that a terminological muddle can also occur with regard to the word bya ba, which often designates simply a general notion of
"action", as for example in the triad bya byed las gSHm, where bya=bya ba is the Sanskritkriya. TheSelgyi me lon, however,
explains the bya ba in Si w's definition as bya ba'i las, i. e. one specific type of action.
 494 Tom J. F. Tillemans

thing-done. To be more precise, the basic meaning for "self" is the agent (both principal and secondary)
and that of "other" is the object. But, according to Si tu, act-qua-doing and act-qua-thing-done are
also, in the process (iar las), categorized as self and other respectively because the "expressions for the
[agent's] doing" (de'i byed pa'i chig) have the "same force" (sed mchuilS paY as the agent, while
"expressions for the thing done to the [object]" (de'i bya ba'i chig) have the same force as the object
itself. 12 What this seems to mean is that verbs such as sgrub par byed or 'grub bo ("establishes") are
similar to the expression for the agent, viz. 'grub pa po ("establisher"), in that they all essentially
express an activity in process, an effort to establish something or another, while b'grub par bya ("is to
be established") and b'grub bo ("is! will be established") are similar to b'grub bya ("that which is to be
established") in that they too express a process to be undergone D
More simply, of course, the sgrub in 'grub pa po, 'grub par byed and 'grub bo remains identical, as
does the b'grub in b'grub par bya and b'grub boo But the question then arises as to whether any other
forms of sgrub (e. g. 'grub biin pa, 'grub par 'gyur) should also be admitted into the category, self. As a
provisional response, though, let us simply note that while Si tu only allows present forms such as
'grub par byed and sgrub bo to be classified as act-qua-doing or expressions for doing (byed pa'i chig),
this problem as to exactly which forms are to be considered as showing doing or thing-done - and
hence are to be included among self and other - is not without controversy among Tibetans. We shall
return to this point later when we treat of the connection between self, other and the verb tenses.
Another question which naturally arises at this point is, "Why do the Tibetans use the terms 'self'
and 'other' in this context? And which Indian terms, if any, do these correspond to?" Unfortunately
this has no easy answer, as far as I can see. Modern Tibetan grammarians stress the completely obvious
point that "self" and "other" in this context do not have their ordinary senses, but they give no reasons
for Than mi and Si tu's choice of these particular terms. An early Western writer, B. Laufer, saw in self
and other the Sanskrit voices atmanepada and parasmaipada, and accordingly translated bdag by d a s
Passiv and gian by das Aktiv. 14 This rendition seems improbable given that "self" and "other" refer
primarily to the entities, the agent and the object, rather than to verb forms. Butwhat is more telling,
the act-qua-doing included under the rubric "self" seems more like a rough analogue of an active voice
rather than a passive, or a middle, where, according to Indian grammarians, the action is envisaged as
having some sort of return, be it benefit or otherwise, for the subject. And nor does the act-qua-thing-
done, categorized as other, resemble at all the Sanskrit active, the parasmaipada. It is closer to a passive,
if anything. In brief, if there is a correspondance to be found between bdag ! gian and atmanepada!
parasmaipada, it remains mysterious and highly inexact. One might, alternatively, give up the quest for
Sanskrit equivalents here, and hypothesize that while "self" is just used in much the same sense as the
Sum cu pa's bdag sgra,15 a technical term for the"agent, the object is termed "other" because, as we will
see, it must be dis tinc t from, or oth er than, the agent if the verb is to be counted as transitive. But
such a "solution" remains speculative and does not account for the fact that Than mi, who probably

12 Grammarians, such as dGa' ha'i blo gros and others, typically first explain bdag as meaning the agent and gian as meaning the
object, and then subsequently they speak about act-qua-doing and act-qua-thing-done also being included (khons Sll 'dus pa)
in these categories. Cf. here 5i tu p. 194: giun 'dir byed pa po dan bya ba'i yul gyi sgra rnams bsdu ba'i phyir bdag gian gyi
dbye ba zur du mjad pa yin iin / de'i iar las bdag gian dan 'brei ba'i bya byed kyi chig phan chun sed mchuns pa rnams kyan
bsdus pa yin no /. ("In this work, in order to include the terms 'agent' and <focus of action', [Thon rni] makes a separate
division in terms of self and other. In the process of making this [division], he also included [in the categories of self and other]
those words expressing [acts-qua-]thing-done and [acts-qua-Jdoing (bya byed kyi chig) which are related to self and other and
which have the same force [as these categories].") For 5i tu's lists of de'i byed pa'i chig and de'i bya ba'i chig, see p. 195.
13 Here I have basically followed mKhyen rab 'od gsa! (p. 27), who maintains that the different byed chig are in essence not other
than just act-qua-doing (no bo byed las kho na las rna 'das pa yin). Similarly for the bya chig. This.author does have a peculiar
theory of a six-fold byed chig which is obviously somewhat different from 5i tu et al. Other authors, such as sKal bzaU 'gyur
med (p. 380), have a significantly different interpretation of byed chig and bya chig, taking them apparently as meaning
expressions which end in byed or bya respectively.
14 Laufer (1898) p. 543.
15 Cf.Sum cupail. 18:gan rninginimamtha'ru//pu lingayisgramedpa// de lapulingasbyarna// bdagpo'isarnisesparbya//,
Cf. also gSer to'g~~' examples (p. 90).
 On bdag, gian and Related Notions of Tibetan Grammar 495

kne~ a fair amount of Sanskrit, chose Tibetan terms which seem to neatly reflect a key pair of Sanskrit
grammatical terms.
Turning briefly now to "act-qua-doing" and c<act-qua-thing-done", I think we can say that here we
may have an tndian precedent. It is interesting to note that the Tibetan grammarians divide the general'
notion of action (bya ba = kriya) or act (las) into two, and commonly maintain that the first aspect, viz.
the act-qua-doing, is the act present in the agent (byed pa po Ia yod pa'i las), whereas the second, the
act-qua-thing-done, is that which is present in the focus of the action, i. e. the object (bya ba'i yulla yod
pa'i las). One might then conjecture that act-qua-doing and act-qua-thing-done have their antecedents
in the Indian grammarians' division of action (kriya) into vyapara ("operation") and phala ("fruit"), of
which the former is said to reside in the agent and the latter in the object. 16 I shall leave these questions
open.

Acts Directly Related to a Distinct Agent

It will be noticed that in the first clause of Si tu's definition of self and other, it was stipulated that the
act (las) must be directly related with a distinct agent (byed pa po gian dan dnos su 'brei baY. Bacot and
Durr, alas, provided us with a grotesque mistranslation of this all-important first clause in Si tu. Here is
their translation of the whole of Si tu's definition, with the first clause underlined.
«Dans toute action, si un agent (byed pa po) agit materiellement (dngos su) et directement ('abrel bay sur un
objet (gzhan), cet agent ensemble avec son action s'appellent bdagj d'autre part, la realite (dngos po) du terme
ou objet arealiser (bya bai yul) par l'agent et l'action passive (bya ba) de cette realite s'appellent gzhan."17

Now,first of all, making a split between dnos su and 'brei ba and then translating the dan as "and" (et)
is not only grammatically impossible - the dan would have to be in a different place in the sentence -
but it violates the Tibetan idiom ... dan 'brei ba ("related with ... "), where the dan is invariably to be
interpreted as "with" or "to". dnos su, which should modify 'brei ba, is usually contrasted with sugs fa
("indirectly") - thus, "directly" makes better sense. Furthermore dban du byas nas does not mean
<'act" (agir); it means "from the point of view of" or "given that".18
But the major problem in Bacot and Durr's translation - and this recurs again and again in Durr - is
that they translate the words byed pa po and gian in the phrase byedpa po gian dan dnos su 'brei ba as
if they were nouns referring to the agent and the entity, other, viz. the object. But gian, inspite of the
obvious seductiveness of this type of mistranslation, is just simply an adjective modifying byed pa po.
This can be readily seen by comparing the following parallel formula of Si tu, where he specifies exactly
what he means by byed pa po gian dan dnos su 'brei ba'i las:
dilOS po gan iig Ia las gan iig byed pa po gian gyis dnas su sgrub par byed pa de ni byed pa po gian dan dnas su
'breI ba'i las te / dper na, Ileag! gser du bsgyur zin /l~
"When a distinct agent directly establishes some [or another] act in some entity, then this is an 'act directly
related to a distinct agent'. For example: the iron has been changed into gold."

Here the presence of the instrumental particle gyis after gian (this gyis is also to be found in Durr's
text) shows that the preceeding word(s) must express the agent of the verb sgrub par byed pa. Thus, it
must be the distinct agen t (byed pa po gian) which establishes the act; otherwise, if we consistently

)6 Cf. Schade (1977) p. 175, n. 30. I thank Hideo Ogawa of Hiroshima University for making me aware of this two-fold division
of kriya.
17 Durr p. 51; Bacot p. 63. Bacot's translation differs very little from Durr, except (what is worse) he has "Dans toute action, si
un agent (byed pa po) agit materiellement (dizos su) et directement ('brei ba'i dban du) sur un objet (gian), .. That a scholar
,f)

of Tibetan grammar would split up dban du byas na(s) and then translate 'brei ba'i dbaiz du by "directement" is just simply
depressing.
18 Actually, of course, I'm just guessing that Durr is translating dban du byas nas by "agic".
\9 Si tu p. 196j Ducr p. 83 has byed pa po gzan gyis dnos su grub par byed pa, which should rather be sgrub par byed pa.
 496 Tom J. F. Tillemans

followed Bacot and Durr's understanding of this phrase and treated gian as a noun, then we would
have to say that the other (gian) establishes something. And what would that be? The act (las)? The
agent (byed pa po)? Obviously this is nonsense. In fact, this time Durr has a different but equally
incomprehensible rendition of byed pa po gian:
"Si un agent agit materiellement sur une realite differente de lui, queUe que soit, d'ailleurs, la nature de cette
realite (dngos) on dit que cette action est celle d'un agent qui agit materiellement et directement sur un objet. ,,20

Now the agent is acting on "a reality which is different from it" - I presume that this is to be a
translation of gian gyis dnos sui Enough said.
The point about verbs which express acts directly related to a distinct agent, or to be less literal,
transitive verbs, is that the agent must be distinct from its object. Indeed, another very
common way of characterizing such verbs is bya byed tha dad pa, "[verbs whose] object and agent are
different". (Following the excellent contemporary grammarian, sKal bzaIi 'gyur med, bya is to be
understood as referring to the object (las) and byed means the agent (byed pa po), an explanation which
fits fairly well with Si tu's own use of this term. 21) The reason why Si tu specifies that the distinct agent
must directly (dnos su) establish the act is that he wishes to rule out such intransitives as "the iron
changed into gold" (Ilags gser du gyurd zin), where there certainly was a distinct agent at sometime or
another, but he is not explicitly mentioned in the proposition. 22
Turning now to intransitive verbs, or to be more precise, acts which are not directly related to a
distinct agent (byed pa po gian dan dnos su rna 'brei ba'i las), they are said to be those which appear to
occur spontaneously (ran gi nan gis 'grub par snan ba).23 They are also described as acts whose object
and agent are not distinct (bya byed tha mi dad paY. As Si tu puts it: "when iron naturally changes to
gold, both the changer ('gyur byed) and the thing which will undergo change ('gyur bya) are not
apprehended as being [anything] other than the iron itself. ,," Si tu and other commentators are explicit
that the notions of self and other only apply when the verb is transitive, that is, when there is a
distinct agent; here the proviso "distinct" is all-important, for intransitives Ufe "I am going" do
indeed have agents, viz. the goer ('gro ba po), but that agent is not different from that which undergoes
the action of going ('gro bar bya ba)." Of course it is only when the principal agent is distinct that it
will be in the instrumental case; principal agents of intransitive verbs are without the instrumental
ending.

20 Durr p. 52.
21 Cf. sKal bzari 'gyur med p. 357: bya ba gail zig bye4 /#r: po gian gyis dilOS su sgrub pa'i ehe sgrub pa po ran riid dan des sgrub
(bsgrub?) par bya ba'i las kyi dnos po gnis phan ehun Itos grub kyi ehul du so sor gnas sin / gcigyod na gCig 50S de'an nes par du
yod dgos pa de ni bya byed tha dad pa'i bya ehig yin te / mdor na b,ed pa po dan las griis tha dad du yad pa zig la go dgas I dper
nal "iin pas beas marnaJ> I "mgarbas [cags brdun" I Ita bur cha mehan nal rna bapo iin pa dan brnabya'i las beM mal de biin
rdun ba po mgar ba dan brdun bya'i las [tags griis no bo tha dad du yod pas I bya chig rna dan brdun griis bya byed tha dad pa
yin pa dnos su gsal I. ("When a distinct agent directly establishes some action, then the establisher himself and the entity which
is the object to be established by him both exist separately but in mutual dependence; when one exists. the other must also.
This, then, is a verb (bya ehig) whose object and agent are different. For example, jf we take [sentences] like, 'The farmer
harvests the crop' or !The blacksmith forges the metal', then the harvester, i.e. the farmer, and the object to be harvested, i. e.
the crop, and similarly, the forger, i.e. the blacksmith, and the object to be forged, i.e. the metal, are essentially different.
Thus [in such sentences] it is directly evident that the verbs 'harvest' and 'forge' are ones where the object and agent are
different.") Cf. Si tu pp. 205-206.
22 Cf. Si tu pp. 197-198.
23 Si tu p. 197.
24 P. 206: lcags ran biin gyis gser du 'gyur / zes par 'gyur byed dan 'gyur bya gni ga [tags riid las gian du mi dmigs pa Ita bu
25 Si tu pp. 205-206: bdag 'gro'o / ies pa'i 'gro ba'i sgra de bya ka'i las kyi chig yin yan byed pa po dan bya ba'i gii tha dad du
med de 'gro bar byed pa po'an bdag yin tin 'gro bar bya ba'an bdag iiid yin pa ... Some grammarians, basing themselves on a
verse by dByaris can grub pa'i rdo rJe ("... snon 'jug 'a yig skabs II byed [as cam du 'breI ba yi II dnos po bdag la'an 'jug pa
mthon Ir), argue that in the case of 'a-prefixed forms like 'gro ba po, where the agent and object are not distinct, one can still
use the term bdag, although this is strictly speaking a secondary sense of bdag (bdag don phal ba). It is more usual however to
completely rule out the term bdag for cases of bya byed tha mi dad pa. Cf. mKhyen rab 'ad gsal, pp. 25-26 and Grub pa'i
rdo rJe's rTags__J'ug gi siiin po don gsal.
 On bdag, gUQ and Related Notions of Tibetan Grammar 497

The Connection between Self and Other and the Verb Tenses

A subject which has led to a great deal of speculation - some of which is very confused indeed - is the
linkage between the notions of self and other - more specifically act-qua-doing and act-qua-thing-
done - and the tenses of the verbs.
Let me begin with a puruapak,a, that of Bacot. This author constructed a rather captivating theory of
Tibetan sentences, where the verb is taken as the center and has two subordinate terms, agent and
object, which "revolve around it like satellites".'6 Each verb admits of a double interpretation depend-
ing on whether we understand it in terms of self, viz. the agent's action, or in terms of other, viz. the
action which is undergone by the object. So it is principally verbs which are self and other, and one and
the same verb will have both those aspects: it is here that the linkage between self and other (taken in
terms of verbs) and the three tenses becomes all-important. Let me translate Bacot in full:
"The special feature of the Tibetan verb is, to a large degree, to take into account the relationship which exists in
reality between voice and tense and then to deduce the latter from the former. Indeed, a verb which expresses
the past action of the agent [also] simultaneously expresses the ~bject"s present and permanent state (as does our
past participle). And the verb which expresses the present action of the agent expresses at the same time the
future state of the object. One and the same form, then, can present two logical interpretations and two
concomitant aspects of the sam,e action. For one and the same form, the tense will vary according to which term,
setf or other, is being considered. The tense is, in parr, a function of the voice, i. e. a function of which term is
being envisaged, self or other.
The morphology of verbs, then, must consist in specifying a tense for a particular voice or vice versa ... It is in
this fashion that the prefix b- indicates the past of the active action of the agent and the permanent state, be it
present or futureJ of the object. ,,27

Now the first and essential question to ask is, "Where did Bacot get this idea?" As he placed great store
on Thon mi, Si tu and other Tibetan grammarians, he most likely thought that this was their point of
view. But even the most cursory reading of Si tu will show that most b-prefixed forms, such as bsgrubs
and bsgrub are different in the past and future. One just cannot say that the same form shows both the
past of the agents action (hence self) and also the future state of the object (hence other), if one means
by "future" a form like bsgrub, bsgrub bya or bsgrub par bya which lack the supplementary suffix (yan
'Jug) -so Besides, Si tu does not admit that there is a self form for the past, and among the known post-Si
tu Tibetan grammarians, NOBODY admits it either. Certainly, as we shall see below, there were some
grammarians who admitted past act-qua-thing-done (bya ba'i las 'das paY, which would be classifiable
as other. But Si tu is very explicit about banishing past forms such as bsgrubs from the rubrics of self
and other: for him it is strictly speaking neither."
One begins to get very suspicious about Bacot's sources, though, when we see him ciring certain
passages from Si tu which supposedly show the "correspondence" between on the one hand "present
active" and "future passive" and "present passive" and "past active" on the other. These passages,
frankly, do not show anything of the sort: Bacot mistranslated them. Once again let me, for the sake of
convenience, put Bacot into English. (The underlining is Bacot's.)
"The correspondence between the tenses is formulated as follows in the commentary: Dus gsum gyi bdan [sic1
gis byed las da Ita dan bya las rna-Jam-par 'duo In terms of the three tenses, the present active corresponds to the
future passive. Similarly, by retroaction, the present passive corresponds to the past active. ,.29

26 Bacot p. 50. Regamey (1947) and (1954) has a similar theory, and acknowledges (1947, p. 29) his esteem for Bacot's book.

" Ibid. p. 50.

2B Cf. Si tu p.195: dbye bade gfiis sufi.e. bdag andgianJma 'Juspa'idusgsumlas byaszin 'daspa'isgranil bsgrubsl bstandl ...

byed bim da Ita ba'isgra nil da ltasgruh hiinpal ston bimpa I ... bya 'gyurma 'onspa'isgranil 'grub par 'gyurl 'Chad par
'gyur ...
29 ·P. 66, n.): "La correspondance des temps est formulee comme suit dans Ie commentaire: Dus gsum [etc., etc.] Par rapport aux

trois temps, Ie present actif correspond au futur passu.. De meme, par retroaction, Ie present passu correspond au passe actif."
498 Tom]. F. TilJemans

Now, which Tibetan word is Bacot taking to mean "correspond"? Probably'du, which actually means
"include". But what happened to dan ("and")? Not only did Bacot not translate it, but if he had it
would have given the passage a completely different sense. As happens frequently in translating
Tibetan, the verb ('du) has to b'e translated twice, once for the passage before the dan, where the
Tibetan verb was dropped by ellipsis, and once for what follows dan. Here, then, is my rendition of the
whole passage from Si tu. For purposes of comparison I have underlined the part which Bacot
extracted.
"Moreover, the two-fold division of verbs into either act-qua-doing (byed pa'i las) or act-qua-thing-done (bya
ba'i las) is also included in these [above-mentioned categories, viz. self and other and the three tenses). As
follows: (1) in terms of the three tenses, act-Qua-doing is included in the present and act-qua-thing-done is
included in the future; (2) in terms of self and other, a "doing" (byed pal directly related with a djstinct agent is
self and a "thing done" (bya bay is other, as has just been explained [in the definition of self and other above]."
I hope that it is clear, then, that Si tu is not at all expressing "correspondences" as Bacot would have
them. And, alas, as for Bacot's own addition that "Similarly, by retroaction, the present passive
corresponds to the past active", this is also little more than wishful thinking. The sad conclusion to
which one is led is that Bacot's theory of verb voices and tenses, which had initially, perhaps, seemed so
interesting, is most likely based on a number of gross philological errors.
Let us now finally try to see as clearly as possible what Si tu in fact meant in linking self and other
and the three tenses, after which we shall conclude this exposition by briefly describing some rival
perspectives on this question, namely those of gSer tog and A kya YOllS 'jin dByans can dga' ba'i blo
gros (18th C.).
As we saw above, Si tu stated that verbs expressing act-qua~doing are in the present, while those
expressing act-qua-thing-done are in the future; thus he can argue that the two types of act can be
subsumed in the division of the three tenses. And if we look at Si tu's list of examples of "expressions
for the [agent's] doing" (de'i byed pa'i chig) (what comes down to the same as his act-qua-doing), then
it is clear that only present forms, such assgrub par byed and sgrub bo, figure theh.'! Similarly, among
the expressions for the thing done to the [object] (de'i bya ba'i cbig), we find only future forms such as
bsgrub par bya and bsgrub boo Past forms are excluded from both lists, but so are also present
continuatives ending in bim pa and future forms ending in 'gyur. In fact - and this is important - Si tu
specifies that he includes as act-qua-doing or act-qua-thing-done only those forms which do not rely
on auxiliaries (cbig grogs): he argues that although a form such as dkri bim pa (" ... is winding up
[something]") is according to its sense (don gyis) an expression for doing, it is not to be classified among
words for self (bdag sgra), for its articulatiot;!YIVolves an auxiliary (brjod cbul chig grogs kyi khyad par
dan bcas pa)." So if we rule out the past tense and all instances of acts-qua-doing and acts-qua-thing-
done which are expressed by means of auxiliaries such as bim pa and 'gyur, then the only type of acts-
qua-doing which remain are those which Si tu specified - the two present forms along the lines of
sgrub par byed and sgrub boo (Note that the byed in sgrub par byed is not an auxiliary.) And the only'
types of acts-qua-thing-done to be admitted would be those along the model of bsgrub par bya or
bsgrub bo, viz. future forms. This, then, seems to me to be the most plausible hypothesis as to what Si
tu might have been up to in including act-qua-doing in the present and act-qua-thing-done in the
future: he was essentially ruling out past forms and those with auxiliaries as being self or other.
Now if this rejection of past and auxiliary forms seems somewhat arbitrary to us, we can at least have
the satisfaction of knowing that it probably seemed that way to other Tibetan grammarians too. gSer
tog, for instance, categorizes past forms such as mod bkan as bya ba'i las byas zm 'das pa "a past,

,. Pp. 193-194:gian du byedp.'ilasdan by. ba'if.. ies las byi chig Iagfiis su dbye b.'an dbye ba de dag tu 'dus te dusgsumgyi
dbait gis byed pa'i las ni dus da Ita ba dan / bya ha'i las ni dus rna 'ons par 'du zin bdag gian gyi dbait gis byed po gian dan
dnos su 'brei ba'j byed pa bdag dan bya ba gian yin pa blad rna thag pa ltar to I.
31 Si tu p. 195.

" Ibid. pp. 234-,:{~~.

 On bdag; gzan and Related Notions of Tibetan Grammar 499

already executed, act-qua-thing-done"," and he also seems to admit several other forms which Si tu
would have certainly refused into the classification of the two acts." But it is with dByails can dga' ba'i
blo gros that we see perhaps the clearest alternative to Si tu's method of linking tenses with the acts.
This author has no compunctions about classifying past forms as act-qua-thing-done; he admits two .
types of future, one with 'gyUT, which he calls "future act-qua-doing" (byed las rna 'ons pay, and the
other the more usual sort, which he terms "future act-qua-thing-done" (bya las rna 'am pay; present
forms in biin pa are termed "present act-qua-doing" (byed las da Ita baY; and he even maintains that
there is a kind of present passive, a present act-qua-thing-done (bya las da Ita baY as in such forms as
gcad biin pa Co ... is being cut")." COne can imagine the consternation of a follower of Si tu at having to
admit such a hybrid form with biin pa into his scheme of things!)
So obviously the question of linking self and other and the three tenses was highly controversial even
among Tibetans.'· I thirik that we have to be sceptical then about explanations, such as those of Bacot,
which have a tendency to refer to the commentaty, as if there were for all intents and purposes only
one, or the grammarians, as if they all agreed. They don't. The differences are profound, as can be seen
in the appended table where I compare the different forms and classifications admitted by Si tu, gSer
tog and dByails can dga' ba'i blo gros. Moreover, these authors also differ greatly in their interpreta-
tions ofThon mi's verse twelve. While this subject is unfortunately far too complicated to be treated in
the body of this paper, it is probably fair to say that verse twelve was, for most authors, a kind of
Procrustean bed into which they tried to force a number of ill-fitting grammatical phenomena. Many
grammarians, including Si ru and gSer tog, even felt it necessary to substantially alter the wording of the
verse itself so that it would comply with their theories." What is probably, thus, our best course of

" gSer tog pp. 142-143.

34 For example, he seems to be sceptical as to whether bim pa has to be included as an auxiliary like 'gyUT, kyin, etc. Cf. p. 148:
de'i chig grogs la 'grel bsad man por / gcub bim / dieT; him ies shyar ba yod ky4h / skabs 'tli'j chig grogs ies pa mja' bIes bsdebs
pa Ita bu ma yin par / cbig gi pbrad nus pa C4n sbyor b.'j don yin pas / kyin sogs hii da Ita ba dan / 'gyur ma oiu pa'j grogs su
shyar gyi / bim ni ran flid da Ita ba stan pil sogs don du mar 'Jug pas chig gi grogs SN mi 'gyur ram mam rna I. Moreover, he
clearly recognizes future act-qua-doing (byed I gyur rna 'ons pa) forms in addition to future act-qua-thing-done, (i. e. in his
tenninology, bya IgyUT rna 'ons pa). The fonner is the future fonn ending in IgyUTI and gSer tog argues (p. 151) that such
forms are obtained following the sense (don gyis thob pa) of Than mi's verse twelve. He also (p. 155) speaks of the imperative
as being included in act-qua-doing (byed las su gtogs pali bskul chig).
3S Aithough this ·present passive" is very strange indeed, one em find occasional attempts to convey this type of meaning. dGe

'dun grub pa, for instance, in his commentary (p. 310) to Pra~irttika IV, k. 85, uses sgrub byed Ju bkod biin" pa
("[what] is being presented as a means of proof"). However, if this author had followed dGa' baJi blo gras' model, where biin
pa is added to the future fonn, then he should have written dgod bim pa instead. (bkod=past).
" Here the question as to how to understand the past tense (i.e. as act-qua-doing or act-qua-thing-done) is certainly one of the
most, if not the most controversial point. For us too, this is of some importance, for if we follow dGa' baJi blo gros and gSer
tog, then it would seem that past forms must, strictly speaking, be translated by passives. If, however. we follow Si tu. then it
is not at all clear what we should do. An interesting. but highly unorthodox. suggestion is that of bKra sis dban 'dus (p. 13),
who argues that a past form can be categorized as self or other according to context: 'das chig de dnos po bdag gian gan du
gtogs I. na / r.u, bzo bas brags Ita bH by.d pa po dan 'brei nas bIad na dnos po b.u,g gi khons dan / so phag brags Ita bu bya ba'i
yul gyi dnas po'am las dan 'breI nas bIaJ na dnos po gian gyi khons su gtogs so I.
37 The main difference of interpretation of verse twelve among the authors which I have examined is that Si tu and dNul Chu
Dharmabhadra take all of the specifications of tense and self and other mentioned in this verse as non-overlapping and
exhaustive, whereas, in gSer tog and dGa' ba'i blo gras' account the specifications can overlap and only describe the principal
uses of the prefIXes. Consider, by way of an example, Thon mi's second line, which states that the prefixes g~ and a~ show
"both [self and other] and the present". For Si tu (cf. pp. 226-235) and Dharmabhadra (d. pp. 47-48), "both [self and
other}'" encompasses agents, both principal (e. g. gloa p4 po) and secondary (e. g. glod byed), present act-qua-doing (e. g. grod
par byed; glad do) objects (e. g. gead bya; gead par bya ba; gCAd bya'i lin) and future acts-qua-thing-done (e. g. gbul par bya;
gcad do). "Present" refers to only those g- or d- prefixed forms which are present. but are neither self nor other. viz.
those like gCod kym ldug, grod bim p4'O or dkri yin 'aug go and dkri. bim pa'o which according to Dharmabhadra, are
·expressions illustrating act-qua-doing which have been modified by auxiliaries.- Cf. Si tu pp. 226-227: mon 'jug gi 1714 n;.n
g4 da gnis ni"dnos po beLag dan gian gnis g4la 'jug pa dan I der ma gtogs pa'i aus gsu"'!' las da Ita b4 ston pa'i phyir 'jug go I.
Dharmabhadra comments (p. 48): der rna grogs pa'i dllS gsurn las / glad kym 'dug / good bim pa'o II dgag gm 'dHg / dgag bim
pa'o Ita h.u b,ed pa po gian dan dnos su 'brei ba'i bya ba byed bim pa da ltar ba bsgrub pa'i a,ed du 'jug ste / .u, Itar ba ni /
byed las gsal byed kyi sgra iiid chig grogs kyis bsgyur baJo II. Bacot had cited something like the passage from Si tu, which he
500 Tom J. F. Tillemans

action is to look at theories such as that of dGa' ba'i blo gros in their own right and independently of
the essentially scholastic problem as to how well they do or do not accord with Than mi. In so doing
we may find some insights into the functioning of Tibetan prefixes.

Appendix I

For the sake of clarity, let us represent Si tu, gSer tog and dGa' ba'i blo gras' positions on Tibetan
prefixes by means of the following table. The forms given in parentheses are all taken from the authors'
lists of examples to be found in their sections on self and other. However, to avoid redundancy, I have
not duplicated examples for any given prefix: if Si tu gives, say, gcod par byed as an example of a g-
prefixed form showing present act-qua-doing (byed las da Ita bay and gSer tog also gives this same
example or one like it, then I simply put "g-" in the column for gSer tog. Of course, Tibetan authors,
like us, do not list examples for every possible form. So, the asterisk (*) indicates that the form
concerned is not attested to in the author's text, but that we can reasonably infer that he would have
accepted it.
Note that the verb forms given are all of transitive verbs, or those showing an act directly related to a
distinct agent (Here I have relied on Blo mthun bsam gran et al. Dag yig gsar bsgrigs (Xinbian zangwen
zidian), which specifies verbs as either byed 'brei las chig or byed med las chig, terms which this
dictionary explains as meaning byed pa po gian dan dnos su 'brei ba'i las chig and byea pa po gian dnos
su med pa'i las chig respectively.) Although Si tu and the other authors do give numerous examples of
intransitive forms, especially those prefixed by 'a- and m-, these forms can never be classified as act-
qua-doing or act-qua-thing-done, but are only included under the temporal specifications in Than mi's .
verse twelve.

translated as follows (p. 66, n. 1): «Ies prefixes neutres ga et da sont usites pour bdag et gian~ et de plus its marguent Ie
present." Unfortunately this is not a translation of the phrase der rna gtogs pa'i da Itar ba found in Bacot's text. (1£ he had
translated this phrase,. his theory of verbs might have been somewhat different!) Let us try again: "The two neutral preftxes g-
and d- apply to both self and other and they are applied for showing the present [tense] from among the three tenses not
included there [i. e. among self and other]." ,,-.t'
50, for Si tu, any g- or d- prefIXed expression should fall nnder the rubric "both .. , or it must be a present which is neither
self nor other. For gSer tog, however, good and gton ace listed as examples of both act-qua-doing and the present: there is
nothing which prevents overlap. Moreover, he maintains that although Thon mi specifies that g- and d- apply principally (geo
bar cf. p. 147) to the present, they also apply to future fonos such as gcad par bya and. it would seem, good par 'gyur (cf.
n. 34). & for dGa' ba'i ble gros, he, like gSer tog, interprets ~~ tense specifications in verse twelve as only giving the principal.
uses of the prefixes, but he so frequently makes exceptions to Thon mi's specifications about self, other and the tenses that one
gets an inescapable impression that he is only paying the barest of lip-service to verse twelve.
Finally, turning to the attempts to "reform· Than mi's text, Si tu (d, p. 235 and pp. 248-249) had to change ma ni bdag
dan rna 'ons phyir to rna ni bdag da. rna 'ons phyir (..the feminine prefix ['a-] is for self, present [and] future"); he was followed
along this line by A lag Sa Nag dbati bstan dar. Naturally, Si tu maintained that.this reform would be for pedagogical
purposes, Le. to avoid mistakes, but the basic problem was mat he "had to .account for verb forms such as 'khur bim pa, etc.,
which ace, of course, present, but cannot be included under self as they use auxiliaries. Hence he had to add the word
"present", gSer tog's "reformed verse" constitutes a victual reductio ad absurdum of the whole enterprise of basing a theory of
preftxes on Thon mi's verse twelve (d. p. 152):
pho ni 'das gian bsgrub rna 'ons II
rna nin giiis lea ria ma 'ons II
rna ni bclag gian cia ma 'om II
(The last line presumably remains as is.)
("The masculine establishes the past, other [and is for] future;
The neutral is [for] both [self and other], present [and] future;
.' I The feminine is [for] self. other, present [and] future!')
 On bdag, gzan and Related Notions of Tibetan Grammar 501

Si tu gSer tog dGa' ba'i blo gros

Past act-qua-doing
(byed las 'das paY:
Past act-qua-thing-
done (bya las 'das paY:
Present act-qua-doing
(byed las da Ita baY:
b- (bkan; bklags zin), b-, m-,
m- (mthald zin),
g- (gcad par byed; good g-, d-, 'a-, m-, zero (sgrub par byed),
do), d- (dgar bar byed; g-, d-, 'a-, m-, plus
dgar ra), 'a- ('khur bar biin pa with zero
byed; 'khur ra), (sgrub biin paY, g-\
d-:~, 'a-~\ m_:r,

Present act-qua-thing-
done (bya las da Ita b- (bsgam biin paY, g-
bay: (grad biin paY, d-"
m-'~.

Future act-qua-doing
(byed las rna 'ans pa;
byed 'gyur ma 'ans pay:
Future act-qua-thing-
done (bya las rna 'ans
pa; bya 'gyur rna 'ons
paY:
The entity, self
(dnas po bdag):
The entity, other
(dnas po gian):
b- (bklag par bya;
bklag go), g- (gead par
bya; gcad do), d- (dgar
bar bya; dgar ra), m-"',
g- (grad pa po; gcod
bye d), d- (similar), 'a-
('khur ba po; 'khur
byed), rn-<',
b- (bklag bya; bklag
bya'i yig ge), g-, d-
(similar), m-",
g-"', d-'\ 'a- ('thab par
'gyur), m- (mthal bar
'gyur),
b-, g-, d-, 'a- ('thab par
bya; 'thab), m- (mthal
bar bya),
g-, d-, 'a-, m- (mthal
ba po; mthal byed),"
b-, g-, d-, 'a-", m-
(mthal bya'i chig).'o
g- (gcad par 'gyur), d-
(dpyad par 'gyur), 'a-,
m-, zero (sgrub par
'gyur),
b-, g-, d-, 'a-", m-",
g-, d-, 'a-, m-, zero
(sgrub pa po; sgrub
byed),"
b-, g-, d-, 'a- ('dod
bya), m-,

38 Oddly enough gSer tog systematically classifies secondary agent forms such as mthol byed, etc. as act-qua-doing along with
forms in ... par byed.
37 This author also specifies agents by fonns ending in mkhan, e. g. 'dul mkhan.
~o gSer tog. for unexplained reasons, classifies forms such as gcad bya and 'thad bya along with gcad par bya, etc. as being act-
qua-ching-done rather than the entity, other. Cf. p. 146 and p. 150. When specifying the entity, other, he uses fonns likegead
bya'i sin ("the wood which is to be cut"). Si tu, however, informs us (pp. 223-224) that "by joining auxiliaries [such as sin.
etc.] to the various expressions referring to the object of the action [such as bsog bya, etc.], the examples are more readily
understood, but otherwise, when one just says bkan bya, bkol bya, ' . . etc., one can understand that [these] are expressions for
the object of the action. Thus these [i. e. bkan bya, etc.] are the real examples under discussion. U de ltar bya ba'iyulla 'jug pa'i
sgra 'di rnams fa chig grogs dan sbyar nas dper brjod pa ni go sla ba'i phyir te gian du / bkan bya / bkol bya / bgam bya 1 bgad
bya 1 bear bya 1 bean bya / ies sags smos pa iiid kyis bya ba'i yulgyi sgra yin pa ,rtogs par nus pa'i phyir skabs thob kyi dper brjod
diws ni de rnams iiid yin no I.
502 Tom]. F. Tillemans

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Saussure, 6. Geneva, pp. 26-46.
- (1954), "A propos de la <construction ergative' en indo-aryen moderne", in Sprachgeschichte und Wortbedeutung: Festschrift
Albert Debrunner. Berne: Francke Verlag.
RENOU, L. (1942), Terminologie grammaticale du sanskrit. Paris: Champion. Reprinted 1957 in one volume.
SCHARFE, H. (1977), Grammatical Literature. History of Indian Literature, Vol. V, fasc. 2. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.
gSer tog sku phren ma pa Blo bzail chul khrims rgya mcho (1845-1915), bod kyi brda> sprod pa sum eu pa dan nags kyi 'Jug pa'i
mchan 'grel mdor bsdus te brfod pa no mcbar 'phrul gyi Ide mig. Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 1957, reprinted Lanzhou 1981.
Si tu PaQ. chen Chos kyi 'byun gnas (gCug lag 1.':hos kyi snan ba) (1699-1774), Yut gans can pa'i brdayan dagpar sbyar ba'i bstan
bcos kyi bye brag sum cu pa dan rtags kyi 'jug pa'i giun gi roam par brad pa mkhas pa'i mgul rgyan mu tig phren mjes.
Dbaramsala: Tibetan Cultural Printing Press, 1979. (I have used this readable edition instead of that of S.c. Das.)
Thon mi Sambhota, Sum cu pa and rTags kyi 'Jug pa. Numerous editions. Cf. the above-mentioned edicion of gSer tog, which
includes Than mi's texts.
 New Contributions to Tibetan Documents
from the post-Tibetan Tun-huang

GiZA URAY (BUDAPEST)

In what follows I should like to add a few complementary remarks and observations to my paper
presented at the "Colloque international Manuscrits et inscriptions de Haute Asie du V' au IX' siecle"
in Paris on October 4th, 1979 with the title "L'emploi du tibetain dans les chancelleries des Etats du
Kan-sou et de Khotan posterieurs a la domination tibetaine", and published in an abridged form in the
fA, tome CCLXIX, 1981, pp. 81-90. I hope that these additions and rectifications, however, dis-
jointed they may be, will promote a better understanding of the Tun-huang documents written in
Tibetan after the collapse of the Tibetan rule.
Before going into detail, however, let me express my indebtedness to Professors Louis Bazin, Ronald
Eric Emmerick and Takao Moriyasu for the comments and data they were most helpful to provide
partly during the debate over my Paris paper and partly on other occasions. lowe a special word of
thanks to Dr. Tsugohito Takeuchi for making available to me before publication his pioneering paper
"A group of Old Tibetan letters written under Kuei-i-chiin: A preliminary study for the classification
of Old Tibetan letters" presented at the Bicentenary Csoma de KiSros Symposium. I am also indebted·
to Dr. Giinter Gronbold for copies of Chinese and Japanese papers not accessible in Budapest, and to
Dr. Ildik6 Ecsedy for seeking out and translating several relevant passages in these papers (some
eventually not quoted here). Last but not least, the Bibliotheque N ationale, Paris, has a strong claim on
my indebtedness for the microfilms of MSS Pelliot tibetain 984 and 1120.

Preliminary Remarks on History

The documents under discussion refer to three political formations along the silk route in the 9th -11 th
centuries, notably to 1. the Kuei-i-chiin,' or "the Army of the Return to the Justice", of Sha-choub i. e.
Ho-hsi;' 2. the Uighur Khaghanate of Kan-chou d and 3. the Kingdom of Khotan.
The Kuei-i-chiin came into existence as a result of an uprising by the Chinese population of the town
of Tun-huang' viz. the prefecture of Sha-chou in 848. Within three years the insurgents headed by
Chang I-ch'ao f conquered a total of 11 prefectures in the region of today's Western Kan-su, Northeast-
ern Ch'ing-hai and Eastern Hsin-chiang, and subjected them to the T'ang. The emperor gave Sha-chou
the name Kuei-i-chiin and appointed Chang I-ch'ao chieh-tu-shih,' or "Imperial Military Commissary"
of the Kuei-i-chiin and kuan-ch'a-shih, h "Imperial Supervising Commissary", of the prefectures he had
conquered. In keeping with the granting of these titles, the official Chinese standard histories always
talk of the commissaries of the Kuei-i-chiin, or less frequently of those of Sha-chou. In the local
administration and literature of Tun-huang, however, the name Kuei-i-chiin is often replaced by Ho-
hsi, the name of a one-time military district west of Huang-ho conquered by the Tibetans in 764-787.'
Although Kuei-i-chiin was regarded both in the Imperial Court and in Sha-chou itself as a military

• Giles 1932, pp. 834-835; Giles 1934, pp. 562-566; HiangTa 1951, pp. 3-4; pp. 15-16, n. 5; Demieville 1952, pp. 167-168
& n.; p. 193, n. 2; Hamilton 1955, p. 12 & n. 1; pp. 47-48, n.; p. 118, n.; Pelliot 1961, pp. 138-139; Chen Tsu-lung 1966,
pp. 4-5,128; Pinks 1968, p. 64; p. 183, n.; 592-593; Cuguevskii 1981, pp. 9-10; Cuguevskij 1983, pp. 16, 210, 244-245.
516 Giza Uray

district of China,' in actual fact it functioned as an independent state, for the T'ang on the verge of
being overthrown were unable to defend the district or control its internal affairs. Later the district was
even to be territorially detached from China by the emerging Khaghanate of Kan-chou. Thus the
administration of the Kuei-i-chiin was left to local dynasties, notably the Changi family from 848 to
911/914' and the Ts'ao k family from 911/914 to the beginning ofthe 11th century.' In the meantime the

2 Except for the second half (90S-911/914?) of the reign of the last commissary from the Changi family, Ch'eng-feng,af who
having assumed the title Hsi-Han Chin-shan-kuo po-i t'ien-tzu;.g "White-robed Son of Heaven of the Chin-shan Empire of
the Western Han" governed the district as a formally independent state. CE. Giles 1932, pp. 835-836; Wang Chung-min
1935, pp. 5-32, esp. pp. 6-7; Hiang Ta 1951, pp. 13-14; Demi~ville 1952, p. 216, n. 1; Hamilton 1955, p. 16; pp. 48-50 &
n.; pp. 128-130; Pinks 1968, pp. 69-71; Moriyasu 1980, pp. 309-310; Cuguevski'i 1981, pp. 10, 16; Cuguevskij 1983, p. 269.
J Apart from the period of usurpation by So Hsiinah between 890/892 and 894. Cf. Giles 1934, p. 567; Hiang Ta 1951,
pp. 8-12; Hamilton 1955, pp. 47-48, n.; Chen Tsu-Iung 1966, pp. 5, 48-49, 89-90, 97, 129; Moriyasu 1980, p. 309;
Cuguevskij 1983, p. 245.
4 There are conflicting statements on the time of the Ts'ao family's rise to power. According to the Hsin Tang-shu, chap.
CCXVI B, Ts'ao I-chin"; took control over Sha-chou already in 872 after Chang I-ch'ao's death, but this statement is at
variance both with the rest of the official Chinese histories and the documents and inscriptions of Tun-huang as well; d. Giles
1932, pp. 835-836; Giles 1934, p. 563; p. 565 & n.l; Hamilton 1955, p. 49, n.; Pelliot 1961, p. 139; Pinks 1968, p. 186, n. 618.
Enoki (1962, p. 261) maintains that in 922 the Chin-shan Empire was still in existence, for in the Chinese passage at the
beginning of the Khotanese MS Ch. i 002la, a (= India Office C 109) there is mention of a Khotanese delegation sent in ajen-
wu year to Tun-huang allegedly ruled by the Chang Chin-shan'!\. (d. also Cuguevskir 1981, p. 10, n. 27). It has, however,
escaped Enoki's notice that on the basis of data gleaned from the Khotanese pan of the MS Ch. i 0021a, a, Pulleyblank already
identified the jen-wu year in question with the 5th regnal year of the cii-hifza (= chung-hsing, al. AC fiung-xi~ng; GSR 1007/
a-e + 889/a-d) period of the Khotanese king Vis@.Darma,ahorseyear, which corresponds to 982 A.D. Pulleyblank has also
shown that Chang Chin-shan was not the name of a state but that of a person. This person is also mentioned in Khotanese
texts, namely in the form Cil Kima-sana in Ch. i 0021b, a, Ll. 43-46 in connection with the 5th regnal year of the thyena-
tcuna (= t'ien-tsun,= AC t'ien~tsu~; GSR 361/a-c + 430/a-h) period of the king Vis~ Sura, a sheep year, i.e. 971 A.D.;
and in the form Ca Kima-sani in the colophon of Ch. j 002113, b, L. 62, and finally in the Khotanese forms Ca Kfmiisqna and
m
Cii Krmasana and the Sogdi;n transcription kyms'n in the colophon ofjatakastava dedicated to king Vis~ Sura (967-977h
Ch. 00274, fo1. 39, ro., L. 3 & vo., L. 4 (Pulleyblank 1954, p. 94 & n. 3; cf. Bailey 1968, p. 69; Bailey"i945/1969, p. 219; Bailey
1954/1969, p. 54; Bailey 1951/1981, pp.·151 & 156; d. also Hamilton 1979, p. 51; Zhang Guangda & Rang Xinjiang 1984,
pp.45-46).
Giles (1934, p. 568) and Hamilton (1955, p. 50, n.) regard the appellationfu-chu shang-shu Ts'ao kung,''' "chief of the
administration, president of the imperial ministry, prince Ts'ao" dated 4 June 920 in a colophon of the MS Stein 4240 (= Giles
1957, No. 4696) as the oldest known mention of the reign of the Ts'ao family in general and Ts'ao I-chin in particular (d. also
Giles 1940, p. 325; Pulleyblank 1954, p. 95 & n. 4).
In actual fact, however, the oldest surviving data on the Ts'ao family's rise to power is found in Pelliot chinois 3239 of 29
October 914. In it Ts'ao Jen-kuei an is given, among others, the title Kuei-i-chun chieh-tu ping-ma liu-hou shih,~P "the
provisional imperial commissary in command of the sQidiers and horses of the Army of the Return to the Justice" (Eliasberg
1979. p. 36 & n. 31). On the other hand, the oft-quoted letter Pelliot chinois 3633, addressed by the population ofSha-chou to
the khaghan of Kan-chou in the 7th month of the year 911 is the latest piece of evidence of the existence of the Chin-shan
Empire and the rule of the Chang family (Wang Chung-min 1935, pp. 18-21; Demieville 1952, pp. 216-217, n.; Hamilton
1955, pp. 48-49, n.; Moriyasu 1980, pp. 310-312). Consequently, the rise of the Ts'ao to power is to be put between 911 and
914.
As regards the end of the Kuei-i-chtin and of the reign of the Ts'ao family one must keep in mind that in the first twa
decades of the 11th century the overlords of Sha-chou upheld relations not only with the Sung but also with the Ch'i-tan, and
even sent envoys to both courts at the same time in 1014. In the two imperial courts, however, different names and titles were
used to refer to Sha-chou. The Ch'i-tan spoke of Sha-chou Hui-ho,tq "the Uighurs of Sha-chou" and bestowed such titles
upon their leaders as Sha-chou Tun-huang wang"I "king of Tun-huang in the prefecture of Sha", Sha-chou Hui-ho Tun-
huang-chan wango.s"kingof the Tun-huang Commandery of the Uighurs of Sha-chou" and Tun-huang-chan wang: t "king of
the Tun-huang Commandery". The Sung, on the other hand, stuck to the old names and titles: in 1002 they appointed Ts'ao
Tsung-shouau and after his death in 1014 Ts'ao Hsien-shunav as chieh-tu-shih, "Imperial Military Commissary", of the Kuei-i-
chon. There is record of another mission sent by Ts'ao Hsien-shun to the Sung court in 1023. From the years 1030/1031,
1037,1041/1042, 1050 and 1052 missions are reported to have been sent to the Sung only by Sha-chou and by a certain Sha-
chou Chen-kuo wang-tzu,'''' "king of the Chen Empire of Sha-chou". Thus the downfall of the Kuei-i-chon and the decline of
the power of the Ts'ao family can be put to the 1020s. The frequently mentioned conquest of Sha-chou by the Tanguts at the
end of 1036/1037 appears to have only been a temporary affair; the eventual incorporation of Sha-chou in the Hsi-Hsia
Empire was only to take place in the second half of the 11th century. Cf. Giles 1934, pp. 565-566, 571-572; Wittfogel &
Feng Chia-sheng 1949, p. 103, no. 17; p. 226, n. 4; p. 232; p. 255 & n. 41; p. 322; p. 355 &n. 47; Hamilton 1955, p. 57, n. 1;
Cochini & Seidel, 1968, pp. 40, 44, 50, 53, 59, 61, 72; Moriyasu 1980, pp. 331-335.
 New Contributiom to Tibetan Documents from the post-Tibetan Tun-huang 517

number of prefectures belonging to it had dwindled so that in 911 the Kuei-i-chiin only included the
two prefectures of Sha-chou and Kua-chou,l and for a' short period around 934/935 Sha-chou alone.'
The Uighur Khaghanate of Kan-chou evolved later than the Kuei-i-chiin and at the latter's expense.
It encompassed the area of Kan-chou and, as is often suggested, perhaps the territory of Su-chou as
well, that is the area of the two prefectures that belonged to the Kuei-i-chiin after 849. For lack of direct
evidence there has been much speculation over the time of emergence of the Khaghanate. On the baSis
of more recent research findings, especially those of Moriyasu, it is now presumed that the state came
into being in the 890's, precisely in the second rather than the first half of the decade.' As is well,
known, it was brought down by the Tanguts, otherwise known as Hsi-Hsiam in 1028.
Quite unlike Kuei-i-chiin and the Khaghanate of Kan-chou, the Kingdom of Khotan - the Li-yul of
the Tibetans and the Yii-t'ienn of the Chinese - was not established after the fall of Tibetan dominion
since the old political institutions of the country were upheld during the Tibetan rule. There is no direct
record of how and when the kingdom liberated itself from Tibetan supremacy. The documents discov-
ered in Tun-huang and Khotan suggest, however, that there had been a long period of reign bearing no
designation beginning with the year 851 prior to the period of reign thu-kh'i = t'ung-ch'ingO (AC d'ung-
k'iang7) of Vis~ SaIpbhava i. e. Li Sheng-t'ienP which began in 912. Therefore scholars concluded that
Khotan must have been free from Tibetan rule already in this year.' In my opinion, however, 851 may
as well have been the year of the king's ascension to the throne who later guided Khotan to independ-
ence, and when after the liberation the custom of reigning periods was introduced they were counted
retrospectively as of the ascension to the throne. The kingdom was put an end to by the Qara!!anids of
Kasgar in 1006.

5 In 872 Kan-chou and many other prefectures subordinated to the Kuei-i-chiin were lost. At the end of the 9th century,
however, there were again eight prefectures belonging to the sphere of influence of Chang Ch'Sng-feng, the document Pelliot
chinois 3033 claims. In a letter dated 10 February 905 (Stein 5747 ~ Giles 1957, no. 7381) he natned himself only as the
Imperial Commissary of Sha-. Kua-, 1- and Hsi-chou. At any rate, it is an unsettled question whether in cases like this what
we have at hand is the real fact or only the claim to power of the commissary of the Kuei-i-chiin. Cf. Hamilton 1955,
pp. 15-:-16j p. 48, n.; pp. 128-129; Moriyasu 1980, pp. 309-310. - For the independence of Kua-chou around 934/935 see
Hamilton 1955, pp. 52-53, n.j pp. 55-56, n.; p. 132.
6 Some Chinese histories erroneously attribute the founding of the Uighur khaghanate of Kan-chou to P'ang-r'e-leu / Mang-
,'e-Ie" / Moog_Ieu / Mang-li. - Accordingly, the Hsin T'ang-shu, ch. CCXVlI B claims that Moog-t'e-I. assumed the title of
khaghan and resided in Kan-chou but does not specify the date. A similar record, this time dated February 848, can be found
in the Tzu-chih t'ung-chien. Both passages are arbitrary shortenings of a record surviving in the Chiu T'ang-shu which says
that P'ang[-r'e]-le settled in An-hsi,ub i.e. East Turkestan, and assumed the tide of khaghan there. with only his successor
residing in Kan-chou. Another two notes in the Tzu-chih t'ung-chien, dating from 856 attest that Mang-li still had his
residence in An-hsi that year. Cf. Hamilton 1955, pp. 7-13j Czegledy 1984. p. 162.
There has been consensus among specialists in recent decades that the Uighur state of Kan-chou could not be set up and
strengthened before the invading Uighurs had fought their decades-long battle with the other tribes living in and around Kan-
chou.
Hanillton pointed out that according to the registration in the Tzu-chih fung-chien the Uighurs conquered Kan-chou as
early as 872 but were soon driven away by the highlands tribes of the T'u-yfi-hunuc (i.e. 'A-h) and the Wu_mo ud (Le. 'Od-
'har viz. Hattabara). Though not being explicit about the time of the establishment of the khaghanate, Hamilton's data clearly
suggest that he put the foundation of the state some time between 895 and ~02. See Hamilton 1955, pp. 8-10, 15-17; p. 31,
n.; p. 48, n.; p. 128. Similarly Pinks 1968, p. 65.
Maljavkin asserts that in the evolution of the Uighur Kbaghanate of Kan-chou three phases can be distinguished:
1) 841-862 - the penetration of the Uighurs into the Kan-su corridor under Tibetan dominion, and their participation in the
military ventures of the Tibetans; 2) 862-902 - fight with the tribes of Kan-chou and of the Tibetan Highlands for setting-up
an independent Uighur state; 3) 902 -1028 - the existence of the khaghanate of Kan-chou. See Maljavkin 19na, p. 33; 1972b,
pp. 80-83; cf. also Cuguevskii 1981, pp. 13-14, n. 45. '
Having analyzed the data on the penetration of the Uighurs into Kan-chou in detail, Moriyasu has found that the Uighurs
could not reinforce their control over Kan-chou until the 890s and their state was recognized by the T'ang in 898 or 899. See
Moriyasu 1980, pp. 305-313, esp. pp. 312-313.
7 GSR 11761>-c + 753/a-b.
8 Pulleyblank 1961, pp. 179-181; Hamilton 1977, p. 360, n. 21j Hamilton 1979, p. 50; Zhang Guangda &. Rong Xinjiang 1984,
pp. 34, 45-46. - It is to be noted that although recendy certain moments in the chronology of the Khotanese history of the
9th-10th, centuries and the dating of several Khotanese documents have been questioned (Zhang Guangda &. Rong Xinjiang
1984, pp. 23-46, and Hamilton 1984, pp. 47-53), the period of 851-904(-9121) is considered by ill to be guaranteed.
518 Geza Uray

Pelliot Tibetain 984, Piece II, Recto, and 1106, Verso, Inscription I

Having arrived at the actual topic of this paper, let me first reconsider the dating of the documents
Pelliot tibetain 984, piece II, recto, and 1106, verso, inscription I.
On the recto of Pelliot tibetain 984, piece II, the remnants of the introduction to a letter can be
I
read. It begins with the formula" \ Rma-chu-chus bcad-kyi Ha-se cer-tloJ II
Sa-cu'i dban-p loJ II
Che'u len-kon-gyis mchid gsol-IJa' "A request submitted by the cer-to (= chieh-tu-(shih),< AC tsiet-
d'uo-,i,' 'Imperial Military Commissary') of (the military district of) Ha-se (= Ho-hsi,' AC yd-siei IO )
adjacent to the water of Rma-ehu (Huang-ho), the Governor of Sa-eu (= Sha-chou,b AC ,a-tsi"u ll ),
len-kon (= ling-kung,q AC liang-kungI2) Che'u (= Ts'ao,k AC dz'du 13 )."14 This formula fails to
mention the addressee. In the salutation, however, he is addressed as se-iin r/e-'phrul "se-iin (=
sheng-shen,' AC sjang-dz'jen,15 'holy and divine') ruler of supernatural faculties I6 " / , which is an
unmistakable reference to the king of Khotan as is evident in the following passage in Pelliot tibetain
1120, verso, despite the badly damaged text: [ ]llj .ba'i.tha.s.kyi byan-cub-slelm-pa'i Yu-
ya
I
then-gyi se-iin then l-ce l8 J[-'i
ia-sna-na] II
Sa-cu'i dbans-po Jo san-si-gyis mchi djl' gsol-ba' Ise- r I
iin rle-'phrul-kyi ia-sna-na [ ] "A request submitted by the Governor of Sa-cu, the san-si (= shang-
shu,' AC ijang-Siw0 20 'President of a Ministry')Jo (= Ts'ao) [in the presence] of the Bodhisattva of the

9 GSR, nos. 399/e-f + 80lla + 975/n. Th~ title is also demonstrable in Khotanese, see tcirthuiiin Ch. 00269, L. 68 (ed. Bailey
1968, p. 108; cf. also Bailey 1961, p. 4, n. 1) and tcairthuitin Ch. 00327, L. 5 (ed. & comm. Bailey 1968, pp. 103-104: by me
kind communication of Prof. Emmerick).
10 GSR, nos. lIg-h + 594/a-e.
II GSR, nos. 16/a-c + 1086/a-c. The name is documented in several languages, e.g. $aeu in Khotanese, Sacu and SaCiu in
Uighur; see Bailey 1949, p. 47.
It GSR, nos. 823/a-e + 1173/a-f. For the Khotanese forms of the title, see below, p. 519 & n. 29/"
13 GSR, no. 1053/a-c. The name occurs in the form teau in Khotanese, too, see Pelliot 5538a, L. 27 (ed. Bailey 1968, p. 59;
comm. Bailey 1964, p. 22; by the communication of Prof. Emmerick).
H LI. 1-2; quoted from microfilm. Cf. Uray 1981, p. 82, § I 2.
IS GSR, nos. 835/z-b' + 385/j-k.
16 Stein 1981, pp. 231-275; Stein 1983, pp. 186-187, Vocabulaire 2, no. 1.
17 L. 2; quoted from microfilm. Cf. Uray, a.a.D.
IS The reconstruction of then-leeJ as proposed in Uray 1981, p. 82, was originally based on the assumption that the remains of
the consonant and vowel characters discernible after then could only derive from ce or ee, and according to Pulleyblank 1954,
p. 93, the tide t'ien-tzu' was among others given to a ~otanese ruler in an inscription in cave 98 of Mo-kao (i. e. no. 74 with
Pelliot and no. 71 with Shih Nai). But the reading of the inscription as presented in Zhang Guangda and Rang Xinjiang 1984,
pp. 41-42, suggests that there is a lacuna after t'ien. There is. however, some other evidence, too, that the kings of Khotan
bore the title t'ien-tzu, notably the inscription to be read in the impression of the seal on Pelliot chinois 2826 saying: Ta Yii-
t'ien Han t'ien-tzu ch'ih-yin""e "seal for the decrees by the Son of Heaven of the Han of the Great (Kingdom) of Khotan"; see
Chen Tsu-Iung 1960, p. 11, no. 27; with corrections in Chen Tsu-lung 1963, p. 263, n. 1. Cf. also Stein 1981, p. 240, n. 24.
1<J In the MS mchis.
2" GSR, nos. 725/a-c + 45/t-v. - Apart from san-Ii, the Chinese title shang-shu, AC ijang-sjwo also appears in Tibetan
transcription as Ian-Ie and san-Iu in Felliot tibetain 1106, ro., L. 1 and L. 16 resp. (see below, p. 520); zan-Ie in Pelliot tibetain
1081, L. 1 (facs. Spanien & Imaeda 1979, pI. 426; d. also Uray 1981, p. 82) and 'in the Chr., Ll. 495-497, 512, 521 (ed. Bacot et
alii 1940-1946, p.120, Ll. 31, 32, 34-35: p. 121, Ll. 28-29: p.122, L. 9;facs. Spanien & Imaeda 1979, pI. 576; cf. also Petech
1969, pp. 254-255) and ian-so in the Ann. I, Ll. 122, 129, 265, 275 (records from the years 695/696, 699/700, 733/734, 7361
737; ed. Bacot "alii 1940-1946, p. 18, LI. 5, 20;p. 25. LI. 5, 23-24; faes. Spanien & Imaeda 1979, pl. 583, Ll. 71, 78; pI. 589,
L. 214: pI. 590, L. 224; cf. also Petech 1967, pp. 260, 261, 266, 267). The Khotanese transcription takes the following forms:
sam-Stin the Stael-Holstein scroll, Khat. part, L. 25-26 (ed. Bailey 1951, p. 3; Bailey 1954/1969, p. 74: d. Pulleyblank 1954,
pp. 96-97; Hamilton 1958, p. 151) and in Pelliot2031, L. 3 (ed. Bailey 1954/1969, p. 83); sva1flsjand san:z-sii in Pelliot 2741,
Ll. 6, 46 (ed. Bailey 1949, pp. 28, 30; Bailey 1954/1969. pp. 87, 89; Bailey 1968, pp. 61-62; cf. also Bailey 1968, p. 67;
Hamilton 1977, p. 371; Hamilton 1984, p. 52) as well as sam-sii in Ch. 00271, Ll. 15 & 17 (ed. Bailey 1954/1969, p. 49). It is
worth mentioning that the equivalents of the Ancient Chinese final -jwo in the Chinese texts in Tibetan script from Tun-
huang alternate between -i and -u, and less often -e; see Csongor 1960, pp. 118-119 & n. 77; pp. 133-134, nos. 595-621; cf.
also Pulleyblank 1954, p. 96, n. 5.
'_T;
 New Contributions to Tibetan Documents from the post-Tibetan Tun-huang 519

infinity of [ ], thde-iin ('holy and divine') then-l eeJ (= t'ien-tzu,' AC t'ien-tsi,>! 'Son of Heaven') of
Yu-then (= Yu-t'ien," AC yjiu-d'ien,>' 'Khotan'). In the presence of the seeiin ruler of supernatural
faculties, [ 1-'23 .
Pelliot tibetain 1106, verso, inscription I, is a short, two-line exercise. The two lines, though written
by two different hands, make out a single letter-opening formula: (L. 1 left) gi'en-po Iha-sras Li-rfes I
I
(L. 2 right) gcun le-kon-Ia gsol-pa[;] gyis "The (following) demand was made by the elder brother, Son
of Gods, the ruler of Khotan, to the younger brother Ie-kon. ",.
The point of departure for dating both documents is the tide len-konlle-kon of the commissaries of
Sha-chou. 1ms len-konlle-kon is the transcription of Chin. ling-kung, q which in tum is a short form of
the tide ehung-shu-lingU "President of a Department of the Imperial Secretariate". In my paper read in
Paris I put the date of origin of both records to sometime between 931 and 935,25 for according to the
Chinese official annals the tide ehung-shu-ling was bestowed upon Ts'ao I-chin on February 7th, 931,"
and the only person the tide ling-kung was used to address in the passages of the Tun-huang docu-
ments available to me was this particular commissary who died in 935.27 However, Professor Moriyasu
drew my attention to the fact that according to the MSS and inscriptions of Tun-huang the commis-
saries Ts'ao Yuan-chung> (945-974) and Ts'ao Yen-luw (976 or 978-1002) also held the tide ehung-
shu-ling i.e. ling-kung. 28 Another recent assumption maintains that the tide 41lt'kiilt'lq,aikauI4lkaul
q,ekau i. e. the "transcription of Chin. ling-kung, encountered in certain Khotanese documents may
denote Chang Huai-shen,x who reigned from 867 viz. 872 to 890.29
Another clue to dating Pelliot tibetain 984, piece II, recto is afforded by the fact that the family name
of the commissary of Sha-chou is given as ehe'u, i. e. Chin. Ts'ao (Ae dz'au). This precludes the
possibility that Chang Huai-shen would be the sender of the letter. The letter must be attributed, then,
to Ts'ao I-chin, Ts'ao Yuan-chung or Ts'ao Yen-lu,3. i.e. to the period betwen 931 and 1002.
As for Pelliot tib"tain 1106, verso, inscription I, it is noteworthy that the sender, the Khotanese
ruler, is mentioned as the elder brother (gi'en-po) and the addressee, the le-kon as the younger brother
(gi'un). It is a well-known fact that the Vis~ Dynasty of Khotan and the Ts'ao family of the commis-
saries of Sha-chou were doubly - maybe even triply - related by marriage. First, the king of Khotan
Vis~ SalPbhava i.e. Li Sheng-t'ien (912-966) married one of the daughters of commissary Ts'ao I-chin,
the sister of would-be commissaries Ts'ao Yuan-te (936-940), Ts'ao Yuan-shen (940-945) and Ts'ao
Yuan-chung (945-974). Secondly, the wife of Ts'ao Yuan-chung and the mother of Ts'ao Yen-lu (976
or 978-1002) was the third daughter of the Khotanese ruler by whom either long-lived Vis. SalPbhava
himself or his son and successor Vis~ Sura (967-9n) is meant. Thirdly, it can be presumed that Ts'ao
Yen-lu also took wife from among the Khotanese princesses." Obviously, Vis~ Sa!p.bhava could by no

21 GSR, nos. 3611a-c + 964/a-j.

:zz GSR, nos. 97/a-g + 37S/r. For the initial of the first syllable see La Ch'ang-p'ei 1951, pp. 285-290.
2J LL 1-2; quoted from microfilm. For the tsI. d. Uray 1981, p. 82, § I 6.
2<4 Faa. Spanien & Imaeda 1979, pI. 447. For the tsl. see Dray 1981, p. 82, § I 5.

" Uray 1981, pp. 86-87, S§ II B 1 e and 2.

" Hamilton 1955, p. 52, n. 1; p. 71, n. 1; p. 120, n. 1; p. 132. Cf. also Moriyasu 1980, pp. 317-318.
27 Four colophons of the MS Pelliot chinois 2704, ro., dated from October 933 to June 934, as well as the MS Pelliot chinois
3016, vo., an incomplete copy of a letter by the prefect ofKua-chou to Ts'ao I-chin; quoted in Hamilton 1955, p. 53, n.; p. 71, n.
1; p. 118, n. "
21 Concerning Ts'ao Yuan-chung Prof. Moriyasu draws on the MSS Pelliot chinois 2155 and 2703 and the inscription in cave no.

427 of Mo-kao (no. 136 with Pelliot and no. 212 with Chang Ta-ch'ien and Hsieh Chili-liu) for evidence; with regard to Ts'ao
Yen-lu, he cites the MS Pe11iot chinois 3576. For further places of occurrence see Zhang Guangda & Rong Xinjiang 1984,
pp. 31-32. Cf. also Hamilton 1977, p. 361, n. 21; Zhang Guangda &: Rong Xinjiang 1984, p. 40, n. 62.
n Hamilton 1984, pp. 50-51 and n. 14. For the Khotanese transcriptions of the title d. Bailey 1968, pp. 32 & 106.
JO In my view it is not impossible that the commissaries Ts'ao Yiian-tew (936-940), Ts'ao Yiian-shenUfl (940-:945) and Ts'ao
Yen-kungDh (974-976 or 978) reigning in the few in-between years also bore the title chung-shu-ling viz. ling-kung, only no
evidence has survived.
1I Pulleyblanlt 1954, pp. 93-94; Moriyasu 1980, pp. 323-326; Stein 1981, p. 241, n. 24; Zhang Guangda & Rong Xinjiang 1984,
pp.41-43.
520 Geza Uray

means be called his father-in-law Ts'ao I-chin's "elder brother", but in the rest of the relationships the
king of Khotan could easily be looked upon as the elder brother of the commissary of Sha"chou. In the
final analysis, then, one can trace the writing exercise Pelliot tibetain 1106, verso, inscription I, to the
time of Ts'ao Yuan-chung or Ts'ao Yen-lu.

Pelliot Tibetain 1106, Recto

While analyzing the exercise Pelliot tibetain 1106, verso, inscription I, in my Paris paper, I failed to
notice that the recto of the same manuscript also contained a document dating from the post-Tibetan
age.
It is very hard to interpret this document" as it is an incomplete draft of a list of presents and barter
goods as well as an accompanying letter with delations and subsequent additions. The text contains an
abundance' of unfamiliar names of textiles and other goods, apparently the transcriptions of Chinese
designations. The interpretation of the document is especially difficult because of the deterioration of
the manuscript: both the upper and the lower parts are torn off and both sides are badly frayed.
Line 1 of the surviving fragment begins in the middle and reads as follows: nu-bo dan-re san-se-Ia I
skyes brjans-pa'i skyes-Ia[n-duJ" "As a present in return for what was sent to the younger brother, (nu-
bo), the dan-re (= Turkic tiilJri, 'heavenly, divine''') san-se (= Chin. shang-shu") as a present." Next
comes a lacuna of a few letters beginning the second line, followed by a list of diverse textiles and other
articles running to the end of line 15. Apparently, the list at first only reached down to the end of line 7,
with lines 8-15 being subsequently added. The only exception is the word group: '" !<gcen-po Iha- I:
I
sras Li-r[es) at the beginning of line 12 introduced with an initial sign of a paragraph, for it sticks out
from its surroundings both with regard to form and content. In my view, it originally constituted a
whole with lines 16-17: (L. 12 left) "I: I I
gcen-po Iha-sras Li-rjes!-cL. 16 right) nll-bo dan-rdan-su-la
men-tn rgya-thags Ina-bcu [ (L. 17) ]10-JI-ba'i chon-lan-du II
"In exchangefor the purchase oHifty
kerchiefs from men-tn (silk)" [offered for purchase (?)] by the elder brother, Son of Gods, the ruler of
Khotan, to the younger brother, the dan-re (= tiilJri) san-su (= shang-shu)." This introduction is
however followed by no list of goods. Instead, one finds in lines 18 - 20 a new paragraph. Although this
part of the text does lexically not pose great difficulties, the lacunae at the beginning and end of the lines

32 Following description and quotations according to ~aJ1i' Spanien & Imaeda 1979, pI. 446.
)) Reconstruction analogous with L. 17.
34 Cf. also ten-re and dan-riElJ in the transcription of the title of the Uighur khaghans of Kan-chou in Pelliot cibetain 1082, L. 1,

and Pelliot cibetain 1188, va., L. 12; see below, p. 523.

35 See above, p. 519 & n. 20.

Jl. In addition to Pelliot tibetain 1106, ro., L. 17, men-tri/-thri also occurs in document M. Tagh a iv 00121, Ll. 2-3, and in

M. Tagh a iv 0056, L. 1, and in both places yug, i. e. the unit of measurement for textiles and paper, is used to define the
quantity (ed. Thomas 1951. pp. 190 & 379, cE. also p. 387). Besides, the word also occurs in a Tibetan-Chinese word-list from
Tun-huang, notably the British Library's MS. Or. S. 2736, 1. 33 where j'i'u-ce is given as the Chinese equivalent. This J~'u-ce
represents the transcription of ch'ou-tzi?"' (AC a'i~u-tsi; GSR, nos. 1083/m + 964/a-j) "silks, silk goods" (facs. & ed.
Thomas & Giles 1948, pI. 12 & p. 761, no. 141). The data of the word-list are complemented by twO prophecies related to
Khotan that were translated into Tibetan in the 9th-10th centuries but only survived in the bsTan-'gyur. We can learn from
the Li-yullun-bstan-pa "Prophecy of the Li-Country" that men-dril-'dri as well as dar were made from silk cocoons (ed. &
tsl. Emmerick 1967, pp. 32-33, d. also tsi. Thomas 1935, p. 111), and in "The Prophecy of the Arhat Sarpghavardhana" men-
'dri and dar are mentioned in the same list of textile goods (ts1. Thomas 1935, p. 69 & n. 5). From this it follows that men-tril
-thril-dril-'dri and dar are two different kinds of silk. Incidentally, the variant men-dri and a corrupted form men-hri are also
registered in later dictionaries without, however, any reliable information as to their meaning; d. the places quoted in
Emmerick 1967, Word index, p. 145. - Apart from the above discussed document, rgya-thags is only detectable in the India
Office document, Tun-huang, Vol. 57, fo1. 220, Ll. 1 & 3 (ed. Thomas 1951, p. 66, Ll. 10 & 15). Thomas (1951, p. 66,
Ll. 27-28; p. 67, Ll. 1 & 16-18) proposes the meaning "Chinese cord" or "seal-cord". As, however, none of the altogether
four occurrences names a unit of measure between rgya-thagslrgya-thag and the following numeral, it appears to me more
probable that kerchiefs of standard size are meant here.
 New Contributions to Tibetan Documents from the post-Tibetan Tun-huang 521

- however small they may be by themsdves - do not enable one, me at least, to understand the text
quite precisely. Nevertheless, one may presume that it is about the state of goods after transportation
and of the various sea!s placed on them. .
As Pelliot tibetain 1106, recto, is neither a copy nor a writing exercise but a draft one may assume
that the sender of the return gifts and barter goods lived in Sha-chou. Also, the sender's title nu~bo
"younger brother" used in relation to the Khotanese ruler suggests that the sender was the commissary
or one of his brothers or sons. That is exactly why the use of the Turkic title dan-re, i. e. tagri, comes as
a surprise and cannot be explained unless one presumes that the document dates from the time of
ongoing Turkization in Sha-chou, namely from around the end of the 10th century." But one must
also keep in mind that the comruissaries of Sha-chou only bore the title shang-shu until 931 which gave
way to the title ehung-shu-linglling-kung. 38 This has led me to the assumption that the sender of the
return presents and barter goods must have been a brother or a son of the comruissary of Sha-chou at
the end of the 10th century.

Pelliot Tibetain 1124

The only reason why in my Paris contribution I included the document Pe!liot tibetain 1124 among the
records surviving from the post-Tibetan era was that La!ou's description had revealed that it bore the
sea! of Kuei-i-chiin." All else of importance I could say about the document was that it contained
instructions towards people with Chinese names or titles.'"
The reading of special literature concerned with the Khotanese and Chinese Tun-huang documents
and a lucky coincidence, however, have enabled me since then to identify the names and titles used in
this record. I was able to establish that the document was addressed to officials in Shou-ch'ang,Y a one-
time subpre£ecture of Sha-chou in present-day Nan-hu' Oasis southwest of Tun-huang." The teXt
I
reads as follows: (L. 1 left) IJu-ean-gyi to-'~a'-dan kam- (L. 2) sl~2-dan Iphu-Si-la luns seal-pa' I.ston- I
I I
kyi dus-la (L. 3) bab rta ni 'cho nam ni rin I sna-lugs bim sO-:)li myig (L. 4) dam-du sdoms-sigs I/u- I
I I
khu kun gog kyan mkhar- (L. 5) phyi-na' 'dugs myi gnans thib 'di-phyin ma thogs-du beas (L. 6)
'brogs+sons-sigs
-na
II I I
ma son-ba' yod-na' to-'ga'-dan (L. 7) kam-si-dan Iphu-si-la ehed-pa' bead II
17 On the Turkization, or more exactly Uighurization of Sha-chou, see Moriyasu 1980, pp. 331-334.
]I The use of the tide shang-shu is demonstrated for the following commissaries of Sha-chou: 1. Chang I-ch'ao (official Chinese
standard histories, as well as MS Stein 3329 [= Giles 1957, no. 7132] and the inscription in cave 94 of Mo-be [no. 80 with
Pelliot and no. 46 with Chang Ta-ch'ien]j ~ee HiangTa 1951, pp. 5-6; Demi6ville 1952, p.168. n.ip. 359; cf. also Cuguevskij
1983, p. 259); 2. Chang Huai-shen (Pelliot chinois 3451; see Demieville 1952, p. 213, n.); 3. Ts'ao Jen-kuei (Pdliot chinois
3239, dated 29 October 914; see Eliasberg 1979. p. 36, n. 31; p. 41, n. 53); 4. Ts'ao I-chin (MS Stein 4240 [= Giles 1957, no.
4696], dated 4 June 920; see Giles 1940, p. 325; Pulleyblank 1954, p. 95 &: n. 4; Hamilton 1955, p. 50, n. 2).
J9 Lalou 1950, p. 65.
<0 Uray 1981, p. 83.
·11 The Nan-hu Oasis got the name Shou-ch'ang at the beginning of the T'ang period. Originally, Shou-ch'ang was a subprefec-
ture. hrien, _k which was first independent and later united with the subprefecture Tun-huang to fonn the prefecture Sha (Sha-
chou). In 738 it was reduced to the rank of one of the 13 districts, hsiang, ad of the subprefecture of Tun-huang, but soon it was
again established as a subprefecture. The Tibetans, who occupied Shou-ch'ang around 780 and Tun-huang about 787,
introduced another type of territorial organization. But when the Tibetans had been expelled, the old organization was
restored. As the records from the time of the Kuei-i-chiin no longer refer to the name of the district of Shou-ch'ang, some
researchers have recently concluded that Shou-ch'ang was annihilated by the Tibetans. However, they are at variance with
data that bear out that Shou-ch'ang was a subprefecture at the time of the Kuei-i-chiin. In the geographical fragment Stein 788
(= Giles 1957. no. 7180). vo., LI. 10-14, for example, Shon-ch'ang-hsien is registered as ahsien of the third class consisting of
a single hriang that Chang I-ch'ao seized from the Tibetans in 848. Also, the possessor is named in MS Stein 560 (= Giles
1957, no. 7041), a calendar for the 10th year of the t'ien-full! period (945 A.D.), as Shou-ch'ang-hsien ling. am. "subprefect of
the subprefecture of Shou-ch'ang". - See Giles 1934; pp. 550-551 &: facs. pI. V; Giles 1940, p. 343; Demieville 1952, p. 168,
n.; pp. 359-360; Cuguevskii 1981, pp. 19-20, n. 60j Cuguevski; 1983, pp. 260-261, entries «~oucansjan" & "SoueansjanU ',
as well as .p. 215, entry "Duo'xuansjan'''', no. 6.
..1 Lalou (1950, p. 65) reads: Ho-'ga' and Kom-li.
522 Geza Uray

(IMPRESS OF SEAL)4) "Order issued to the to-'ga' (= tu-ya," AC tuo-nga 44 ) and the kam-si (=
chien-shih"b AC kam_,i45 'Inspector') and the phu-si (= Jeng-shih," AC b'iwong-,i46 'Censor') ofju-
can (= Shou-ch'ang, AC ijifu-tf'iang47). With the season of autumn having arrived, the horses are put
out to grass and the nights are getting longer. According to ancient customs the eyes of the guards
should be sharpened by an oath. That lambs (lu-khu = lu-gu?) stay outside the fortress is not allowed.
From now on one must go to the pastures at dusk without tarrying. If one does not go, punishment
(ched = chad) will be imposed on the to-'ga' and the kam-si and the phu-si."
As far as the dating of the document is concerned, I started in my Paris paper from the fact that the
seal on the document bore the inscription Kuei-i-chiin yin,d "Seal of the Army of the Return to the
Justice", and as Chen Tsu-Iung asserts seals bearing the same phrase can be found on another three
Chinese Pelliot MSS of which one, no. 3556, is dated as of the year 936.48 This is why I concluded
somewhat rashly that Pelliot tibetain 1124 belonged to the group of the documents dating from around
920-946:'
At that tirr>e I failed to realize that a seal with the inscription Kuei-i-chiin yin could have been in use
during the entire existence of the Kuei-i-chiin. 50 But when I compared the visible part of the impression
of the seal on the facsimile of Pelliot tibetain 1124 with the seal impress borne by Pelliot chinois 3556 as
reproduced by Chen Tsu-Iung,51 I came to the conclusion that there must certainly be two different
seals. As the titles of the addressees of the ordinance are insufficient to serve as a starting point for
dating, one must realize that the date of origin of the document Pelliot tibetain 1124 cannot be precisely
established.

Pelliot Tibetain 1188, Verso, Lines 12-21

Finally, I should like to revise and improve on an interpretation I put forth eat;lier concerning the
second half of Pelliot tibetain 1188, verso. '
The reverse of the MS Pelliot tibetain 1188 contains 21lines 52 of writing exercise and short texts by
various hands. Originally, I differentiated sixteen inscriptions, dating four of them from after the fall of

43 Facs. Spanien & Imaeda 1979, pI. 453.

« GSR, nos. 4S/e'-g' + 58/s. See also the Khotanese forms ttun;Jga in the Stael-Holstein scroll, Khot. part, L. 25 (ed. Bailey
1951, p. 3; Bailey 1954/1969, p. 74; identified in Hamifton 1958, p. 151), ttagava in Ch. 0043, L. 30 (ed. Bailey 1954/1969,
p. 40; Bailey 1968, p. 118; comm. ibid" p. 120). ttugarba1'!l jsi and ttugavii in Ch. ii 001, VO., L1. 3 & 4 (ed. & camm. Bailey
1968, pp. 104 & 106). '
45 GSR, nos. 609/a-b + 975/n. For the Khotanese form of the title see the next note.

~, GSR, nos. 11971z-a' + 975/0. The question, however, arises whether it is not more likely that phu-li is the transcription of
!u-shih/'" AC p'iiu-~i (GSR, nos. 933/s + 975/n "deputy commissary", but this interpretation is contradicted by data in the
Khotanese document Ch. i 0021a, a, Ll. 26-27. According to this document, the tide of the second most important person in
a Khotanese mission was a hvum-sl and that of the head of the mission was a kama-sf (Bailey 1954/1969, p. 54; ed. and tsl.
Bailey 1968, pp. 68-69). This order of ranks kama-Si - hvurrz-Si fully tallies with the rank order'kam-si - phu-si of the
Tibetan document. As the Khotanese hvum can by no means be the transcription of AC p'i~u, we must also include the
Tibetanphu-si in the identification of Khotanese hvurrz-siwith Chin./eng-shih, AC b'iwong-~i proposed by E. G. Pulley-
blank (in Bailey 1968, p. 70, where the derivation Khotanese kama-Si < Chin. chien-shih, AC kam-~i is also presumed; d. also
Hamilton 1984, p. 48, n. 5).
47 GSR, nos. 1090/g-j + 724/a-b. Cf. also Khotanese Sucqnii in the Stael-Holstein scroll, Khot. part] L. 12 (ed. Bailey 1951,
p. 2; Bailey 1954/1969, p. 73; forthe first time identified by F. W. Thomas in Thomas & Konow 1929, p. 147 & n. 7; d. also
Bailey 1951, p. 12; Hamilton 1958, p. 122).
48 Chen Tsu-Iung 1963, p. 260, no. 16. See also Cuguevskij 1983, p. 269, where further data can be found .
.. Uray 1981, p. 87, § II E; p. 89, § III B 2.
so Cf. the relevant remark by Y[oshiro] I[maeda] in Spanien & Imaeda 1979, p. 18: "Maigre i'identite de l'inscription, nous ne
pouvons affirmer s'il s'agit i?t d'un seul et meme sceau ou de plusieurs."
51 Spanien & Imaeda 1979, pI. 453; Chen Tsu-Iung 1963, pl. II.

52 According to th~ !}umbering of the lines in facs. Spanien & Imaeda 1979, pl. 476. The letter na standing alone between lines 3

& 4 could be nicKoned with as a further separate line (L. 3a).

 New Contributions to Tibetan Documents from the post-Tibetan Tun-huang 523

the Tibetan domination. 53 What I proposed in my Paris paper of so-called inscription IX, i. e. line 7,
written by a different hand from the rest of the sheet d~es not need any correction or addition. 54 As for
the other three passages, the so-called inscriptions XII, XIV and XV, i.e. lines 12, 14-18 and 19-20, I
ascertained already in Paris that they were written by the same hand (together with inscriptions XIII .
and XVI, i. e. lines 13 and 21 not mentioned by me then).55 At that time, however, I failed to detect any
connection between the contents of the fragments.
In the meantime, following the kind advice of Prof. Bazin I succeeded in clarifying the puzzling date
in lines 19-20 to the effect that the 15th day ofthe first spring month of the 7th then-phug, i. e. t'ien-
iu" (AC t'ien-piuk 56 ) year - a female Iron-Hare year - corresponds to 22 February 943, with the 7th
then-phug year to be corrected to the 8th. This day falls within the period during which envoys from
Khotan, the Sha-chou-Kuei-i-chiin and the Kan-chou Uighurs stayed in the Chinese imperial court
where they received Chinese honorary titles for their lords and themselves. As the place of issue of the
document is explicitly stated as the Chinese court, I have concluded that so-called inscription XV, i. e.
Ll. 19-20, must constitute the introductory formula of a decree conferring titles. 57
On the other hand, Tsugohito Takeuchi has made an exact description of the basic opening formulae
in Old Tibetan letters. In the light of these forms" one can realize now that lines 12-21 are notmade
up of five independent passages but form a coherent whole constituting a complete decree and the
opening formula of a second one.
This text complex reads and translates as follows: (L. 12) I I
dan-rMihve'i-hor kh:;'-gan rfe-'i
pho-bran-!'l'iii! II I I
bka'-rtags-kyi phyag-rgya fhog-nas (L. 13 right) ISton-na dban-bion-la scaId-
pa'i I (L. 14) nan-po 'di pha-mes-pos kyan I
Mdo-m lkhJar bzun-nas II
sna-slad rfe'i srid-phyir
dpen-pa (L. 15) cher phul-ba'i lon-dan II I
dnos kyan rno thog-ste Ilho-byan-sar-nub-du myi-rta
I
(L. 16) srog 'phon ma byas-te I dpen-pa phul-ba'i lon-gyis II
spya-na-nas kyan spu-dan (L. 17) yon-
J
duill sbyar-te I mdun-sa'i mtha'-Ia btags-nas I Ithabs kyan ?o-gol (L. 18) ?yi-nan-Ci ?u-gar bskos-
nas I I (L. 19) I I I
then-phug Io bdun (correcdr: brgyad) Ilcags-mo-yos-bu'i!o'i dpyid-sla ra-ba
I I
ches bco- (L. 20) Ina-la Ipho-bran-gser-sgo-nas I bka'-rtags-kyi phyag-rgya phog-nas II (L. 21
right) Ston-na dban-blon-la scald-pa' II
[(L. 22) 1"From the Residence of the Ruler dan-ri hve'i-
h~r kha'-gan, the seal of the sign of decree having been attached, (the following) has been bestowed
upon the Governor-Councillor (dban-blon) StOll-na: On the basis of the merits by which (his) father
and grandfather, after obtaining Mdo-mkhar, rendered great use continuously (lit. at the beginning and
later) to the ruler's power, and on the basis of the merits by which he himself, having been capable,
rendered use, not sparing (phon ma byas-te?) the life of men and horses in the South, North, East and
West, in accordance with (his) services (spu?) and merits, this confidant has been included by us in the
assembly and (his) title has been established as ?o-gol ?yi-nan-Ci ?u-ga. - Thereafter, on the 15th day
(of) the first spring month of the 7th (recte: 8th) then-phug year, a female Iron-Hare Year, from the
Golden Gate of the (Imperial) Residence, the seal of the sign of decree having been attached, (the
following) was bestowed upon the Governor-Councillor Ston-na: [ ]."
The first, complete, decree was then made out in the court of the dan-ri hve'i-hor kha'-gan. The
phrase dan-riD,i hve'i-hor kh:;'-gan corresponds to ten-re hve-!blur kha-gan in the opening formula
of Pelliot tibetain 1082 and is the transcription of an Old Turkic title tauri huiyu,s' qayan "Divine
Uighur Khaghan". According to Pelliot tibetain 1082 this title was borne not by the ruler of Qoco, but

" Uray 1981, p. 83, §§ I 8-11.

" Uray 1981, p. 83, § I 8; p. 86, § II B 1 f; p. 87, § II B 2; p. 89, § III A 3.
" Uray 1981, p. 83, § I 10.
5(' GSR, nos. 361/a-c + 933/d-h.
57 Uray 1984, pp, 351-354; ct. also p. 342,
58 Takeuchi'1984, pp. 3-12, esp. 3-6.

59 For the Old Turkic initial h- see Ligeti 1971, pp. 188-189, d. also pp. 180-181.
524 Gha Uray

by the monarch residing in Gam-eu (= Kan-chou,d AC kam-tsi;;u 60 ).61 The addressee is the Governing
Councillor (dban-blon) Ston-na, who was granted the old Turkic title ?o-gol ?yi-nan-Ci ?u-ga, i. e. orul
'nanei" oga, "the Confidant of the Prince, the Sage" laid down in the decree.
The second decree, of which only the introductory formula has survided, is joined to the fIrst one. It
is issued for the same Governing Councillor Ston-na from the pho-bran-gser-sgo "the Golden Gate of
the Residence", i.e. the imperial court. 62 One may, then, establish with certainty that the subject-
matter of the second, fragmentary decree with only the introduction surviving is the conferring of a
title, similarly to the fIrst one.
And now we have come back to the problem of dating the second decree. According to data
preserved in the offIcial Chinese standard histories the head of the Kuei-i-chiin of Sha-chou was
invested in the office of the chieh-tu-shih on the keng-yin day, viz. the 11th day of the first month of
the 8th t'ien-fu year, i. e. 18 February 943, while on the i-szu or 26th day of the same month, i. e. 5
March, Khotanese, Uighur and other envoys received honorary titles. 63 The 15th day of the first spring
month, i. e. 22 February noted in the Tibetan opening formula in lines 19-20, fIts in perfectly between
the above-mentioned two dates as the date of bestowing titles upon the high dignitaries of the countries
concerned.

Concluding Remarks

To finish with, I should like to round off this brief discussion with some statistics. In the paper I read in
Paris I reckoned with 18 documents, and details of documents written as exercises deriving presumably
from after the fall of the Tibetan domination. 6' Since then Takeuchi has proved that another six
documents, and possibly two more, date back to the post-Tibetan period. 65 This time I have only added
on,e document, notably Pelliot tibetain 1106, recto. On the other side, I have ~roved that Pelliot
tibetain 1188, verso, contains only two, and not four, documents and writing exercises going back to
the post-Tibetan period.

60 GSR. nos. 606/a-b + l0861a-c. In Khotanese there are Kepniicii and K4macii. and the name can be detected in other
languages as well, see Bailey 1949, pp. 46-47; Hamilton 1958, p. 129.
61 Pdliot tibetain 1082, Lt.1 at 17; faa. Spanien & Imaeda 1979, pI. 427; see also Dray 1981,p. 82, § I 4 (where tan-re andKam-
cu is incorrectly given for ten-re and Gam"-cu).
62 For the meaning of the phrasepho-bran-gser-sgo see Dray 1984, p. 353.
" Hamilton 1955, p. 54, n. I; p. 84, n. 4. Cf. also Uray 1984, pp. 353-354.
" Uray 1981, pp. 81-85, §§ I 1-18.
.. Takeuchi 1984, PIlJ)' 13-16; p. 22, n. 22.
 New Contributions to Tibetan Documents from the post-Tibetan Tun-huang 525

All in all, there are at present 23 Tibetan Tun-huang documents, and details of documents written as
exercises that are sure to have been composed in Tibet;n after the debacle of the Tibetans, with another
two probably belonging here. They include:
Pelliot tibetain 44, fol. 1, roo + 25, va. + 23, va. + 24, roo
984, piece II, roo
1003
1081
1082
1106, roo
1106, vo., inscription I
1120, va.
1124
1125 (?)
1129
1131
1188, va., L. 7 ("inscription IX")
1188, va., Ll. 12-21 ("inscriptions XII-XVI")
1189, roo
1211
1212 (?)
1220
1225
1256, va.
1284, Ll. 3-5 ("inscription II")
1284, Ll. 6-11 ("inscription III")
2111, piece A, inscriptions VII + II
Ch. 73 iv 14
Stael-Holstein Scroll, Tibetan part
526 Geza Uray

CHINESE CHARACTERS

a !!Ull;ll aa o/ffllltr aaa ~JJI

b r.P JH ab ~ If aab '1i: IDi

c lilT IDi ac * If iii ~ !l!
d tt JH ad ~ il !l! tp aad I\i *
e ~~ ae =.k1l aae *T~~=.kT~EP.

I 5f,'i liii (or il) ill al ** aal \W iG t'8

g ®1ft1f ag W~~LlI~S;&=.kT aag \WiGf-I!
h W!~1f ah ;f{ ill aah \W ~ 11ii
i5f,'i ai \wil~ aai ~T

k \W ak 5f,'i~LlI aak ~

1 !lUll al q:rJ'!! aal ll!l

m IDi~

n T fWl an )f.J±'~if\w~ aan ;UIf

ao \W {::: jt aao I!!I! f'F H~
ap flHt!l! ® 1ft ~ ,~'\ij ~ iii! aap !'IT 11
aq r.P iii (ljJ l!l aaq jI mttf
ar r}JH~(!)fJi\.L ~fJi\

as r.P JfI (ljJ !lU~ ~ W.L .L m~

t =.kT at ~ (I)~W.L aat ~LlI~~$~1@j

aw r.P JfI ~ ~ :£ T
ax IH!fHJJ
ay ~tHIJ
 New Contributions to Tibetan Documents from the post-Tibetan .Tun-huang 527

BIBLIOGRAPHY ANDABBREVlATIONS

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BAILEY, H. W., 1945/1969, Khotanese texts, I. [1945.] 2nd ed. Cambridge, 1969.
-,1949, "A Khotanese text concerning the Turks in KanHou". AM, vol. I, pt. I. Pp. 28-52.
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n. s. = new series.
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 The Tibetan Negatives med and ma yin,
arid theMaiijusri-nama-san;giti.VI.19 Commentaries

ALEX WAYMAN (NEW YORK)

. This investigation was instigated in part by my translation of the Manjusri-nama-samgiti1 and noticing
a curious situation of the Tibetan canonical commentaries on its verse VI, 19; and in part by my re-
application to a long-term project on Buddhist logic, which deals acutely with the problem of nega-
tives.
There are two chief negatives of logic, known in Sanskrit as prasajya-pari,edha (Tibetan: med par
dgag pal and paryudasa (Tibetan: ma yin par dgag pal. Writers on these topics acknowledge that the
paryudasa negation has a positive reference, which is why I translate it 'implicative negation', where the
implicatIon is something positive. And they acknowledge that the prasajya-pari,edha aims only at
negation, without any further implication. 2 I translate it as 'applicable (prasajya) negation', to wit, a
negation applied only to the subject.
I shall discuss these negations first to establish their contrasting usage by various examples drawn
from Tibetan literature, then to show Rin-chen-bzan-po's choices in his translation of the Manjusri-
nama-samgiti (M-N-S), finally to consider the commentaries on M-N-S, VI,19.

The Contrast of rned and rna-yin

Modern writers do not, however, address the problem of whether the Tibetan negations med and ma
yin preserve such distinctions in meaning when they are used to translate negatives, which occur
innumerable times in the canons Kanjur and Tanjur.
One would have to deny the contrast of med and ma yin if one accepts Bhavaviveka's commentary
on Nagarjuna's Madhyamaka-karika, 1,1, as Kajiyama's article cites it, thus: bdag las ma yin ies bya
ba'i dgag pa 'di ni med par dgag pa'i don du blta bar bya ste, .. ,' Here, the ma yin negation is explained
as the med pa negation! Bhavaviveka's commentary is on the negation in the original Sanskrit language;
and it appears that the translators of his commentary preserved the Tanjur rendition of the Madhyama-
ka-karika, which has bdag las ma yin, and added the med par dgag pa because Bhavaviveka used the
term prasajya-pari,edha in his comment. It follows from the evidence of the Tibetan translation of
Bhavaviveka's commentary that we cannot be confident about the kind of negation simply by finding a
med or a ma yin in a canonical text. But, if indeed the Tibetan translators kept in mind the distinction
between these negations when they used them - and the translation of the Madhyamaka-karika, of
supreme importance in Tibetan Buddhism, is a splendid case in point - it follows that Bhavaviveka is

J Alex Wayman, Chanting the Names of Mafijusri; the Maiijusri-nama-san:zgiti (Shambhala, Boston, 1985).
2 One may consult Yuichi Kajiyama. "Three Kinds of Affinnation and Two Kinds of Negation in Buddhist Philosophy",
WZKS, Band XVII, 1973, pp. 167-174,
l Kajiyama, "Three Kinds.,. n, p. 168.
552 Alex Wayman

possibly incorrect in his comment here. I now claim that according to the official Tanjur translation of
the first verse, Bhavaviveka's comment here is wrong. This is the Tibetan translation of the first verse:
I bdag las ma yin gian las min I
I gnis las ma yin rgyu med min I
I dfws po gan dag gan na yan I
I skye ba nam yan yod rna yin II
Bearing in mind that min is the contraction of ma yin, we notice that the translator has employed ma
yin for the alternatives of self, another, and both (self and another), but med min for 'cause' (rgyu). This
is my translation of the verse:
Never and nowhere do any particular things (bhava) arise from self, from another, from both, or
without a cause.
Nagarjun" here affirms a cause, for to deny this would fall in with the ancient Carvakas, a position
which the Buddhists always rejected. Hence, the three previous negations were all implicative, imply-
ing the positive requirement of a cause (hetu, Tib. rgyu). But the cause-negation denied by Nagarjuna is
not implicative, so the Tibetan translation has the term med. I conclude that the translator purposely
used the term ma yin (or, min) with this implication in mind.
The next example involves the well-known Buddhist term 'non-self' (anatman), with standardized
Tibetan rendition of bdag med. If med here is the med par dgag pa, it denies a sel£ to the subject, say,
the 'personal aggregates' (skandha), without further implication. In this connection, there is Buddha-
guhya's comment on the words of the Subahupariprccha-tantra, Chap. V:'
I de ni bdag min ies bya ba ni gzugs de la mu stegs can gyis brtags pa'i bdag med do ies bya ba'i tha
chig go I bdag kyaT!, gzugs ma yin ies bya ba ni bdag ces bya ba kun brtags pa de gzugs kyi no bo nid
dam I gzugs dan ldan pa yan yod pa rna yin pa'i don to I gzugs la bdag med ces!Ja ba ni 'byun ba'ino
bos so sor Mig gam I 'duspa layan bdag med ces bya ba'i tha chig go I bdag laizugs med ces bya bani
brtags pa'i no bo de la gzugs kyi rjas med pa'i don to I
The words 'That is not a self' [i. e. implicative] are a judicious expression of the non-self [i. e. non-
implicative] of the (corporeal) form imagined by the heretics (as a sel£). The words 'also self is not the
(corporeal) form' mean [i.e. implicate] that whether it be the nature of form imagined as a 'self', or
what possesses the self - it does not exist. The words 'There is no self in form' [non-implicative] are
a judicious expression of the falling apart by its own nature of what arises, or of non-self in (any)
aggregation ('dus paY [in 'form' or an 'agga:egate' makes 'form' different from, or more broad than
'self'; hence the comment applies to form with non-implicative negation]. [Likewise,] the words
'There is no form in sel£' [non-implic~tive] mean [without implication] that there is no substance of
form in the nature of the imagined (self).
I have interpolated my comments with the prernisethat such expressions as bdag min and bdag med do
involve the two kinds of negations.
As for med by itself, there is Vinitadeva's comment in the Sambandha-paril?sa-;ika:'
I med na med par 'gyur te ies bya ba ni sa bon nid med na myu gu med pa yin ies bya ba'i bar du'ol
As to 'one not being, the other does not happen', it is like there being no seed, there is no shoot.
Also in Tibetan grammar, med pa is the negation of yod pa, which may be illustrated by a passage in
dPal-brcegs' thos kyi roam gram kyi brfed byan, in connection with the three characters (lak~aT!a) of
the Yogacara school:'

.fI use the edition of the sDe-dge Tanjur, Rgyud 'grel, Vol. Thu, f. 78a-4, ff.
s 'This is frorn'che photo edition of the Tibetan canons, PIT, Vol. 137, p. 315-3-5 .
• In PIT, Vol. 145, p. 124-2-2, ff.
 The Tibetan Negatives rned and rna yin, and the Maiijus6-narna-sarp.g'iti 553

/de la thos rnam pa giiis te / med pa'i thos dan / yod pa'i thos so / de la kun brtags kyi mchan iiid ni
med pa'i thos te / de sgom pa ni ston pa iiid kyi rnam par thar pa'i sgo ies bya'o / yod pa'i thos kyan
rnam pa giiis te 'dus byas dan' dus ma byas so / de fa gian gyi dban gi mchan iiid ni 'dus byas te / gian
dban 'dus· byas de dan ji srid 'grogs pa de srid du sdug bsnalyin no ies de spon bar byed pa ni smon pa
med pa'i rnam par thar pa'i sgo ies bya ba'o / yons su grub pa'i mchan iiid ni 'dus ma byas te / de la
snon po dan ser po la sags pa kha dog dan dbyibs kyi mchan mar grub pa med na / de thob par byed
Cin bris pa byed pa ni mchan ma med pa'i rnam par thar pa'i sgo ies bya'o /
There are two kinds of natures (dharma) - unreal natures and real natures. Among them, the
imaginary character (parikalpitalakla/'fa) is the unreal nature (med pa'i thos); contemplation of it, is
called 'voidness gate of liberation'. The real nature (yod pa'i thos) is again of two kinds, the con-
structed (sa11Jskrta) and the unconstructed (asa11Jskrta) natures. Of them, the dependency character
(paratantra-fakla/'fa) is the constructed (natures); for as long as one consorts with that constructed
dependency for that long is there suffering; the elimination of it, is called 'wishless gate of liberation'.
The perfect character (parinilpanna-fak,a/'fa) is the unconstructed (natures); in this case, if there is no
existence of signs (nimitta) of color and shape, namely, blue, yellow, etc., attaining that state, with
abatement (of those signs), is called 'signless gate of liberation'.
Now, for the ma yin, the negation of yin, Prajn.karagupta's Bhiilya on the Pramii/'faviirttika, text
p. 297.10, has a passage translated into Tibetan this way:7
/ ba Ian ran iiid kyis ni ba Ian ma yin la / ba Ian ma yin pa fa yan ma yin te / ba Ian iiid dan ldan pa'i
phyir ba Ian yin no /
There is no cow by virtue of that cow itself; and there is none when there is no cow; because of
possessing that cow, there is a cow.

Also min na is the negation of yin na, as in Dharmakirti's Pramii/'faviirttika, Pram'l)asiddhi chapter,
v. 72, as translated into Tibetan:'
/ gal te ran 'Jig nan chul bdag /
/ yin na de gnas byed gian gan /
/ gal te ran 'Jig nan chul bdag /
/ min na de gnas byed gian gail / /
If it is destroyed by its own nature (of destruction), what is its next support-maker? If it is not
destroyed by its own nature (of destruction), what is its next support-maker?
It is reasonable to construe this negation min na as implicative, since what it is driving at is not clarified
by the statement itself.

The Two Negations in Rin-chen-bzari-po's Translation of Maiijusrt-nama-sar[lgtti

The great translator Rin-chen-bzan-po (958-1055) obviously preferred the negation med over min.
Sometimes the negation med was dictated by standard translations, e. g. gzugs med ('formless'); and
other times the 'applicable negation' (med par dgag pa) is required since Manjusr! is the understood
subject for the 'names' ("You are ... "). The negations in this translation of the M-N-S are identified by
chapter and verse:'

, In PIT, Vol. 132, p. 138-2-6.

8 For the, Tibetan, I use the edition of PramatJavarttika published at Sarnath, Varanasi, 1974.

9 Cf. the work of n. 1, above, which contains the Sanskrit, Tibetan, and English of M-N-S, facing each other.
554 Alex Wayman

V,2. skye ba med (not a production)

V,l1. dpag tu med (immeasurable)
Vl,6. gnis med, gnis med par ston (not the two, preaching there is not two)
VI,ll. 'figs med thob (fearlessness attained); mog pa med (without turbulence)
VI,16. yod med ses (knowing what is and what is not)
Vl,18. chags pa med pa (unhindered)
VlII,1. yi ge med (without syllables)
VlII,3. gzugs med (formless)
VlII,4. chugs pa med (not susceptible of harm)
VlII,6. 'figs pa med (confident, i.e. not fearful); bla na med (without superior)
VlII,2l. dpe med pa (unexampled); zag med (fluxless); gsal byed min (without consonants); thub pa
med pa (unsubdued)
VlII,22. rdul med (without impurity); dri rna med (immaculate)
VlII,24. thog ma tha ma med (without beginning or end); rgyu med pa (without cause)
VIII,25. chugs pa med (invincible)
VlII,27. bla na med (supreme)
VlII,33. dri med (pure, i. e. without dirt)
IX,S. gnis med (non-two); 'figs pa med (not fearful)
IX,16. dpag med (uncountable)
IX,22. ldan pa min (devoid); the chom med (free from doubt)
IX,24. Ius med Ius te (whose incorporeal body)
X,l. bla na med (incomparable); yi ge med (non-syllable)
X,2. yi ge med (nonsyllabled)
X,3. roam pa med (lacking images)
There were only two examples of min, i. e. in VlII,21, gsal byed min; and in IX,~2, ldan pa min. The
NarendrakIrti commentary on M-N-S helps' explain the 'implicative' charact;;"r of the negation in
VlII,21, gsal byed min; thus, he explains, "'without consonants' because not dependent on other
consonants (gsal byed min pa ni gsal byed gzan la ma ltos pa'o).10 Perhaps the implication of ldan pa
min (literally, 'not possessing') is 'no longer possessing' (i. e. gone away from, the Sanskrit apeta).
Of course, it can be noticed that the terms with med also enjoy many comments in the various
commentaries on M-N-S. My understanding of the translator's term med in this work is that the
negation is straight-forward, and comprehensible as is. If commentators wish to add information on
these terms - and they indeed do - it show~their learning. A negation that is implicative demands a
comment that brings out the implication.

VI,19 of the M-N-S

I alluded to VI,19 of the M-N-S at the Columbia University mee~g of the International Seminar of
Tibetan Studies. There I pointed out that the translation by Rin-chen-bzait-po had rendered the
Sanskrit word prajna, whose standard Tibetan equivalent is ses rab, by ses pas in order to make explicit
the instrumental intention by -s; whereas ses rab would have required a separate instrumental syllable.
This is the great translator's rendition of the verse:
/ sans rgyas thams cad skyed pa po /
/ sans rgyas sras po dam pa mchog /
/ ses pas srid 'byun skye gnas te /
/ chos las byun ba srid pa sel / /

10 In PIT, Vol. .fJ. p. 78-2-8.

 The Tibetan Negatives rned and rna yin, and the Maiijusrl-nama-satpglti 555

This is the way I translated the verse, using the original Sanskrit:"
Progenitor of all the Buddhas; most excellent son of the Buddhas; womb-source for the gestation by
insight; dharma-womb making an end to phenomenal life.
Naro-pa, in his commentary on the H evajra-tantra, also cited this verse (without naming the source),
and the translators adopted this form:"
/ sans rgyas thams cad bskyed pa'o /
/ sans rgyas sras po dam pa'i mchog /
/ ses rab srid 'byuiz skye gnas te /
/ chos kyi skye gnas srid mthar byed / /
This rendition agrees with Rin-chen-bzan-po's, except for the standard ses rab for praina, of course
correct, but indetenninate as to grammatical role.
Now, the problem of a negative for this verse is due to the fact that the commentaries on this verse
fall into two groups - those that agree with Rin-chen-bzan-po's translation and those that do not. By
disagreement I mean over the line with the Sanskrit word praina, where Rin-chen-bzan-po has ses pas
srid 'byun skye gnas teo Six of the eight commentators that I consulted, namely, Padma-dkar-po and
Narendradirti (in the Kalacakra section of the canon), Vimalamitra (in the Father Tantra section); and
Maiijusrimitra, Candrabhadrakirti, and Dombiheruka (in the Yogatantra section), cite that line with
skye gnas med, or with commentarial expansion of med to med pa. That is to say, for the original
Sanskrit pada, prajnabhavodbhavo yonir, these six commentators have read 'yonir, as though there had
been ellision of the negation after udbhavo. However, two commentators, Vilasavajra and Sm,ti (in the
Yogatantra section) agree with Rin-chen-bzari-po, and comment accordingly.
There presumably was some issue that loomed forcefully before those six commenlators to imagine
an elided negative prefix, and which was an issue that apparently did not bother the two commentators
who agree with the offical Kanjur version. It is also clear that it would not add significantly to look up
further commentaries, or even to consult other editions of the canon, sDe-dge, etc. Surely, six against
two is itself significant! We shall find that the difference in a grammatical sense led to widely different
doctrinal interpretations. I shall now treat each of these commentators' remarks, beginning with the
two who agree with the Kanjur version, i. e. with skye gnas teo
(1) Vilasavajra:13 He (i.e. Maiijusri) is the originator, 'progenitor of all the Buddhas' because being the
mind of enlightenment (bodhicitta) of all the Buddhas. He is the 'son of the Buddha' because he is the
son, i. e. understudy of the Buddha who is free from all the habit-energy (vasana) of defilement and
whose non-constructing wisdom (inana) takes all sentient beings as a basis. Since he arises from that
comprehension which is the non-constructing wisdom, the Bodhisatrva is called 'son of the Buddha';
and is 'illustrious' (dam pa). And because he is the most errorless among those that comprehend, he is
'best' (mchog). Here, praina is the higher analysis of natures (dharma-pravicaya); besides, this is both
the supramundane natures and separation from personality (pudgala). He is the 'birthplace', that is,
instrumental cause (T. byed rgyu, S. kara'!a), to wit, the 'arising' ('byun) of gestation (srid) by prajna,
where 'gestation by prajna' is the pure five aggregates (skandha), namely, morality (Sila), deep concen-
tration (samadhi), insight (praina), liberation (vimukti), and knowledge and vision (inana-darsana) of
liberation. He is the 'dharma-womb', i. e. the source of dharmas, which are the paths of virtuous karma
that is non-fluxional (anasrava), that makes an 'end to phenomenal life', i.e. to san:zsara. One may
notice about this set of comments tbat it stays close to the terminology of early Buddhism, with a touch
of Mahayana Buddhism at the outset.

11 In the work of n. 1, above.

12 The Vajrapada-sara-samgraha-paiijika, PIT, Vol. 54, p. 13-5-2.
\3 Arya-namasa11J.gfti-tfka-namamantrarthavalokinf-nama, PTY, Vol. 74, p. 201-3-3 to 201-4-4.
 556 Alex Wayman

(2) Sm,ti:'4 He is the progenitor (yab) of all the Buddhas, but since he appears as a Bodhisattva he is
also their son (sras). The sravakas are the son of the Body and the pratyekabuddhas the son of Speech,
and so 'illustrious' (dam pal, but he is the son of the Mind and so 'best' (mi'hog). By prajiia, i. e. by
knowing the true nature of all dharmas, he is the 'womb-source'. Also he is a dharma-womb that is not
an instrumental cause, 'making an end to phenomenal life' because devoid of personal-self or dharma-
self. Sm,ti's comments here are consistent with his on VI,l, when he alluded to the three kinds of
Tathagatagarbha (a teaching found in the Mahayana scripture, Srimaliidevisirr;hanada). In terms of this
special theory, 'progenitor' is the Dharmadhatu womb; 'son' is the Dharmakaya embryo; the third is of
two kinds - 'womb-source', the essential of supramundane dharma; and (dharma-womb', the essen-
tial of non-fluxional virtuous karma that makes an end to sartI-sara. Hence, Smrti's comments, although
on the surface different from Vilasavajra's, in fact, are quite consistent for the main point, which is to
take prajiia as an instrumental cause, thus a 'womb-source', but also to deny that dharma-womb is an
instrumental cause.
(3) Maiiju<rimitra: 15 (He is among the six commentators who deny that Maiijusri is a womb-source. I
have reduced the argument.) The Buddhas have attained the ultimate. A son is one who delights in the
situation of a Bodhisattva. Some texts state that the son succeeding in his own aim is 'illustrious' (dam
pal, and succeeding in the aim of others is 'best' (mchog). As to the scripture, "He is not a womb-
source, since pra/fiii is the 'arising of gestation'; he is the dharma-womb that makes an end to phenom-
enallife" - prajiia is itself the gestation, i. e. the arising of sravakas and pratyekabuddhas . ... "He is
not a womb-source" means he is not a womb-source as instrument or as path, hence not a cause for
birth in san;sara '" "He is the dharma-womb" - does not contradict the transmigrations in six
(destinies) with the reality of Dharmadhatu as the cause (hetu) of dharmas; since he is the giving (dana)
and other perfections with non-two insight (prajiia) and means (upaya) that makes an end to phenom-
enallife. Notice that Maiijusrimitra's interpretation is feasible as a grammatical interpretation, taking
prajiiiibhavodbhavo as nominative absolute, and first member prajiia not as instrumental but as coordi-
nate, i.e. "given that prajiia is the bhavodbhava", so Maiijusri is not a womb~.~ource (ayonir). This
commentator then took the last pada (= 4th Tibetan line) as the instrument, 'since it is the 'means'
(upaya). This interpretation, disagreeing wholeheartedly with Rin-chen-bzan-po's translation, in effect'
reverses the attribution of instrumentality as given by the previous two commentators (Vihisavajra and
Sm,ti).
(4) Vimalamitra: 16 (This commentary is more primitive, and does not try to justify the readingayonir):
"makes an end to the karma and defilement (kleSa) that are the cause (hetu) of phenomenal life; and
having the six wisdoms (jiiana) with single taste (ekarasa)."
(5) Dombiheruka:" The Bodhisattvas possessed of the Knowledge Body (jiianadeha) take on phenom-
enallife for the sake of liberating the beings in the ocean of sa,!,sara, but are not defiled by the faults of
phenomenal life [i. e. Maiijusri is not a yoni; and the 'Knowledge Body' is the instrument for path; and
'for liberating the beings' explains the dharma-womb].
(6) Narendrakirti: 18 He is the son of the Buddha because he is born from the Dharmadhatu. He is 'not a
yoni', since he is not birth from any of the four birthplaces, from wombs, eggs, heat and moisture, and
by transformation; hence, he 'makes an end to phenomenal life'. But he is a Dharma-source (dharma-
yoni), since he is the Knowledge Body (jiianadeha or jiianamiirtt), self-arisen (from the Dhar-
madhatu).
(7) Padma-dkar-po:19 (In his manner of commenting on verses in groups, he fails to justify the reading,
ayonir.) Claims that the verses VI,19, to end of chapter set forth the six-membered yoga - perfecting

14 Maiijusri-namasamgrti-lak~a-bhii~ya, PIT, VoL 75, p. 46-3-1 to -3.

15 Arya-maiijusri-niimasa7(lgrti-~ikii, PYT, VoL 74, p. 267-2-1 to 267-3-4.
16 Namasamgitivrtti-namartha-prakiifa-karatJa-dipa-niima, PIT, Vol. 67, p. 241-5-4 to -7.
17 Niimasamgiti-vrtti, PTT, VoL 75, p. 96-3-2 to -5.
18 Maiijusri-samgiti-vyakhyiina, PIT, Vol. 48, p. 73-4-7 to 73-5-5.
19 Arya-maiijusrf:'1iimasa7(lgrti-~ika-vima/aprabha, PIT, VoL 48, p. 99-4-1 to -4; and p. 100-1-6 to -7.
 The Tibetan Negatives med and rna yin, and the Maiijusri-niima-sarpgiti 557

the Knowledge Body, jnanamurti - according to the system in the Guhyasamiijatantra, 18th chapter
(= Uttaratantra). Says 'son of the Buddha' indicat~s First Bodhisattva Stage; 'illustrious' (dam pa),
Eighth Stage; 'best' (mchog), Tenth Stage. This commentator apparently took the expression prajiiiijiiii-
na of VI,20, to be what in the Anuttarayogatantra is called the third initiation (abhi$eka), perhaps
taking the word prajiiii of VI,19, to indicate the tantric consort of the second initiation called Guhya.
However, the term prajiiiijiiiina occurs in the Lankiivatiira-sutra in a context definitely non-tantrlc.
(8) Candrabhadraklrti:20 (This commentator correlates the eightfold Noble Path and the Eight Ca-
kravarcins with the four piidas of VI,19 and the four of VI,20.) First, he is the Vajra-cakravarcin by
generating all Buddhas by Right Views (samyagdmi). Second, he is the Ratna-cakravarcin by generat-
ing the 'illustrious' (dam pa) sons of the Buddhas by Right Conceptions (samyak-sa11Jkalpa), and is
'best' (mchog). Third, he is the Padma-cakravartin since he is not a womb-source (aionir), i. e. the
arising of gestation by prajna, and has no fixed location, by Right Speech (samyag-viicii). Forth, he is
the Karma-cakravartin as the path of Dharma-womb which eliminates phenomenal life in favor of
Nirvru;,.a, by Right Bodily Action (samyak-karmiinta). (And so on, correlating with VI,20.)
That concludes the individual exposition of the eight Tanjur commentaries; in short, two commen-
taries agree completely with Rin-chen-bzan-po's commentary; six had a negation where the Kanjur
version does not have it; and of these six, some do not accept the instrumental interpretation of the
word prajiiii; and some (two in any case) do accept it. As to why there were some commentaries
denying instrumentality to the third piida (third line of Tibetan), but attributing instrumentality to the
fourth piida (fourth line of Tibetan), this seems to stem from the rather vehemently-stated passages that
deny that the 'perfection of insight' (prajiiii-piiramitii) can be a 'means' (upiiya).21
The dispute is further clarified by information in Naro-pa's commentary called Sekoddefa-tikii on
the Initiation part of the Kiilacakratantra. 22 Toward its end, there is a spirited denial of prajiiii as a cause
(hetu) for a result (phala). What is specifically denied is this statement:
S. yad api prajniihetudbhava11J phala11J
T. gan yan fes rab rgyu las byun ba 'bras
Therefore, while in M-N-S, VI,19, it is possible to take prajiiii as an 'instrumental cause' (kara1!a), as
both Vilasavajra and Sl1ll"ti took it, and as Naro-pa appears to have taken it also, according to indica-
tions above - Naro-pa vehemently denies that prajna is a hetu (basic cause) for a fruit (phala).
Moreover, Naro-pa soon cites the well-known passage going back to early Buddhist scriptures:
'Whether Tathagatas arise or do not arise, there remains this 'underlying nature for dharmas' (dhar-
miinii11J dharmatii). » Hence, "underlying nature of dharmas" points to Nirvru;,.a, as does M-N-S, VI, 19,
fourth piida; and Nirvru;,.a cannot be taken as an 'instrumental cause'.
It should be observed that the immediately foregoing material drawn from Naro-pa's commentary
on the Initiation part of the Kiilacakra-tantra is in a section of his commentary dealing with the third
Initiation called the Prajiiiijiiana. As was pointed out above when discussing Padma-dkar-po's com-
mentary, that term occurs in the Lankiivatiira-sutra, namely, at text p. 218: adhigamajiiiina11J ca
mahiimate tathiigatiinii11J prajiiiijiiiinaprabhiivita11J (0 Mahamati, the understanding-wisdom of the
Tathagatas is regulated by insight-knowledge). The term prabhiivita here also indicates an instrumental
cause.
It must be granted that the M-N-S permits the multiple interpretations that commentators make, but
then such interpretations demand a fixed text. Hence, if the composer had intended the reading ayoni,

2D Arya-maiijus:r-namasa~grti-nama-fJrtti. PIT, Vol. 75, p. 7-5-6 to -8.

11 The argument seems to go this way: If <perfection of insight' were a Pleans, one would have to have it in order to proceed
toward the goal of Buddhahood, in which case the result would be identical with the cause; cf. Alex Wayman, The Buddhist
Tantrasj Light on Indo-Tibetan Esoteridsm (New York, 1973), Chap. 1 (Perfection of Insight: Buddhist Tantra within
Mahayina Buddhism).
U Mario;E. Carelli, editor, Sekoddesatika of Nqdapada (Niropa) (Baroda, 1941); I also employ the Tibetan version in PIT,
VoL 47, pp. 105-137.
558 Alex Wayman

he would have so cast the piida as to make this explicit. On this account, Rin-chen-bzan-po's rendition
must be accepted. Thus, taking all into consideration, even though of the eight commentaries on VI,19,
that I discussed above) it was six against two, I have to conclude that it was those two, namely the
commentaries by Vilasavajra and Smrci, that were the best, for this particular verse, anyway.
It remains to discuss the med or med pa which all the translators of those six commentaries employed
when rendering M-N-S, VI,19, with skye gnas med. According to my initial discussion of the two
negatives, med and ma yin, the med appears to be the negation without implication, i. e. applying the
negation solely to Maiijusri The commentators all respected this convention, since their varied justifi-
cations for the negation were all attributed just to Maiijusri. This kind of negation seems to lend itself
to a wealth of commentary. In contrast, the implicative negation, as was employed by the translators of
Madhyamaka-kiirikii, 1,1, forces the commentators to direct their attention to the implication itself,
and this appears to reduce the possibility of wide disparity among the commentaries.