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Reception of Aeschylus
Edited by
LEIDEN | BOSTON
Acknowledgements ix
List of Figures x
List of Abbreviations xii
Author Biographies xiii
Part 1
Pre-Modern Receptions
6 Aeschylus in Byzantium 179
Christos Simelidis
Part 2
Modern Receptions
8 Aeschylus in Germany 225
Theodore Ziolkowski
Index 625
Introduction
1 For a sketch of the transmission and reception of the Oresteia (with further bibliography),
see Raeburn and Thomas 2011, lxix–lxxiv.
2 According to the hypothesis for Agamemnon, the Oresteia also included a satyr-drama, the
lost Proteus; see Page 1972, 137, lines 21–3. It is speculated that Proteus dealt with Menelaus
and Helen’s fortunes in Egypt during the voyage home from Troy, a story also told in book 4
of Homer’s Odyssey and in Euripides’ Helen; see Smyth and Lloyd-Jones 1999, 455.
3 In the United States, 8.3 million copies of Deathly Hallows were sold within the first 24
hours; in Great Britain, 2.65 million. For news reports on the sales figures, see Rich 2007.
The Wikipedia entry (s. v. Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Harry_Potter_and_the_Deathly_Hallows) estimates that fifteen million copies sold world-
wide, but the source for this figure is unclear.
4 On interpretations of Aeschylus’ Oresteia in the Harry Potter series, see Granger 2008 and
Mills 2009; I expand on their views in a forthcoming essay, “Ghosts of Aeschylus in J. K.
Rowling’s Harry Potter Series.” On Rowling’s education in the classics, see Sapiens 2002.
5 Most notable is the popularity of Sophocles’ Oedipus Tyrannus, which drama Aristotle praises
in the Poetics and whose influence subsequently has reached deeply into popular culture; a
useful case study is Bucher 2015, which explores the influence of (mis)understandings about
the Poetics and Oedipus Tyrannus on the science fiction film Forbidden Planet (dir. Wilcox
1956).
6 This is not to say that the Oresteia has not been repeatedly and widely re-performed; see (e.g.,
on performances of Agamemnon) Macintosh et al. 2005.
7 While completing this chapter, there premiered an episode of the popular fantasy series
Game of Thrones (episode 5.9, “The Dance of Dragons”) in which an invading commander
(Stannis Baratheon) sacrifices his daughter (Shireen) in order to placate the gods, cause an
adverse storm to relent, and allow his army to invade enemy territory. Marcotte 2015 has
noted the parallels both in Game of Thrones to classical tragedy and in this particular scene
to Greek tragedy, but reductively (and perhaps also incorrectly) compares the scene to
Euripides’ Iphigenia in Aulis alone; I suspect the episode’s authors (David Benioff and D. B.
Weiss) may rather draw on Aeschylus’ Agamemnon, if not the wider tradition concerning
the sacrifice of Iphigenia (including both Aeschylus and Euripides’ versions). At any rate, the
episode demonstrates that Aeschylus and Greek tragedy maintain an ongoing presence in
mainstream modern fantasy.
arguably the most recognized science fiction novel, Frank Herbert’s Dune
(1965)?8
This question, of course, is predicated on another question: does Dune, in
fact, constitute a reception of the Oresteia? At first glance, Dune is strikingly
similar to the Harry Potter novels in its concern with blood feuds, in its as-
sertion that “there is no escape—we pay for the violence of our ancestors”
(Dune 146).9 However, before we can evaluate why Aeschylus is thought to have
influenced Dune—and therefore merits inclusion in a volume on receptions
of Aeschylus—we would be well advised first to establish securely that what
we see in Dune is indeed a reception of Aeschylus’ Oresteia. For example, what
may appear to be a reception of Aeschylus may in fact be a reception of Greek
drama in general, or the ancient epic tradition, or a modern narrative tradi-
tion that has very loosely borrowed from antiquity. For, in contrast to Rowling’s
explicit quotation of the choral ode from the Libation Bearers, Herbert never
cites the Oresteia in Dune. How are we to discern, then, the difference between
two possible reception scenarios (inter alia), whether Dune has “received” the
Oresteia, or both Dune and the Oresteia are similarly but coincidentally, in
the apocryphal words of Aeschylus himself, “portions from the great feasts of
Homer”?10
In this chapter I explore two distinct but interrelated interpretations of the
possible relationship between Aeschylus’ Oresteia and Frank Herbert’s Dune.11
8 Brian Herbert 2003, 171 records that Frank Herbert originally expected Dune to be a tril-
ogy. Much of the story was then published serially in two parts (as “Dune World” and
“The Prophet of Dune”) between 1963–1965 in Analog magazine. In turn, these two parts
were expanded, revised, and published together as the single novel Dune in 1965, with
the contents divided into three books (entitled “Dune,” “Muad’Dib,” and “The Prophet”).
According to Brian Herbert 2010, 873, the novel had sold more than ten million copies
by 1979, and as of 2005 had sold “tens of millions of copies all over the world, in more
than twenty languages” and become “the most admired science fiction novel ever written”
(871). On the significance of Dune in its fiftieth anniversary, see Walter 2015 and Kunzru
2015.
9 Editions of Dune vary widely in their pagination, page count, and some ancillary con-
tent, ranging from the first edition (1965, 412 pages) to the recent Ace premium edition
(2010, 883 pages). In this chapter, all citations of Dune refer to the 1990 (“Ace Special 25th
Anniversary”) edition.
10 According to Athenaeus in the Deipnosophists, it is Aeschylus “who used to say that his
own tragedies were portions from the great feasts of Homer” (ὃς τὰς αὑτοῦ τραγῳδίας
τεμάχη εἶναι ἔλεγε τῶν Ὁμήρου μεγάλων δείπνων, 8.347e).
11 For our purposes here, I focus exclusively on the novel Dune (1965) and not on the en-
tire series of novels that followed written by Herbert himself, including Dune Messiah
(1969), Children of Dune (1976), God Emperor of Dune (1981), Heretics of Dune (1984), and
First, I focus on structural and generic features, as well as the particular theme
of intergenerational dynastic violence, in order to suggest that Aeschylus and
Frank Herbert are both authors who engage in speculative fiction, influenced
by the hero tale tradition but taking the form of tragedy. Second, I argue that
Dune may be productively read as a direct reception of Aeschylus’ Oresteia
with respect to particular linguistic and stylistic features, focusing on names
and doubling/ambiguous language, especially in regards to knowledge gained
through training (pathei mathos, “learning through suffering”) and prophecy. I
conclude by offering a tentative answer to the initial questions I posed above:
what is it about Aeschylus’ Oresteia that it has found such a prominent place in
contemporary speculative fiction? And what might this tell us about specula-
tive fiction or our own readings of Aeschylus?
There are two broad categories of criteria that will be particularly useful for
identifying in Dune possible receptions of classical antiquity and the Oresteia:
macro-level themes and patterns, and micro-level details such as lexemes (i.e.,
significant names and terminology), possible intertexts, and stylistic features.
In this section I wish to start with the macro-level themes and patterns, since
scholarship on Dune has focused primarily on such large-scale criteria, and
thus this discussion simultaneously offers a review of that scholarship. In ser-
vice of this macro-level analysis, and since this volume is likely to attract read-
ers familiar with the Oresteia but not necessarily with Dune, a work of science
fiction (hereafter “SF”), I offer the following summary of the novel.
Dune follows the events surrounding Paul Atreides, the fifteen-year-old son
of the Duke Leto Atreides and his concubine Lady Jessica, as the Atreides fam-
ily relocates from their home world of Caladan to the desert planet of Arrakis,
Chapterhouse: Dune (1985). I also pass over the additional novels in the Dune universe
written by Brian Herbert and Kevin J. Anderson; these novels are either based on notes
discovered after Herbert’s death or are “prequels” based on the existing canonical Dune
novels. I omit discussion of, but direct interested readers to, the companion book The
Road to Dune (2005), which includes earlier and unused material, as well as correspon-
dence—all produced prior to the publication of Dune. Furthermore, I pass over the many
filmic adaptations of Dune, including the movie Dune (dir. David Lynch 1984), the Sci Fi
Channel three-part miniseries Frank Herbert’s Dune (dir. John Harrison 2000) and its se-
quel Frank Herbert’s Children of Dune (dir. Greg Yaitanes 2003), as well as the recent docu-
mentary Jodorowsky’s Dune (dir. Frank Pavich 2013) about director Alejandro Jodorowsky’s
unsuccessful attempt in the mid-1970s to produce Dune as a film.
12 Brian Herbert 2003, 178–83 offers a comprehensive, if somewhat uncritical, survey of the
diverse cultural influences on Dune, perhaps coming closest to what we might call “autho-
rial intent.”
13 Csicsery-Ronay 2008, 40. He also notes that Herbert 1990, 518 explicitly defines Galach
as “Hybrid Inglo-Slavic with strong traces of cultural-specializat ion-terms adopted dur-
ing the long chain of human migrations” (although Csicsery-Ronay misquotes Herbert as
writing Indo-Slavic).
14 Moskowitz 1966, 428 sees Dune as largely medieval, while Mulcahy 1996 specifically reads
Dune as in dialogue with Machiavelli’s The Prince. List 2009 examines the novel in terms
of Christian thought, but is careful to locate such thought within the context of both
“the Puritan understanding of work … [and] a liberal Protestant and countercultural af-
firmation of immanence and personal spirituality” (44) that were contemporary to the
novel’s composition. In Dune (53), Jessica refers to a saying of St. Augustine (“The mind
commands the body and it obeys. The mind orders itself and meets resistance,” from
Confessions 8.9).
15 Csicsery-Ronay 2008, 39.
16 Jones 1997, 4 describes the novel’s cultural influences thusly: “What happens in Dune
(amidst a wealth of future-Byzantine court intrigue) is that a rich white boy in a clearly
recognisable fictional Middle East is adopted by some quasi-Islamic tribesfolk and be-
comes a version of Mohammed.” Cf. Csicsery-Ronay 2008, 39–41 on the Orientalist con-
notations of Herbert’s use of Arabic for the language of the Fremen.
17 For example, DiTommaso 2007 argues that Edward Gibbons’ Decline and Fall of the
Roman Empire may be a significant source for ideas about imperial decadence and de-
cline in Dune, in particular with respect to the court of Emperor Shaddam IV and Baron
Harkonnen; cf. DiTommaso 1992. The identification of the Imperium as the Roman
Empire is both intensified and complicated by the fact that the Harkonnen capital city
on Arrakis is called Carthag, evoking the ancient city of Carthage, enemy of the Roman
Republic in the Punic Wars but no longer a real threat (except in mythological thinking)
by the time of the Roman Empire.
18 DiTommaso 2007 observes the interest in imperial decline shared by both Herbert and
Asimov. Grigsby 1981 more forcefully argues that Dune is directly influenced by the
Foundation series, focusing on the shared treatment of the fall and subsequent restora-
tion of empires; Grigsby also notes comparisons between the Foundation series and the
Roman Empire (149).
19 Kunzru 2015 claims more specifically that the Atreides clan is “Homerically named” but
offers no supporting evidence; I indicate the complications with such a claim below.
20 Cf. the quotation from Jones 1997 in n. 16 above.
21 On Dune as epic, see Collings 1981, Cirasa 1984, DiTommaso 2007, and Christensen 2015;
cf. Palumbo 1998, especially 436.
is suggestive of some possible ways by which we may link Dune to the genre of
Greek drama, if not to Aeschylus or the Oresteia directly.
Christensen argues that Dune “is both indebted to and a revision of the an-
cient epic genre” with respect to the themes of time and self-reflexive knowl-
edge of the power of storytelling.22 Christensen suggests that both the Iliad
and Dune are modes of mythmaking that use the creation of other worlds in
alternate timescapes—albeit worlds that “reflect and refract [concerns] from
the world(s) of its audience”—in order to distance the audience from its own
spatio-temporal framework and to “furnish opportunities for social and critical
reflection.”23 Key to his view is the treatment of time in both texts, which “simi-
larly conceptualize and instrumentalize the future and the past, subordinating
both to their needs as they position their stories as both the culmination of the
past and midwife to a derivative future” (his emphasis).24 In other words, both
the Iliad and Dune use visions of the past and future (achieved through such
narrative devices as divine knowledge, recounted genealogies, prophecy, and
prescience) in order to establish their narrative present as crucial “moments
of foundational transformation.”25 Finally, Christensen suggests that both the
Iliad and Dune are also self-referential tales, “reflect[ing] on their own status as
narratives” and featuring protagonists who are “facing up to the paradigmatic
and manipulative power of stories.”26
Most of the criteria that Christensen identifies as belonging to the epic
tradition are arguably also attributes of the later genre of Greek tragedy:
like epic, tragedy is also a mode of mythmaking that commonly locates ac-
tion in other worlds and timescapes—most commonly, but not exclusively,
places and events set during the heroic age.27 Moreover, tragedies regularly
make extensive use of visions of the past (by means of prologues, remembered
genealogies, citations of older myths, and mantic insight) and the future (pre-
dominately by means of prophecies, auspices, dreams, and seers) so as to sug-
gest that the dramas are “moments of foundational transformation,” whether
offering an etiology for the establishment of particular cults or institutions,
or marking a major transition between political regimes. Finally, many Greek
dramas are self-referential, reflecting on the paradigmatic and manipulative
power of story, song, and speech. This is particularly true of the Oresteia, which
explores the power of logos and systematically links mousikê (song, dance, and
story) to political order.28 This is not to claim that epic and drama are identical
poetic genres, although it is useful to observe that Aristotle differentiates epic
and drama primarily according to formal features, such as length and verse-
form (τό μῆκος … καὶ τὸ μέτρον, Poetics 1459b17–18), and not in terms of the
criteria Christensen discusses.29 In short, Christensen’s argument points us
to the possibility that what most critics see as epic in Dune may in fact also
be tragic.
We might sidestep these large-scale and epic criteria, if only momentarily,
by recognizing that we can also summarize Dune with the following, reductive
sentence: “Dune is the tale of a leader who has been assassinated by a rival
cousin and whose death is avenged by his son and daughter.” To those who
know their classical myth, this summary may once again evoke the Greek myth
of the House of Atreus. Brian Herbert, Frank Herbert’s son and the author of
his father’s biography, Dreamer of Dune (2003), confirms that the House
Atreides in Dune is based on the House of Atreus in Greek myth: “A heroic fam-
ily, it was tragically beset by flaws and burdened with a curse pronounced on
them by Thyestes … The evil Harkonnens of Dune are related to the Atreides by
blood, so when they kill Paul’s father, Duke Leto, it is kinsmen killing kinsmen,
just as occurred in the household of Agamemnon.”30 At this most basic level
of the plot, we may therefore assert that Dune receives the myth of the House
of Atreus, particularly in relation to the theme of intergenerational dynastic
violence. Indeed, Part II of the novel opens as Paul recognizes his own role
Herington 1970; Taplin 1977, 240, 460–9; Griffith 1977; Saïd 1985, 9–12; Bees 1993; and
Podlecki 2005, 195–201.
28 On logos, see Goldhill 1986, 1–31. On musical and political order, see Wilson and Taplin
1993.
29 Cf. Herington 1985, who makes a case for the generic affiliation between Greek drama
and epic poetry (among other poetic traditions), arguing that drama was realized “when
some tragedian decided to adapt the Homeric techniques … to the dramatic realization
of the Greek mythological heritage generally” (138).
30 Herbert 2003, 178.
31 For a recent survey of the Oresteia myth in Greek epic, lyric, and visual media before
Aeschylus (with further bibliography), see Raeburn and Thomas 2011, xxii–xxx.
32 Herbert 2003, 178–9.
33 Herbert 2003, 178.
34 On the Hero’s Journey or “Monomyth” in Dune and as a “fractal pattern” in the Dune nov-
els, see Palumbo 1998 and 2002, as well as the critique of Hassler 2003. On the history and
broad influence of the Monomyth in popular culture (with special reference to film and
comics), see Rogers 2011.
Dune as “indebted to and a revision of the ancient epic genre,” it may therefore
be more accurate to say that Dune “is based instead on a theory of Greek heroic
myth”35—or, more precisely, is based on the ancient epic genre as mediated by
early-twentieth-century theories of the hero.
One particularly telling example that Dune draws on hero tales (and not
epic per se) appears in Brian Herbert’s discussion of the Atreides’ home plan-
et, Caladan. He claims the name is based on the Greek word “Calydon” and
therefore is an allusion to the Calydonian boar hunt, a famous episode in
Greek hero myth.36 In Greek myth, the boar hunt functions as a rite of pas-
sage for young heroes; the Calydonian boar was particularly distinguished for
the number of famous young heroes who participated, including such notable
characters as Meleager, Theseus, Castor and Polydeuces, Peleus, Telamon, and
Atalanta. There appear in Dune two variations on the beast hunt that suggest
it is an important rite of passage: first, one of Duke Leto’s prized possessions
is “a black bull’s head mounted on a polished board” (Dune 48) that hangs
in the dining room, a symbol of the bravery of Leto’s father, the “Old Duke,”
figure 23.1 Dune and the Hero’s Journey (based on Campbell 1949, with minor
modifications following Vogler 2007).
35 To borrow the phrasing of Bowman (on Greek myth in Buffy the Vampire Slayer), as cited
in James 2009, 2.
36 Herbert 2003, 179.
as a matador (Dune 157);37 second, when Paul seeks full admission into the
Fremen, he must track and mount a “maker,” a giant sandworm, then lead a
raid againsts smugglers (Dune 401–408).38 Nevertheless, Brian Herbert does
not connect the Calydonian boar hunt or these hunts in Dune to any specific
classical source (such as Iliad 9, Bacchylides 5, or the François Vase) or liter-
ary genre (such as epic or lyric), focusing instead on the events and formal
features of hero tales. In other words, Brian Herbert’s account suggests that
Frank Herbert was thinking of the Calydonian boar hunt as a rite of passage,
as an initiatory stage in hero tales and Campbell’s Hero’s Journey typology—
to be sure, a typology based in part on the plots or muthoi found in the epic
tradition (inter alia)—but not with respect to any specific texts (such as the
Iliad or Odyssey) or of any features distinct to the epic genre (as Christensen
argues).
While Brian Herbert does not discuss epic, he does argue for the specific
influence of Greek tragedy on Dune. Early in the novel, the planetary ecologist
Kynes tells Duke Leto and Jessica that “[i]t is said that in the desert that posses-
sion of water in great amount can inflict a man with fatal carelessness” (Dune
129). Brian Herbert claims:
37 The bull’s head may also evoke images from the House of Atreus myth, such as
Agamemnon’s prowess in hunting (about which he boasts and thus angers Artemis) or
the sacrifice of Iphigenia (as described, e.g., in Ag. 218–47).
38 When Paul successfully rides the sandworm, he tellingly claims “And I am a Fremen born
this day here in the Habbanya erg. I have had no life before this day. I was as a child until
this day” (Dune 404).
39 Herbert 2003, 191.
fall.” It can be reasonably inferred that his interpretation, like his interpreta-
tion of epic, is based on a mid-twentieth-century interpretation of Greek
drama (especially Oedipus Tyrannos) and hubris as “tragic flaw” in Aristotle’s
Poetics; these texts, as Gregory Bucher has recently discussed, were the “staples
of undergraduate general education courses”40 in the mid-1940s, when Frank
Herbert attended (but did not graduate from) the University of Washington,
even if such an “educated-layman’s take … no longer prevails, at least in spe-
cialist circles.”41 If Brian Herbert’s account is reliable, then this suggests Frank
Herbert at least drew directly on the idea of Greek tragedy for Dune, although
it is not certain whether Herbert had in mind any particular drama, such as
the Oresteia.
At this stage in our investigation, the evidence suggests not that Dune has
“received” Greek tragedy per se, but rather that Dune is a monomythic hero
narrative dressed in (vaguely) tragic buskin. In attempting to fit the conven-
tions of the Greek hero tale into a self-consciously tragic style, Herbert may ap-
pear to receive Aeschylus, but such appearance may be illusory. Herbert seems
rather to have engaged in a process somewhat akin to that which Aeschylus
used, insofar as both authors reworked a pre-existing tradition of hero tales
into a new genre (tragedy for Aeschylus, SF for Herbert). In this view, we might
conclude that Dune is not so much a reception of Aeschylus as a text produced
by creative concerns and forces vaguely similar, but not identical, to those used
in the production of the Oresteia.
In the previous section, I argue that we may read Dune not as a reception of
Aeschylus’ Oresteia, but as a hero tale, produced according to a modern mono-
mythic framework and dressed in tragic style. Such an argument might sug-
gest that Frank Herbert’s engagement with Greek tragedy would have been
43 Christensen 2015, 163. The only reader I have discovered who explicitly suggests that Dune
borrows from the Oresteia is Brown et al. 1994, 94.
44 Hardwick 2003, 9 defines “analogue” as “a comparable aspect between source and
reception.”
45 Hardwick defines “equivalent” as “fulfilling an analogous role in source and reception but
necessarily identical in form or content.”
46 According to Apollodorus (Bibliotheca 3.11), some sources claimed that Menelaus and
Helen had a son Nicostratus.
47 The precise origin or meaning of τηλύγετος is uncertain. Liddell, Scott, et al. (1996: s. v.
τηλύγετος) gloss it as pertaining to an “only” son for the Odyssey passage discussed above,
but point to other meanings including “a darling son,” a child “born far away,” “well-
beloved,” or “latest-born” (i.e., “after whom no more are born,” following their preferred
ancient interpretation, Σ T Iliad 9.482).
48 Apollodorus (Bibliotheca 3.11) gives the slave’s name as either Pieris (an Aitolian woman)
or Tereis (according to Acousilaus). Apollodorus further relates that, according to
Eumelus, Menelaus and the nymph Cnossia had another son, Xenodamus.
Harkonnen are not genetic cousins, although the Baron does refer to Leto as
“cher cousin” (Dune 181), using what appears to be a title in formal address
(cf. Dune 15). The revelation that Jessica is the daughter of Baron Harkonnen
(Dune 198), however, does make Paul and Feyd-Rautha (Baron Harkonnen’s
heir) cousins. Dune thus features two Aegisthoi—the “cher cousin” Baron
Harkonnen and the actual cousin Feyd-Rautha—both of whom are rivals to the
Atreides’ control of Arrakis. The second correspondence links Agamemnon’s
daughter Electra to Alia, the daughter of Leto and Jessica. Although Alia pres-
ents many complications for this reading (given her age, prophetic powers,
etc.), the pair of children Paul-Orestes and Alia-Electra makes possible an
innovative solution to the inclusion of two Aegisthoi in Dune: each child of
Atreus gets to kill an Aegisthus.49
The aforementioned illegitimacy of Menelaus’ son Megapenthes points to
a further equivalence produced in the analogy of Agamemnon to Duke Leto.
In the broader myth, Agamemnon returns home from Troy with Cassandra,
the riddling priestess of Apollo, as his concubine. Cassandra, of course, is
not the mother of Orestes, as that role belongs to Clytemnestra, who betrays
Agamemnon and, in the Oresteia, murders him herself. We may therefore
wonder whether Lady Jessica is an equivalent of Clytemnestra (as legitimate
mother of Paul) or Cassandra (as concubine of Leto). Indeed Herbert appears
to write this very question into the plot of Dune itself. Before the traitor within
the Atreides household is revealed to the other characters,50 Leto’s master of
assassins, Thufir Hawat, suspects that Jessica is a Harkonnen agent plotting
against the Duke (Dune 99–100), and her innocence is only confirmed once
events play out.51 As the narrative progresses Jessica increasingly takes on the
appearance of Cassandra; Hawat accuses Jessica of “speak[ing] riddles” (Dune
152), and her prophetic powers develop more fully once she drinks the Water of
Life and becomes a Reverend Mother (Dune 348–62). In other words, Herbert
exploits this double role of Jessica as Clytemnestra/Cassandra in order to first
suggest that Jessica may be (or become) a Clytemnestra who will betray Leto
throughout Part I of Dune,52 only then to develop Jessica as a Cassandra who
49 Perhaps Frank Herbert has taken a cue from Euripides’ Electra, in which both Orestes and
Electra have their hands on the sword that slays Clytemnestra (1221–5).
50 Readers learn Baron Harkonnen’s plan early in the novel (Dune 19–20).
51 Thufir, it turns out, is half correct: Jessica is not a Harkonnen agent, but discovers she is
the daughter of Baron Harkonnen (Dune 198).
52 There is even a brief moment at the end of Part I where Jessica may become Helen of
Troy, as the two Harkonnen agents in charge of killing her and Paul begin to fight over her
survives the death of Leto and transforms into a powerful prophetess at the
end of Part II.
(Dune 170). In a moment perhaps evoking both Ajax’s speech in the Iliad (9.636–8) and
Herodotus’ Histories (1.1–5), Jessica asks “Is any woman worth fighting over?”.
53 Consider for example the dialogue between Jessica and Dr. Yueh (Dune 57–65), during
which both characters manipulate speech protocols in order to withhold information or
force the other to reveal information. Even their internal thoughts conceal rather than
reveal: [Dr. Yueh:] “If only there were some way not to do this thing that I must do”; [Jessica:]
“All the time we talked he was hiding something, holding something back …” (Dune 65,
Herbert’s italics).
54 Examples: the “double, warlike Atreides” (δισσοὺς / Ἀτρεΐδας μαχίμους, Ag. 122–3) in the
parodos; the Herald’s proclamation that “the sons of Priam paid twofold penalties” (διπλᾶ
δ’ ἔτεισαν Πριαμίδαι θἀμάρτια, Ag. 537); the “double whip, which Ares loves” that killed
Achaean soldiers on their voyage home (διπλῆι μάστιγι, τὴν Ἄρης φιλεῖ, Ag. 642); the evil-
minded arrow that “doubles grief” (ἄχθος διπλοίζει, Ag. 835); the “double lash” (διπλῆς γὰρ
τῆσδε μαράγνης, Cho. 375) of revenge from Orestes and Electra; the “twofold handiworks”
of the Nurse for baby Orestes (διπλᾶς δὲ τάσδε χειρωναξίας, Cho. 761); the two tyrants
Oresteia, ἀμφίλεκτος (“spoken both ways”), is of particular interest, since its se-
mantic range includes “doubtful” and “questioned”—that is, something that is
“spoken doubly” so as to produce ambiguity or doubt.55 Clytemnestra tells the
returning Agamemnon that she sent Orestes away since their ally Strophius
was “warning me of double [doubtful?] tragedies” (ἀμφίλεκτα πήματα ἐμοὶ
προφωνῶν, Ag. 881) for the House of Atreus. At the end of Agamemnon,
Aegisthus claims that Atreus was “disputed in power” (ἀμφίλεκτος ὢν κράτει,
Ag. 1585) when he drove Thyestes out of Argos. In both instances, amphilektos
is used to describe not just a doubling or ambiguity, but specifically a doubling/
ambiguity that threatens the current ruling house.56 More broadly, speeches
laden with double-meaning and ambiguity haunt the Agamemnon, including:
the Watchman’s speech in the prologue (1–39); the Chorus’ long parodos with
the account of the bird omen at Aulis and Chalcas’ interpretation (40–257, esp.
109–157); the ambivalent speeches of Clytemnestra that both conceal and re-
veal her intentions (e.g., 320–350, 588–614, 855–913); and the riddling prophet-
ic speech of Cassandra (especially the exchange with the Chorus at 1072–1177).
Dune then relies on a narrative strategy that, like Aeschylus’ Oresteia, is am-
philektos in both senses of the word, both “doubling” (since characters resonate
with two possible Aeschylean analogues) and “ambiguous” (since information
is often presented incompletely). In other words, while I do not mean to claim
here that Frank Herbert read Aeschylus in Greek or even read Greek at all, I do
wish to argue that Herbert uses this amphilektos strategy throughout Dune in
order to create suspense and indicate the fragility of political regimes, and to
posit that Herbert likely derives this technique from Aeschylus’ Oresteia.
This amphilektos strategy appears even in the names of both Paul and his
father. The name of Paul’s father, Leto Atreides, not only evokes the myth of
the House of Atreus but also the goddess Leto, mother of the gods Apollo and
Artemis. The analogy between Duke Leto and the goddess Leto in turn produc-
es two equivalences, between Paul and Apollo and between Alia and Artemis.
This equivalence may foreshadow Paul’s formidable abilities in both prophecy
(δισσοῖς, Cho. 867) whom Orestes alone (μόνος … Ὀρέστης) must dispatch (cf. τὴν διπλῆν
τυραννίδα, Cho. 972); the lamentation of “double misfortunes” (συμφορᾶς διπλῆς, Ag. 325;
συμφορὰν διπλῆν, Cho. 931); and, on a positive note, the Furies’ final prayer for Pan to rear
flocks “with double offspring” (μῆλά τ’ εὐθενοῦντα Πὰν / ξὺν διπλοῖσιν ἐμβρύοις / τρέφοι,
Eum. 943–5).
55 Liddell, Scott, et al. 1996, s. v. ἀμφίλεκτος.
56 So too does the messenger in Seven Against Thebes use amphilektos language to announce
the deaths of Eteocles and Polyneices and thus signal the end of the Oedipids’ rule: “the
children of Oedipus … indeed have fallen in the dust not doubtfully” (Οἰδίπου γένος … οὐδ’
ἀμφιλέκτως μὴν κατεσποδημένοι, 807, 809). Cf. Eur. Phoe. 500.
and combat, but gains added force when Paul receives a second name from the
Fremen, Muad’Dib (“the Mouse”) for his ability to survive in the desert.57 Here
Herbert may be evoking Apollo in his guise as Apollo Smintheus (“the Mouse”
or “Mouse-Killer”) with particular reference to Apollo’s ability to bring plague
upon his enemies, as he does at the request of the priest Chryses in Iliad 1 or by
urging Orestes to murder Aegisthus and Clytemnestra in the Libation Bearers.
This double name for Paul / Muad’Dib thus anticipates not only his prophetic
powers or eventual defeat of Feyd-Rautha in combat, but also the catastrophic
jihad that Paul will bring upon the order of the Imperium.
59 For further discussions of the history of interpretation on pathei mathos and the “Hymn
to Zeus,” see Fraenkel 1950, ii.99–114; Smith 1980, ix, 21–3; Bollack 1981, ii.197–248, esp. 223–
8, 245–7; and Raeburn and Thomas 2011, 86–7, 95–6. Also useful are the interpretations of
Lebeck 1971, 25–6; Gagarin 1976, 139–50; and Clinton 1979.
60 “And [Paul] lay as one dead, caught up in the revelation of the Water of Life, his being
translated beyond the boundaries of time by the poison that gives life. Thus was the
prophecy made true that Lisan al-Gaib might be both dead and alive” (Dune 437).
61 Goldhill 1986, 27–8.
62 Suvin 1979, 79. Here novum means a work’s most significant conceptual difference or in-
novation from its present cognitive environment. On the novum in Suvin and its implica-
tion for classical reception studies, see Rogers and Stevens 2012, 136–8.
63 An exception to this may be the Count Fenring, “an-almost Kwisatz Haderach” and poten-
tial rival who declines to fight Paul at the novel’s climax (Dune 497).
64 See (e.g.,) Marrou 1956, Wise 1998, and Griffith 2001.
65 Too 2001.
66 Schmidt 2005, 74–80 discusses how the Hero’s Journey template excludes female
protagonists.
prophecy formerly controlled by the Bene Gesserit; this also resonates with
Apollo, who, as the Pythia recounts (Eum. 1–33), receives his prophetic powers
from a line of female mantics (Gaia, Themis, Phoebê). It is noteworthy that
Paul never directly challenges the Spacing Guild, which controls the mathe-
matically inclined (and presumably masculine?) domain of prescience so as to
leave the economic strength of the Guild intact.
Finally, Paul’s training in and appropriation of the skills from the Bene
Gesserit, Fremen, and others return us to the question of Dune’s complex mul-
ticulturalism (discussed in Section I) and the larger implications of reading
Dune in terms of classical reception. Elsewhere, in a broader discussion of SF
and the classics, Benjamin Eldon Stevens and I argue that:
Dune provides a particularly compelling test case for this claim. On one hand,
the argument I have offered in Section I would seem to support this claim.
Dune’s multiculturalism is rather an absorption of several Others, reflecting
not a professional knowledge of antiquity (or the European Middle Ages or
Bedouin culture) but rather knowledge of popular narrative trends and for-
mulae that contribute to an omnivorousness that is “generally uncritical,” an
“indistinct entry in an advanced postmodern encyclopedism.” We might go fur-
ther and say that Dune attempts not just to be a part of but rather to constitute
its own “advanced postmodern encyclopedism” through Herbert’s inclusion of
four “appendixes,” a “Terminology of the Imperium,” cartographic notes, and
a map (Dune 491–537)—not to mention the rest of the Dune series written by
Frank Herbert, Brian Herbert and Kevin J. Anderson, or the series’ congeners in
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