The Archaeology of Sacred Spaces

The Archaeology of Sacred Spaces
This volume focuses on the religious shrine in western India as an

institution of cultural integration in the period spanning 200 bce to
800 ce. It presents an analysis of religious architecture at multiple lev-
els, both temporal and spatial, and distinguishes it as a ritual instrument
that integrates individuals and communities into a cultural fabric. The
work shows how these structures emphasise communication with a host
of audiences, such as the lay worshipper, the ritual specialist, royalty
and the elite, as well as the artisan and the sculptor. It also examines
religious imagery, inscriptions, traditional lore, and Sanskrit literature.
The book will be of special interest to researchers and scholars of
ancient Indian history, Hinduism, religious studies, architecture, and
South Asian studies.
Susan Verma Mishra is Project Associate, Indira Gandhi National

Centre for the Arts (IGNCA), New Delhi, India.
Himanshu Prabha Ray is Chairperson, Academic Committee, Project

Mausam, Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi, India.
She is Honorary Professor, Distant Worlds, Munich Graduate School
of Ancient Studies, Ludwig Maximilian University, Munich, Germany,
and Research Fellow, Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies, Oxford, UK.
Archaeology and Religion
in South Asia
Series Editor: Himanshu Prabha Ray, Former Chairperson, National

Monuments Authority; and Research Fellow, Oxford Centre for Hindu
Studies
Editorial Board: Gavin Flood, Former Academic Director, Oxford Centre for
Hindu Studies; Jessica Frazier, Academic Administrator, Oxford Centre for
Hindu Studies; Julia Shaw, Institute of Archaeology, University College, Lon-
don; Shailendra Bhandare, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Devangana Desai,
Asiatic Society, Mumbai; Vidula Jaiswal, Jnana Pravaha, Varanasi, former pro-
fessor, Banaras Hindu University.
This series, in association with the Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies, reflects
on the complex relationship between religion and society through new perspec-
tives and advances in archaeology. It looks at this critical interface to provide
alternative understandings of communities, beliefs, cultural systems, sacred
sites, ritual practices, food habits, dietary modifications, power, and agents
of political legitimisation. The books in the Series underline the importance
of archaeological evidence in the production of knowledge of the past. They
also emphasise that a systematic study of religion requires engagement with a
diverse range of sources, such as inscriptions, iconography, numismatics, and
architectural remains.
Also in this series:
Negotiating Cultural Identity

Landscapes in Early Medieval South Asian History
Edited by Himanshu Prabha Ray
Women and Monastic Buddhism in Early South Asia

Garima Kaushik
The Archaeology of Sacred Spaces
The temple in western India,
2nd century BCE–8th century CE
Susan Verma Mishra

and Himanshu Prabha Ray
First published 2017
by Routledge
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and by Routledge
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Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2017 Susan Verma Mishra and Himanshu Prabha Ray
The right of Susan Verma Mishra and Himanshu Prabha Ray to be identified as authors
of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
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Contents
List of figuresvii
List of tablesix
Prefacexi
Introduction1
1. Monumental remains: defining sacred space 21
2. Sacred sites and settlement sites 59
3. Religious icons in Gujarat 102
4. Shared space and multiple affiliations 157
5. Religious processes, rituals and pilgrimage 195
6. Gujarat in context 231
Bibliography 250
Index 277
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Figures
1.1 Bawa Pyara caves 24

1.2 Interior chamber of Bawa Pyara cave 25
1.3 Asokan rock edict, Junagadh 27
1.4 Close-up of Asokan rock edict, which also carries
later inscriptions of Rudradaman I (150 ce) and of
the early Gupta rulers 27
1.5 Relic caskets from Boria stupa 31
1.6 Khapara Kodia caves 31
1.7 Khapara Kodia – pillars with simha brackets 32
1.8 Interior of Uparkot caves, Junagadh 33
1.9 Temple at stepwell, Roda 41
1.10 Temples inside stepwell at Roda 41
1.11 Varaha temple, Kadvar 45
1.12 Varaha image under worship, Kadvar 46
2.1 Settlement sites, Period I 66
2.2 Settlement sites, Period II 70
2.3 Settlement sites, Period III 92
3.1 Sites with Hindu images 107
3.2 Sites with Buddhist and Jaina images 142
4.1 Model of Devnimori stupa site 167
4.2 Linga at site museum, Devnimori 171
4.3 Visvarupa Vishnu image under worship at Shamlaji 172
All figures are by Susan Verma Mishra. Maps included are historical in nature
and do not indicate the international boundary of India.
Tables
3.1 Shaivite images 114

3.2 Vaishnavite images 118
3.3 Images of goddesses 120
3.4 Buddhist images 136
3.5 Jaina images 143
All tables are by Susan Verma Mishra. Maps included are historical in nature
and do not indicate the international boundary of India.
Preface
This book has almost been fifteen years in the making. Research on
the theme of early temples of Saurashtra started as early as 2000, when
Susan Verma Mishra joined the MPhil programme of the Centre for
Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi,
India, under the supervision of Himanshu Prabha Ray. Mishra’s studies
on the archaeology of early Gujarat finally culminated in the award of a
PhD degree in 2007. Travel grants from the Indian Council for Histori-
cal Research supported field trips to many of the sites discussed in this
book. Presentations of papers at several conferences resulted in valuable
feedback on ongoing research, especially at a workshop on ‘Archaeol-
ogy as History in Early South Asia’, held in New Delhi in March 2002,
which was sponsored jointly by the United States Educational Foun-
dation in India and the Indian Council for Historical Research. Susan
Verma Mishra would like to express her thanks to her parents and hus-
band for support, both during the research programme at JNU, as also
as an independent researcher subsequently.
Himanshu Prabha Ray continued her research on early temples as
a faculty member at JNU, and also, as Research Fellow at the Oxford
Centre for Hindu Studies in 2007 and as Quebec-India Visiting Pro-
fessor at Concordia University, Montreal, in 2008. A research grant
from JNU under the UPOE (University with Potential of Excellence)
Scheme enabled her to undertake fieldwork in north Karnataka as also
to collaborate with Dr Sudha Ravindranath of Indian Space Research
Organization, Bengaluru for use of remote sensing images in the study
of early religious architecture. Subsequently, she coordinated a confer-
ence and the papers from the conference were edited and published
under the title, Archaeology and Text: The Temple in South Asia (2010).
She is thankful to the National Monuments Authority, Ministry of Cul-
ture, which she joined as Chairperson in 2012, for facilitating her travel
to Gujarat to study early temples in 2014.
Both the authors express their gratitude to the anonymous reader for
very useful comments on the manuscript and to Routledge for accept-
ing the publication of the book.
Introduction
Experts call all places where immortals and mortals dwell, ‘dwelling
places’ (vāstu). I present their different varieties, which are four in num-
ber: Earth (bhūmi), temples (prāsāda), conveyances (yāna) and seats
(śayanam).
(Mayamatam, II.2)
Theistic developments in the Indian subcontinent involving worship

in temples have often been seen as later overlays on what has been
termed the portable ideational religion of the Vedas, concerned largely
with sacrifices and rituals. While in Vedic praxis, religious spots were
mobile, these came to be defined in terms of specific locales and geo-
graphic places from the third to second century bce onwards. This book
is an attempt at understanding sacred spaces as they came to be defined
in the archaeological record in Gujarat from the second century bce to
the eighth century ce.
The shrine, no doubt, signifies an altered understanding of religious
traditions. At the conceptual level, structural edifices translated the
imagery of speculative thought of the Upanishads and the methodology
(vidhi) of the ritual concretised in the Brahmanas in terms of measures
and designs to a language of artistic form. Myths and legends consti-
tuted the content and are, as it were, superimposed on the abstraction –
in turn, formalised into the language of iconography.1
Thus, the temple embodies the demarcation of sacred space and
interaction with the community that provided patronage to it and main-
tained it. It underscores the local and regional contexts of religious
traditions, while the wider milieu is created by linkages through pil-
grimage – linkages that vary over time and can be charted both spatially
and temporally. The narratives on the walls of temples, at one level,
indicate the centrality of this new sacred geography in the transmission
of religious ideas, and at another, recitation and performance within
temple precincts are crucial indicators of the changing philosophical
and religious environment of the period. The textual tradition itself has
been interrogated, with scholars questioning the ways in which a reli-
gious text pervades religious action and examining the importance of
2 V Introduction
text for liturgical action. Thus, the shrine negotiates the gulf between
precept and practice.2
In this book, it is suggested that pan-Indian cultural practices, rituals
and imagery formed the substratum of a self-perception and identity
long before the European discovery of the term ‘Hindu’, and a judicious
use of archaeological data provide evidence to unearth this identity.
Significantly, archaeology presents a very different perspective on
the study of religious transformation and patronage in early South Asia
when compared to conventional historical writings on the subject. The
crucial element in the Asian landscape was the religious shrine, and it
is important to locate it in a cultural context and to unravel the multiple
levels at which sacred sites interacted with a diverse range of communi-
ties and negotiated between these.3
This volume is an attempt at comprehending religious architecture
at multiple levels, both temporally and spatially. Rather than viewing
monuments in terms of style and chronology, the volume distinguishes
religious architecture as a ritual instrument that integrates individuals
and communities into a cultural fabric. It is the strands of this cultural
fabric that need to be understood and appreciated. Though origin myths
of most of the temples associate their founding with a royal patron,
there is little historical evidence for this during most of their existence,
and instead, several communities claim special relationship with the
deity. For example, the main image in the Kesariyaji temple, south
of Udaipur, is worshipped by the Jainas as the Jina Adinatha, while
the local Bhils worship it as Kalaji or Karia Baba.4 Clearly, in India,
the plan or the functional aspect was not a decisive factor; instead, the
emphasis was on communication with a host of audiences, such as the
lay worshipper, the ritual specialist, the royalty and the elite, as well as
the artisan and the sculptor.
The sacred exists entirely within culture and manifests itself in a vari-
ety of contexts: temples, locations, images, and people. The sacredness
of time, objects or persons depends upon context, and the boundaries
between the sacred and the everyday are fluid. A temple image or icon
prior to consecration is merely stone, metal or wood; once consecrated,
however, it is empowered and becomes the focus of mediation.5
Another aspect of the discussion relates to the distinction often made
in the context of South Asia between the oral and the textual traditions.
More recent scholarship accepts a continuum between the two rather
than a dichotomy, with the performance of the text providing an inter-
face between the oral and the written. The Mahabharata was known as
Introduction V 3
itihasa or history and the Ramayana as caritra or exploits, and through

a process of performance, commentary and translation, textual bounda-
ries have remained fluid.6 As evident from sculptural representations
dating from the fifth–sixth centuries onwards, the temple became a
major centre for the performance of the epics and for the dissemination
of moral and ethical values, as encapsulated in the Panchatantra tales.
This location of recitation and performance in temple precincts draws
the religious shrine into any discussion on the transmission of not only
the epics, but more significantly, notions and concepts of the commu-
nity’s past and its understanding of it.
Traditional understanding of the past or itihasa was closely linked to
the writing of genealogies and narratives associated with the royalty.
Scholars have referred to the Puranas as the primary inheritors of this
tradition, but have paid little attention to records inscribed on temple
walls and pillars as well as on copper plates from the third–fourth cen-
turies onwards. Inscriptional kavyas point to the existence of a literary
public and an interpretive community, as suggested by Daud Ali,7 but
more significantly, these locate the temple firmly as one of the institu-
tions involved in the production of the past and its dissemination to a
range of audiences.
The archaeology of sacred space

An examination of the spatial organisation of sacred structures indi-
cates that already in the third millennium bce, there was a separation of
the burial/ritual and habitation spaces in Gujarat, as also, at other sites
of the Harappan civilisation, which occupied an area twice the size of
ancient Egypt or Mesopotamia. Unlike Mesopotamia and Egypt, there
were no temples in the Harappan period, nor for that matter, are there
any sculptures or images showing kings building or consecrating tem-
ples. Narrative depictions are found mainly on tiny moulded tablets of
terracotta or faience, and these generally show ritual offerings to deities
or battles with wild animals.
As with other aspects of Harappan civilisation, there is no uniform-
ity in burial practices, even though it needs to be stressed that burial
was not a general means of disposal of the dead, but was adopted by
some members of the community. Eighty-eight burials were found at
Kalibangan and sixteen at Lothal, though the populations at the two
centres were much larger. No cemetery was found at Mohenjodaro,
while Harappa provides the largest corpus of data on funerary customs.
4 V Introduction
Cemetery R 37 at Harappa, dating to the Mature Harappan phase,

shared many features with the cemeteries at Kalibangan, Lothal and
other Mature Harappan sites.
The typical burial in the Harappan period was extended inhumation
in a rectangular or oval pit and generally containing pottery as grave
goods. In addition, there are scattered finds of pottery jars of several
descriptions, filled with an assortment of materials, such as smaller
pots, seals, chert, terracotta toys, animal bones, grains, ash, and char-
coal, but almost never a human bone.8 At Kalibangan, pots were buried
in circular pits, as pottery deposits occur in rectangular or oval pits
without skeletal remains.9 The largest of the Harappan sites in Kachchh
is the 47 ha quadrangular city of Dholavira on Kadir island in the Rann,
which lay between two seasonal streams – the Mansar in the north
and Manhar in the south. To the west of the Harappan settlement at
Dholavira lay its cemetery, covering a large area. In the cemetery were
cist burials that included simple cists, a cist in a cairn circle, a circle or
a half-circle containing several graves. How is this tradition of burials
to be viewed within the longue durée of the better-known method of
disposal of the dead by cremation in the subcontinent? Are there refer-
ences to sepulchral monuments or spaces in the early Vedic tradition?
On the basis of references in Vedic literature, Cathleen Cummings
has suggested that the ‘Hindu tradition encompasses a variety of built
forms intended to inter corporeal remains, memorialize the deceased,
or both’.10 In the Vedic texts, the fire altar is referred to as a type of
grave mound in which the cremated remains of some individuals were
interred. The Shatapatha Brahmana refers to burial mounds surrounded
by a ring of stones.
Ritual and worship came to occupy well-defined space as distinct
from the settlement area and this demarcation became more distinct
in the later periods, and by the third to first centuries bce, local and
regional cults coexisted with Buddhist and Jaina monastic complexes
and the Hindu temple. Archaeological data establish that both the
Buddhist caitya and the Hindu temple were contemporaneous in third
to first centuries bce.
It is evident that the ancient stūpa and the prasāda were developed from
an identical religious consciousness and both were symbolical repre-
sentations of the manifest cosmos and unmanifest divine. In one case
the deity is the Buddha, in the other the dēva, both enshrining the great
light.11
Introduction V 5
The diversity in form and structure of early religious architecture is

striking and tree shrines coexist with hypaethral structures, as illustrated
on first-century bce–ce monuments. Perhaps the earliest Hindu temples
are the two elliptical shrines at Besnagar (Vidisha) and Nagari (district
Chittor), dating back to the second century bce and first century bce,
respectively.12 It is also evident that the beginnings of the Hindu temple
were by no means restricted to the core area of the Ganga valley. Both
in Vidarbha and in Andhra, Buddhist shrines and temples formed a part
of the landscape, along with megalithic burial sites and memorials to
the deceased. The Shiva linga at Gudimallam in Chittoor district dates to
the second–first centuries bce and was enshrined in a brick shrine dated
to the first century ce, while two phases of structural activity marked the
construction of temples at Veerapuram in the Krishna valley.
The diversity evident from the structures described above also marks
Hindu religious architecture with reference to both built shrines and
open-air enclosures. Two of these have been identified on terracotta
objects from Chandraketugarh in the 24 Parganas district of Bengal.
The two inscribed objects are dated to the first–second centuries ce and
show enclosures marked by railings. One of the legends is legible, and
refers to dha(r) magras(r)ala or ‘chief enclosure of religion’.13 In addi-
tion to these data, there is evidence of shrines associated with a variety
of cults, one of the earliest being the Bhagavata cult. Another associa-
tion is with the Ajivikas, as evident from the caves in the Barabar Hill.
Epigraphic evidence for the prevalence of the Bhagavata cult is indi-
cated by the Besnagar pillar inscription of second century bce, which
refers to the setting up of a pillar (garuda-dhvaja) in honour of Vasudeva
by Heliodorus, a Greek ambassador to the court of Bhagabhadra from
the Indo-Bactrian ruler Antialkidas.14 The stone pillar was found at
Vidisha by Alexander Cunningham in 1880 and systematic excavations
undertaken during 1963–65 revealed the prehistoric beginnings of the
site, with continuous habitation well into the modern period. An ellipti-
cal temple was constructed at the site around the fourth–third century
bce, consisting of a sanctum, a circumambulatory path, an antarala,
and a mukha-mandapa. It had a brick plinth and a superstructure of
wood, thatch and mud, but was raised on an earthen platform after dam-
age by floods. To the east of this, seven pillars set on thick stone basal
slabs were exposed in alignment with the Heliodorus pillar.15
This association of the Greek ambassador with the Vasudeva cult is
significant, especially in view of references in early Greek sources to
Herakles (widely identified as Krishna) being held in honour by the
6 V Introduction
Sourasenoi (Surasenas) of Medhora or Mathura. This is further sup-

ported by a similar reference by Curtius to the image of Herakles being
carried in front of the Paurava army.16 It is around the second century
bce that representations of Sankarsana on the obverse and Vasudeva
Krishna on the reverse, complete with their distinctive attributes, occur
on Agathocles drachmae from Ai Khanum.17 Another representation of
a standing human figure with a plough in the left hand and a long stick
in the right identified with Sankarsana is found on the silver punch-
marked coins from Mathura.18
A first century bce Kharosthi inscription found in the Gandhara
region records the construction of a tank for the worship of the Nagas,
and the practice of donating pushkarinis or lotus tanks and the setting
up of images of Nagas is evident from other inscriptions from Mathura
as well.19 But perhaps indisputable evidence for worship at a shrine
comes from a record on a pillar base at Jamalpur mound, which refers
to a gift of Devila, described as devakulika or priest of Dandhikarna
Naga.20 In addition to Mathura, another early centre known for the wor-
ship of the Naga cult is Rajgir. In addition to the inscriptions, an apsidal
structure dedicated to the Naga cult was excavated at the site of Sonkh
in Mathura district.21
The excavations at Mathura yielded fragmentary stone plaques dat-
ing from the late Kushana to early Gupta periods, showing gods such as
four-armed Vasudeva (14.2 × 7.4 × 2.4 cm; 18.0 × 9.8 × 6.2 cm), two-
armed Skanda (11.0 × 8.5 × 3.6 cm) and Skanda riding on a peacock
(8.2 × 8.8 × 2.1 cm), Durga Mahisasuramardini (14.2 × 11.5 × 4.0 cm;
17.9 × 12.7 × 6.6 cm; 9.0 × 10.0 × 3.1 cm), squatting Mātṛkā (19.0 ×
13.6 × 3.7 cm; 15.3 × 17.0 × 9.3 cm) and seated Kubera (11.3 × 11.5 ×
4.1 cm). Most of these were found in situ in fillings of houses and were
possibly used for worship in houses.22
The image and the shrine in the textual tradition

What, then, are the antecedents of these early images? The Agnicayana
ritual of the Vedas and the Satarudriya hymn anticipates the bhakti that
developed in later periods, though there is no clear reference to the
presence of images at that time.23 The impact of these rituals extended
well beyond the worshipper, his wife and the officiating priest and a
significant aspect of the ritual was the use of clay pots and assigning
these with iconic functions. At archaeological sites in the subcontinent,
these small anthropomorphic and theriomorphic pots are dated between
Introduction V 7
the second century bce and the second century ce and have been found
over an extensive area, e.g. at Sonkh, Taxila, and elsewhere in the north
to sites such as Bhokardhan and Keesaragutta in the Deccan. Among
the finds at Begram in Afghanistan were vases and bowls, and one piece
stands out: a jug in the shape of a bird-woman – a combination known
as kinnari, discovered in room 13.24 A fragment of an anthropomor-
phic vessel, which may have been a kinnari-style object was found at
Bhokardhan in Maharashtra, dating from the first century bce to the
second–third century ce.25 A globular pot decorated with seven snakes
encircling the body and five female figures in squatting position on
the shoulder of the pot was found in the antarala (vestibule) of a brick
shrine at Keesaragutta in district Ranga Reddy in Andhra Pradesh.26
It is proposed that we look at Vedic ritual as a three-dimensional, living

icon whose properties could provide models upon which to construct
devotional icons.27
Thus, continuity in the religious process, from sacrificial rituals to

devotional worship of an image is evident, but also apparent is diversity
in the nature and form of the icon as well as in the shrines constructed
to house these images.
The archaeological data discussed so far are matched by references in
a variety of textual sources. Around the middle of the first millennium
bce, the Vedangas or Vedic Supplements were developed to deal with
the complex Vedic ritual and to preserve and understand Vedic texts.
The Kalpasutras form a major component of the Vedic Supplements
and include Srautasutras, dealing with Vedic rituals; Gryhasutras,
dealing with domestic rituals; and Dharmasutras, which included areas
of individual and social behaviour and norms. It is from the period of
the Kalpasutras onwards that there are references to the house of god
(devakula, devayatana or devagrha), in contrast to the chariot (vimana
or ratha) of the celestials of the Vedic period.28 A number of works
dealing with Dharma were composed and were quoted in medieval
commentaries. Many of these are lost and the four surviving ones are
as follows: Apastamba, Gautama (third century bce), Baudhayana, and
Vasistha (middle of second century bce to first century ce).29 Gautama,
while laying down rules for the brahmachari, states that when passing
an auspicious structure such as a temple (devtayatana), he should keep
his right side towards it (IX.66). Baudhayana refers to washing the feet
before entering a temple (devagrha, 2.8.2), while Vasistha mentions the
8 V Introduction
temple (devagrha, 6.17) with reference to the earth used for purifica-
tion, making an ancestral offering (devtayatana, 10.30–1) and other
contexts (10.13).
The general picture of religious attitudes that emerges from an analy-
sis of references in the Ramayana generally dated between 750 and
500 bce is one of observance and respect for a diversity of religious
traditions.30 References to Vedic gods are sparse and while Indra retains
his pre-eminent position, Varuna has faded in importance. The precep-
tor of the Taittiriya Samhita is alluded to, especially with reference to
Kausalya (Ayodhyakanda 29.13–4) and old men expert in the Vedas
were held in esteem by the king (Ayodhyakanda 17.3). The specific
Vedic sacrifices mentioned are Agnistoma, Rajasuya, Asvamedha, and
Vajapeya and the sacrificial altar or vedi is referred to. Caityas are
referred to as cult spots and there are frequent references to perma-
nent shrines, such as the sanctuary (ayatana) of Vishnu (Ayodhyakanda
6. 3–4) within the royal palace. There is mention of shrines (caityesu)
and sanctuaries being decorated with colourful banners (Ayodhyakanda
6.11–13) for the consecration of Rama. Queen Kausalya spent the night
in meditation and worshipped Vishnu in the morning (akarot pujam) for
the welfare of her son (Ayodhyakanda 17.6).
Elsewhere in the Ramayana, there are descriptions of sacrificial
altars (vedi),31 sacred places (tirthas)32 and places dedicated to various
deities such as Vishnu, Brahma, Mahendra, Soma, and others.33 Along
with references to temples, there are also allusions to rituals such as cir-
cumambulation and offering of flowers.34 There are several references
to the ‘temple’ in the different kandas (parts) of the epic. The terms that
are usually used for the temple in the Ramayana are harmyaprasada35
and caityaprasada.36 Interestingly, worship of trees also figures promi-
nently in the epic, especially that of the banyan tree. For example, in
the Ayodhyakanda, Sita circumambulates a banyan tree with folded
hands.37
The Mahabharata, like the Ramayana, also presents a rich diver-
sity of Hindu religious ideas. While describing the omens that presage
the fall of Bhishma, Drona refers to the images of the gods situated
in the house of the gods (devatayatana) (Bhishma Parva 108.11). The
same phrase devatayatana is again used to indicate a list of places
where yoga exercises should be practiced (XII.232.26) and there are
references to offerings of lamps, fruits, flowers, food, and incense in
temple worship (Anusasana 101–3). Household gods are mentioned, as
also images worshipped by individual families in the house.38
Introduction V 9
Certainly, images were known, and knowledge of these is evident

from Panini’s sutras dating to the fourth century bce (V.3.99: jivikarthe
capanye). Several deities find mention in Panini and his successors up
to Patanjali in second century bce, and these include Shiva, Vaisravana,
Skanda, Sankarsana or Rama, and Vasudeva or Kesava. The Arthasastra
refers to the setting up of caityas or shrines outside the city at a distance
of about one hundred dhanuses from the moat (II.4.20) and also makes a
distinction between caityas and devagrhas or temples (II.35.3) and refers
to caityadevata (II.1.25; XIII.2.25), devatagrha (XII.5.3) and daivatapra-
tima (IV.13.41). Rituals such as worship of deities by prostration before
the image and gifts of flowers and incense are mentioned (VII.17.44,
XII.5.6). A mix of Vedic and Puranic deities occurs in the text, e.g. Shiva,
Vaisravana or Kubera, Asvins, Sri, Madira (II.4.17), and Sankarsana,
and a distinction is made between a tutelary deity of a region (desade-
vata XIII.2.15), deity of a city and that of the ruling family (rajadevata
II.4.15). There are references to temple property, and in this early period,
it comprised cattle and women or devadasis (II.23.2) who were allowed
to engage in spinning once their service to the temple ended.
Certain conclusions may be drawn from this discussion. First, the
diversity of religious practices in the second–first centuries bce is remark-
able, which included the worship of images, both within the household
as well as in shrines and temples. The second is the continued perfor-
mance of Vedic sacrifices, both by individuals as well as by the royalty.
The third relates to the popularity of the epics, as evident from references
in the inscriptions. From the sixth to thirteenth centuries ce, the structure
of the temple expanded both vertically and horizontally, thus becoming
accessible and approachable by worshippers and other aspirants visiting
the shrine. Around the seventh century, there was a significant change
in the nature of the temple in peninsular India and it gradually emerged
as a complex institution. Mathas or monastic establishments came to be
attached to it and the grant of rich landed estates with large recurring
incomes in cash and kind converted the temple into a rich landowner. It
is also apparent that religious development of the period was diverse and
included not only the setting up of Hindu temples, but also, shrines and
monastic complexes of the Buddhists and the Jainas.
The continuation of the Vedic tradition

It is evident from the overview presented above that there is archaeo-
logical confirmation for the emergence of the shrine in the second–first
10 V Introduction
centuries bce in several regions of the subcontinent, including Gujarat.

Rather than marking a disjunction between the Vedic and Puranic tra-
dition, the temple indicates a reconfiguration of religious thought and
practice. Inscriptions from the second century onwards indicate that the
political elite continued to perform Vedic sacrifices. Michael Willis has
shown that puja became an overarching ritual category and Vedic ritu-
als were transformed to meet the changed ritual needs.39
There is evidence from inscriptions that Vedic sacrifices were indeed
performed in the early centuries of the Common era. For example,
sacrificial altars have been found in the archaeological excavations at
Jagatgram in Dehradun district, Kausambi and at other sites. A bound-
ary stone located in the vicinity of Nagari contains a fragmentary
inscription recording the performance of an Asvamedha sacrifice by
Sarvatata in the second century bce.40 Nor does the performance of
sacrificial rituals interfere with the acceptance of devotional cults. The
Nanaghat inscription of queen Nayanika of the first century bce starts
with an invocation of the Bhagavata deities Sankarsana and Vasudeva-
Krishna, and then, lists out the sacrificial fees paid by the queen to the
officiating priests.
Vadgaon-Madhavpur is a suburb of Belgaum city and a first-century
ce Prakrit inscription from the site records that a brahman of Kasyapa
gotra performed the Vedic sacrifice vajapeya. The site extends over
80 acres and excavations revealed that it was occupied until third–fourth
centuries ce. Brick structures were found at the site, but identification of
these is difficult due to the small-scale excavations.41
The records of the two Satavahana queens, Nayanika at Nanaghat
dating to 70–60 bce and Balasiri at Nasik of 110–138 ce, are particu-
larly relevant for our purposes. At the same time, the two records are
also quite unlike each other. The epigraph of Nayanika, the daughter of
a maharathi and wife of the raja, Siri, the dakkhinapathapati starts with
salutations to a series of deities such as Dhamma, Indra, Sankarsana,
Vasudeva, Chandra, Surya, Lokapala, Yama, Varuna, Kubera, and Vasava.
It then enumerates the various sacrifices performed, as also the dona-
tions made to brahmanas at each of these, in terms of cows, elephants,
horses, villages, money, and so on.42 It is a part of a newly emerging
trend of recording the performance of Vedic sacrifices43 by royalty that
characterises the early inscriptions of the peninsula and one that coex-
ists with the donations made to Buddhist monastic centres. For exam-
ple, Usavadata’s records in cave 10 at the Buddhist site of Nasik refer
to his generosity to the Buddhists, as also to the brahmanas and gods
Introduction V 11
at the religious tirthas.44 In contrast, the inscription of Balasiri, mother

of Gotamiputa Siri Satakani, records the gift of a cave to the Sangha,
as also the grant of a village by the queen’s grandson. The king is com-
pared to the epic heroes Rama, Kesava, Bhimsena, and Arjuna, and the
emphasis is on his duty towards his subjects (pora-jana).45
This is a pattern that finds resonance in the copper-plate inscriptions
from early medieval Gujarat (c. 475–1030). The brahmanas belonged
to varied gotras and pravaras and there existed in Gujarat rare and unu-
sual gotras, when compared to the other parts of North India.46 These
brahmanas were followers of different branches of the Vedas, their
sakhas and caranas.47 In the Maitraka inscriptions, the brahmanas men-
tioned are affiliated to diverse branches of the Vedic tradition, such as
the white and black Yajurveda and the Samveda.48
The autochthonous goddess

D. D. Kosambi had argued for continuity of Indian culture and its sur-
vival in present peasant communities. He proposed that the long sur-
vival of observances that have no sanction in the official Brahmin works
can only have originated in the most primitive stages of human society
and this has been the prevailing orthodoxy in Indian history writing.49
It is often argued that the cult of the mother goddess was Dravidian in
origin and that religious customs of the tribes and low-caste groups
can provide insights into archaic practices that were later incorporated
into Brahmanical religion. Thus, it is suggested that terracotta figurines
found at archaeological sites formed a part of the folk tradition, which
was later integrated into the Brahmanical fold.
Two other approaches have also been influential: one of these advo-
cates that in the context of ancient India, ‘terracotta as a form of social
and aesthetic articulation was associated with the growth of urban
culture’50 and the other attempts an interpretation of terracotta finds
through an analysis of the ethnographic data. Stephen Huyler refers to
terracotta figurines as votive offerings at shrines,51 while Krishan and
Jayaswal’s study focuses on terracotta figurines associated with thana
worship, the thana being an auspicious cult spot worshipped by devo-
tees of all castes and strata.52
It is striking that already by the second–first centuries bce, these ter-
racotta images were housed in a variety of structures and worshipped.
As mentioned earlier, two of the open-air shrines have been identified
on terracotta objects from Chandraketugarh dating to the first–second
12 V Introduction
centuries ce and show enclosures marked by railings. Terracotta

plaques depicting a female figurine enshrined in a pillared mandapa,
accompanied by attendants with fans and umbrellas and devotees with
bowls or even with a halo around the head, have been found in lower
Bengal.53 Another representation shows the female figurine standing on
a pot or ghata containing coins and she is shown showering money on
a worshipper.54
In conclusion, it is evident that rather than representing a Dravidian/
autochthonous tradition, terracotta female figurines by no means form a
homogenous category. Instead, they include a range of forms and were
distributed both locally as well as across a vast region, i.e. the Ganga
valley. A multiplicity of functions and religious affiliations are evident,
as in the representation of Hindu and Buddhist deities in terracotta.
While peninsular India provides adequate data for the presence of early
religious shrines of Hindu, Buddhist and Jaina affiliation in consonance
with religious developments in North India, the same is not reflected
in terracotta figurines, which present variations and differences. In
the inscription of Dronasimha, who gifted the village Trisamgamaka
to the temple of the goddess Panduraja, comparatively few privileges
and immunities have been mentioned. This inscription is from the year
502 ce and is one of the earliest inscriptions of the Maitraka dynasty
of Gujarat.
Deities on coins
A somewhat surprising placement of religious images occurs on early
coins. An analysis of the numismatic evidence reflects the way in which
several sections of society, including rulers, bolstered their power
through the use of imagery on coins, myths, language, and material cul-
ture. It is suggested that there is a detachment of coin design from the
concept of authority in the Indian tradition and this distinguishes it from
that prevalent in the Islamic or the European tradition.55 Though this
tradition was transformed with the coming of Islam in the subcontinent,
yet its pan-Indian nature is recognisable and evident in the pre-Islamic
period, and a small repertoire of designs continue well into later peri-
ods. One of these is that of the seated goddess. The design of the seated
goddess was used in both Kushana and Gupta coinage and continued
in Bengal until the ninth century, when it spread to the Rashtrakuta
kingdom in western India before its adoption in North India during
the eleventh century. It was used on high-denomination gold coins in
Introduction V 13
North India from eleventh to thirteenth centuries, the latest issues being
in the name of the Ghurid ruler Muhammad bin Sam. A version of the
seated goddess also appeared on gold coins in Sri Lanka in the eighth
to ninth centuries and spread to the Chola kingdom, where it was used
both on gold and copper.56
One may, perhaps, trace the beginnings of the Lakshmi image on
coins to the late series of Saurashtra janapada coins, dating between
250 and 50 bce, which are thus contemporary to the Ujjaini coppers
dating from second–first century bce bearing images of the goddess
Lakshmi. Six types of Lakshmi images have been identified, and often,
these coins were re-struck with the same or other type of Lakshmi
images or other symbols.57 The formulation of the role of the religious
shrine in the ancient period, as discussed in this book, is different from
that which is generally accepted by historians of ancient India, as will
be discussed in the following section.
The historical background

Historians have tended to credit royalty with the establishment of Hindu
temples at the instigation of brahmanas who provided legitimisation to
their rule in return for generous gifts and land grants. Brahmanas are
linked to the spread of Puranic religion and for the dissemination of
Puranic ideas, practices and institutions such as vrata, puja, tirtha, and
temple-centred bhakti.58 Three processes have been postulated for his-
torical development in what is termed the early medieval period (sixth–
seventh to twelfth–thirteenth): expansion of state society; assimilation
and acculturation of tribal peoples; and integration of local religious cults
and practices.59 The temple is seen as having played a major role in this
integration of peripheral areas and tribal populations. This neat trajectory
of religious expansion and integration is not reflected in the archaeologi-
cal record, which highlights a complex mosaic of cultures from the first
millennium bce onwards that continued to retain their identity.
Outline of the book

This book focuses on the religious shrine or the Hindu temple in Gujarat
as an institution of cultural integration in the period from second cen-
tury bce to the eighth century ce. Gujarat has a coastline of 1,600 km,
most of which lies in Saurashtra. Saurashtra is bounded by Gujarat
plains in the east and north east, by Gulf of Kachchh and Little Rann
14 V Introduction
on the north and on the south east by the Gulf of Khambat. The Arabian
Sea borders the entire southern seaboard. The central part of the region
forms an elevated table land, from where most of the rivers rise and
flow radially. The terrain generally slopes gently towards the peninsu-
lar margin to merge into the coastal plains and the great alluvial tract
stretches to the north east and the east. The sedimentary rocks along
the coast form almost a low flat country. On account of several radially
intruded basic dykes cutting through traps, there are low and straight
hill ranges running parallel – a characteristic feature of the S
aurashtra–
Kathiawar peninsula.
A survey of published sources on the archaeology of Gujarat shows
at least 683 Harappan sites, both early and late. These are largely
located around the Gulf of Kachchh and in Jamnagar district, while
Junagadh district is a blank, with the exception of the coastal site of
Prabhas Patan, 4 km south of Veraval at the mouth of the Hiran River.60
The site comprises a group of mounds, which were first excavated in
1956 by the Gujarat State Department of Archaeology and MS Univer-
sity, Vadodara, and subsequently, by others. Earliest habitation at the
site dates from 2000 to 1200 bce, after which the site was abandoned. It
was reoccupied around 400 bce and continued into the historical period.
The excavators refer to the mention of Prabhasa in the Mahabharata as
a pleasure resort on the Hiran river. The Early Historic period also saw
the expansion of settlement in Junagadh district and at least 20 sites are
documented.61
An important resource is the epigraphical material of the Maitraka
dynasty, which consists of about 140 inscriptions – among them, 37
fragments and 3 forgeries (nos. 26, 44, 72), dating between 502 and
767 ce. In the 25 Buddhist inscriptions, 20 monasteries are identifiable.
The land gifted to temples was mainly meant to serve the following
purpose: to provide ritual articles, such as incense, fragrances, lamps,
oil, and so on for performing rituals in front of the image of the God
(bathing and worshiping the same); for certain ceremonies which are
part of the worship, such as singing, dance and music; for sacrificial
ceremonies such as bali, caru and so on; in order to carry out repair
works at the temple; for alms; and for the maintenance of the temple
priests. While comparing the phrases of Buddhist inscriptions, stating
the purpose of the donation with those of Hindu donations to temples,
one cannot fail to notice the striking similarities, such as: Sughanda/
pushpa-dhupa-dipa-tail-adi-kriy-otsapan-artham for the purpose of
performing sacrificial ceremonies with fragrances, incense, flowers,
Introduction V 15
lamps, oil and so on62 as against dhanam-ca bhagvatam puja-snapana-

gandha-dhupa-puṣpa-malya-dipa-tail-ady-upayogaya, to be used for
fragrances, incense, flowers, garlands, lamps, oil and so on, for bathing
and worshipping the venerable Buddhas.63
The second chapter titled ‘Sacred space with monumental remains’
is based on archaeological data of sites with monumental remains, and
a constantly evolving landscape forms the core of this chapter. It is sug-
gested that new forms of sacred sites affiliated to Buddhism, Hinduism
and Jainism developed in varied ecological niches. The role of roy-
alty in the creation and definition of sacred space has been analysed in
detail within the defined time periods. Memorial stones in Kachchh are
another marker of sacred space. These are stones erected in memory of
dead relatives, and the few we have belong to the early centuries of the
Common Era. In addition to this are minor shrines, such as those found
under trees and stepwells, which, to date, have continued sanctity for
the local communities. Thus, it is evident that the definition of sacred
space varied across the different religions; the question is how it related
to each other.
The third chapter locates sacred sites in the context of settlement
sites in order to examine the support base of religious sites. The settle-
ment sites have not been classified within the traditional fortified–non-
fortified, or urban–rural dichotomy, but rather, in terms of economic
activities such as craft production, salt manufacturing and iron
extraction. The causes for site selection are demonstrated to be as varied
and could be either political or due to economic activities – agriculture,
craft, trade, or a combination of these. A study of the environment and
topographic conditions of the region aids in a comprehensive under-
standing of the factors that played an important role in the life and habi-
tat of the communities whose support was essential for the continued
sanctity of a sacred spot or religious structure. On the basis of architec-
tural and inscriptional data, the involvement of communities in the con-
tinued sanctity of sites has been discussed. The lay followers included
village communities, merchants, traders, monks, nuns, and the ruling
elite as well.
Chapter 4 highlights the importance of religious imagery in the
reconstruction of sacred landscapes, religious beliefs, practices,
and developments where architectural and monumental remains are
lacking and non-existent. They bring forth the diversity in religious
sites of the region. The first and foremost source of information here
are the punch-marked coins that contain depictions and symbols
16 V Introduction
of not only deities, but interestingly, also layout plans of viharas

and stupas, which otherwise are not archaeologically traceable for
the period these coins belong to. With the help of tables and maps,
the iconographical developments that are heterogeneous in nature
have been traced in the period under study as each sub-region within
Gujarat demonstrates varied preferences for iconographical images.
For instance, mātṛkā images were more popular in North Gujarat,
as seen at Shamlaji, Roda, Palej, and Ambaji, while Bhairava and
Lakulisa images occur in southern areas of Gujarat at Avakhal,
Vadaval, Karvan, Vadodara and so on. Images of interest found in
the region are those of Lajjagauri at Valabhi, Pavi Jetpur, Dhank
and Panchagnitapas Parvati at Karvan, and Vagpur, which are small
in size, but provide clear indicators of diversity in choice of deities
worshipped. Another image is of that of Visvarupa Vishnu found only
at the site of Shamlaji and Devnimori in North G ujarat. B
uddhist
images demonstrate growing complexities within the religion at the
sites of Dhank, Amreli, Valabhi, Taranga, and Gogha, and the Jaina
images at Akota, Vaviya, Mahudi, and Ahmedabad are the only evi-
dence for the strong presence of the community.
A number of sites in Gujarat demonstrate the coexistence of lay dev-
otees affiliated to Hindu, Buddhist and Jaina religions, as discussed in
Chapter 5. The study of the sacred sites demonstrates that a single pat-
tern of linear development from Buddhism and Jainism to Hinduism, as
often suggested in secondary writings, is not applicable and each one
has a different story to narrate. For instance, while at Junagadh, there
are diverse remains, including Mauryan inscriptions, Buddhist caves,
water bodies, Hindu temples, and Islamic mosques, other sites such
as Amreli declined somewhat suddenly. In the case of Jainism, which
becomes a major religion in Gujarat in the medieval period, it coexisted
and shared sacred space with other religions in the period under study.
Thus, contrary to belief that religions did not share sacred space, and
consequently, resources, this chapter brings forth a number of sites in
Gujarat that provide evidence for sharing of space by religions, at times
by all three – Hindu, Buddhist and Jaina.
Chapter 6 concentrates on data available from the Mahabharata and
the Skanda Purana pertaining to sacred sites and religious develop-
ments in Gujarat. With the aid of archaeological and inscriptional data,
the degree to which certain rituals and festivals were practised and the
presence of sites mentioned in these texts are determined. The chapter
brings forth the multiple religious processes in Gujarat which involved
Introduction V 17
more a process of interaction and dialogue between local beliefs and

practices, on the one hand, and Hindu religion, on the other. Continuity
of Vedic rituals, a further elaboration of rituals in the Skanda Purana as
compared to the Mahabharata, festivals involving pilgrims on a large
scale, water as sacred sites in Skanda Purana, incorporation of local
beliefs and practices, Somanatha and Dwarka in literature and archae-
ology, and religious developments in Gujarat in a wider pan-Indian
context on a basis of study of Visvarupa Vishnu and Panchagnitapas
Parvati images form the sub-themes of this chapter.
Thus, a study of the religious landscape includes not only architec-
tural remains, but also, sculptures and various categories of shrines,
associated religious remains ranging from temple complexes to simple
shrines under trees or in stepwells. For instance, while in Khimesvara
and in Saurashtra, there are temple complexes, simple shrines are
noticed at sites of Balej and Pacchtar, stepwells as shrines are seen at
Roda and Dhank, and shrines with votive terracotta offerings are evi-
dent at Ambaji/Koteswara. In the case of Buddhism, one comes across
simple shelters, as seen at Taranga and Kadia Dungar, residential caves
with well-planned water storage system as at Uparkot in Junagadh and
at Devnimori in North Gujarat, which is the only specimen of a free-
standing stupa in the region of Gujarat.
Besides religious complexities, the data dealt with also include issues
of patronage, religious processes, resource base of the sacred sites, and
coexistence of religious communities at a given site and wider pan
Indian networks. The issues are dealt with historically over a period of
time and will demonstrate that the region was not static, as far as reli-
gious developments were concerned, but dynamism and change was an
essential trait in this region in the time period under study.
Notes
1 Kapila Vatsyayan, The Square and the Circle of the Indian Arts, New Delhi:
Roli Books International, 1983, p. 104.
2 Himanshu Prabha Ray (ed.), Archaeology and Text: The Temple in South
Asia, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010.
3 H.P. Ray and Kapila Vatsyayan (eds), Sacred Landscapes in Asia: Shared
Traditions, Multiple Histories, New Delhi: Manohar, 2007.
4 Michael W. Meister (ed.), Ethnography and Personhood: Notes from the
Field, New Delhi, Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 2000, p. 24.
5 Gavin Flood, Hinduism, Vaisnavism and ISKCON: Authentic Traditions or
Scholarly Constructions? ISKCON Journal, 3 (2), December 1995. http://
content.iskcon.org/icj/3_2/3_2index html.
18 V Introduction
6 Joyce Burkhalter Flueckiger and Laurie J. Sears (eds), Boundaries of

the Text: Epic Performances in South and Southeast Asia, University of
Michigan: Centre for South and Southeast Asian Studies, 1991, p. 5.
7 Daud Ali, Courtly Culture and Political Life in Early Medieval India,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. 18–19.
8 Gregory L. Possehl, The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective,
Oxford: Altamira Press, 2002, p. 170.
9 B.K. Thapar, Kalibangan: A Harappan Metropolis beyond the Indus Valley,
in G.L. Possehl (ed.), Ancient Cities of the Indus, New Delhi: Vikas pub-
lishing, 1979, pp. 201–2.
10 Cathleen Cummings, The Built Environment of Death and Cremation in
Hinduism, in Richard Etlin (ed.), The Cambridge World History of Reli-
gious Architecture, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming.
11 Vasudev Sharan Agrawala, Indian Art, Varanasi: Prithvi Prakashan, 1965,
p. 122.
12 Krishna Deva, Temples of India, New Delhi: Aryan Books International,
1995, p. 8.
13 B.N. Mukherjee, Two Representations of Open Air Shrines in Ancient
Vanga, Journal of Bengal Art, 5, 2000, pp. 41–2.
14 Archaeological Survey of India – Annual Report 1914–15, p. 66.
15 Amalananda Ghosh, An Encyclopedia of Indian Archaeology, New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal, 1989, p. 62.
16 D.C. Sircar, Studies in the Religious Life of Ancient and Medieval India,
Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 1971, p. 17.
17 Doris Meth Srinivasan (ed.), Mathura: A Cultural Heritage, Delhi: Manohar
Publishers and Distributors, 1988, p. 383.
18 Srinivasan, Mathura: A Cultural Heritage, p. 127.
19 Heinrich Lueders, Mathura Inscriptions, Unpublished Papers, Klaus L.
Janert (ed.), Gottingen: Abhandlung der Akademie der Wissenschaften in
Gottingen, Philol.-hist. Klasse 3 Folge 47, 1961, no. 137.
20 Lueders, Mathura Inscriptions, no. 63.
21 Around the third–fourth centuries, the Nagas appear as one of the politi-
cal dynasties in North India. According to the Puranas, seven rulers of the
dynasty enjoyed the charming city of Mathura. In fact, the Nagas com-
prised several ruling houses, and in addition to Mathura, their presence is
attested to at Vidisa, Padmavati or Pawaya and Kantipurya, F.E. Pargiter,
The Purana Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age, Varanasi: Chowkhamba
Sanskrit Series, 1962, pp. 49, 53. The Nagas had marital relations with
the Vakatakas and their coins are known from Mathura and Pawaya,
H.V. Trivedi, Catalogue of the Coins of the Naga Kings of Padmavati,
Gwalior: Department of Archaeology and Museums, 1957.
22 Herbert Haertel, Excavations at Sonkh – 2500 Years of a Town in Mathura,
Berlin: D. Reimer, 1993, p. 245.
23 Srinivasan, Mathura, p. 187.
24 S. Mehendale, Begram: New Perspectives on the Ivory and Bone Carvings,
Berkeley: Doctoral Dissertation, University of California, 1997, p. 56.
25 S.B. Deo, Excavations at Bokhardan (Bhogavardhana), Nagpur:
Dr. S.V. Bhagvat, 1974, pp. 169–70.
Introduction V 19
26 Annual Report of the Department of Archaeology and Museums, Govern-

ment of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad, 1978–79, p. 14.
27 Srinivasan, Mathura, p. 192.
28 Heinrich von Stietencron, Hindu Myth, Hindu History, New Delhi: Perma-
nent Black, 2005, p. 53.
29 Patrick Olivelle, Dharmasutras, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2000, pp. 2–3.
30 Robert P. Goldman translated, The Rāmāyana of Vālmīki, Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1984, p. 23.
31 Ramayana, Aranya Kanda, Sarga 70, Verse 18.
32 Ramayana, Aranya Kanda, Sarga 37, Verse 4.
33 Ramayana, Aranya Kanda, Sarga 11, Verses 17–18.
34 Ramayana, Kishkindha Kanda, Sarga 4, Verses 14–16.
35 Ramayana, Aranya Kanda, Sarga36, Verse 21.
36 Ramayana, Sundara Kanda, Sarga 41, Verses 1–2.
37 Ramayana, Ayodhya Kanda, Sarga 49, Verse 13.
38 Nicholas Sutton, Religious Doctrines in the Mahabharata, Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 2000, p. 60.
39 Michael Willis, The Archaeology of Hindu Ritual: Temples and the Estab-
lishment of the Gods, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
40 D.R. Bhandarkar, Archaeological Remains and Excavations at Nagari,
Calcutta: Memoirs of the ASI, 1920, p. 120.
41 M.S. Nagaraja Rao, Progress of Archaeology in Karnataka (1956–1972),
Mysore: Directorate of Archaeology and Museums in Karnataka, 1978,
p. 28.
42 Sircar 1965/1993: 192–7, no. 82. Sharma 1991: 283 views the performance
of Vedic sacrifices by the queens as ‘an indication of the matriarchal influ-
ence over the Vedic and brahmanical patriarchal tradition, which did not
permit sacrifices to women’. Somewhat later (pp. 383–4), he argues that
the ‘religious aspect of kingship was weakened in post-Maurya times’ as
there is no reference to the purohita or priest as a high functionary in the
inscriptions and that the Satavahanas may have acted as their own priests.
43 Details of the performance of Asvamedha and other sacrifices occur in
Vedic literature, and subsequently, in the epics. In the Mahabharata, the
Asvamedha was regarded as a ceremony of royal consecration for expia-
tion of sin accrued during the war, while in the Ramayana, the purpose of
Dasaratha’s Asvamedha was to beget progeny. N.N. Bhattacharya, Ancient
Indian Rituals and Their Social Contents, Delhi: Munishiram Manoharlal,
1996, pp. 12–15.
44 Epigraphia Indica VIII, pp. 78–85.
45 Epigraphia Indica VIII, pp. 60–5.
46 S. Datta, Migrant Brahmanas in North India: Their Settlement and General
Impact (c. AD 475–1030), Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 1989,
pp. 135, 152. Also H.D. Sankalia, Studies in Indian Arcaheology, Bombay:
Popular Prakashan Pvt Ltd., 1985, p. 130.
47 ‘Although the words carana and sakha are sometimes used simultaneously,
yet carana properly applies to the sect or collection of persons united in
one school, and sakha to the traditional text followed . . .’
48 Sankalia, Studies in Indian Arcaheology, p. 133.
20 V Introduction
49 D.D. Kosambi, An Introduction to the Study of Indian History, Bombay:

Popular Prakashan Pvt. Ltd, 1956, p. 20.
50 Amita Ray, Life and Art in Early Andhradesa, New Delhi: Agam Kala
Prakashan, 1983, p. 197; Devangana Desai, The Social Milieu of Ancient
Indian Terracottas: 600 BC to 600 AD, in Amy Poster (ed.), From Indian
Earth: 4000 Years of Terracotta Art, New York: Brooklyn Museum, 1986,
p. 26.
51 Stephen Huyler, Terracotta Traditions in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century
India, in Amy Poster (ed.), From Indian Earth: 4000 Years of Terracotta
Art, New York: Brooklyn Museum, 1986, pp. 58–63.
52 Vidula Jataswal and Kalyan Krishna, An Ethnoarchaeological View of
Indian Terracottas, New Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1986, pp. 143–6.
53 J.K. Bautze, Early Indian Terracottas, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995.
54 Bautze, Early Indian Terracottas, plates 12, 13.
55 Joe Cribb, The Indian Coinage Tradition: Origins, Continuity & Change,
Nashik: IIRNS, 2005, pp. 14–15.
56 Cribb, The Indian Coinage Tradition, pp. 15–16.
57 P. Anne van’t Haaff, Saurashtra – Surasena Silver Punch-Marked Coin-
age, Nashik: IIRNS, 2004, pp. 11–12.
58 Vijay Nath, Puranas and Acculturation – A Historico-Anthropological
Perspective, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 2001, pp. 38–9; Kunal
Chakrabarti, Anthropological Models of Cultural Interaction and the Study
of Religious Process, Studies in History, 8 (1), n.s., 1992, p. 122.
59 B.D. Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India, New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1994, p. 167. The period between the sixth–
seventh and twelfth–thirteenth centuries showed developments vastly
different from the society of the earlier period. ‘State formation was a cru-
cial agent of change in this respect, in the sense that it brought a measure
of cohesion among local elements of culture by providing them a focus’
(p. 35). While urban centres were characterised as centres of political
power, surrounded by large agricultural hinterlands and located along trade
routes in the Early Historic period, the character of these urban centres
changed in the early medieval period into ‘nodal points in local exchange
networks’. Chattopadhyaya, Early Medieval India, p. 181.
60 Vasant Shinde, Shweta Sinha Deshpande and Sanjay Deshpande, The Her-
itage Sites of Gujarat: A Gazetteer, New Delhi: Aryan Books International,
2011, figure 12.
61 Shinde et al., The Heritage Sites of Gujarat, figure 12a.
62 Njammasch, Bauern, Buddhisten und Brahmanen, p. 24, S.67, Z.5 (II).
63 Njammasch, Bauern, Buddhisten und Brahmanen, p. 49, S.82, Z.23.
1
Monumental remains
Defining sacred space
Certain areas on earth are more sacred than others, some on account of
their situation, and others because of their sparkling waters, and others
because of the association or habitation of saintly People.
(Mahābhārata Anuśāsana Parva 108: 16–18)
Throughout the ages, many cultures have conceived of geographic space

and expressed those conceptions in a variety of ways. One expression
of these conceptions has been the establishment of sacred geographies.
These sacred geographies were demarcated with the creation of tem-
ples and other architectural markers. This chapter provides an over-
view of the sacred sites in Gujarat spanning from circa third century
bce to the eighth century ce. It aims to bring forth an ever expanding
religious landscape in Gujarat and diversity in the architectural forms.
Certain physical locations were deemed more important and carried
a sacred meaning for religions and communities, and structures mark
these spaces as sacred. Temples serve as a bridge between the sacred
and the profane and are centres for religious experiences as abodes of
the divine. It is through art and architecture that the sacred is repre-
sented. The aim will be not to focus on the art historical perspective
of sacred architecture of Gujarat, but rather, to trace the expansion of
sacred geography, diversity, concentration of sites over time within dif-
ferent areas of Gujarat and linkages within sites.
Period I: circa third century BCE to

circa first century BCE/CE
The criteria for selection of this time frame as the first period is in the
nature of the archaeological evidence. Though scanty, the evidence
available indicates the beginnings of the demarcation of sacred space
22 V Monumental remains: defining sacred space
by communities in Gujarat through the construction of more or less

permanent structures.
Hinduism
A combination of archaeological data and literary evidence indicates
the existence of Hindu sacred sites at Dwarka, Somanatha and Padri.
All the sites are located along the coast, within the Saurashtra peninsula
of Gujarat. Dwarka and Somanatha are mentioned as sacred tirthas in
the Mahabharata. Dwarka, famed as the city of Krishna, is mentioned
as a sacred spot in the Mahabharata. ‘There is also Dvārāvatī which
produces great merit and in which lives the slayer of Madhu’ (III, 88).
One should go to Dwarka, as mentioned in the Mahabharata, with reg-
ulated diet and vows and one who bathes in the Pindaraka obtains the
merit of giving away much gold and that Mahadeva is always present
at this tirtha (III, 82). Excavations carried out at Dwarka revealed the
existence of a temple (Temple I) dated to first century bce to second
century ce.1 The excavations were carried out in the forecourt of the
Dwarkadheesh temple, and Temples II (third–seventh century ce) and
Temple III (eighth–twelfth century ce)2 reveal the continued impor-
tance of this sacred site over the centuries and till date.
In the case of Somanatha, one has to rely solely on literary evidence
as even though excavations reveal an early settlement at the site, there
is no evidence for the early existence of a temple at the site. The story
associated with Prabhasa (Somanatha) is that Soma married twenty-
seven daughters of Daksa, and on account of his predilection for
Rohini, the other wives complained to Daksa, who cursed Soma so that
he was affected by phthisis. In order to get rid of the disease, Soma, on
command of Daksa, proceeded to Sarasvati. He reached the greatest
of tirthas, called Prabhasa, belonging to Sarasvati. After bathing here,
he regained his effulgence, and hence, the place got its name Prabhasa
(IX, 35).
In the Mahabharata, Prabhas Patan has been described as a sacred
tirtha located on the coast of the sea (Vana Parva, Ch. 109). It mentions,
‘O Yudhistira, the brahmanas say that on the sea coast is Prabhasa – the
tīrtha which is adored by the celestials’ (III, 880). Agni was always
present at this tirtha, and those who bathe here with a subdued mind
become pure and obtain the fruits of performing the Agnistoma sacri-
fice (III, 82). It is also mentioned as a tirtha, which is truly sacred, sin-
destroying and a favourite place of Indra (III, 103).
Monumental remains: defining sacred space V 23
A sacred site not mentioned in literary texts and containing evidence

of an early shrine is Padri, located in Bhavnagar district of Gujarat,
as discussed in the last chapter. Thus, while literary data bring forth
the sanctity of Dwarka and Somanatha, archaeology proves the pres-
ence of sacred remains at Padri. From among the jars of the Harappan
period found during excavations at the site, one of them has a painted
figure with a horned head-dress, which has been identified as Pasupata.3
Dated to the early historical period, is a roughly oval structure with a
number of post holes along its eastern periphery. The floor had two
circular platforms in the northern and southern end with a diameter of
1.5 meters each. Two terracotta plaques of Lajjagauri were recovered
from the adjoining area of this floor and it seems the structure had some
religious significance.4 This structure has been identified as a temple
dedicated to this goddess.5
All the three above-mentioned sites contain evidence of settlement
from an early period dating to the Harappan and early Historical peri-
ods. Excavations at the site of the Dwarkadheesh temple revealed an
occupational layer belonging to fourteenth–thirteenth centuries bce
with lustrous red ware and Harappan ware.6 The site seems to have
been re-occupied in 900 bce and continued up to 500 bce.7 The third
occupational layer corresponds to the second century bce.8 In the
period between 320 bce and the first century ce, excavations brought to
light red slipped ware, black ware, terracotta balls, and stoppers shell
bangles, and iron. In Bet Dwarka was found an inscribed potsherd in
Mauryan Brahmi, belonging to the same period,9 thus indicating trade
contacts with northern India. Temple I was built some time later dur-
ing this period.10 Similarly, excavations at the site of Prabhas Patan/
Somanatha revealed occupational layers dating from an early period.
Archaeological excavations at the site of Prabhas Patan reveal five cul-
tural periods, starting from c. 2000–1800 bce.11 At Somanathapattana,
the beginnings of historical settlement date to the fourth century bce,
but religious structures such as temples emerge at a somewhat later
period, in the fifth and sixth centuries ce.12
Buddhism
The location of Buddhist sacred sites in the region demonstrates a dif-
ferent trend. The few sites in this period are located more in the hilly
tracts, with the concentration being in and around the modern-day
city of Junagadh. The Deccan trap in the central part of Saurashtra is
exposed extensively and most prominent among these is the Girnar hill,
which is 1,117 metres high and is the highest hill in Saurashtra, fol-
lowed by the Barda hill, which is 637 metres high. It is these two hills
and their terrain that provide us with structural data indicating the pres-
ence of a Buddhist community in Gujarat.
Located within the present city limits of Junagadh, the Bawa Pyara
caves are carved out of a single separate rock and contain viharas and a
caityagrha dating to the Mauryan period.13
The caityagrha had four pillars supporting a flat roof, and the cave
itself is 6 metres wide and 1.5 metres deep, and has a nearly semi-
circular apse on the west. The caityagrha has a verandah in front of it,
from which two cells are entered into, one on each side of the principal
hall. There are six pillars in the verandah and each has simha brackets
to the roof, the façade of which has very crude caitya window orna-
ments. At each end of the verandah are winged simha carved in low
relief on the walls.14
The other Buddhist site with vihara and dating to the Mauryan period
is located in the Barda hills at Ghumli.15 The site is located in the inte-
rior region of Saurashtra, between the Vartu and Bhadar rivers in the
Figure 1.1
Bawa Pyara caves
Figure 1.2
Interior chamber of Bawa Pyara cave
district of Jamnagar. The Barda hills are called Bahrot by the local Warli
community, and interestingly, the caves in these hills were also home to
the holy fire, the ‘Iranshah Fire’, of the Parsis for 12 years, which they
carried with them from Sanjan, when the city was burnt by the Arabs,
as has been recorded in the Kiss e Sanjan (authorship is recorded as 969

YZ or 1599 ce, and in its conclusion, the story is signed by a Parsi priest
named Bahman Kaikobad or ‘Bahman Kaikobad Hamjiar Sanjana’).
The Buddhist caves are plain and devoid of much sculptural details
and their simplicity suggests the main purpose of these was to accom-
modate the Buddhist monks during the retreat season. These caves lack
evidence to suggest their utilisation as sites for ritual purposes or wor-
ship by the lay community on a large scale. The size of these caves
suggests the presence of a small community of Buddhist monks. In the
succeeding period under study, the proliferation of Buddhist structural
remains in and around Junagadh speaks of a flourishing period of Bud-
dhism.The monuments indicate an increase in the number of monks and
lay followers as well.
Demarcation of sacred space by the royalty

In addition to the above-mentioned sites, the role of the royalty in the
creation of sacred space in this period is seen in the presence of the
Asokan rock edict.16 The site of the Edict is at a distance of 1.6 km
from the main city of Junagadh and 3.8 km from the Gir forests. The
rounded granite boulder with the edicts is situated at the entrance
of the valley, about 0.8 km east of the town, near the edge of what
was once the Sudarsana lake.17 The Edict, now situated in a building
to ensure its protection, is located between the path connecting the
Sudarsana lake and the holy Mount Girnar, which has been described
as the hermitage of Rsi Dattatreya in the Brhat Samhita (XIV.11), on one
side, and the city of Junagadh on the other. Those who entered the city
via this path would have surely stopped to take notice of this boulder of
stone, 3.6 metres high and 22.8 metres in circumference, inscribed with
the edicts of Asoka.
The site probably would have marked the entry into the settlement
sites, as is still the case. The selection of the site of Junagadh may have
been due to varied causes.18 In addition to this, the site was connected to
the coastal area, giving it access to trading activities, while the fact that
Gir hills are the highest hills in Saurashtra and the city of Junagadh is
nestled between the hills provide the site some protection. This is prob-
ably the reason why the dam at Sudarsana lake was constructed and
later maintained by succeeding rulers. Added to this was the presence
of raw materials for the fabrication of beads in Kathiawar in the form of
agates, carnelian, onyx, and chalcedony besides chank shells.19
Figure 1.3
Asokan rock edict, Junagadh
Figure 1.4
Close-up of Asokan rock edict, which also carries later inscriptions of
Rudradaman I (150 CE) and of the early Gupta rulers
Period II: first century BCE/CE to third century CE

The second period under study witnesses not only an increase in the
number of sacred sites, but a constantly expanding religious landscape,
new forms of sacred sites and a concentration of Buddhist sites in
Gujarat. Buddhist sacred space is not limited to the confines of rock-
cut architecture, and there is evidence for free-standing architecture,
mainly in terms of stupas.
Hinduism
An expanding religious landscape is seen in the existence of Hindu
sacred remains at the sites in Karvan, Goraj and Nagara. The site of
Karvan in the Vadodara district of Gujarat and situated at a distance
of about 30 km from Vadodara is also known as Kayavarohan. The
temple here is dedicated to Lakulisa, who is considered as an avatar
of Shiva. Excavations at the site revealed a brick structure, the outer
portion of which was plastered with lime. Also seen were a number of
brick walls running north–south and east–west cutting at right angles.
A brick wall around a Shiva linga was noticed at the site, and the size
of the bricks was 40.64 cm × 24.3 cm × 8.8. cm and 40.64 cm × 25.4
cm × 7.62 cm, and according to Mehta, this fact clearly indicates that
temples of brick existed in this part of the country from the Early His-
toric period II (0–fifth century ce).20 A number of Shiva lingas were
also found at the site, which further attests to the sanctity of the site.
The site is associated with Lakulisa, a Shaivite revivalist, reformist and
preceptor of the Pasupata doctrine of Shaivism. The Avanti Khanda of
the Skanda Purana mentions the installation of linga by Lakulisa and
his four disciples at Kayavarohanesvara.21
Excavations at the site of Mahadevapura Goraj in Vaghodia taluka
of Vadodara district brought to light remains of a temple. Vestiges of a
fairly large brick size temple are deduced from the fact that the platform
plinth measured 35 metres east–west and 24 metres north–south, and
averages between 1.4 metres and 1.5 metres in height, and 29 courses
were exposed in the plinth of the structure.22 A brick wall enclosing the
temple on three sides was also excavated. The plinth was made of plain
and moulded bricks, of which some were decorated. The pranala seen
in the temple was oriented north–south and discharged into a brick built
kunda having 36 brick courses. The temple’s construction has been
dated to the Kshatrapa period (first–fourth century ce). It was dedicated
to Shiva and was subsequently rebuilt as well.23
The site of Nagara is located at the Gulf of Khambat, and has antiqui-
ties which date the beginnings of the site to the Early Historic period
II (0–fifth century ce).24 These include an uninscribed lead seal, cop-
per plates, terracotta figure of a horse, mother goddess, chank bangles,
and a beautiful marble image of a flying Gandharva. Also found at
the site are images of Brahma, Parvati and Vishnu, and architectural
pieces and pillars are strewn at various places such as Sati ni Deri, Moti
Parsiwada, Laxman Hall compound near a well to the east of Dada
Tatoo no Mohollo, Asapuri Mata temple, and Patwa Sheri,25 suggesting
the earlier existence of some temple at the site.
While in the preceding period, there is an association of the Barda
hills with Buddhism, in this period, there is scattered evidence pertain-
ing to Hinduism. Loose sculptures of Shiva and Parvati, and a mandapa
wall with three free-standing pillars and two pillars in the wall were
noticed, and on the opposite side of the kunda, a matha was discovered
at the site of Bhrgukunda, located close to Ghumli. Of the brick struc-
tures found at the kunda, one is a platform made of bricks measuring
43.8 cm × 27.7 cm × 8 cm, which is the common size of the Kshatrapa
period.26 Hence, the site may have contained a temple in this period,
and later came to have a matha as well. The site also has a temple com-
plex to its credit, and continues to be an important religious site in the
later period, as the hills contain the temple complex of Sonkamsari in
the Maitraka period, and the site of Ghumli subsequently becomes the
capital of the Saindhava dynasty, with the beautiful Navalakha temple
to its credit.
Buddhism
An increase in the number of Buddhist sites is noticed in this period, and
a concentration of sites is identifiable in and around Junagadh. Increas-
ing complexity within Buddhism can be ascertained on the basis of the
variety of Buddhist monumental remains. The repertoire of B uddhist
remains consist now of caityas, viharas – both in rock, as well as bricks
and structural stupas. In addition, at the site of Khambalida, the pres-
ence of carvings of Boddhisattvas are indicators of the existence of
more complex forms of Buddhism. The majority of Buddhist monu-
ments in Gujarat are viharas, as compared to caityagrhas or stupas.
Rock-cut viharas are noticed at Bawa Pyara, Mai Gadechi, Talaja,
Sana, Jhinjhurijhar, Khapara Kodia, Dhan, Uparkot, Khambalida, and
Kadi Dungar among others; brick viharas are seen at Intwa, Devnimori
and Vadnagar. Besides, caityagrhas are noticed at Bawa Pyara, Talaja,
Sana, Khambalida and stupas are seen at Boria, Dhoraji (Rajkot)27 and
Hadmatiya28 (Junagadh). At the stupa site of Patanvav, an inscription in
the Brahmi script dating to the Kshatrapa period, which reads ‘Son of
Dama . . .’, was also noticed.29 The site of Hadmatiya is located along
the bank of river Sarasvati and the outer portion of the stupa, dated
to the beginning of the Common era, was built of well-burnt bricks and
the inner portion was filled with undressed stone.30
The increased importance of Junagadh in the Buddhist circuit can
be attributed to the construction of the Boria stupa. The earliest stupa
in Gujarat and datable to the second century, it contained some relics.
In 1889, James Campbell discovered a brick mound known as Laha
Medi in Boria valley, 10 km south east of Junagadh. It contained a
stone coffer containing a stone pot in which were found a little copper
pot, a silver box, and finally, a little gold box. In the gold box were
found an aquamarine bead, a ruby, a sapphire, an emerald, two small
pieces of wood, and a relic described as a sliver of bone, stone or clay.
The presence of life-sized images in the mound surrounding the central
coffer led Campbell to suggest that the relics had been housed in an
older structure before being moved to the present location.31 This site
may have been a part of the religious circuit encompassing the other
two stupa sites of Sopara and Kolhapur.32 The find of a few sculptured
marble slabs showed that some stone work existed probably as railing
and crowning umbrella.33 The stupa had a brick core, which was about
9 metres in height, a central brick paved courtyard, a flanking veran-
dah, and ranges of cells made of large bricks in mud. Other quadran-
gular brick structures were noticed – two on one flank and one on the
other side of this monastery – and it was an impressive establishment.34
Also located at a distance of 3 km from Junagadh is the Intwa vihara,
and this, along with the stupa at Boria is the first piece of architectural
evidence pertaining to the use of bricks in the construction of Buddhist
sacred sites.
At the site of Khapara Kodia, the chambers are cut in an east–west
longitudinal ridge of trap rock, in which the eastern part is somewhat
narrow or constricted and serves to emphasise the two basic wings
of rock excavations on either sides.35 The two prominent component
wings of the caves comprise the more or less compact oblong western
wing, provided with a grid pattern of water tanks within and a roughly
‘L’-shaped wing, essentially fashioned to serve as habitational apart-
ments.36 The site has large water tanks and a well-developed system of
water storage and utilisation.
Figure 1.5
Relic caskets from Boria stupa
Figure 1.6
Khapara Kodia caves
Figure 1.7
Khapara Kodia – pillars with simha brackets
An expansion of Buddhist sacred geography of Junagadh is noticed

in the increase of the number of sites: Khapara Kodia, Uparkot, Boria
stupa, and the brick-built vihara at Intwa, demonstrating a concentra-
tion of Buddhist sites here. The concentration of Buddhist sites at the
Figure 1.8
Interior of Uparkot caves, Junagadh
Girnar hill and its surrounding area seems to have been economically
viable to be able to support such a large number of monks living in and
around modern-day Junagadh. The establishment at Khapara Kodia
was by no means small, and when taken together with the Bawa Pyara
caves as well as the vihara at Intwa, it is clear that this area had a strong
Buddhist presence, not seen elsewhere in Gujarat.
In addition to Junagadh, Buddhist monuments demarcated sacred
space at other sites in Gujarat as well. The Khambalida caves, located
21 km from Gondal in Rajkot district, are the only caves belonging
to this period that are carved on the exterior with life-size figures of
Bodhisattavas, Avalokitesvara and Vajrapani on either side of the
entrance to the caitya hall. They are depicted as standing below the
Bodhi tree and surrounded by attendants37 and they are clear indica-
tors of the presence of Mahayana Buddhists in the region. The caves
at Khambalida, consisting of five groups dating to second–third
century ce, contained besides viharas, a caitya hall with a stupa inside
it. These caves are the only specimen of decorated caitya in Gujarat.
At a distance of a few kilometres from Dhank is the Jhinjuri Jhar
ravine, which contains some caves. One of the caves has a verandah,
which leads into a cell through a door and two narrower openings meas-
uring 34 cm in width. In the right hand wall of this chamber is a door,
which leads to a second room.38 A cave at Jhinjuri Jhar has two octago-
nal pillars with square bases and capitals. These pillars are connected
to the pilasters by a low screen covered in the fashion of a Buddhist rail
of large pattern.39
The site of Talaja has about 30 caves excavated at different levels out
of a single hill and the site is located about 3.2 km from the confluence
of river Shetrunji and the sea. It has 15–20 water tanks, and the largest of
them, known as Ebhal Mandapa, measures 22.8 metres × 20.5 metres ×
5.3 meteres and has four octagonal pillars in front, but none inside to sup-
port the roof. There is an absence of any partition wall that would divide
the structure into an outer verandah and an inner wall. The façade of the
cave has remnants of a primitive form of caitya window ornament.40
A large Buddhist monastic complex is seen carved out in the elevated
plateau at the site of Sana. The site is located close to the sea with
62 caves on three spurs of an elevated plateau, which slopes down to
the perennial stream of river Rupen on the west. The caves at differ-
ent spurs are approached by rock-cut stairs, and of these, the northern
arm is called Munda, which has 18 caves and 47 cells, the eastern arm
is called Ravto with 15 caves and 30 cells, and the southern arm with 10
caves and 22 cells is known as Champagalo.41 This site contains three
caitya halls as well, but the caves are devoid of any ornamentation.42
Here too, in the Champagalo hill, the largest vihara is known as Ebhal
Mandapa, which originally had six pillars in front, and as in the case
of Talaja, no pillars inside.43 A number of tanks were noticed near the
viharas,44 indicating the site being settled by monks for a longer period
and not on a temporary basis, as also the sheer number of caves suggest.
Another site in Saurashtra is the cave site at Alech Patan, located in Jam
Jodhpur taluka.45
In South Gujarat, rock-cut caves were noticed along Rampura bank of
river Majoom in the Kapadvan taluka of Kheda district.46 In Nakhtrana
taluka on the side of river Dharud, two caves were noticed, which have
been architecturally dated to the third–fourth century ce.47 Cave number
I is very simple, with a hall measuring 3.1 metres × 2.8 metres and its
ceiling is domical. The second cave is the larger of the two, which is
also simple, is east-facing and divided into two parts – namely, the main
hall and the adjoining room.48
The other group of caves in South Gujarat is located at Kadia D ungar
in Broach district, dating to 300 ce,49 and contains a total of seven
caves.50 Kadia Dungar is a small elongated hillock between Jagadia and

Netrang and the road between Ankleswar and Netrang is the only road
linking it with other parts of Gujarat. An inscription found from cave
number I informs us that these caves were carved out during the reign
of the Kshatrapa ruler Viradamana.51 Of these, cave number II has a
bigger hall, which is 9.4 metres long, and on the outer side of the cave,
post holes for wooden railings are visible.52 These caves do not contain
any caitya hall or images of Buddha and may have, thus, belonged to
the Hinayana Buddhist monks.
Beginnings of brick-built Buddhist structures is noticed in this period.
These are at the sites of Devnimori and Vadnagar, and the earliest struc-
tures at both the sites are the vihara. In the succeeding period, both sites
develop into Buddhist complexes with stupas, monastery and votive
stupas as well. In this period, the site of Devnimori had a large vihara
to its credit, which was later enlarged twice and repaired as well.53 This
site, along with the one at Vadnagar, provide us with the earliest speci-
mens of Buddhist brick-built structures. Close to this vihara, the stupas,
one main and four votive were constructed in the next period.
Recent excavation brought to light a monastery and other Buddhist
remains at the site of Vadnagar, located in north-eastern part of Gujarat.
‘It appears there was a comprehensive Buddhist sanctuary from at least
the third century bce to the 11th century ce.’54 Among the antiquities
found are a red sandstone broken head of Buddha of second century ce,
a votive tablet with footprint impressions, six petalled flowers, and a
crescent-shaped stone tray depicting the scene of the monkey offer-
ing honey to Buddha, sherds of black polished ware with inscription
in Brahmi legend, dev-shri-ri-shi, shaka-sya and dha-ma, belonging
to second–third centuries ce.55 A sandstone human head sculpted in
Gandhara art style and terracotta human head pendants, which could
have been used as cult objects, and the many fragments of incense burn-
ers56 are indicators of rituals associated with Buddhism at the site.
As for the structural remains, the stratigraphical position of the mon-
astery suggests that it was built around second–third centuries ce.57 The
monastery complex at the site was within the fortified area near the
present Ghaskol Gate of Vadnagar. Small in size and square in plan, it
measured 14.04 x 14.04 metres and near the north-west corner, there is
an extended portion on the western side, consisting of two additional
chambers. The plan of the monastery is a quadrangle, with an open
square in the middle, surrounded by cells, nine in number originally.
A small washing area at the south-west corner of the courtyard was
found connected to a covered outlet drain, which passed through the

west through the gap between the cells. According to Y.S. Rawat, the
plan and construction of the cells around the courtyard followed a
swastika-like pattern.58
Kantilal F. Sompura aptly describes the austere and simple Buddhist
cave architecture encountered in Gujarat, ‘Nearly all the caves, with
the exception of the Khambalida caitya cave, are devoid of decora-
tion at the façade.’59 The sheer numbers of caves that have been found
within the region of Gujarat are an indication of the presence of a large
Buddhist community. In the second period under study, it is noticed
that Buddhist sacred architecture came to include space for worship and
rituals, as seen in the presence of the caitya halls and stupas.
The absence of images of Buddha at early Buddhist sites has been
the centre of much scholarly debate. The inception of the debate on
the origins of Buddhist images can be traced back to Alfred Foucher’s
essay entitled ‘The Beginning of Buddhist Art’, published in Journal
Asitique 1911, wherein the ‘aniconic theory’ was born. The absence
of Buddha images in excavations at early Buddhist sites left archae-
ologists puzzled, and to find an answer to this, Foucher hypothesised
both an interpretation of early Buddhist art in India to characterise their
absence and a theory of the origin of the Buddha image.60 The depiction
of trees, wheels and stupas in Buddhist works of art were interpreted
as ‘aniconic’ substitutes for an anthropomorphic Buddha.61 Susan L
Huntington, on the other contrary, states, ‘I think that Foucher and oth-
ers who have followed him were wrong about what they believed they
were seeing – or more correctly not seeing – in the arcaheological and
art historical record.’62 Huntington disagrees with the aniconists, who
contend that the non-figurative subjects in art are intended to substitute
for a human figure.63 She argues that the trees, stupas, wheels, pillars,
and other foci of narrative reliefs in the early artistic corpus are, in fact,
icons. The art shows completely different types of subject matter and
that these subjects do not require a Buddha figure nor even something
that substitutes for him.64 The images depict sacred objects and places
of Buddhism and the devotions accorded to them by lay practitioners
and religious pilgrims.65 Trees, reliquary mounds, footprints, and other
subjects were, then, not substitutes for a figurative image, but rather,
objects of worship in their own right, and these reflect the core practices
that lie at the heart of Buddhism.66 In Huntington’s perspective, the
artistic rendering are representations of such monuments (stupa – which
were created to house the bodily relic) and the relic veneration practices
that occurred at them and not, as others have proposed – depictions of

the death scene of Buddha. ‘The second type of relics, namely relic by
contact, – anything that the Budha had ever touched or used . . . have
been honoured and revered over the millennia by Buddhist devotees.’67
Such objects in art are, then, not viewed as substitutes for the Buddha
images, but are the focus of veneration in their own right.68
Role of the royalty in creation of sacred space

For this period under study, there is limited evidence for the direct
involvement and support of the royalty at any religious site. This is
at the site of Intwa, which is located on a hill about 3 km to the north
of Girnar. The vihara at Intwa is known as the Rudrasena vihara on
the basis of baked clay sealing with a Brahmi legend recording that it
belongs to the bhiksu Sangha of the Maharaja Rudrasena monastery.
Excavations here brought to light a rectangular brick flooring measur-
ing 19.7 metres × 57.1 metres.69 This can be considered a major devel-
opment in Buddhist architecture in this region as, for the first time,
an attempt is made to construct a vihara which is not carved out of
natural rock.
The site near the Sudarsana lake with the rock edict continues to
hold importance in this period as well. The rock was engraved during
the reign of both the Kshatrapas, in the time of Rudradamana, as well
as by the viceroy during the Gupta period. The inscription of the time
of Rudradamana mentions that when, by the clouds pouring with rain,
the earth had been converted as it were into one ocean, by the exces-
sively swollen floods of the Suvarnasikata, Palasini and other streams
of mount Urjayat, the dam breached. It measured 420 cubits long, just
as many broad, and 75 cubits deep. All the water escaped. It also men-
tions that a dam was built under the rule of the Mauryas by the governor
Tushaspha who was a yavana. When the dam broke again and the mat-
ter was brought forth to the Mahakshatrapa’s counsellors and executive
officers, who, though fully endowed with the qualifications, were averse
to a task as they found it futile on account of the enormous extent of
the breach. The construction work of the dam was finally carried out by
the minister Suvisakha, the son of Kulaipa, a Pahlava, who, for the ben-
efit of the inhabitants of the towns and country, had been appointed by
the king in this government to rule the whole of Anarta and Saurashtra.70
Presence of the boulder of stone with inscriptions pertaining to major
ruling dynasties indicates the importance of Junagadh, Mount Girnar
and its environs for almost a century. Evidence for the constant pres-
ence of the royalty and its involvement in the construction of sacred
architecture are the construction of the vihara by Rudrasena and erec-
tion of a temple dedicated to Vishnu by the viceroy Chakrapalita.
Since the role of royalty is limited, we must then turn to archae-
ological data to determine the patrons of these sacred structures.
Kumaran notes that the Kaolin ware used in Deccan in second century
bce to first century ce were reported from sites such as Rajarajeswara,
Surpaneswara, Devnimori, and Dwarka – all invariably associated with
religious sites.71 Finds of pottery belonging to various ceramic tradi-
tions help establish Gujarat’s trade contacts with various parts of the
subcontinent. The glazed ware, with its concentration in the S
aurashtra
peninsula, shows contacts of this area with regions ruled by the
Kushanas. On the contrary, the Vasai ware found in concentration in
the Kachchh plains and Banaskantha district of Gujarat, both located
along the border with Rajasthan, prove the interaction between these
two regions.72 In addition to the above-mentioned ceramics, the find
of the NBPW, knobbed ware from Hatab, Shamlaji and Devnimori,
porcelain from Karvan, the red polished ware found along with Indo-
Greek, and Kshatrapa coins and ceramics,73 suggest that local trade net-
works were established first, followed by overseas trade, which shows
that Early Historic people of Gujarat had trade contacts not only with
North, East and South India, but also with the Persian Gulf and Red
Sea.74 Evidence shows that by the first century ce, Gujarat textiles were
being traded in the Horn of Africa.75 There is material evidence from
fifth century ce of patterned textiles of Indian origin, probably Gujarati
in origin.76 The above evidence hints at the presence of a strong trading
community who may have played a major role in the creation of sacred
landscapes in Gujarat.
Memorial stones as sacred space

New elements that transform the landscape and imbue it with sanc-
tity are memorial stones found in Kachchh and Saurashtra. Memorials
are landscaped spaces created to memorialize individuals, places and
events.77 The primary reason for sacredness was the act of memorial
designation, of setting aside a space by a group of people. Sites were
sacred because they would have meaning to the community or to par-
ticular individuals or groups.78 Ceremonies, pilgrimages and rituals
acts of consecration create webs of meaning that continually redefine
and intertwine the sacred and the profane.79 These are mostly dated to
the Kshatrapa period in Gujarat and are spread over Kachchh, Rajkot
and Jamnagar districts. In Kachchh, they are to be found at Dolatpur
(236 ce and third–fourth centuries ce),80 at Vandh in Mandvi taluka (of
the time of Rudrasimha)81 and at Andhau82 (Kshatrapa period). They are
also noticed at Gunda83 and Mulvasar (of the time of Rudrasimha and
Rudrasena), in Bhanwar taluka of Jamnagar district and at Gadhada (of
the time of Rudrasena I), in Jasdantaluka84 of Rajkot district.
The five inscriptions found at Andhau were on a raised spot; the
inscription in the vicinity of Mevasa in Rapar taluka of Kachchh was
noticed on a small hillock, and another inscription was seen lying on a
mound 0.8 km south west of Khavda.85 The inscription found at Andhau
records the erection of a yasti in memory of A . . . ka, son of Satrumsaka,
a sramanera (novice monk) by his son Dhanadeva, and the inscription
belongs to the time of Rudradamana I.86 Another inscription from the
same site, dating to 89 ce, records the erection of a yasti in the eleventh
year in the reign of Samotik’s son.87 The stone inscription at Mulvasar,
Okhamandal mentions the erection of a memorial stone. Similarly, the
inscription from Vandh, in Prakrit language, records the erection of a
memorial stone, as a funeral monument in memory of a woman who
is described as the servant of the mother, as belonging to Atimutaka
gotra and as an inhabitant of Kasadesa, by a person named Ajamitra.88
The stones found in Kachchh are in memory of individuals, but those
found in Saurashtra record an event, mainly the digging of wells, as
seen on the ones found at Gunda, Gadhada and Visavadar. The presence
of these in Kachchh signifies the creation of a new type of sacred space,
associated not with deities, but sites created to commemorate heroic
deeds and sites to venerate the dead.
Of these, the Gunda inscription, dating to 181 ce, mentions digging of
a well for the welfare of society by Senapati Bapaka’s son, Rudrabhuti
Abhira.89 Similarly, the inscription at Gadhada, consisting of seven
lines on the walls of a well, mentions the construction of a well.90
Thus, while some wells may have been for agricultural purposes,
others may have been religious or social in nature.
These memorial stones are unique to Saurashtra and Kachchh, and
are not found in any other region of Gujarat, either within this period
under study or the next. Probably these were introduced in this region
by the Kshatrapas. The limited number of these stones suggests that
these were being erected probably only by those who were influential
and not as much by the common folk. Memorial stones are also an
indicator of worship of ancestors since these stones would be a constant

reminder of an important individual of the clan or family in whose hon-
our the stone was erected.
Period III: fourth century CE to eighth century CE

This period witnessed immense growth and development in sacred
architecture and sculpture. Most of the monumental remains of this
period are in the form of temples, and for Buddhism, the religious com-
plexes from the sites of Devnimori and Vadnagar attest to the continued
importance of this religion in Gujarat. There is a spurt in temple con-
struction and sculptures and it can be said that the foundation of temple
architecture was laid and artisans and craftsmen were becoming profi-
cient and experimenting with varied styles of architecture.
Hinduism
While earlier sites of Karvan, Dwarka and Somanatha continue in this
period too, there is an increase in the number of Hindu temples. Temple
sites come up towards the interiors and coastal areas as well. At the
site of Goraj, Vadodara district, a plinth of a brick-built structure was
unearthed.91 The temple, even though constructed in the earlier period
under study, was used and rebuilt in the Gupta and the Maitraka period.
This is seen in the different stages of repair of the plinth and the find of
a coin of Kumaragupta and Maitraka sculpture at the site.92 The site of
Chachlana is located in the Kalyanpura taluka of Jamnagar district and
it revealed remains of the Kshatrapa period. Found at the site were red
polished ware, black on red ware and terracotta and stone sculptures.
Found at the site is a sculpture of Kubera belonging to the fourth century
ce, and this, along with the other architectural fragments from the site,
suggests the remains of a temple dating to the fourth century ce.93 The
site seems to have been an urban centre and probably an administrative
centre and a strategic defence location since it is fortified.94
Some of the sites located in North Gujarat are Shamlaji, Than, Roda
Polo, and Lakroda. The site of Shamlaji is located along the river
Meshvo in the Sabarkantha district of Gujarat, and within the same dis-
trict are located the sites of Lakroda. Goraj and Roda sites chosen as
sacred sites are located in the hilly and forested areas, such as Shamlaji
and Lakroda, unlike earlier sites that were only in close proximity to
the coast.
Figure 1.9
Temple at stepwell, Roda
Figure 1.10
Temples inside stepwell at Roda
At the site of Lakroda, the shrine and mandapika have been dated
to the last quarter of the eighth century ce.95 At Roda, the temple com-
plex contains seven temples,96 of which four are located within a step-
well at the site. This site was never mentioned either by James Tod, J.
Burgess, Henri Cousens or Sankalia. The studies on Roda were initiated
by P.A. Inamdar [1926], followed by U.P. Shah and M.A. Dhaky in the
1960s. The name ‘Roda’ literally means brickbats, and the site is located
between the villages of Raisingpura and Khed Chandarani.97 Close to the
well at one end are another three temples, with elaborate sculptural deco-
ration while temple No. 7, a Shiva temple, is located near the curving of
the river, has an austere doorway and is devoid of sculptural elaboration.
This temple was originally connected to the river with stone steps, which
are now ruined. Of the ones located next to the stepwell, two continue
to survive, while the base is all that exists of the third temple. The sculp-
tures collected from the site and preserved in the Baroda Museum and
Picture Gallery point to an established religious site with temples dedi-
cated to almost all in the Hindu pantheon.98 Temple-building activity at
the site probably continued for at least two centuries as the sculptures in
the museum and the thirteenth-century stepwell in a nearby village would
suggest.99 Other sites in North Gujarat are those of Polo and Shamlaji,
and the former comes to contain numerous Hindu as well as Jaina tem-
ples in the medieval period. Located deep within the Vijaynagar forest in
Sabarkantha district, the city of Polo is believed to have been established
in the tenth century by the Parihar kings of Idar, and was then conquered
in the fifteenth century by the Rathod Rajputs of Marwar. The name is
derived from ‘pol’, the Marwari word for ‘gate’, signifying its status as a
gateway between Gujarat and Rajasthan. It was built between Kalaliyo in
the east, the highest peak in the area, and Mamrehchi in the west, consid-
ered sacred by the local adivasis. At Polo, one notices only doorframes of
an earlier period in the Shamlaji and Roda style,100 pointing to a temple
at the site in the eighth century ce. Only the shrine walls survive and the
blocks that are lying around point to the earlier existence of a mandapa
as well. The temple seems to have been dedicated to Vishnu in one of his
manifestations and the seat in the back wall of the shrine shows that it
was not a Shaiva temple with a linga.101
Another temple site is located on the upper region of Saurashtra at
the site of Than, where the temple dates to the first half of the eighth
century ce.102 The shrine is located outside the courtyard to the north of
the Surya shrine. Even though the Surya temple dates to a later period,
an old doorframe fixed into the entrance porch, an eroded image of
Revanta and a mutilated image of Surya are indicators of the presence

of a shrine belonging to an earlier period.103
The vast majority of temples, labelled as ‘Maitraka Temples’ and
dating to between the sixth century ce and the eighth century ce,104
emerge along the coastline of Saurashtra. These temples have been
labelled after the then ruling dynasty of the Maitrakas, with their
capital at Valabhi, but there is no evidence linking the temples to
this royal dynasty. The temples running along the coast of Saurashtra
are located between the sites of Dwarka and Somanatha, and the
majority of the temples are seen between the Vartu and Bhadar riv-
ers. Even though all the temple sites are located along the coastline,
diversity in location is noticeable – some temples were erected at
creeks (Miyani), yet others at hill tops (Ghumli) and yet others were
directly on the sea coast (Khimesvara). There being no evidence to
prove the involvement of royalty in the construction of these temples,
one may attribute them to coastal communities involved in maritime
activities, trade and fishing.
The earliest surviving stone temple is located at Gop. This temple
is found in the interior and is located on a hilly outcrop. It seems to
be looking down upon the surrounding area. The temple stands out
in its surroundings and is clearly visible from a distance while on
the road. This hilly outcrop is today surrounded by agricultural land,
which is tilled by brahmanas. The temple site had to its advantage
the availability of agricultural land as well as mineral resources. This
could probably explain the choice of this site for the construction of
a temple.
The temple complex of Boricha is also located away from the coast
and is built around what is now called a Yajnakunda, where all tem-
ples contain Shiva lingas. They seem to be architecturally Dravidian
in style, and of these, only one contains a path for circumambulation.
Scattered around the temple area are images of Nandi and also seen is
an image of Ganesha. It is no longer under worship and is nestled in a
village whose people practice agriculture. Found close to the temple is
a well – but a natural one without any steps.
Khimesvara is a temple complex located about 122 metres away
from the sea. Earlier, it was probably closer to the sea, but is more
distant now because of the silting over the centuries. The site seems to
have been religiously and architecturally an important site since it is a
temple complex and contains within itself varied architectural styles.
Interestingly, it is the only site in Saurashtra where an example of the
Valabhicchandaja105 style is to be found, with the main temple being

dedicated to Shiva.
Another site that shows continuity of worship is Miyani. This site is
located on a creek and temples are to be found on either side. The creek
was used as a sheltering harbour for local small craft, particularly fish-
ing vessels. Besides temples belonging to the period under study, also
seen are two temples exquisitely done in the Chalukyan style. The older
temples are to be found on the slope treaded to reach the top of this hill
and are located on either side of the path. The choice of this site was
probably because of the view one could get from the top. From one side,
the sea can be easily seen up to its horizon, and from the other side, the
settlement area is visible. The site must have been important because of
its location at the creek, as well as the view it could afford of the sur-
rounding area. This is the only site where six temples, mostly in groups
of two, covering different periods, are found. The temples stand testi-
mony to the continued importance of this site over a long period of time.
The site of Adodar is located 3–4 km inland from the shore and
seems to have been continuously worshipped. This site too is a temple
complex and is currently mainly a Shaivite shrine, even though it was
dedicated to Surya earlier.
A temple site that continues to be dedicated to Surya is Pata. Found
here is also a newly built shrine, dedicated to Navadurgas. Even though
the small shrine is new, the images of the goddesses and that of Ganesha
seem to be old. They are very plain and simple and do not have any
finesse. The images of the goddesses are an interesting mix, with some
being represented in the motherly aspect and others in the warrior god-
dess aspect.
Beyond the site of Somanatha are another three temple sites – namely
Kadvar, Sutrapada and Pasnavada. The temple at Kadvar is of Vaish-
navite affiliation where currently an original image of Varaha is under
worship, and those at Sutrapada and Pasnavada are dedicated to Surya.
All of them are located at a short distance from the coast, and the
temples at Sutrapada, Kadvar and Pasnavada are surrounded by agri-
cultural land and located in the interior of these villages.
The location of the majority of temple sites along the coast prompts
one to look for associations of these with trading networks and coastal
communities of Gujarat. Gujarat had many ancient small settlements
connected by caravan routes. Amreli, Devnimori, Dwarka, Girnar,
Karvan, Somanatha, Pindara, Vadodara, Vala, and Vasai were all
flourishing as small industrial and administrative townships.106 The
Figure 1.11
Varaha temple, Kadvar
importance of the trading community in the construction of sacred

architecture and their maintenance is seen in the inscriptions of the time
of Toramana and the Mandasor inscription. The copper plates of the
time of Toramana record donations of commodities by local and long-
distance merchants to a Vaishnava temple of the deity Jayasvamin.107
Ranabir Chakravarti notes that donations to this temple by a mercan-
tile organisation of local and long-distance merchants who came from
Kannauj, Ujjayini and Mathura indicate that the district headquarters of
Vadrapali ‘can be viewed as a nodal point in the overland supra local
trade network’.108 The Mandasor inscription mentions the construction
of a temple by a guild of silk weavers who had migrated there from the
province of Lata in Gujarat.109
Buddhism
While for Hinduism, we have architectural remains, the database for
Buddhism consists mainly of inscriptions, sculptures and archaeologi-
cal remains. Buddhist sites of Devnimori and Vadnagar develop into
huge complexes with viharas and stupas and votive stupas as well. The
Figure 1.12
Varaha image under worship, Kadvar
presence of monastic complexes revealed through archaeology at the

sites of Devnimori and Vadnagar, and with the aid of inscriptional data
at the site of Valabhi, stand testimony to the flourishing condition of
Buddhism in Gujarat. At the time of the visit of Xuanzang, a number of
Buddhist schools were flourishing in Gujarat. S. Beal’s Si-yu-ki notes

that there were 10 sangharmas with 300 monks in Bharukaccha,110
10 sangharmas with 100 monks at Kachha,111 100 monasteries with
6,000 monks at Valabhi,112 and in Saurashtra, 500 sangharmas with
3,000 monks.113 Image worship was also common among the Sammiti-
yas of Valabhi.114 This complexity mentioned by Xuanzang is well cor-
roborated by the presence of Buddhist sites spread across Gujarat.
At Vadnagar, the preceding period has Buddhist structural remains
in the form of monasteries, but belonging to this period are additional
two small votive stupas. The stupas, one square and the other circular
in plan, were uncovered near the north-eastern part of the monastery,
and have been dated to the fourth–fifth centuries ce.115 The elevation
of stupa square in the plan shows that it was erected in a terraced fash-
ion, with square platforms in diminishing dimensions raised over one
another with the topmost surmounted by a semi-circular solid dome
(anda)., the circular base of which measures 2 metres in diameter. The
second stupa, circular in plan, measures 2.24 metres in diameter and
only the lower three courses are extant.116
Located at about 20 km from the site of Vadnagar are the Taranga
hills, which have Buddhist caves ascribable to this period. The earli-
est archaeological remains from the site were reported in 1938 and
these were the image of Tara and a few Buddhist images, including
Avalokitesavara Padmapani found in two shrines, locally known as
Dharanmata and Taranmata. In addition, a small panel depicting four
Dhyani Buddhas was reported from Jogida hill inside a natural rock
shelter.117 These hills have ruins of cave dwellings, two Buddhist shrines
and the remains of an ancient dam. There is a natural spring at the right
bank of a seasonal stream, which is the only perennial source of water
available at present118 and the Taranmata and Dharanmata shrines are
located on a high terrace just above this bank. One of the construc-
tions on the right side of the rivulet seems to be an altered base of a
Buddhist stupa as two large-sized terracotta images of Buddha have
been recovered from its top surface. Based on stylistic similarities with
images from Devnimori, these have been dated to the last quarter of
the fourth century ce.119 There is a path that connects the Jogida hill
site with Dhyani Buddhas and the shrine of Taranmata.120 Evidence
of the continuity of Buddhism well into the eighth–ninth centuries
ce is from the site of Taranmata, where the marble image of Tara has
been dated to eighth–ninth centuries ce.121 From the twefth century ce
onwards, the site becomes an important centre of Jaina pilgrimage122
and has a Jaina temple complex to its credit, which is located on the
opposite bank of the river with the site of Taranmata temple. But the
legend of the place continues in the name itself, and the Kumarapala
Pratibodha of Somprabhacharya, composed in V.S. 1241, records that
King Veni Vatsaraja, a Buddhist and contemporary of Jaina monk Arya
Khaputacharya, built a temple to the goddess Tara in the city which
came to be known as Tarapur after her and Tarapur is identified with
Taranga.123
Excavations at the site of Devnimori brought to light a mahastupa,
four votive stupas, a vihara, and what may have been an apsidal temple.
A number of images of Buddha in dhyanamudra and other decorative
architectural pieces were also recovered during the excavations.124 This
site is discussed in detail in the chapter dealing with parallel existence
with the Hindu site of Shamlaji.
In the region of Kachchh, the Buddhist caves found at the site of Siyot
have been dated to between the eighth and eleventh centuries ce. Most
of the caves were simple and small, and the main cave has a door and
faces north. One of the chambers, chamber C, has a pradaksinapatha
in the rear end, and in chamber A, the entrance door facing west has a
niche. Excavations at the site brought to light more than a thousand frag-
ments of clay sealings. Of these, 50 were intact, and on one fragment,
the upper remaining portion contains the figure of a spire of a temple,125
further indicating the probable existence of a Buddhist temple as well.
In the coastal east and southern area, after Kadia Dungar in the
preceding period, the other Buddhist site is at Kampiya village in the
Navasari taluka of South Gujarat. Found at the site was some earthen
work and a small votive clay object, and this, along with inscriptional
data, points to the existence of a Buddhist community at the site. The
copper plate grant of Rashtrakuta Dantivarmana, dating to Saka 789,
records the donation of the village of Chokkhakuti to the vihara at
Kampilya,126 and mention of this vihara is found in the inscription of
King Dhruva, dating to Saka 806.127 Though the site has not been exca-
vated, inscriptional data and remains at the site suggest, ‘the occupation
of the site of the monastery’.128
In the earlier two periods, a gradual concentration of Buddhist sites
was noticed around Mount Ginar and Junagadh. For the third period
under study, the copper plate grants of the Maitraka dynasty, totaling to
98, dating from 499 ce to 740 ce, confirm the presence of a Buddhist
community at the Maitraka capital of Valabhi. A study of these reveals
that a major concentration of Buddhist viharas existed at Valabhi and
its surrounding areas. Inscriptional data reveal the existence of 14
such viharas, all except two were under a viharamandalas. The main
viharamandalas were the Dudda viharamandala and the Yaksasura

viharamandalas. Under the Dudda viharamandala were the Dudda
vihara, viharakuti of Buddhadasa, Yakkamali vihara, Gohaka vihara,
Skandabhata vihara, Vimalagupta vihara, and the acharya Sthiramati
vihara. The Yaksasura viharamandalas contained the Yaksasura vihara,
Purnabhatta vihara and Ajita vihara. In addition to the viharas in the
above two viharamandalas, the other viharas in Valabhi were the
Bappadiya vihara and the Abhyantarika vihara.
Taking this piece of evidence into account, along with that of the ear-
lier period, it becomes apparent that a concentration of Buddhist sites
in both periods is found at the provincial capital (Junagadh), and then,
at the ruling capital of the Maitraka dynasty (Valabhi). While the data
seem to suggest that these were the creation of the royalty, a careful
analysis reveals that the rulers donated to already established viharas.
Besides the Dudda vihara, no other vihara was constructed by the ruling
dynasty. The common factors at the site of Junagadh and Valabhi are
the rich agricultural land in their surroundings, and the fact that they
were well-established towns where trading activities took place. Virji
mentions that agriculture was the chief occupation, and besides agri-
culturists, in the country, also a rich class of traders and industrialists
existed.129 Dandin’s Dasakumaracarita mentions, ‘there is a city named
Valabhi in Saurashtra. In it there is an owner of ships (nāvikapati) named
Grhagupta, who can vie with Kubera in riches . . . A merchant prince
named Balabhadra from Madhumati (Mahuva) comes to Valabhi’.130
Both the sites had major rivers flowing nearby, and while Bhadar is
still the major river in Junagadh district, the river Ghelo is important in
Bhavnagar district. The Buddhist monasteries then seem to have been
concentrated at economically viable sites where both trade and agricul-
ture were carried out. The two sites demonstrate a trend wherein these
sites were important even prior to them being established as ruling
capitals. At Junagadh, the first evidence of prosperity are the Saurashtra
janapada coins, which are then followed by the earliest caves and the
rock edicts of Asoka. In the case of Valabhi, donation of land to already
established monasteries hints at the site being selected by the Buddhists
prior to its becoming the ruling capital of the Maitraka dynasty.
Role of the royalty in creation of sacred space

Direct reference to the erection of a temple by the royalty in the region,
and probably the only one so far, is the inscription pertaining to the
Gupta period, inscribed on the same boulder of rock that contains

inscriptions of the Mauryan and Kshatrapa period. The inscription per-
taining to the Gupta period, besides mentioning the repair of the dam,
clearly points to the construction of a temple by the royalty in the vicin-
ity of the dam. This is the only other piece of evidence of the direct
involvement of the royalty in the erection of a temple in the region. It
mentions that in due course of time, there came the season of clouds,
bursting asunder, when much water rained down unceasingly for a long
time, by reason of which the lake Sudarsana suddenly burst – making
the calculation in the reckoning of the Guptas, in a century of years,
increased by 30 and also six more, at night, on the sixth day of (the
month) Prausthapada. And these other rivers which take their source
from the mountain Raivataka, and also, this Palasini, beautiful with its
sandy stretches, all of them the mistresses of the ocean, having dwelt so
long in captivity, went again, in due accordance with the scriptures, to
their lord the sea. And having noticed the great bewilderment, caused
by the excess of rain, Urjayat, desirous of appropriating the wives of the
mighty ocean, stretched forth as it were a hand.
Then, Cakrapalita, the governor, having sacrificed to the gods with

oblations of clarified butter and with obeisance, and having gratified
the twice-born with presents of riches and having paid respect to the
citizens with such honours as they deserved, and to such of (his) serv-
ants as were worthy of notice, and to (his) friends with presents, in the
first fortnight of the month . . . belonging to the hot season, on the first
day, he, having practiced all the above respectful observances for two
months, made an immeasurable expenditure of wealth, and, [built an
embankment] a hundred cubits in all in length, and sixty and eight in
breadth, and seven (?) men’s height in elevation, . . . of two hundred
cubits.
The second part of the inscription mentions that the viceroy also built
a temple. It states that Chakrapalita, who is endowed with his own good
qualities, (and) whose life is devoted to (the worship of) the feet of
(the god) Govinda, . . . by him, with a great expenditure of wealth and
time [there was built a temple] of that famous (god Vishnu) who carries
the discus, . . . enemies, (and) who became (incarnate and) human by
the exercise of his own free will. (Thus) by Chakrapalita, who is of a
straightforward mind, there has been caused to be built a temple of (the
god) Chakrabhrit, in a century of years, together with the thirty-eighth
(year) . . . the time of the Guptas.131
While a number of temples are erected in different parts of Gujarat in

this third period under study, none contain any evidence of the involve-
ment of the royalty in their construction. This is the only inscriptional evi-
dence in Gujarat to prove the role of the royalty in the erection of a temple.
The other inscription with evidence for the role of royalty in the crea-
tion of sacred space are the copper plates of the time of Toramana from
Sanjeli, Gujarat, dating to the end of the fifth–beginning of the sixth
century ce. The three inscriptions record grants to a temple built by the
queen mother Viradhikya.132 These are the only pieces of direct evi-
dence for the involvement of royalty in the creation of sacred space.
But in the larger region of Gujarat, this role can be said to have been
limited in nature as no other sacred site, besides the above-mentioned
ones, contain any form of evidence of the role played by the royalty.
Conclusion
The chapter demonstrates a constantly expanding sacred landscape in
Gujarat, with Buddhist and Hindu remains. While Jainism does also
exist in the region, it has been excluded since the data pertaining to
Jainism are mainly sculptural, and hence, it is discussed in the succeed-
ing chapters. A combination of data available in terms of architectural
remains, inscriptional data and literary tradition displays the diversity
and complexity of religious sites in the period under study. Besides
an ever-expanding religious landscape, clear concentration of sacred
architecture is identifiable as well.
In the case of Buddhism, a clear concentration of sites could be iden-
tified in and around the site of Junagadh in the second period, and in the
third period under study, the focus shifts to Valabhi as inscriptional evi-
dence informs us of the existence of numerous monasteries at Valabhi
and in its vicinity. Junagadh and its environs with Buddhist structural
remains seem to have formed a religious circuit and it is probably the
pilgrims visiting the sites that were the focus of address in the Asokan
edicts engraved on the Girnar rock.
A gradual expansion of Hindu sacred space is noticed as well. A pro-
liferation of temples occupying sites of coastal Saurashtra seem to have
formed a religious circuit, with Dwarka and Somanatha at either ends.
The temples also bring forth the diversity in locations as well as deities
worshipped – Shiva, Surya and Vishnu.
There has been a general association of the construction of temples
in the early medieval period with the ruling dynasty and Bhakti. In the
opinion of B.D. Chattopadhyaya, regional states emerged from the sev-

enth to tenth centuries, marked by complex changes in religious dimen-
sions of society and it is believed that Bhakti and the worship through
Bhakti of God as lord located in a temple was the key ideological strand
of the period.133 D. Desai concludes that at numerous feudal centres,
temples were constructed in permanent material such as stone for the
first time in fifth century ce, inspired by the growing importance of
Bhakti and the newly established Smarta Puranic religion, which was
associated with the new social set-up.134
A similar viewpoint is expressed by H. Kulke, who also lays stress
on the political importance of temples, which were a potential media
used by the political elite. ‘It is most likely that through the construc-
tion of these temples rājās tried to create a new and centralized rit-
ual structure, focused on the new state temple and its royal cult.’135
A study of the temples located at various sites in Gujarat reiterates the
inference drawn by Ray that ‘The assumption by historians that kings
established temples and donated to brahmanas to seek legitimization of
their rule and that these religious shrines were agents of acculturation
is not substantiated by available data.’136 Even though the numerous
temples along the coastline of Saurashtra, which have been labelled
as Maitraka Temples do not provide any evidence of the involvement
or contribution of the ruling Maitraka dynasty in the spate of temple
construction activities, neither is there any evidence to substantiate the
existence of any ‘imperial temple’ that can be ascribed to this dynasty.
The inscriptional data further verify the view to reassess temple con-
struction in light of Bhakti, feudalism and the ruling elite. Of the 98
copper plate grants ascribed to the Maitraka rulers spanning from 499
ce to 740 ce, there is clear absence of the mention of any of the temple
sites or even the construction of any temple by the rulers. The notion
of the presence of ‘cultic centre’ or the role of temples in ‘cultic’ cen-
tres is negated by the archaeological, literary or inscriptional evidence,
as none of these even remotely indicate the existence of a temple at the
capital of the Maitraka dynasty located at Valabhi. Even in the case of
the succeeding ruling dynasty, namely, the Saindhavas, it is noticed
that they chose their capital to be located at an already established
sacred site. Their capital of Ghumli was located at the foothills of the
earlier temple site of Sonkamsari. In the regin of aother major rul-
ing dynasty of the medieval period, the Chalukyas/Solankis, a similar
trend in noticed. The pattern of Chalukya patronage also suggests that
the connection between deity and dynasty was not clear-cut. Chalukya
political consolidation did not rely exclusively on the patronage of

Shaiva temples and complexes, but encompassed Jaina establishments
as well.137
Thus, without the role of the royalty, the existence and continuity
of sacred sites need to be studied and analysed in terms of the varied
communities of the region. These sites are created, maintained and pat-
ronised by communities and since there is no direct evidence for the
involvement of the royalty, it becomes imperative to locate the sacred
sites within the context of settlements and identify the resource base
that enabled the construction and maintenance of these sacred sites.
The settlement pattern, with the aid of archaeological and inscriptional
data, shall be analysed, to determine whether trade, agriculture or craft
and manufacturing activities were being carried out at a site, or whether
a combination of two or more existed at a site. Also, in looking for the
support base of the religious sites, it must be taken into consideration
that Gujarat was economically viable and the support came, in all prob-
ability, from various social groups. The issues of patronage and conti-
nuity shall be addressed in the following chapter.
The Buddhist architectural remains demonstrate ever evolving forms
of architecture to accommodate the ritual needs. While the earliest
structures are simple monastic caves, over time, one notices the pres-
ence of caityagrhas, stupas and votive stupas. From small monaster-
ies, the religious remains expand to full-fledged religious complexes
replete with varied architectural features, as noticed at Devnimori and
Vadnagar. The sheer number and type of sites demonstrate a diversity
in the forms of Buddhism prevalent as well as the large following and
support it gathered in Gujarat. Sites being located mostly on trade
routes, Devnimori, Vadnagar and Siyot connect these Buddhist sites
with other parts of the subcontinent through communities that visited
and supported these.
This chapter took into consideration only a part of the database com-
prising architectural remains. The region also has to its credit a vast
number of sculptures scattered at different sites. While temple sites
were the domain of coastal Saurashtra, sites with sculptural remains
were found to be located mostly in northern Gujarat. An analysis of
these sculptural remains shall be undertaken in Chapter 3 to further
demonstrate diversity in types of sacred sites, existence of various
sacred sites not available in the archaeological records and diversity
in deities worshipped within different areas of Gujarat. Jainism shall
also be discussed in the chapter pertaining to sculptural remains since,
as yet, no structure has been clearly identified as Jaina in any of the

three periods under study, even though the sculptural remains point to a
strong Jaina presence in the region.
Notes
1 Debala Mitra, ed, Indian Archaeology – A Review 1979–80, New Delhi:
Archaeological Survey of India, 1983, p. 24.
2 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–80, p. 24.
4 Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1991–92, pp. 21–2.
5 Vasant Shinde, The Earliest Temple of Lajjagauri? The Recent Evidence
from Padri in Gujarat, East and West, 44 (2–4), 1994, pp. 481–5.
9 Kuldeep K. Bhan, Recent Explorations in Jamnagar District of Saurashtra,
Man and Environment, 10, 1986, p. 10.
12 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Sailing to India: Diverse Narratives of Travel in
the Western Indian Ocean, Athens Dialogues, 3.15, http://athensdialogues.
chs harvard.edu/cgi-bin/WebObjects/athensdialogues.woa/wa/dist?dis=35
(accessed on 29 August 2015).
13 Kantilal F. Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat –
A Historical Survey, Hoshiarpur: Vishveshvaranand Institute, 1965, p. 32.
14 Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat, p. 7.
15 Annual Report of the Department of Archaeology, Rajkot: Government of
Gujarat, 1972–73, p. 4.
16 E. Hultzsch edited, Inscriptions of Asoka, Corpus Inscriptionum Indi-
carum, Vol I. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India, 1991 (reprint).
17 K.V. SoundaraRajan, Junagadh, Delhi: ASI, 1985, p. 12.
18 It would also seem as though the area was agriculturally important, as
according to Romila Thapar, one of the major agricultural regions in the
Mauryan period was Saurashtra in the west. Romila Thapar, The Mauryas
Revisited, Calcutta: K.P. Bagchi & Comp., 1987, p. 13.
19 U.P. Shahi, Urbanisation in Gujarat: A Geographical Analysis, Gorakhpur:
Institute for Rural Economic Development, 1989, p. 23.
20 R.N. Mehta, Archaeology of the Baroda, Broach and Surat Districts up to
1300 AD, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1957, p. 204.
21 N.P. Joshi, Regional Trends in Some of the Mediaeval Brahmanical Sculp-
tures of Malwa, in M.D. Khare (ed.), Malwa Through the Ages, Bhopal:
Directorate of Archaeology & Museums, Government of Madhya Pradesh,
1981, p. 112.
22 B.M. Pande and Narayan Vyas, An Early Temple in Gujarat – Excavations
at Goraj, Puratattva, 20, 1989–90, p. 108.
23 Pande and Narayan Vyas, An Early Temple in Gujarat, p. 108.

24 Mehta, Archaeology of the Baroda, p. 204.
25 Mehta, Archaeology of the Baroda, pp. 152, 204.
26 Kuldeep K. Bhan, Archaeology of Jamnagar District up to 1300 AD,
Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1983, p. 111.
27 Annual Report – Gujarat Department of Archaeology, 1975–76, p. 3.
31 Himanshu Prabha Ray, The Return of the Buddha – Ancient Symbols for a
New Nation, Delhi: Routledge, 2014, pp. 104–5.
32 Henry Cousens, Architectural Antiquities of Western India, London: The
India Society, 1926, p. 8.
33 Cousens, Architectural Antiquities of Western India, p. 7.
34 Debala Mitra, Buddhist Monuments, Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad, 1971, p. 141.
35 K.V. SoundaraRajan, Junagadh, New Delhi: ASI, 1985, p. 32.
36 SoundaraRajan, Junagadh, p. 33.
40 James Burgess, The Cave Temples of India, London: H. Allen and Co.,
1880, pp. 201–2.
41 Le Thi Lien, Buddhist Monuments and Antiquities of Gujarat, Unpublished
MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1992, p. 53.
42 Mitra, Buddhist Monuments, p. 146.
43 J. Burgess, Reports of theAntiquities of Kathiawad and Kacchch, Varanasi:
Indological Book House, 1971, p. 149.
44 Lien, Buddhist Monuments and Antiquities of Gujarat, p. 56.
47 Annual Report – Gujarat Department of Archaeology, 1969–70, pp. 3–4.
48 Annual Report – Gujarat Department of Archaeology, 1969–70, pp. 3–4.
49 Yasmin Sindhi, KadiaDungar – An Archaeological Site, Unpublished MA
Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1999, p. 14.
50 Sindhi, KadiaDungar, p. 3.
53 R.N. Mehta and S.N. Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori (A Report
of the Excavations Conducted from 1960–63), Vadodara: MS University,
1966, p. 10.
54 Y.S., Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery and Other Buddhist
Remains at Vadnagar and Taranga in North Gujarat, India, in Barbara
Andaya (ed.), Bujang Valley and Early Civilizations in Southeast Asia,
Malaysia: Department of National Heritage, Ministry of Information,
Communication and Culture, 2011, p. 240.
55 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 228.

60 Susan L. Huntington, Buddhist Art Through Modern Lens – A Case of Mis-
taken Scholarly Trajectory, in Julia A.B. Hegewwald (ed.), In the Shadow
of the Golden Age: Art and Identity in Asia from Gandhara to Modern Age,
Berlin: E.B. Verlag, 2014, p. 80.
61 Huntington, Buddhist Art Through Modern Lens, p. 84.
66 Huntington, Buddhist Art Through Modern Lens, pp. 79–114, 93.
67 Huntington, Buddhist Art Through Modern Lensp, p. 97.
69 B.Ch Chabbra, Intwa Clay Sealing, Epigraphia Indica, 28, 1949–50,
pp. 174–5.
70 F. Kielhorn, Junagadh Rock Inscription of Rudradaman: The Year 72,
Epigraphia Indica, 8, pp. 36–49.
71 R.N. Kumaran, Second Urbanization in Gujarat, Current Science, 107 (4),
2014, p. 584.
72 Kumaran, Second Urbanization in Gujarat, p. 583.
75 Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarthi (eds), The Spinning World:
A Global History of Cotton Textile, Oxford: Oxford University Press,
Pasold Research Fund, 2009, p. 163.
76 Rielloand Parthasarthi (eds), The Spinning World, p. 163.
77 Erika S. Svendsen and Lindsay K. Campbell, Living Memorials: Understand-
ing the Social Meaning of Community Based Memorials, S eptember 11,
2001, Environment and Behaviour, 42 (3), 2010, p. 319.
78 Svendsen and Campbell, Living Memorials, p. 326.
79 Svendsen and Campbell, Living Memorials, p. 319.
80 V.V. Mirashi, Daulatpur Inscription of the Reign of Chashtana, Journal of
Oriental Institute, 28, 1978–79, pp. 31–7.
81 P. R. Srinivasan, Three Western Kshatrapa Inscriptions, Epigraphia Indica,
37, 1967–69, p. 142.
82 Srinivasan, Three Western Kshatrapa Inscriptions, p. 141.
83 Prof. G. Bühler, A New Kshatrapa Inscription, Indian Antiquary, 10, 1881,
p. 157.
84 R.D. Banerji and V.S. Sukthankar, Three Kshatrapa Inscriptions, Epigraphia
Indica, 16, 1921–22, p. 238.
85 J.M. Nanavati and H.G. Shastri, An Unpublished Kshatrapa Inscription
from Cutch, Journal of Oriental Institute, 11 (3), 1962, p. 237.
87 Bühler, A New Kshatrapa Inscription, p. 157.
89 Bühler, A New Kshatrapa Inscription, p. 157.
90 Banerji and Sukthankar, Three Kshatrapa Inscriptions, p. 238.

92 Pande and Vyas, An Early Temple in Gujarat, p. 108.
93 Bhan, Archaeology of Jamnagar District up to 1300 AD, p. 386.
94 Atusha M. Bharucha, The Archaeology of the Settlements of the Kshatrapa
Period, Unpublished PhD Thesis, Deccan College, Pune, 1997, p. 124.
95 Michael W. Meister and M.A. Dhaky (eds), Encyclopedia of Indian
Temple Architecture, Delhi: American Institute of Indian Studies, 1991,
p. 357.
96 Kantilal F. Sompura, Structural Temples of Gujarat (up to 1600 AD),
Ahmedabad: Gujarat University, 1968, p. 86.
97 Jayaram Poduval, The Roda Group of Temples – The Pioneering Monuments
of the Architecture Heritage of Gujarat, http://historyandarts.blogspot.
in/2007/01/roda-group-of-temples html (accessed on 28 July 2015).
98 Poduval, The Roda Group of Temples.
99 Jayaram, The Roda Group of Temples.
100 Michael W. Meister (ed.), Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture:
North India: Foundations of North Indian Stylec.c.250 BC to AD 1100,
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988, p. 357.
101 Henry Cousens, Somanatha and Other Medieval Temples in Kathiawad,
Varanasi, Delhi: Indological Book House, 1986 (reprint), p. 48.
102 Sompura, Structural Temples of Gujarat, p. 86.
103 Meister (ed.), Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture, Vol. II, Part 1,
p. 384.
104 Meister (ed.), Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture, pp. 197–206.
105 Meister and Dhaky (eds), Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture,
p. 194.
107 R.N. Mehta and A.M. Thakkar, Copper Plates of the Time of Toramana,
Vadodara: MS University, 1978.
108 Ranabir Chakravarti, Three Copper Plates of the Time of Toramana:
Glimpses of Socio Economic and Cultural Life in Western India, in Ellen
Raven (ed.), South Asian Archaeology 1999: Proceedings of the Fifteenth
International Conference of the European Association of South Asian
Archaeologists, held at the Universiteit Leiden, 5–9 July 1999. Gronin-
gen: Egbert Forsten (Gonda Indological Studies 15), p. 397.
109 J. F. Fleet (edited) Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum – Inscriptions of the
Early Gupta Kings and their Successors, Vol. 3, Calcutta: Superintendent
of Government Printing, 1888, p. 149.
110 Samuel Beal (translated), Si-yu-ki Chinese Accounts of India II, Calcutta,
1958, p. 260.
111 Beal (translated), Si-yu-ki Chinese Accounts of India II, p. 266.
112 Beal (translated), Si-yu-ki Chinese Accounts of India II, pp. 266–7.
113 Beal (translated), Si-yu-ki Chinese Accounts of India II, p. 269.
114 Sukumar Dutt, Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India, London:
George Allen & Unwin, 1962, pp. 228–9.

121 U.P. Shah, GujaramaBaudh Dharma, Svadhaya, Book. I. No. iii.
Vadodara: Svadhyaya, 1964, pp. 317–21.
123 Sompura, Buddhist Monuments and Sculptures in Gujarat, pp. 29–30.
124 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori.
126 D.R. Bhandarkar, Plates of Dantivarman of Gujarat, Samva 789,
Epigraphia Indica, 6, 1900–1901, pp. 285–94.
127 A.S. Altekar, A New Copper Plate of Dhruva II, Epigraphia Indica, 22,
1933–34, pp. 66–7.
128 M.G. Dikshit, History of Buddhism in Gujarat, Journal of Gujarat
Research Society, 8 (2 and 3), 1946, p. 111.
129 K. Virji, Ancient History of Saurashtra, Bombay: Konkan Institute of Arts
and Sciences, 1952, p. 219.
130 M.R. Kale, Daśakumāracarita of Dandin, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass,
1966, p. 332.
131 J.F. Fleet (ed.), Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum – Inscriptions of the
Early Gupta Kings and their Successors, Vol. 3, Calcutta: Superintendent
of Government Printing, 1888, pp. 61–5.
132 Mehta and Thakkar, Copper Plates of the Time of Toramana.
133 B.D. Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India, New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1994, p. 29.
134 D. Desai, Social Dimensions of Art in Early India in Proceedings of
Indian History Congress, Gorakhpur: Indian History Congress, 1989–90,
pp. 21–56.
135 H. Kulke, State in India, 1000–1700, Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1995, p. 14.
136 H.P. Ray, The Arcaheology of Sacred Space – Introduction, in H.P. Ray
and Carla Sinopoli (eds), Archaeology as History in Early South Asia,
New Delhi: ICHR & Aryan Books International, 2004, p. 355.
137 Alka Patel, Architectural Histories Entwined – The Rudra Mahalaya/
Congregational Mosque of Siddhpur in Gujarat, Journal of the Society of
Architectural Historians, 63 (2), 2004, pp. 144–63, 154.
2
Sacred sites and settlement sites
A brief overview of the sacred sites in Gujarat for the period under
study amply demonstrates the diversity in the selection of sites as well
as monumental architecture demarcating sacred space over time. Most
of the structures do not show any signs of the involvement of royalty
in their creation or sustenance. Devoid of moorings provided by royal
patronage, clues to the emergence and gradual increase in numbers and
complexities of sacred sites in Gujarat can be found within archaeologi-
cal, inscriptional and literary data. A careful analysis of the topography
of Gujarat and an understanding of the settlement pattern and location
of sacred sites in context are important in presenting a holistic and com-
prehensive understanding of religious developments. The causes behind
the selection of a site could be as varied as political, economic activities
(agriculture, craft or trade) or a combination of these, and archaeologi-
cal data guide us in determining which of these played a crucial role at
various sites through different periods of time. Data from archaeologi-
cal excavations and inscriptional evidence shall be the prime sources
utilised to decipher the resource base of sacred sites.
This chapter attempts to construe the economic resource basis of the
sacred sites strewn across the varied landscapes of Gujarat. The settle-
ments described and analysed in this study have not been categorised
in terms of fortified and non-fortified, or urban and rural, but rather,
they have been defined more in terms of economic activities such as
of craft production, salt manufacturing, iron extraction, and agriculture
and trade, to mention a few. Even though many sacred sites demonstrate
continuity in occupation from an earlier period, not all of them attain
importance as sacred centres. For instance, south of the river Mahi, the
sites of Jokha and Dhatva demonstrate continuity from an earlier period,
but these do not have sacred architectural remains. Jokha, in Surat dis-
trict, is located on the left bank of the river Tapti and has remains of the
60 V Sacred sites and settlement sites
post-Harappan period, which included Malwa and Jorwe wares, dating

to the period between 1500 and 1000 bce. The site was then reoccu-
pied in the sixth century bce and continued up to the sixth century ce.1
Located along the bank of the river Tapti is the site of Dhatva, in taluka
Kamrej of Surat district, where excavations exposed seven layers with
two cultural horizons, and of these, the first period covers the time from
c. 1500 bce to 200 ce.2 The preliminary investigation at the site revealed
it to be a production centre (iron manufacturing, bead making, shell
crafting etc.) and a trade port having overseas contacts with the Red Sea
and the Persian Gulf region.3
Yet other sites demonstrate continuity in settlement and contain evi-
dence of religious remains, as noticed at the sites of Broach, Prabhasa
Patan, Dwarka, and Padri. Broach is a site which acquires immense
importance in the second sub-period under study as an important trading
centre, but the beginnings of the site can be dated to the first sub-period,
attested by the presence of the black and red ware and the northern
black polished ware at the site. Excavations at Prabhas Patan, close
to Somanatha, revealed a long period of occupation, beginning from
circa 2000 bce and continuing well up to the sixth century ce. Period
IV covers a time between the fourth and first centuries bce. The site of
Dwarka was reoccupied in 900 bce and continued up to 500 bce, and
the third occupational layer dates to circa second century bce.4 The site
of Padri provides evidence for the existence of some form of a shrine.
Excavations carried out at this site revealed the following sequence –
pre-Harappan, Padri culture, mature Harappan, and early Historical.5 In
order to be able to comprehend the reasons behind certain sites being
chosen for demarcation of sacred space, it is important to delve into the
dynamics of the region within the various sub-periods.
Communities are essential components of sacred sites and social net-
works contribute to the creation, maintenance and continuity of these.
An analysis of interactions between various geographical, economic
and political factors can help understand factors crucial in creating
sacred landscapes within various niches of Gujarat and the various
communities that were essential to these sacred sites.
Period I: third century BCE to first century BCE/CE

An analysis of available archaeological, literary and inscriptional data
is undertaken so as to determine possible economic factors responsible
for the establishment and continuity of sacred sites within Gujarat. In
Sacred sites and settlement sites V 61
each period, sites have been discussed under sub-themes of sub-regions

of Gujarat – namely, Saurashtra and Kachchh, North Gujarat and South
Gujarat.
Saurashtra and Kachchh

Of the sites that demonstrate continuity of settlement, those with evi-
dence of religious importance, either through literary data (Mahab-
harata, Ramayana or Jatakas) or archaeological remains are Prabhasa
Patan (Somanatha), Dwarka, Padri, and Junagadh (sites within the city
as well as those in its immediate vicinity). The first site under analy-
sis is Junagadh, which is located at the foot of Mt. Girnar, the high-
est mountain ranges in Saurashtra, and has rivers Sonarekh and Kalwo
flowing by it. Junagadh was not only a site sacred to the Buddhist and
Hindus, but also politically and economically, the most important site
in Saurashtra. Find of hoards of Saurashtra Janapada coins6 seem to
indicate the political importance of the site, and reference to Saurashtra
is found in texts as well.
The Surastras find mention not only in the Mahabharata, but also
in the Ramayana. In the Kishkindha kanda, Sugriva asks Susena to
send one retinue of monkeys in search of Sita to Surastra, which lay
in the western direction. In the Mahabharata, they are associated with
the countries of the Kuntis and Avantis. (Virata Parva, Chap. I, 12).
Reference is also found in the Arthasastra, wherein Saurashtra sangha
(II.1. 4) is placed with Kamboja and people are described as living by
trade and vocation of arms. Kautilya identifies members of this type of
sangha engaged in cattle rearing and trade in peacetime, but taking to
arms when necessary.7
The area came under Mauryan control in the time of Chandragupta
Maurya and Junagadh became the provincial capital of the Mauryas, as
attested by the Girnar rock edict. This rock contains inscriptions from
not only the Mauryan period, but also, the Kshatrapa and Gupta periods,
signifying the continued importance of the site. The Girnar hills, which
contain the site of Junagadh, are an important pilgrimage centre for
the Hindus as well as the Jainas to date. The hills contain five peaks –
namely, Amba Mata, Gorakhanath, Oghad Sikhar, Guru Dattatreya, and
Kalkas peak. In addition, it has three kundas or reservoirs – Gaumukhi,
Hanuman Dhara and Kamanadak kunda.8 This hill witnesses a fair in
the month of Karttika (November) known as the Parikrama fair, where
the pilgrims take a round of Mt. Girnar for two days and two nights.
The festival is held for five days, when the village people are free from
agricultural pursuits, and is attended by people from all communities.9
The next question that needs to be addressed is as to what kind of
resources were available at the site for it to have been the focus of
Hindu and Buddhist religious activities in Gujarat. The dam and lake
are indicators of the area around it being suitable for agricultural pur-
poses. It has been pointed out that the southern peninsula of Gujarat is
comparatively more fertile than the northern peninsula due to the black
soil and higher rainfall.10 The selection of Junagadh as the site would
have allowed control over the rich agricultural zones of the river val-
leys of Bhadar, Ojat Kalubhar, Vartu, Hiranya, Shingoda, and Sorathu,
as well as the forest resources that the Gir hills had to offer. The land
is very fertile and the region of Ghed, which is waterlogged, produces
cotton of the best quality.11 In the Early Historical period, settlements
of Girnar Valley are found near banks of streams and rivers. The aver-
age distance between settlements was 2–3 km.12 Junagadh not only had
access to resources from agricultural activity, but also was situated on
an important route of communication and had been a busy entrepot
in the ancient period. It was well-connected to the coastal route from
Dwarka, which proceeded to Somanatha, Amreli, Valabhi, and then, to
Broach.13
Coins are further indicators of the existence of trading communi-
ties in and around Junagadh. The Saurashtra Janapada coins, which are
pre-Mauryan (450–350 bce), and continued in the Mauryan period as
well, are small, struck in silver, single die, with one punch mark on the
obverse. Almost all coins were re-struck later and some re-stamped as
coins of Magadha Janapada.14 These coins seem to have been used in
local trade and were produced by guilds and traders.15 Junagadh had
accessibility to the sea coast, and from there, one could have a glimpse
of the forest and low hills that ran in one continuous sweep to the sea.
Junagadh’s outlet to the sea was at Somanatha/Prabhasa Patan, which
regulated trade and traffic to and from the hinterland and excavations at
the site brought to light a Mauryan settlement.16
This brings us to the next site, namely, that of Prabhasa Patan, which
is situated on the south-western coast of Saurashtra. The site is tradi-
tionally associated with Soma, who prayed to Shiva at the site, and
thus, linga is called Somanatha. For Hindu pilgrims, the sacred terrain
is marked as Prabhasa Ksetra and contains many sacred spots – the tem-
ple houses one of the 12 Jyotirlingas of Shiva. Triveni is the spot where
the three rivers Saraswati, Hiranya and Kapila join before meeting
the sea and this site is associated with the cremation of Lord Krishna,
and there is the Bhalaka tirtha where Krishna is said to have been killed
by the arrow of a Bhil.
In archaeological records, the site was occupied from 2000 bce to
1200 bce, and then, reoccupied from fourth century bce to sixth century
ce, covering five periods of occupation. During Period IV, extending
from the fourth to first century bce, it was fortified and is the only site
in Gujarat where a flesh rubber incised with characters of second cen-
tury bce was found.17 In addition were found ivory hairpins and plaques
representing female figures and beads and ear studs of semi-precious
stones. It may have been an important nodal point in routes of commu-
nication and trade, where items were traded and exchanged.
Another site of immense importance, especially to the Vaishnava
community, is that of Dwarka and Bet Dwarka, traditionally associated
with Lord Krishna. Also found at the site was an inscribed potsherd
with Mauryan Brahmi,18 indicating contacts with northern regions of
the subcontinent. Archaeological remains recovered from Dwarka and
Bet Dwarka point to the sites being in a prosperous condition and sub-
sisting mainly on activities related to the manufacturing of shell objects
and trade. The soil around the region is not conducive to agricultural
activities, and being located close to the sea with the ready availability
of shell, it would have been natural for the inhabitants to capitalise on
what the sea provided. The third occupational layer at Dwarka dates to
circa second century bce and the site has evidence of a township.19
Off the coast of Dwarka is the island of Bet Dwarka, whose antiq-
uity in the historical period dates to third–fourth centuries bce,20 a com-
paratively later date than that of Dwarka. According to Sundaresh and
Gaur, Bet Dwarka contained a conch shell industry,21 which is proven
by the presence of Cyprea ocellata Linn, Murex ramoses and Xanus
(Turbinella) Pyrum Linn varieties of shell.22 Even though the topogra-
phy around the region of Dwarka and Bet Dwarka is not conducive for
agricultural practices, the vegetation is suitable for animal husbandry.
This, coupled with the specialisation of the sites in manufacturing shell
objects, implies involvement of its inhabitants in trading activities for
items of consumption such as food. Dwarka also lay on an important
trade route connecting it to Kamboja. The route began from Dvaravati,
passed through Anarta and Indus river, where it turned north. At Roruka
(modern Rodi), the route split into two – one turned east and followed
River Saraswati to Hastinapura and Indraprastha, while the second con-
tinued north to join the Utttarapatha.
A temple dedicated to the goddess Lajjagauri was found at the site

of Padri, in the Bhavnagar district. Padri is located 3 km inland, and
according to Paul, it seems to have been a processing centre where
salt was extracted and supplied to other settlements.23 An ethnographic
study of the present-day salt manufacturing community at the site
revealed small rectangular pits made to arrest brackish water from the
sea for further evaporation into crystals (keral ). Padri, known as kerala
ni dharo, was possibly occupied by salt manufacturers.24 Agricultural
implements, as well as circular clay tablets with Brahmi script, some
copper coins and two boat-shaped terracotta motifs were found at the
site.25 The role of agricultural activities seems to have been limited at
the site, and the terracotta-shaped boats may have been votive offerings
by those who used the sea and river for livelihood purposes, either to
exchange salt for other items or for fishing. On the contrary, the temple
of Lajjagauri at the site of Padri seems to have been constructed and
maintained by the local community.
South Gujarat
In addition to the major sites, there are also sites that contain religious
remains in the form of terracotta images. One such site is Nagara, district
Kheda, where mother goddess figurines have been recovered and the
site demonstrates continuity of settlement from the third century bce to
ninth century ce.26 Period II covers the time from the third century bce
to the Early Common Era and the objects encountered were arrowheads,
points, chisel-like objects of bone, a punch-marked coin, bangles of
conch and terracotta figurines, beads and iron slag, and northern black
polished ware.27 Excavations brought to light beads of agate, carnelian,
crystal, jasper, and garnet,28 which indicate the involvement of the site
in the manufacture of these. The site was also involved in agricultural
activity since, ‘available evidence indicates the existence of production
of rice and kodarvā as recorded in the excavations at Nagara and the site
produces good rice even today. At Nagara small sections of a bund were
exposed in the excavations, indicating that earthen bunds were used’.29
At the site of Vadodara, excavations brought to light evidence pertain-
ing to an earlier temple from the Bhimnatha Mahadeo temple. Found
on its pavements were mason marks which resembled the old Brahmi
letters of ya, kra and chi. According to V.H. Sonawane, these are taken
as evidence, even though indirect, of a small township at the site around
the second century bce.30 Terracotta female images have been reported
from the sites of Timbarva and Kaira.31 Timbarva is located in Sinor
taluka of Vadodara district and has in its earliest levels northern black
polished ware and red and black ‘megalithic’ pottery, suggesting con-
tacts with southern India.32
According to R.N. Mehta, ‘The mound at Timbarva would have
been the service area of Karvan, old Kayarohana.’ Presence of northern
black polished ware (NBPW), as well as megalithic red and black pot-
tery at sites of Timabarva and Nagara, clearly indicates the contacts
of these sites with southern as well as northern parts of the country.33
Identification of artificial embankments at Timbarva34 further attests to
the involvement of the site in agricultural activities.
The survey of settlement sites that contain sacred spots demonstrates
that sacred sites came up in settlements carrying out diverse economic
activities. Many of these settlements provide evidence of earlier human
habitation, but socio-economic forces enabled communities to gather
resources to invest in the creation of sacred spaces. The assemblages of
pottery found at various sites furnish information on Gujarat’s trade net-
works within the subcontinent. The NBPW found at sites of Timbarva,
Bharuch, Nagara, and Prabhas Patan represent the earliest trade contacts
with the Gangetic plains. At Dwarka, Devnimori and Surpanesvar were
found Kaolin ware of Deccan, dated to second century bce–first century
ce, indicating contacts with the latter region. Sherds of the Vasai ware,
which is a local variant of Rangmahal Bhinmal pottery, are found in
Kachchh peninsula and Banaskantha district bordering Rajasthan and
indicating contacts with it.35 Kumaran points out that Gujarat had many
small settlements connected by caravan routes – Amreli, Devnimori,
Dwarka, Girnar, Karvan, Somanatha, Pindara, Vadnagar, Vadodara,
Vala, and Vasai, which were all flourishing as small industrial and admin-
istrative townships.36 All the sites mentioned contain evidence of reli-
gious remains, whether it be in this sub-period (Vadodara, Somanatha
and Dwarka) or in the succeeding sub-period under study (Vala, Amreli
and Devnimori). The punch-marked coins from sites of Amreli,37
Jokha38 and Nagara39 and the Saurashtra Janapada coins, with marks
which may have belonged to traders, further attest to strong presence of
the trading community in Gujarat. Craft specialisation is also noticed in
this period, as demonstrated by the presence of the shell industry at Bet
Dwarka and a bead industry in circa third century bce at Broach, where
numerous beads in all stages of manufacture were reported.40
Figure 2.1
Settlement sites, Period I
Importance of agricultural activities is evident in the presence of

dams, such as at Junagadh, or small earthen bunds encountered in the
excavations at Nagara. These water harvesting structures would have
aided in easy accessibility of water throughout the year for agricultural
purposes. Archaeological materials excavated from various sites such
as terracotta, shell, iron slags, stone and metal objects, inscribed seals,
coins, and various structures at sites clearly indicate a prosperous phase
in the economic and social history of Gujarat. Gujarat’s involvement
in various economic enterprises created a pool of material resources
readily available for demarcation of sacred space through art and
architecture.
Period II: first century BCE/CE to third century CE

This sub-period witnessed a growing diversity in terms of settlement
as well as sacred sites. Utilisation of bricks for construction purposes,
fortification of a site or employment of other means to provide protec-
tion are some of the features encountered at sites in this period. Direct
evidence for involvement of royalty in the creation of sacred spaces
is available from the sites of Intwa (near Junagadh) and the rock with
edicts at the entrance to Junagadh. The Buddhist caves at Intwa have
been dated to third century ce on the basis of a clay sealing recovered
from the site. The sealing contains the words Maharaja-rudrasena-
vihare bhiksu-sanghasya, or in other words, ‘Of (for) the community of
the bhikkus in the vihāra of the great king Rudrasena.’41 The other evi-
dence for involvement of royalty in the creation of sacred spaces is the
inscription of the time of Skandagupta on the rock edict at Junagadh,
which mentions the construction of a temple of Vishnu by Chakrapalita.42
Archaeologically, the ceramics excavated from various sites –
namely, red polished ware (RPW) and black glazed ware, are pointers
of Gujarat’s contacts with other regions. The black glazed ware found
at the sites of Shamlaji, Amreli and Nagara suggest contacts with parts
of north-west India. The RPW, which is found in great quantity from
the Kathiawar region in Gujarat, is also found in Maharashtra, clearly
indicating contacts between these two regions.
Finds of RPW shards at numerous sites in Saurashtra give vital
clues to the trading contacts of Gujarat with the Arab-Persian Gulf
from the beginning of the Common era. This is brought out clearly in
a paper by Monique Kervran, who states that, ‘In the early centuries
of the Christian era the fine RPW, plain or more rarely polychromatic
is accompanied by rougher productions in red or grey fabrics, gener-

ally polished and with similar shapes. The workshops producing these
almost always mica bearing potteries appear to be located in the earlier
period in Gujarat and the neighbouring areas and in the medieval period
in the Indus delta.’43 She points out that Indian ceramics is a trade item
that is absent from the chronicles, but present on the coastal sites of the
Persian Gulf. The RPW found in Arabia and on the Iranian coast of the
Persian Gulf dates to the early five centuries of the Common era.
The largest numbers of RPW shards have been found at Sohar, where
seven historical levels have been identified and Indian ceramics occur
in each historic level.44 Level I and II contain the handi as a principal
form of RPW, and according to Kervran, there are abundant compara-
ble specimens of these at Amreli, Bhoji Kadvar, Umbari, Sutrapada,
Baid, Shamlaji, Arikamedu, and Maheshvar Navdatoli.45 The other
form of pottery is the incised rim type, of which similar pieces have
been noticed at Maheshvar, Bhoji Kadvar and Somanatha.46 Fragments
from level I to V at the site of Suhar are similar to those found from
sites in Maharashtra and Gujarat.47 As for Qana, where RPW has been
found, Sedov points out that, ‘It is most likely that the foundation of
Qana, as a port city, was directly connected with the establishment and
expansion of the regular sea trade between the Red Sea and the Indian
subcontinent in early 1st century ce.’48 Trade between India and Qana
seems to have flourished most in the period between second and fourth
centuries ce, since ‘the increased material evidence of Arab Persian
Gulf and Indian imports as well as the reduction of Mediterranean items
show, very likely . . . change in the character of the sea trade’.49
A study undertaken by Nancy Orton on RPW in Gujarat demonstrates
that a large number of sites in the Saurashtra region yielded this ware. The
region is dotted with several sites, both in the interior and on the coast,
yielding this pottery. Fifteen percent of the total number of sites has been
catalogued and these include Ahdhar, Amreli, Baid, Bhoji Kadvar, Chhara,
Hubakvadi, Malsaram, Pariyadha, Sutrapada, Umbani, and Vasai.50 Out
of these, Baid51 and Una52 are located in Jamnagar district and those in
the Junagadh district include Bhoji K advar,53 Hubakvadi,54 Pariyadhar,55
Umbari, and Una . Besides Amreli, the sites of Chhara58 and Malasram59
56 57
are located within the district of Amreli.

The vast number of RPW sites within Saurashtra, together with the
finds of this ware, outside India would suggest wider trade networks
of Gujarat – in particular, Saurashtra – with the region of Arab Persian
Gulf. A description of the routes of communication within the region
reveals location of many sites, as Nagara, Devnimori, Shamlaji and

Akota, along the interior routes of communication. One of the trade
routes, which came from north and north-western India passed through
Shamlaji and Karpatavanijya (Kapadvanj), Mahisaka Pathaka and
Kathlal, bifurcated near Nadiad. Of these, one of them crossed the Mahi
and reached Broach via Ankottaka (Akota), while the other reached
Nagara and Khambhat on the Gulf of Khambat.60 The other route from
Ujjain area to Broach passed via Dungarpur, through Bhilodi, Shamlaji,
Harsapur (Harsol) to Karpatavanijya, Kathalal and Nadiad in Khetaka
mandala.61
Settlements with sacred sites

Earlier sacred centres discussed above, such as Dwarka, Somanatha and
Junagadh, continue to hold importance. There is mention of Prabhasa
(Somanatha) in the Nasik cave inscription of Nahapana (c. 119–124 ce).
According to it, Nahapana gave eight wives to Brahmanas at the tirtha
of Prabhasa.62 A look at the map of this sub-period of various economic
activities brings out the diverse resource base supporting sacred sites.
Saurashtra and Kachchh

The site of Junagadh not only continued, but also, there is an increase
in terms of additional sacred architecture, as discussed in the previous
chapter. The edicts of Rudradaman and Skandagupta on the rock edicts
authenticate the enduring importance of Junagadh to the succeeding
dynasties. In addition to the Bawa Pyara caves, other Buddhist estab-
lishments such as the Boria stupa and Intwa vihara belong to this sub-
period. It would seem as though there was a spurt in Buddhist building
activities at the site and it became a part of the Buddhist circuit in the
post-Mauryan period.
Explorations at Junagadh city, along the banks of the river Sonarekha,
led to the discovery of a few amphorae fragments, RPW and other
ceramic types datable to the early historical period. At Uparkot was
found a terracotta figurine of second–third centuries ce, which had
similarity with statues of Kanishka from Mathura, on the one hand,
and Scythian warriors from Nagarjunakonda, on the other.63 Terracotta
figurines, including yaksas, sealings, bullae with portraits of yaksa and
a Kshatrapa ruler, stone carvings, beads, indeterminate objects of gold,
and a spouted and carinated jar of bones, datable to the second half of
Figure 2.2
Settlement sites, Period II
the fourth century ce, have been found at Uparkot.64 With the Kshatrapa
coins were found portions of clay moulds with perfect impressions
clearly showing that counterfeit coining was in progress.65 At the sites
of Uparkot and Vasoj, 2,735 Kshatrapa coins were found,66 covering
almost the whole of Kshatrapa reign, and of the Gupta period, a total
of 2,000 coins of Kumaragupta were unearthed.67 Indicators of the
Junagadh trade contacts with the Red Sea are the Dressel 24 amphorae,
which have been recovered from 25 sites in Gujarat, and of these, 13
sites are clustered around Junagadh itself.68
Turning to the question of patronage to these Buddhist sites, Vidya
Dehejia notes that in the later period of stupa building (late second cen-
tury bce–first century ce), Buddhism became firmly rooted in the rural
landscape. Inscriptions reveal that these works were funded by exten-
sive programmes of collective patronage, supported by powerful fami-
lies and guilds.69 A study of the landscape of the Buddhist site provides
insights into the relevance and significance of the dam at Junagadh and
identifying its association with Buddhist sites in and around Junagadh.
Julia Shaw addresses questions of the relation between the spread of
Buddhism between third century bce and fifth century ce and other
processes, such as urbanisation, state formation, economic change,
and innovations in agriculture, and how the Buddhist built patron-
age networks with the local population. By mid first millennium ce,
donations of land and villages recorded in inscriptions indicate that
the sangha was involved in sustainable exchange networks with local
agricultural communities.70 Sites of Sanchi in central India and Junnar
in the western Deccan had several agricultural settlements in their
vicinity, indicating the support base of the monastic establishments.
Sanchi and its environs had 35 Buddhist sites, 145 settlements and 17
irrigation dams,71 illustrating a clear association between Buddhism
and agriculture.
Shaw notes that the Sudarsana dam at Junagadh has interesting paral-
lels to that of Sanchi.72 The rock edict recording the construction and
constant maintenance of the dam built on the Sudarsana lake indicates
the importance of agriculture in and around Junagadh. Also, just as
in the case of Sanchi, there are a number of Buddhist sites at Junagadh,
the city lies surrounded by fertile soil fit for agriculture and has a large
dam to its credit. This dam/water reservoir was central to the existence
of the city, its inhabitants and the surrounding agricultural area, which
can account for its constant repair and maintenance by three succeeding
dynasties – the Mauryas, Kshatrapas and Guptas.
Many of the Buddhist sites are located in the agriculturally fertile

zones of the Saurashtra region of Gujarat. The site of Hadmatiya is
located along the river Macchudar that is one of the most fertile areas.73
Similar is the case with the Buddhist sites of Khambalida, located along
the river Bhadar; Sidsar and Dhank, located between the rivers Bhadar
and Vartu and Mandor, which is close to the river Hiranya. A study
of the settlement pattern further reveals the importance of agricultural
activities. The clustering of settlements was noticeable mainly in four
regions, which are the agriculturally fertile zones. One of these is the
area drained by the Bhadar and the Ojat, which contains black soil and
is an agriculturally fertile zone. The other cluster is found in the fertile
plain of black soil between the rivers Hiranya and Ojat. Another cluster
is seen in the Shetrunji basin, which is also a very fertile area, and the
sites are located mostly along the more fertile northern bank. A large
number of sites are also to be found in the area drained by the rivers
Ghelo and Kalubhar, an agriculturally fertile zone, the Sabarmati–Mahi
doab, and a few sites are located in the Mahi–Narmada doab.74 A site
actively involved in trade was that of Bet Dwarka – ‘The island was
inhabited at many areas. Maritime activities were at the zenith and the
island was visited by foreign boats.’75 In phase two (first century bce
to second century ce), the population increased manifold and there
was intense maritime activity. Regular house-building was noticed and
exploitation of conch shells was at its peak. Artifacts found included
Kushana copper coins, beads of terracotta, glass, shell, and semi-precious
stones. Iron artefacts were extensively found too.76 In the period cor-
responding to third–fourth centuries ce, a large multiroom house was
unearthed with RPW assemblage at the site and a potsherd with Brahmi
letter ‘A’ was seen. The site was involved in the exploitation of natu-
rally available marine shell for trading purposes and was an anchoring
point for ships and boats.
The site of Amreli has been extensively excavated and revealed
structural remains in the form of a vihara and a mud rampart. Belong-
ing to the Kshatrapa period is only one terracotta figurine, which is a
figure of Naigamesh, a form of Skanda. She has the head of a goat with
a hooked nose and a slit for a mouth, dangling split ears and protrud-
ing breasts and is dated to the third century ce.77 According to Atusha
Bharucha Irani, this goddess was worshipped as the guardian goddess
of childbirth, and represents fertility rites, which is a folk medium.78
The presence of various objects of shell at Amreli indicates its
involvement in trade, for shell was not a locally available material.
In addition to this, the area around it was agriculturally fertile. Even

though Amreli is located far from the coast, the site has articles that
suggest its involvement in trade. A wide variety of coins are also found
here. These include Avanti or Ujjain coins, silver, copper, potin, and
lead coins of western Kshatrapas, early indigenous coins of India and a
hoard of 2,000 silver coins of Kumaragupta I.79 The finds from Amreli
range from the early centuries of the Common era up to medieval times.
The excavation was carried out at Gohilwad timbo,80 and structural
remains were found on the west as well as the east side of the mound.81
Towards the north-west of the structural remains was what appears to
be the furnace of a goldsmith and an interesting clay mould was found
next to it.82
Amreli’s importance is attested by the vast number of coins and the
structural remains of brick excavated here. The clay rampart was seen
in the form of a depression of an ancient moat connecting two gullies,
which discharged into rivers.83 The site of Amreli is located in the fertile
plain of black soil, and thus, agricultural activities would have been car-
ried out. In addition to this the site was also a shell manufacturing site,
as seen in the archaeological records, and the possibility of involvement
in trade cannot be ruled out because of the presence of various coins as
well as the BGW found at the site. The site was involved in a number
of activities, and the communities involved in supporting Hinduism and
Buddhism would have constituted both of traders and agriculturists. In
addition, the find of a large number of coins of the Gupta period indi-
cates the presence of an elitist class, who would have also contributed
to the resources of the sacred site.
Another site with religious remains is Valabhi, which was to become
the capital of the Maitraka dynasty in the succeeding sub-period of
study. At the site of Valabhi were encountered votive tanks and minia-
ture Shiva lingas,84 which have been dated between the first and fourth
century ce. Excavations carried out at Maya no Khado revealed a sin-
gle period divisible into three phases, covering a period from first cen-
tury bce/ce to eighth century ce. Excavations yielded brick structures,
hearths and traces of furnaces for smelting iron belonging to fourth–
fifth centuries ce.85
The ceramics found included RPW, crude black and red and plain
and burnished red and black ware. Location of the site along the coast
and the finds of RPW and amphorae are clear indicators of the site being
involved in trading activities as well. In addition to this, Valabhi was
located in the fertile plain of rich soil,86 which indicates its involvement
in agricultural activities. The site’s strategic location for trading activi-

ties and agriculture may have been the possible causes for the selection
of this site by the Maitraka dynasty.
Found in the sub-region of Kachchh are the Kateshwar/Siyot caves,
dated to the first century ce, which have an east-facing sanctum and an
ambulatory. Found here were fragments of clay sealings with B uddha
images in different mudras and some of them with inscriptions in late
Brahmi and Devnagari.87 The site is located at a distance of about 40 km
from Lakhpat, which is located on the Kori creek. It seems that patron-
age to these Buddhist caves was provided by the trading community
inhabiting the creek that would have been visited by ships.
According to Y.S. Rawat, ‘Kachchh was always at the forefront
of maritime trade – the region hosted innumerable foreign traders on
its shores and has sent seafarers to unchartered territories right from
the Harappan period.’88 A particular grey ware found at the site of
Nani Ryan in Kachchh is evidence for linkages of Gujarat with the
Mediterranean region. Similar ware has been reported from the sites
of Ed Dur in lower Gulf, Qana in Yemen and the island of Socotra in
the Gulf of Aden. According to Bharucha, the ware is found on both
sides of the Sea of Oman, and also, at a number of sites in Saurashtra as
well as Mandvi, which shows regular contact and interchange between
India and the Gulf region in Early Historic times.89 The sea routes in
this region are named Bakhai Lal (Babra on Persian Gulf), Makarani
Lal (Makran coast west of Karachi), Surati Lal (Surat), and Malabari
(Malabar).90 The Gulf of Eirinon mentioned in the Periplus has been
identified as the Rann of Kachchh.91
North Gujarat
The site of Shamlaji is located next to river Meshvo on the southern end
of a fertile forested valley 16 km long and 2 km wide. The Buddhist site
of Devnimori is located on the other side of the same river. Shamlaji
demonstrates continuity of settlement and excavations reveal begin-
nings of fortifications at the site, indicating an increase in the importance
of the site. The fortification wall was rebuilt, and the bricks used in its
construction and subsequent reconstruction were dated to the Kshatrapa
period. The second period at this site covers the time between 100 ce
and 300 ce, which is divided into period II and II a. In this period, ‘The
distribution (of structures) indicates that the highest number of struc-
tures belonged to periods II and II a, which were of intense activity.’92
Pottery found includes the RPW, black painted red ware and a richly
embossed pottery. In the opinion of Mehta and Patil, ‘This habitation
(II – first phase) was fortified in c. the first century ce. It covered within
it an area of about fifty acres, which would have sheltered population,
which probably would not have been more than three thousand souls
even in the most prosperous period. This fort was situated in a strategic
position.’93 It would then seem as though the site of Shamlaji was a well-
developed town enclosed within a fortification wall. This site specialised
in iron smelting activity and Mehta and Patil opine that, at Shamlaji,
‘caravans loaded with materials from the western world were moving
past this town and were delivering the Roman goods. This movement
continued to influence the town at least for four centuries’.94
In addition to this, the area was agriculturally fertile and was under
cultivation, as is seen in the presence of various small dams or bunds
found here. Bunds are to be seen in the surrounding area of Shamlaji
and95 R.N. Mehta has provided a detailed list of these bunds located
within this one district. One each is to be found at the villages of Bhim,
Pagala, Rampur, Padadri, and Dadhalia. Between Jitpur and Dadhalia
are to be found one each, three are seen at Vagpur, two at Hematpur, and
the maximum number – which totals to nine – is at Devnimori, a site
located opposite Shamlaji.96 The site is nestled between the hilly terrain
of the Aravallis, and the occupants of the village Devni ki mori practise
mainly agriculture. The agricultural importance of the site is suggested
by the construction of a dam in the 1960s by the government, the water
from which irrigates the fields nearby. While Shamlaji specialised in
the production of iron objects, the site of Devnimori itself lay in a rich
agricultural zone as the site is located between the rivers Meshvo and
Majam, which is a notable tract of fertile arable land.97 At Shamlaji and
Devnimori, the population was occupied in trade, agriculture and craft,
and here too, as in the case in Junagadh, the Buddhist monastic estab-
lishment had interactions with the agricultural community at site.
The other site in North Gujarat is Vadnagar in district Mehsana,
where excavations brought to light a Buddhist establishment dating to
the second century ce. The structural remains at the site consisted of a
Buddhist monastery in which the arrangement of cells followed a swas-
tika pattern. Also seen at the site were two votive stupas, one square
and the other circular in plan, dating to fourth–fifth centuries ce.98
Antiquities found include a red sandstone broken head of Buddha of
second century ce, a crescent-shaped stone tray depicting scene of mon-
key offering honey to Buddha, and shards of RPW with the inscription
dev-sri-ṛi-si, sa-ka-sayai and dhama dating to second–third centuries

ce.99 One of the ivory seals from the site has religious motif and legend
in Brahmi dating to second–third centuries bce and it depicts a double
storey pillar structure with an apsidal roof. On the right side of the
structure is a ‘dhwaja stambha’ within a railing. On left side of Vimana
is a tree in railing and a man wearing a turban is shown worshipping the
tree. The legend on the seal reads ma-ha-ya-ta-ka-sa.100 Even though
no religious structures are encountered this early at the site, this seal
indicates the existence of a sacred site at Vadnagar.
Excavations reveal continuous settlement at the site from fourth–
third centuries bce to eleventh century ce.101 The settlement began with-
out permanent fortification, and subsequently, an earthen rampart was
added. In the early centuries of the Common era, a major change in
internal town planning took place, and the new layout ushered in a new
era of development and growth.102 Remains of well-laid streets, lanes,
profuse use of burnt bricks, and fortification walls were excavated, and
this layout lasted without change till eleventh–twelfth centuries ce.103
The prosperity of the site can be attributed to its involvement in trade
as well as its ability to access agricultural resources from its hinterland.
Imported objects include amphora like handled jar, broken pieces of
‘torpedo’ jar and terracotta plaque with moulding of acanthus leaves.
The ‘torpedo’ jar may have come from Mesopotamia and belongs to
third–seventh centuries ce. Also found are impressions of Roman coins
of Valentinian I (364–367 ce) found on terracotta sealing, which has
a Brahmi legend on other face.104 These artifacts seem to indicate the
site’s involvement in trading activities as in ancient times, Vadnagar
was a strategic location where two major trade routes crossed each
other – one from central India to Sindh and the other from the port
towns of Gujarat coast to Rajasthan and North India. The RPW found
at the site speaks of its trade contacts with Saurashtra, where this ware
is found in maximum numbers. The site also had access to agricultural
produce as it was also located in sandy loam soil, which is suitable for
agriculture. According to Rawat, the ivory seals found have motifs that
were used in textile printing and this may be taken as evidence of the
old tradition of textile printing in Gujarat.105
South Gujarat
Broach, at this point of time, was a famous port and the sacred site
probably lay along a route of communication connecting the port
area with its hinterland. It has the advantage of being located on the
Narmada, which is the only navigable river in Gujarat.106 The spread of
Buddhist architecture across the Gulf of Khambat is evident from the
presence of seven rock-cut caves and a monolithic pillar at the site of
Kadia Dungar, situated about 40 km south of Broach. Excavation sug-
gests that Broach was a prosperous town, as attested by the existence
of a mud rampart, ring wells in clusters of five and a mud rampart, as
well107 and lead and copper Kshatrapa coins in its early historical levels,
which continued till seventh–eighth centuries ce without a break.108 The
wares found were fragments of RPW and a few black and red wares,
suggesting contacts with sites situated both towards Saurashtra, on the
one hand, and the southern part of the subcontinent on the other. The
most important early historic city in Gujarat was ancient Bharukaccha
or Bhrgukaccha of the Indian sources and Barygaza of the classical
sources.
Identified with modern Broach on the Narmada estuary, this was a
port par excellence. Not only was its immediate hinterland fertile, pro-
ducing wheat, rice and cotton, but its connection stretched to Ujjayini
in central India and Pratisthana in the Deccan, thus touching the arterial
routes of inner India.109
Broach or Bharukaccha is referred to as an important trading town in
the Buddhist literature as well. In the Sussondi Jataka, there is mention
of minstrel Sagga from Benares to Bharukaccha, which was a seaport
town (pattana).110 Buddhist sources record huge ships plying between
Bharukachha, Sopara and other western Indian ports and southern India,
Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Suvarnabhumi, and Indo–China peninsula.111
The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea aids in establishing the importance
of Broach in trading activities with the Mediterranean world. The gulf
of Barygaza (Broach) is described as being very narrow and hard to
navigate for those coming from the ocean112 and the village of K hambat
is called Cammoni.113 It further mentions that due to the difficulty in
entering the Gulf, the king’s fishermen were posted at the entrance in
well-manned boats called trappaga and cotymba, which went up to
the coast of Saurashtra, and these would pilot vessels to Barygaza.114
Thus, the text gives not only information on the sites involved in trade,
but also, vital information on trade within Gujarat and about the fact
that by this time, the people of coastal Gujarat were masters in the art
of construction and handling of boats. The distance from Barygaza to
Paithana is mentioned as a 20-day journey and that various items from
Paithana and Tagara were brought down to Barygaza by wagons.115 The
site was an important trading centre, which was supported by an agri-

culturally rich hinterland.
Remains of a township were traced in Vadodara at excavations car-
ried out at Bhimnath Mahadeo temple in Sayajigunj.116 The brick built
structures excavated at the site measured three furlongs long, and one
of these structures, measuring 21.3 × 12.2 metres with its outer walls
exposed to about 1.5 metres, has been identified as a public building.117
A total of three coins were recovered, two of which belonged to the
early Kshatrapa period.118 Evidence indicates an increase in the size of
the settlement around the Kshatrapa period. The objects found at the site
range from the microlithic period to the medieval period,119 suggesting
that the site was inhabited for a very long period. The succeeding period
has a number of religious images to its credit, and this coupled with the
find of the Jaina bronzes makes Vadodara a site of religious importance
through the ages. The site was involved in shell manufacturing, and in
trading activities as well.
Evidence from the site of Akota, located on the western side of
Vadodara city on the banks of River Visvamitri, confirms the strong
presence of Jainas in this region. These are mainly from inscriptions
on the Akota hoard of bronzes, which was unearthed in 1951. It con-
tained 68 metal images ranging from the sixth century ce to twelfth
century ce, including a few Gupta images.120 Excavations carried out
at the site brought to light foundations of a building with a big hall,
dating to the Kshatrapa period,121 which may have been used by the
Jainas for religious purposes. On the image of Parsavanatha donated by
Durggini, the inscription mentions the word Rathavasatika, interpreted
as the vasatika founded by arya Ratha.122 Excavations at the site of
Akota brought to light structures that have been dated to third–fourth
centuries ce123 on the basis of RPW found in the trenches dug. Akota lay
on the trade route between Gujarat and Malwa, and from the site were
recovered a bronze handle (50–100 ce),124,125 amphorae fragments, ter-
racotta seals, and Roman coins.126
Located at a short distance of about 30 km south of Vadodara is
the site of Karvan, also known as Kayavarohan. The site is a famous
center of Shaiva pilgrimage and is traditionally associated with Lakulisa,
the 28th incarnation of Shiva, whose kaya (body) made an avarohana
(descent) in this place. Excavations in the central part of the mound
revealed a wall with a 2.2-metre-wide entrance, which was a gate-
way and was closed in a later period. Found at the site were a vari-
ety of objects, which included iron nails and bolts, copper coins of the
Kshatrapas, tribal coins, lead coins, terracotta beads, and RPW.127 Found
here are plaques of stone showing human figures with a prominent head-
dress. Beads of numerous semi-precious stones – agate, carnelian, gar-
net, rock crystal, garnet, jasper and quartz, shell objects, wheels, discs,
and pendants – were found at excavations carried out at Phulwa Tekri
and Vatanagar.128 Presence of semi-precious stones at the site suggests
that the site either was specialising in the craft of bead manufacturing,
or was involved in trading them, as seen in the presence of various coins
at the site. A total of 5,000 lead coins with the legend Damajasa have
been recovered from the site.129 Also found were 600 coins of lead in
rectangular, circular and triangular shapes.130 This is the largest hoard
of lead coins to be found in North Gujarat. The coins found in Gujarat
include cast and tribal coins of North India, early South Indian coins,
and coins of the Kushana and Gupta period. A comparative analysis of
the coins has revealed that besides the normal issues of the ruling dynas-
ties, certain coins carried additional symbols.131 The coins were modi-
fied before being issued for local circulation. The traders and merchants
to facilitate smoother commercial transactions could have carried out
the addition of symbols, which could have served as a trademark of
the guild or guilds. This would not only have solved the problem of the
acceptance of a particular currency in different regions, but have also
aided in a long continuation of the coin, at least in terms of its intrinsic
value. A.S. Gadre is of the opinion that at entrepots such as Broach and
Kamrej, it is possible that coins of the Ujjain type were locally minted
by various mercantile guilds.132
The site of Goraj is located on a tributary of river Visvamitri and has
remains of what may have been a religious structure. It is at a distance
of 30 km east of Vadodara and 37 km west from Karvan.133 Remains of
a plinth of a brick temple were exposed, which measured 34.7 metres
east–west and 23.9 metres north–south, with an average height between
1.4 metres and 1.5 metres, having 29 courses and no superstructure.
Iron nails at the site were found in plenty, which must have been used
for the super structure of the plinth that no longer exists.134 Found at
the site was a signet ring carrying an inscription ‘Om Jagesha’ dated to
second–third centuries ce,135 as well as a miniature head of a three-eyed
Shiva in schist.136 According to Pande and Vyas, ‘The structure appears
to have been built during the period of Kshatrapa rule (c. first century
ce to fourth century ce). It seems to have been in use and rebuilt dur-
ing the time of the Guptas, followed by the Maitrakas.’137 Also found
at the site were votive tanks and miniature Shiva lingas, clearly point-
ing to the existence of certain rituals associated with the site wherein
people left behind these objects as a form of gratitude to the deity or
on the fulfilment of something desired from the deity. The presence of

the lingas and the ring leads one to conclude that the structure at the
site was devoted to Shiva. The site is located a short distance from the
site of Karvan, and is also in the fertile zone along the river valley.138
The sites of Vadodara, Karvan and Goraj all have remnants associ-
ated with Shaivism. It would seem as though the city of Vadodara and
its surrounding environs were sacred to the Shaivite community and
these sites formed a religious pilgrimage in the area.
Conclusion
Archaeological evidence attests to an increase in the material remains
at sites and an increase in the number of sites involved in varied man-
ufacturing activities. New shell-working sites are those of Amreli,
Valabhi, Akota, Karvan, and Bet Dwarka and evidence for iron smelt-
ing is visible in archaeological records at the sites of Prabhas Patan,
Dhatva and Shamlaji; in this period, Valabhi appears as another smelt-
ing centre. There is also an increase in building activities, as evi-
denced in the presence of burnt brick structures at the sites of Prabhas
Patan, Nagara, Amreli, Valabhi, Rojdi, Akota, and Karvan. In period I,
forts/ramparts were noticed at Prabhas Patan and Broach only, but in
period II, the list of fortified sites increases and now includes the sites
of Shamlaji, Tarsang, Karanta, and a clay rampart at Amreli. A cor-
responding increase is seen in sites with archaeological evidence of
religious remains, for instance, at sites of Broach, Shamlaji, Amreli,
Valabhi, Akota, and Goraj.
Signs of prosperity at varied sites in the region are the presence of
brick-built structures, fortification of sites and a vast number of coins
and the trading network of Gujarat as well. Employment of bricks is
noticed not only in the construction of secular buildings, but in sacred
architecture as well. The creation of a system of water management in
the form of earthworks or dams implies an advanced stage of farming
where concerted efforts were being made to regulate the flow of water
in the fields and improve productivity. Various social classes, agricultur-
ists, artisans and traders now had the resources, even if limited in nature,
to invest and contribute to the construction of structures at certain sacred
sites. In the context of RPW found at various sites, H.P. Ray notes that
Thus it is evident that these coastal centres by no means existed in iso-

lation, but on the contrary maintained a symbiotic relationship with
agriculturists based at inland centres. The products of farms and for-

ests provided cargoes for the sailing ships and sustained trade with other
centres along the coasts. RPW was produced by local potters to meet
the requirements of their neighbours, the farmers and merchants, and
was produced in a variety of shapes. The fine-slipped ceramic indicates
expanding trade networks associated with expanding agricultural activi-
ties and settlements, as also sea-going trade.139
The sacred sites in the region, thus, were the creation of members of
communities involved in various economic activities. Gujarat’s internal
and external trade networks and a strong agricultural base provided the
resources necessary for creation of sacred architecture by various local
communities.
Period III: fourth century CE to eighth century CE

In this sub-period, while there is continuity, many new sites emerge
in the sacred landscape of Gujarat. Literary tradition as stated in the
Skanda Purana attests to the creation of a sacred landscape at Dwarka
and Somanatha, which now included not only the site per se, but other
sacred spots in the vicinity of the sites. Archaeologically, sites of
Karvan, Shamlaji, Devnimori, and Valabhi continue to grow in impor-
tance. Numerous sculptures from Shamlaji speak of its existence as
sacred spot till the seventh century ce. At Devnimori, the stupas and
the protecting wall have been dated to the fourth century ce140 and
the site flourished till seventh–eighth centuries ce.141 From the site of
Shamlaji are images belonging to the fifth–seventh centuries ce, such as
Kartikkeya of fourth–fifth centuries ce;142 Viṇadhara Virabhadra Shiva
of sixth century ce; and the image of Shiva and Parvati dated seventh
century ce.143 The site that acquires immense importance by virtue of its
being the capital of the Maitraka dynasty is Valabhi, denoting a shift in
choice of capital from Junagadh.
This sub-period under study witnesses intense temple construction
activity, mostly along the coastline of Saurashtra. The temple sites are
located between the stretch of Dwarka and Somanatha and are dedi-
cated to Surya, Shiva and goddesses. The temples are modest in size
and simple in decorative elements. Due to the trend of giving dynastic
labels to temples, these structures have been labelled ‘Maitraka’ tem-
ples, but they do not contain any evidence of the involvement of this
royal dynasty at any of the temple sites. A total of 140 inscriptions cover
the period from 502 ce to 767 ce and they are all donative inscriptions,
detailing donations mainly to Brahmanas and Buddhists and a few to
temples. Temples that receive donation do not contain any evidence of
them being built by the ruling elite.
The Maitraka inscriptions provide valuable information regarding
the existence of various settlement sites. Settlements from the earlier
period continue into this period as well, as in the case of Vadodara,
Vadnagar, Kaira, Jokha, Prabhas Patan, Dwarka, Broach, and Valabhi.
H.G. Shastri, in a study of Gujarat in the Maitraka period, gives impor-
tant information regarding the settlements in this period. According to
him, the soil around Valabhi was rich and fertile and produced abun-
dant harvests, and the cities of Valabhi and Girnar had dense popula-
tion and rich establishments.144 The coast was studded with a number
of well-known places such as Dwarka (Dvaraka), Mangalapura (Man-
grol), Somanatha, Pattana (Somanatha, Prabhas Patan), Dvipa (Div),
Unnata (Una), Madhumati (Mahuva), Hastaparva (Hatab), and Valabhi
and a number of other important towns located on the sea coast, such
as Navasarika (Navasari), city of Bharukaccha and Jambusaras (Jam-
busar), and Kapika (Kavi), to mention a few.145
Still, in the region of North Gujarat, the soil was very fertile, espe-
cially in Khetaka and Anandapura districts and shrubs and trees grew
in great quantities here. ‘The population of the headquarters was dense
and the establishments rich.’146 The major towns of north and east
Gujarat were Khetaka (Kheda), Anandapura (Vadnagar) and Shivab-
hagapura (Shivrajpur).147
Settlements with sacred sites

For this sub-period under study, a combination of archaeological
and inscriptional data will highlight the role of various communities
involved in the construction of religious architecture in Gujarat. A sur-
vey of the maps of this period and the location of identified places men-
tioned in the royal grants shows a density of population near the eastern
part of Saurashtra, in the region around Girinagara, almost in whole of
Khetaka ahara and near the coast of South Gujarat. The average dis-
tance between habitations was calculated to be about 5 km, the range
of distribution being almost the same as in modern times. Settlement
sites were situated on the seacoast and/or the bank of rivers and some
of those located in the interior were administrative divisions, probably
because of their location on major or minor routes of communication.148
It is noticed that sacred sites are to be found in these areas of concentra-

tion, namely, the temples along the coastline of Saurashtra, the Bud-
dhist sites in and around Girnar and the sites of Mahisa and Mehalvav,
located in the district of Kheda, which contain Vaishnavite images. The
inscriptional data are derived mainly from the Maitraka inscriptions
and the inscribed images of the Akota hoard.
Saurashtra
The site of Valabhi gains immense importance in this period not only in
terms of being a political capital, but also, in terms of containing reli-
gious remains. The selection of Valabhi as the capital by the Maitraka
dynasty is apparent as not only was it located in a fertile region, but was
involved in trading activities as well. Excavations carried out at the site
of Maya no Khado brought to light floors of well-beaten earth, struc-
tures of reused bricks and a gold ring with intaglio belonging to Phase
III, which covers the period from the fifth century ce to eighth century
ce.149 This last piece of evidence indicates contacts of the site with the
Roman world, either direct or indirect.
Inscriptions, wherein Valabhi is referred to as a town, further cor-
roborate this. In two copper plates, the term Valabhi svatala is used, and
according to Njammasch, this term occurs in the Maitraka epigraphs in
connection with towns and not villages. She further adds that, ‘it seems
reasonable to translate this term with urban land or city territory’.150
Valabhi was also a very prosperous port town and the waters of the Gulf
of Khambat were not far removed from its gates and the city, thus, had
sea communications. The former seaworthiness of the place is testified
by the buoy that guards the entrance to the town even today and also by
the copper plates found at different places during excavation. At pre-
sent, the town is approximately 35 km away from the present seacoast
and is completely landlocked. It is believed that the first vessels having
sailed were built at Kanakpur, Madhumati and Bhadravati in Gujarat.
As per an old saying, it is believed that the speediest sail vessels were
built in the seventh–eighth centuries at Kanakpur. All these places are
landlocked today.151
The various Buddhist establishments mentioned in the grants
depended on agricultural activities for their sustenance since these were
granted lands or villages by the ruling elite. The same would hold true
for other monasteries located outside the region of Valabhi, as seen in
the map provided by Njammasch. Of a total of 57 land donations, the
Buddhists received 4, and of the 44 villages donated, they were granted

20 villages.152 The Dudda vihara in Valabhi received a donation of three
fields and two vapis and four gardens. Of these, two pieces of land
were located in the svatala of Valabhi itself. Siladitya I donated three
villages, which were located in the surrounding area of Valabhi itself.153
A grant of Dharasena I mentions the grant of two villages, located
in Hastaparva aharani and in the sthali of Dharaketha, to a monas-
tery to defray the cost of worship of the Divine Buddhas, of clothing,
food and medicine for the bhikshus and of repairs to the monastery.154
Dhruvasena II granted a village to the bhikshus dwelling in the mon-
astery constructed by Gohaka, located in Valabhi.155 In the year 549
ce, the Garulaka ruler Varahadasa donated the nunnery in Bhattipadra
grama a field measuring 100 padavartas in the same village.156
As for the royalty, it is noticed that the Dudda vihara was built by
Dudda, the niece of King Dhruvasena I, who seemed to have been a
nun.157 The Abhayantarika vihara was also built by a nun by the name
of Mimma.158 Of a total of 98 grants recorded so far, the rulers of the
Maitraka dynasty made a total of 20 grants to Buddhist viharas. These
grants cover a century and a half, which is from the time of Dhruvasena I
(519–549 ce) to Siladitya II (658–685 ce). Viharas were also built by
monks, as seen in the case of the Vimalagupta vihara, which was built
by acharya bhikshu Vimalagupta159 and the Gohaka vihara, built by
Gohaka, who was probably a monk.160
The term for traders found in the inscriptions is vanijak (merchants).
The trader Yakkamali constructed a vihara in 590 ce,161 a merchant
named Kakka Mankila built the Kakka vihara162 and the Ajita vihara
was also built by a merchant, since the term used here is vanijak Ajita
sakta vihara, which was a vihara for a sangha of bhikshunis, situated
in Valabhi that received the grant from Garulaka king Varahadasa II in
the year 230 (549 ce).163 Thus, a wide range of communities – traders,
farmers, monks and nuns, and the ruling elite – contributed to the
upkeep, construction and continuity of Buddhist sites around Valabhi.
The site of Valabhi was also important to the Jainas and a synod was
held here under the leadership of arya Nagarjuna in 363 ce. Another
synod was held at the same site in 503/516 ce under the leadership of
Devarddhigani Ksamasramana when Dhruvasena I was ruling.164 The
copy of Jinabhadra’s most famous work Vises Avasyakabhasya, was
deposited in 609 ce in a Jaina temple at Valabhi.
Inscriptional data aid in reconstructing an agriculturally rich hin-
terland of Valabhi. The maximum numbers of Maitraka grants are in
the Hastaparva aharani, which would correspond to the area around

modern day Hatab. In the Ganesgadh plates of Dhruvasena I, land was
donated in the village of Hriyanaka165 that lay in the Hastaparva aharani
and the same ruler donates once more land on the northern boundary
of Jyeshthanaka in the same aharani to other brahmanas.166 The area
seems to have been agriculturally fertile for Dhruvasena I grants a total
of 360 padavartas of land in the village of Hariyanaka of this aharani.
The Bhavnagar plates of Dharasena III mention the donation of a 100
padavartas of land in the village of Amakarakupa in Hastaparva aha-
rani, the boundaries of which were a village cattle track to the south,
and on the east, a rising ground for a stone quarry.167 While Valabhi
was involved in trade, the area around Hatab seems to have been the
hinterland, where the inhabitants were involved in not only agricultural
practices, but also, animal husbandry and quarrying activities and trade
as well.168
Excavations carried out at the site of Hatab revealed its urban char-
acter, characterised by the presence of mud fortification, a moat and
various structures of burnt bricks.169 The site was a major shell craft-
ing industry170 in all the three phases covering the period from fourth
century bce to the sixth century ce.171 Though the site was involved in
iron smelting in all phases, the third phase (fifth–sixth centuries ce)
witnessed maximum activity, as is evidenced by the find of furnaces
of various dimensions. Excavations brought to light nearly 350 seals,
round and oval in size, dating from the first century bce to the third–
fourth centuries ce from a warehouse complex,172 which indicates the
involvement of the site in trading activities as well. Thus, the site of
Hatab would have been an important hinterland area for Valabhi, which
was the ruling capital of the Maitraka dynasty.
In this period, one notices a large number of temples along the coast-
line of Kathiawar. These temples are seen to be located in the areas of
settlement concentration with RPW to their credit. These settlements
were invariably located in the fertile zones of the Kathiawar region.
The concentration of temples is noticed mainly between the Vartu and
Bhadar regions, an area where agricultural activities would have pre-
dominated. A few of the sites were also involved in trading and fishing
activities. The coastline from Kotda to Miyani is in the fresh fish zone,
and out of the important villages engaged in the capture of marine fish,
the sites of Sutrapada, Veraval, Mangrol, and Miyani173 contain tem-
ple remains. At the site of Kadvar, located 3 km away from Sutrapada,
the population mainly consists of Koli fisherman.174 A few of the sites
were involved in trading activities as well. The site of Mangrol is a

non-intermediate port and is open to coastal and foreign traffic.175 The
location of the site of Miyani at the creek would ensure its involvement
in trading activities. Similarly, the site of Porbandar is a flourishing
intermediate port, and is important for traffic from the African ports and
the West Asian countries.176
This, coupled with Nancy Orton’s research of RPW sherds at the
sites of Kadvar and Sutrapada, and the find of similar pottery in the
Arab Persian Gulf clearly indicate the involvement of these sites in
trading activities. Remote sensing reveals that the sites of Pindara, Val-
abhi, Nagara, Khambat, and Broach were ancient seaports.177 Thus, the
temples are to be found not only at sites involved in agricultural activi-
ties, but also where the inhabitants were involved in fishing or trade,
and possibly, a combination of these as well.
Recent onshore and offshore explorations along the coastline of
Saurashtra have revealed the presence of many ports in the histori-
cal period. Offshore anchoring points, which also contain sacred
architecture, have been identified at Miyani, Visavada, Somanatha,
Kodinar, and Gogha. The underwater investigations on the Saurashtra
seacoast have helped mark several anchoring points from where
stone anchors were found in water at a depth of 5–7 metres. Underwa-
ter observation revealed that the seabed topography between Dwarka
and Somanatha is almost less variant, particularly at Dwarka, Miyani,
Porbandar, Visavada, Tukda, and Somanatha. The seabed topography
comprised rocky formations with numerous channels filled with fine
sand. The stone anchors were trapped in these channels and between
rocks which were suitable for holding big boats.178 The study reveals
that many temple sites were located close to creeks, as seen in the
case of Miyani, Visavada, Kindarkheda, S omanatha, Kodinar (Mul
Dwarka), Hatab, and Valabhipur. At Miyani, a vast creek known as
the Meda creek runs a few kilometres in the hinterland area and was
used as a sheltered harbour for country craft. Visavada is located
20 km east of Miyani and the Kindar creek runs from here up to
Kindarkheda.
As per the study of an ancient map, Kindarkheda was approachable
by boat up to 1856, and archaeological, geographical and geological
data suggest that it might have been an active proto historical and his-
torical port. At Mul Dwarka, the ancient port was destroyed due to the
construction of a cement jetty. Discovery of a composite stone anchor
and report on some grapnel-type anchors suggest that this was also
an active port town during the historical and medieval periods.179 Bet
Dwarka was located at a point from which boats and ships sailing from
the south enter the Gulf of Kachchh, and approach the mainland, sailing
in a north-westerly direction.180 Porbandar, referred to as Bardaxema by
Ptolemy, has a pre-Chalukyan temple at the site, dating to the eighth
century ce. Four ancient jetties known as Juna Dhakka were noticed
in the creek over a stretch of 3 km. The first jetty was situated oppo-
site the Porav Mata temple and this was used for passenger and small
boats.181 The second jetty was located 200 metres south of the present
bridge between Bokhira and Porbandar and it was used for loading and
unloading cargo such as cotton, woollen cloth, grain, wood, and so on.
Yet another jetty along the creek acted as a ramp to cross the creek and
was used by bullock carts. The jetties were in use till the end of the
nineteenth century.182 The authors opine that the ancient jetties in the
Bokhira creek suggest that this was an important maritime trade centre
in the ancient period.183
Even though it is difficult to exactly pinpoint the location of ancient
ports along the coast of Saurashtra, the survey of the above-mentioned
sites amply demonstrates the strong association of this sub-region
with sea-faring and trading activities. Locating and navigating inlet
areas along the coast of Gujarat was not always easy. Native fisher-
men helped overcome this problem by guiding and piloting the ships
to safer places.184
Another aspect of the maritime networks relates to the visual topog-
raphy that provided landmarks to sailors and defined the sailing world
in antiquity. This visual topography was characterised by coastal
structures, many of them religious in nature that created a distinctive
maritime milieu. ‘The chains of perceptibility created by looking from
one vantage point to the next served both to express the relationship
of individual localities to one another and to make sense of the wider
world.’185
Ray adds in the context of the subcontinent: ‘The communities are
linked to coastal temples dedicated to a range of deities and often donate
regularly for maintenance as well as performance of rituals. A third fea-
ture in the religious landscape is the memorial stone, or paliyar, set up
in memory of those who have lost their lives at sea. It is also significant
that temple structures often double as markers to identify the coasts and
are often associated with local legends of rescues at sea. Thus religious
architecture fulfils both religious and navigational purposes, and this
was important in an earlier period also.’186
North Gujarat
The site of Devnimori, in North Gujarat, continues in this period as well,
since Phase III, dated to the sixth century ce, is the last phase at this site
that contained coins of Sarvabhattaraka, the first Maitraka ruler. The
find of silver Sassanian coins,187 points to the site being a part of a wider
network. At this site, there was a vihara that existed at first, and the
stupa was built consequently. The settlement located closest to this site
is that of Shamlaji, which is a small village located in the Bhiloda taluka
of Sabarkantha district. The site is situated in a forested valley of the
outliers of the Aravalli mountains. To the north of Shamlaji is a broad
valley carved out by the river Meshvo that skirts the southern boundary
of Shamlaji after passing through a narrow gorge to the south east.188
Phase III at the site corresponds to the period from 600 ce to 1200 ce,
and from this period, five brick structures, including platforms, were
reported.189 In this period, the settlement site itself becomes an impor-
tant sacred site, and found here are a number of Hindu sculptures. The
earliest figure found here is a female deity, which has been dated to
fourth century ce.190 These images have been discussed in detail in the
third chapter on sculptures.
The inhabitants of this site seem to have exploited iron, as is evi-
denced by the presence of the tuyeres for blowers and crucibles at the
site. The raw material, laterite or hematite, was available within 45 km
from the site.191 As mentioned before, the site was also located in a
fertile agricultural zone and along a trade route as well. Hence, this
site had its support base in the extraction of iron ore, trade and agri-
cultural activities too. The site of Shamlaji is, to date, important for
the local adivasis who worship the Gadadhar image of Vishnu as their
ishta devata. In the month of Karttika, a huge fair takes place at the site
and people from Gujarat, Mewar and Marwar come to visit this shrine.
A number of traders and merchants set up their shops here and the adi-
vasis coming from the areas of Mewar, Marwar and as far as Saurashtra
in Gujarat, purchase livelihood items for the entire year. According to
the booklet available at the site, Shamlaji was a great centre of trade and
commerce in earlier times as well.
South Gujarat
A concentration of Hindu sculptures is noticed in the modern districts
of Baroda or Vadodara and Broach, two sites in the modern district of
Kheda, and at the sites of Roda and Goraj, besides the above-mentioned
site of Shamlaji. The inhabitants of the village Roda, to date, earn their
income mainly from agriculture, which may have been the case ear-
lier as well. The northern part of Gujarat, bordering Rajasthan, has a
hilly terrain and agriculture is practised today in the available flat area
between the Aravalli hills.
Evidence for the continued association of Vadodara with Shaivism
is evident from the Valabhi grant of Siladitya I. The grant mentions the
donation of land and stepwell to a temple of Mahadeva, or Shiva, which
was located in Vatapadra or modern Vadodara, and was built by one
Harinatha.192 Grants were also made in the regions of Vadodara, testify-
ing to the existence of agricultural activities in these areas as well. The
Maitraka ruler Siladitya I193 granted land in Vatapadra, and the site of
Goraj is located within this district as well.
In this period, the site of Akota acquires immense importance for
the Svetambara Jaina community, as attested by the find of the Akota
hoard of bronze images from the site. The inscriptions on these images
help reconstruct the social support base of the religion. According to
legend, the Buddhists were defeated by Mallavadi at Broach, who also
got two metal images of Jina made for installation in the Jaina temple
at Ankotaka.194 An image of yaksa Sarvanubhuti records its installation
by Jinabhadra Vacana acharya,195 and another image of an unidentified
Jina was installed by the same acharya,196 both of which have been dated to
between 500 ce and 610 ce on stylistic basis. Nuns installed images as
well, as seen in the case of a Sarasvati gifted by the ganini (nun) Isiya,197
the tri-tirthika image of Parsavanatha gifted by arjika Khambili,198 and
an image gifted by Sagabharjika, interpreted either as the saka lady
named Bharjika or a nun (arjika) of the saka community.199 All these
images have been dated to the seventh century ce.
Evidence of the involvement of the lay community mostly comes as
inscriptions that record the donation of images by women. An image of
Jivantsvami, dated to the middle of the sixth century ce, records it as
being gifted by a Jaina lady named Nagisvari of the Chandra kula.200
The pedestal of a Jina image mentions the image being donated by the
wife of Sravaka Sihaji, dating to 600–650 ce,201 and the female wor-
shipper Durggini gifted an image of Parsavanatha.202 Thus, the contrib-
utors to Jaina religion constituted mainly of acharyas, nuns, lay female
worshippers, and in some cases, the trading community.
The two sites of importance in the region of northern Gujarat are
Shamlaji and Roda. At Shamlaji were found a number of sculptures,
which may have been enshrined in some structure. The site of Roda
contains a group of seven temples constructed around a stepwell. This is
the only site in the northern part of Gujarat where there is definite proof
of the existence of temples. Found here were images of five mātṛkās, a
beautiful image of four-armed Ganesha dated to not later than the eighth
century ce, a Kumara or Karttikeya belonging to the mid-eighth century
ce, and two images of Parvati performing the Panchagnitapas and an
image of a goddess on a couchant lion,203 which may be dated to the
eighth century ce.204 The third temple at the site is of the Pancasakha
variety, with the central rupastambha having figures of Shiva, Shiva
and Parvati and Ardhanarisvara to the left, and Vishnu and Lakshmi
Narayana to its right. The sobhapatta over the lintel has images of
Brahma, Vishnu, Shiva, and Ganesha.205 These two sites contain a set of
five mātṛkās each and may have been centres of mātṛkā worship.
According to Dhaky and Moorti, Urjayantagiri (Girnar hills) near
Girinagar, came to be regarded as sacred from the Kshatrapa period
onwards because of the creation of a legend involving the 22nd tirt-
hankara, Jina Aristanemi of the Yadava clan. According to the Aga-
mas of the late Kshatrapa period, all three auspicious events – which
are renouncing worldly ways, attaining omniscience and salvation of
Aristanemi – are supposed to have taken place on this mountain.206
Conclusion
As in the preceding period, in this period too, the traders are an impor-
tant community, as is their contribution to sacred sites, which is seen
in the inscriptional data. This is a period that also witnessed the con-
struction of a vast number of temples along the coastline of Saurashtra,
mainly between the sites of Dwarka and Somanatha. These structures
were centres of rituals associated with marine activities and also served
as markers for sailors. The fishing and sailing communities formed
the foundation of maritime activity in the Indian Ocean and provided
seafaring continuity throughout history. There is evidence of rituals
performed at each stage of construction of the watercraft, which are
compiled in a book titled Nauka Navghatan Pujanam or ‘Worship for
New Ship Construction’.207
Evidence of the involvement of varied communities at religious sites
is provided by inscriptions. These included individuals from villages,
the village community, traders, monks, nuns, and the royalty as well.
Of the four temples found mentioned in the grants, there is reference
to the construction of a temple by an individual. The Valabhi grant of
Siladitya I mentions the donation of land and stepwell to a temple of

Mahadeva or Shiva. This temple was located in Vatapadra or modern
Vadodara, and was built by one Harinatha.208 The grant of Dhruvasena II
mentions donation of guda and rupaka to the temple of goddess
Kottammahikadevi located in Trisamgamaka,209 corresponding to
modern-day Tarsamia, located 4.8 km south east of Bhavnagar.210 As
is the case with the earlier-mentioned temple, here too, a donation is
made to an already existing temple and not for the erection of a new
one. Hence, there is a strong case for the involvement of the village
community in the construction and maintenance of the temples found
in different parts of the region. The temples found mentioned in the
inscriptions and those located along the coastline were most likely the
contribution of the village community.
In connection with temples, there is one reference in the inscrip-
tion that indicates that the temples were under a certain authority. The
Bhamodra plate of Dronasimha, dated to 502 ce, mentions the donation
of the village of Trisamgamaka to the temple of the goddess Pandurajya
in the Hastaparva aharani. It bears the signature of Bhiruvaka, the devi
kamrmantikah or intendant of the estate of the goddess.211
In the case of Jainism, some of the bronzes recovered from Akota
bear inscriptions, which aid in tracing the community involved with the
creation and installation of these images, such as monks, nuns and lay
women worshippers. In the case of Buddhism as well, one comes across
one inscription that clearly demonstrates the contribution of images by
monks in religious establishments. A bronze Buddhist image from Bhuj
dating to seventh century ce carries an inscription on the pedestal. It
records that the image was dedicated by one Nagasingha bhikshu in
memory of his mother described as Devakriti, who had entered the
order of the bhikshunis.212
A study of the archaeological, inscriptional and literary data shows
that sites with sacred remains were involved in varied activities, such
as craft production, mining and fishing. The economic diversity within
a society suggests the existence of varied productive forces. Political
stability, economic prosperity, social hierarchy, religious harmony, lit-
erate society, monumental architecture, and internal and external trade
contacts were features present in Gujarat that created conditions for
religious and sacred sites to develop and flourish over time.
At most of the sites, one noticed a combination of more than one
activity – trade and agriculture (Broach), trade and craft production
(Dwarka), craft production and agriculture (Nagara) and trade, mining
and agriculture (Devnimori and Shamlaji). It was difficult to establish a
Figure 2.3
Settlement sites, Period III
one-to-one relationship between trade and Buddhist sites or agriculture

and temple sites. The Buddhist sites were located in agriculturally rich
zones and received land grants in the Maitraka period. Temples are also
found at sites that were involved in fishing and salt extraction activi-
ties and remains of Hinduism were noticed in the major trading site of
Broach.
The study brings forth the participation of diverse communities at the
sacred sites, ranging from the village community to the merchants and
traders, the monks and nuns and the ruling elite as well. Ethnographic
data show the participation of sailing communities from across G ujarat.
In fact, Kachchh is still famous for its tradition of sailing and seafar-
ing. Cultural memory gives a sailor from the Kharva community of
Kachchh the credit for navigating the Portuguese explorer, Vasco da
Gama (1460–1524), to India. Gujarat has been traditionally associ-
ated with ship- and boat-building activities, and most traditional boats
were built in temporary yards and sheds erected by carpenters wherever
they found suitable place, mostly on the banks of rivers. In these boats,
decks are noticed at bow and stern, in the middle the empty space is
used to carry 10–12 tonnes of cargo to the mother ships from inland
ports and vice versa. These boats were designed in order to use in shal-
low water with greater stability. In the absence of docks in earlier times,
these boats proved to be beneficial for big sailing ships for loading and
unloading cargo at sea.213
The spurt in temple-building activities brings forth the importance of
coastal communities in being agents of religious changes and shaping
of sacred landscapes, and as has been aptly pointed out, ancient ports
of Gujarat were once centres of trade and culture.214 These were places
where not only goods were exchanged, but ideas, art and cultures from
diverse regions met and interacted.
Notes
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6 P. Anne van’t Haff, Saurashtra, Surasena – Silver Punch Marked Coin-

age, Nasik: Indian Institute of Research in Numismatic Studies Publication,
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7 R.P. Kangle, Kautilya Arthasastra – Part III, A Study, Delhi: Motilal Banar-
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8 Gujarat State Gazetteers, Junagadh District: Ahmedabad: Directorate of
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9 Gujarat State Gazetteers, Junagadh District, p. 318.
10 Gazetteer of Bombay Presidency – Kathiawar, Bombay: Government Cen-
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11 Babita Sikdar, Girinagara the Anceint Provincial Capital of Western
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13 Sikdar, Girinagara the Anceint Provincial Capital, pp. 17–8.
14 Dilip Rajgor, Punch Marked Coins of Early Historic India, California:
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178 A.S. Gaur, P.G. Sundaresh and Sila Tripati, Ancient Anchorage System
in India with Reference to Gujarat, http://www.academia.edu/3461689/
Ancient_anchorage_systems_in_India_with_reference_to_the_Gujarat_
coast.
179 Gaur et al., Ancient Anchorage System in India with Reference to Gujarat.
180 A.S. Gaur and P.G. Sundaresh, Paleo Coastline of Saurashtra – Guja-
rat: A Study Based Arcaheological Proxies, Indian Journal of Marine
Sciences, 43 (7), July 2014, http://www niscair res.in/jinfo/IJMS/IJMS-
Forthcoming-Articles/IJMS-PR-July%202014/MS%2017%20Edited.pdf
(accessed on 24 July2015).
181 A.S. Gaur, P.S. Sundaresh and Ashok D. Odera., New Light on Maritime
Arcaheology of Porbandar – Saurashtra Coast, Gujarat, Man & Environ-
ment, 29 (I), 2004, pp. 104–5.
182 Gaur et al., New Light on Maritime Archaeology of Porbandar, p. 106.
183 Gaur et al., New Light on Maritime Archaeology of Porbandar, p. 106.
184 R.N. Kumaran, Second Urbanization in Gujarat, p. 587.
185 Peregrine Horden and Nicholas Purcell, The Corrupting Sea: A Study of
Mediterranean History, Oxford: Blackwell, 2000, p. 125.
186 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Sailing to India – Diverse Narratives in West-
ern Indian Ocean, 3.11, http://athensdialogues.chs harvard.edu/cgi-bin/
188 Dr R.N. Mehta and Shri A.J. Patil, Excavation at Shamalaji, Vadodara:
MS University, 1967, p. 1.
189 Mehta and Patil, Excavation at Shamalaji, p. 14.
190 V.L. Devkar (ed.), Sculptures from Samalaji and Roda, Bulletin of Baroda
Museum and Picture Gallery, Vadodara: Government Press, 1960, 13,
Special Number, p. 62.
191 T.S. Maxwell, Evidence for a Viśvarūpa Iconographic Tradition in West-
ern India 6th–9th Century AD, in Artibus Asiae, 44, 1983, p. 214.
192 G. Bühler, Valabhi Grants – No.XV – A Grant of Siladitya I dated Samvat
290, Indian Antiquary, 9, 1880, Delhi: Swati Publications (reprint), 1984,
p. 238.
193 Bühler, Valabhi Grants – No.XV – A Grant of Siladitya I, p. 237.
194 Dhaky and Moorti, The Temples in Kumbhariya, p. 6.
203 Devkar (ed.), Sculptures from Samalaji and Roda, p. 91.
204 Devkar (ed.), Sculptures from Samalaji and Roda, p. 98.
205 Gujarat State Gazetteer, Vadodara District, Ahmedabad: Directorate of
Government Print, 1984, p. 83.
206 Gujarat State Gazetteer, Vadodara District, p. 5.
207 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Sailing to India – Diverse Narratives in Western
Indian Ocean, 3.3: 3.11, http://athensdialogues.chs harvard.edu/cgi-bin/
208 Bühler, Valabhi Grants – No.XV – A Grant of Siladitya I dated Samvat
290, p. 238.
209 Jackson, Two New Valabhi Copper Plates – II –Grant of Dhruvasena II,
Journal of Bombay Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, 20 (54), 1898, p. 8.
210 K.J. Virji, Ancient History of Saurashtra, Bombay: Konkan Institute of
Arts and Sciences, 1952, p. 311.
211 L.D. Barnett, Bhamodra Plate of Dronasimha: The Year 183, Epigraphia
Indica, 16 (4), 1921–22, p. 18.
212 M.R. Majumdar, A Newly Discovered Buddha Bronze from Bhuj (Kutch),
Journal of Oriental Institute, 8 (3), 1959, p. 218.
213 Zeeshan A. Shaikh and Sila Tripati Vasant Shinde, Study of Sewn Plank
Built Boats of Goa – India, International Journal of Nautical Arcaheol-
ogy, 41 (I), 2012, pp. 148–52.
214 Mausam Tidings: Heritage Waves near Gujarat Coast, Times of India,
Ahmedabad, 24 July 2014, http://timesofindia indiatimes.com/city/ahmedabad/
Mausam-tidings-Heritage-wave-nears-Gujarat-coast/articleshow/38953645.
cms (accessed on 11 August 2015).
3
Religious icons in Gujarat
In the previous two chapters – namely on sacred and settlement sites –

the stress was on archaeological data pertaining mainly to religious
structures in the region. The structures dating to the period under
study are concentrated mainly in Saurashtra and do not account for
the religious beliefs and practices for the entire region of Gujarat.
It is here that sculptural finds and data are of great aid, for they are
found in areas mostly devoid of architectural remains and prove to be
the only indicators of religious beliefs, practices and religious devel-
opments for areas in Gujarat other than Saurashtra. They also make
us aware that while studying sacred sites, it is important to look for
indicators of heterogeneity and that the definition of sacred sites is not
limited merely to temple structures and cave architecture. As has been
rightly pointed out, ‘A sacred site is a place which is considered holy
and is partially or wholly reserved for magico religious or ceremonial
functions. Sacred sites can vary in size from very small places cover-
ing a few square metres to large areas covering several hectares of
land. They are usually characterized by the presence of artefacts, eco
facts and features that are unique to them; they may be in open air,
or in rock shelters, caves and forests.’1 It is exactly this variation in
size and types of sacred sites that this chapter aims to bring out with
the aid of the vast pool of sculptural data available from the region.
These images have not been utilised to attempt a reconstruction of the
different types of sacred sites existing in Gujarat, and neither do they
feature in a comparative analysis to bring forth diversity and unique-
ness within different zones (Saurashtra, North and Central Gujarat
and South Gujarat) of Gujarat. The first evidence to demonstrate this
diversity in the worship of deities and their forms, as well as the exist-
ence of sacred architecture, is from coins termed as the Saurashtra
janapada coins.
Religious icons in Gujarat V 103
Deities on coins
The Saurashtra janapada coins, Ujjain coins and some unidentifiable
tribal coins are the earliest evidence for the reconstruction of the pres-
ence of certain deities in the region of Gujarat. Besides the symbols
present on the Saurashtra janapada coins, symbols on other coins
unearthed from Kamrej, Dhatva and Nagara are equally important in
providing data regarding the worship of various deities. These coins
contain images of certain deities, or their symbols, and the Saurashtra
janapada coins contain temple plans and representations of the vihara
and stupa. An analysis of the various symbols found on these coins
clearly indicates the prevalence of worship of certain deities in the
region, even prior to the existence of architectural or sculptural evi-
dence identifiable in the archaeological records.
P. Anne van’t Haaff has identified a total of 23 symbols on the
Saurashtra janapada coins recovered so far. These symbols include
the six arched hill or multiple lingam, six dot hill, tree, Lakshmi, bull,
elephant, vihara, temple floor plans, pillars, stupa, barrel, paddlewheel,
circle with quatrefoil and river below, four taurines in a square, sri-
vatsa, turtle, U type, geometric symbols, four nandipadas around a dot,
svastika, lotus, circle with rosettes, circle of flowerpots, and the Sun.2
Of the above-mentioned symbols, the clearest representation of a
deity that we come across is that of the goddess Lakshmi. The earli-
est depiction of Lakshmi, according to Heather Elgood, is the Gaja
Lakshmi form of the goddess.3 This form of the goddess is to be seen
on two coins from the Saurashtra punch-marked series.4 A total of six
varieties of Lakshmi images have been identified on the coins. Besides
the Gaja Lakshmi image, the other images include Lakshmi seen fac-
ing, squatting on a throne; Lakshmi squatting, facing or sitting left
with floral design around; Lakshmi sitting on a couch facing left (this
is a common type), and Lakshmi standing, of which only two speci-
mens exist.5 These coins push back the antiquity of this goddess in this
region. It is interesting to note the presence of this deity on coins, as in
later literature and iconography, she is associated with wealth. While
one comes across a number of representations of female deities, it is
seen that the images representing Lakshmi do not figure prominently
in the region for the period under study and seems as though the repre-
sentation of this goddess was mainly limited to coins of the Saurashtra
janapada series.
104 V Religious icons in Gujarat
The existence of Shaivism can be inferred from the bull symbol on

coins, which is seen as a theriomorphic representation of the deity. The
bull has been associated with different deities.6 Indra in the Rig Veda
is constantly designated as a bull, and in one of the Vedic rituals, the
bull represents Rudra.7 On the coins from the Saurashtra janapada, five
depictions of the bull are noticed. These are the bull with srivatsa over
its back, bull with the Sun over its back, bull with six dot hills over its
back, bull over a rectangular tank with one or two fishes, and a six dot
hill or a fire altar in front of the bull.8 Of these, three of them could
possibly be associated with Shiva, namely, bull with six dot hill over
its back, bull over a rectangular tank and the one depicting a six dot hill
or fire altar in front of the bull. Representation of the bull with a tank
can be interpreted as Shaivite if the tank is seen to represent the river
Ganga,9 which flows from the jata of Shiva. The six-arched hill may be
taken to represent the abode of Shiva, which is the mountain, as he is
also known as Girisa or Sringin.10
On the coins from the sites of Kamrej and Dhatva, Shiva is repre-
sented in the human form. The copper coin from Kamrej containing a
representation of Shiva dates to the first century bce/ce and is round in
shape.11 The figure is represented facing front with a stick-like object
in the right hand, and in the left, an object resembling a globular vessel
with a long thin neck. According to J.N. Banerjea, this figure can be
identified with that of Visvamitra Shiva12 and Singh opines that Shiva
in the guise of Visvamitra was well-known before the fourth century
bce.13 Ujjain coins from the site of Kamrej depict a three-headed stand-
ing human deity with a staff in the right hand and a kamandalu in the
left, and a tree to the right of the deity.14 Cunningham regards these fig-
ures as Shiva Mahakala, who has a famous temple at Ujjain.15 However,
Allan is not certain about the identity of the deity, and at first, identified
him with the six-headed god Karttikeya,16 but at the same time, does not
rule out the possibility of the figure being intended as Shiva. He, thus,
offers an alternative suggestion of the figures possibly representing
either Shiva Mahakala17 or Karttikeya.18 In the opinion of Singh, Shiva
was at first represented with one head only, and the feature of multiple
heads made an appearance at a later phase in the development of Shiva’s
iconography, and hence, the image is that of Karttikeya.19 Whichever
deity the Ujjain coins may represent, which are dated to third–second
centuries bce, the evidence from numismatics confirms that Shiva as a
deity was being worshipped in Gujarat in the first period under study,
namely, the third century bce to first century bce/ce. The coin found at
Dhatva depicts a human figure holding a staff with a taurine in the right
hand, which probably is also a representation of Shiva.20
As for Vaishnavism, we can only attempt to interpret the symbols
found on the coins. In the hoard from the site of Amreli are coins with
a turtle as an auxiliary symbol.21 This may represent the existence of
Vaishnavism for it was the turtle that was used for the churning of the
sea by Vishnu. An unassignable tribal coin from Kamrej has, on the
obverse, a sankha in the centre with some illegible legend around it,22
and this can be clearly associated with Vishnu as he carries a sankha in
one of his hands. A wheel with 12 spokes was seen on a lead coin from
the site of Bet Dwarka, and if according to the opinion of Bannerjea,
‘The cakra or wheel may stand for the Sudarśanacakra of Vāsudēva
Viṣṇu’, then this coin is the first piece of definite evidence for the exist-
ence of Vaishnavism at this site, which was to gain popularity as an
important Vaishnavite tirtha over time.
Similarly, there are a few instances for the existence of Surya wor-
ship. An unassignable tribal silver circular coin from Kamrej has, on
its obverse, the Sun symbol, and on the reverse is a legend in Brahmi
that reads Parama.23 Another coin from Kamrej depicts a Sun symbol,
consisting of arrowheads attached to the central bar on the obverse,
and seen on the reverse is the svastika symbol.24 Similarly, one
punched symbol of the Sun is noticed on a copper rectangular punch-
marked coin from Nagara.25 Even though scanty, these instances of the
presence of the Sun symbol on the coins seem to be clear indicators
of Surya worship in the first period under study. Coins, on account of
their mobility and extensive circulation, have been frequently used as
a medium for communication and the spread of ideas. This is evident
when the images of deities were used on the coins. Most of the deities
continued to be worshipped in the succeeding periods under study.
Not only is there an increase in the number of images over a period
of time, but the iconography of the deities reaches a developed stage,
as seen in the variations in the sculptural representations of a single
deity itself.
After a general idea of the deities under worship at an early period,
we shall now turn our focus to the sculptural data available in the
region. Though the data reveal a vast amount of information, we shall
first attempt a comparative analysis of concentration of certain forms
of Shiva and Vishnu within the sub-regions, as well as try to identify
their areas of popularity, and whether this was limited to certain sub-
areas or not.
Areas with a concentration of Shaivite,

Surya and Mātrkā images
While coins are indicators of worship of deities in an early period,
the forms and images of these deities increase and develop over time.
Images recovered from various sites demonstrate diversity within the
region, and point to some of these being unique to certain areas within
Gujarat. In other words, not all parts of the region were worshipping
or creating similar images of a certain deity at a given point in time,
but variations existed. For purposes of comparative analysis, I will
divide Gujarat into three zones – namely Saurashtra, northern Gujarat
and the third zone comprising central Gujarat and southern Gujarat.
Northern Gujarat comprises the modern-day districts of Banaskantha
and Sabarkantha, central Gujarat includes Ahmedabad and Mehasana
district and Khambat, and the sites lying beyond the river Mahi and
below come under the South Gujarat zone. The analysis will demon-
strate that while sites with Shaivite images are located mainly around
Karvan and Vadodara, sites with mātṛkā images are found concentrated
in North Gujarat, and Surya images have been recovered mainly from
Saurashtra.
A look at the list of deities provided (comparing Tables 3.1, 3.2
and 3.3) clearly demonstrates the comparatively larger number of
Shaivite and goddess images in the region. The two zones that I shall
take up for a comparative analysis of iconography of Shiva are those
of Saurashtra, on the one hand, and on the other, the areas of central
and southern Gujarat comprising mainly sites in and around Vadodara.
This exercise will also bring forth the heterogeneous development in
the worship of a single deity within the sub-regions of Gujarat. While
most of the data pertaining to the existence of Shaivism in Saurashtra
are in the form of the temples found along its coastline, in other areas of
Gujarat, except at the sites of Karvan, Goraj and Devnimori/Shamlaji,
it is difficult to find temples dedicated to Shiva. But the lack of tem-
ple structures is compensated by the presence of a number of Shaivite
images at various sites. Diversity in sacred sites within the region is
evident as, on the one hand, there are sites with temples having the linga
as the central object of worship, and on the other hand, are sites that
have images of the deity in various forms, but no architectural remains
or temples dedicated to the deity.
The fierce form of Shiva as Bhairava, and the images of Lakulisa
had more popularity in areas of South Gujarat and these are clearly
Figure 3.1
Sites with Hindu images
.
absent at the temple sites of Saurashtra. Sculptural evidence from

Vadodara and Vadaval seems to suggest that these sites were sacred
to the Shaivite community, and also associated with Lakulisa, who
is described in the Purana and the inscriptions as the 28th incarna-
tion of Shiva.26 Inscriptions of the Maitraka period refer to the exist-
ence of a temple at Vatapadra (modern-day Vadodara) prior to 609
ce27 and images recovered from in and around Vadodara suggest
the existence of a temple as well. While some images are found in
Vadodara, others may have travelled over time to reach places located
within the boundaries of the district. Found at Vadodara are images
of Bhairava dating to the eighth century ce,28 as well as an image of
Lakulisa dating to the eighth century ce,29 and another one located in
the Vadodara Museum dates to the seventh century ce.30 A two-armed
seated Lakulisa of the seventh century ce is from Avakhal, whereas a
two-armed standing Lakulisa is from Kamanatha in Vadodara district,
dating to the eighth century ce.31 Vadodara is the only site that has
to its credit three images of Bhairava dating to the seventh century
ce. Out of these, two are four-armed and only the head of a colossal
image is all that is left of one of the images. The size of the head of the
image suggests that the image would have been housed in a structure
where it was under worship. The find of a Lakulisa image shown in
front of the linga from Karvan clearly indicates the site being associ-
ated with Shaivism. Popularity of this form of Shiva in this part of
Gujarat is also indicated by the find of the images from the site of
Dasratha, located near Vadodara. These include an image of Bhairava
and an image of Vinapani Shiva. The sculptural data thus establish
that mostly these two forms of Shiva, namely Lakulisa and Bhairava,
were popular in the area in and around Vadodara. The association,
then, of Lakulisa with Karvan holds true as far as the archaeological
data are concerned, and this area would have been of importance to
the adherents of this Shaivite sect.
However, an analysis of Surya images indicates his popularity in
Saurashtra as compared to other areas within Gujarat. The region con-
tains not only temples dedicated to him, but most of the images recov-
ered hail from sites within Saurashtra. Surya temples were noticed at
the sites of Pata (700 ce), Pachtar (700–725 ce),32 Boricha, Kinderkheda
(early eighth century),33 Dhrevad (first quarter of the seventh cen-
tury ce),34 Dhank (seventh century ce), and Methan (eighth century
ce), to mention a few. In addition to this, images from various parts of
Saurashtra are also seen. The earliest image in the region can be dated
to the fourth century ce and a worn out figure at the temple of Gop
dates to between 525 and 550 ce.35 The Surya image from the site of
Kachhigadh and a Surya chariot and image from Sawan in Okhamandal
district date to between the sixth and eighth century ce.36 The image
from Kundola dates to the sixth century ce and belonging to the sev-
enth century ce is an image from Mangrol. The image enshrined in the
temple at Pachtar dates to the eighth century ce, while the image in the
Rajkot museum, which hails originally from Mangrol, dates to the sixth–
seventh centuries ce,37 and the image in the Junagadh museum belongs
to the seventh century ce.38 The only image recovered so far from a site
outside the zone of Saurashtra is from the site of Pij, located in Kheda
district and the image dates to the eighth century ce.39
An analysis of Shiva and Surya images clearly demonstrates that
not all deities or their forms had the same popularity all over Gujarat.
Instead, what is noticed is that each sub-region was undergoing differ-
ent religious developments. While at Vadodara and its adjoining sites,
Bhairava and Lakulisa images were preferred, in Saurashtra, Surya had
immense popularity, and Shiva in the form of a linga in temples was wor-
shipped while Bhairava and Lakulisa images are not found in this zone.
While not all deities were acquiring equal importance in different
sites in Gujarat, a look at data pertaining to mātṛkā images and distri-
bution of image sites demonstrates the popularity of goddess worship,
mainly in Saurashtra and sites in northern Gujarat.
While temples are indicators of the worship of the saptamatrkas in
Saurashtra, sculptural data are our only source of information for other
areas in Gujarat. The data reveal that they were popular mainly in the areas
of northern Gujarat, as sites with sculptural remains are located either in
the Banaskantha or Sabarkantha districts. The sites we shall discuss are
the ones that have more than two or three images, as compared to various
sites from where only one or two mātṛkā images have been reported.
The area of northern Gujarat and its adjoining area with Rajasthan
seem to have contained sites associated with worship of mātṛkās. A site
in northern Gujarat from where mātṛkā images were recovered is that
of Ambaji, which retains its association with goddess worship. The site
is, to date, considered an important devisthana and it is believed that the
left breast of Parvati fell at this spot. The site has a temple dedicated to
the goddess and what is worshipped is not any image, but rather, a yan-
tra known as the Visoyantra,40 which is the case with all the other Sakta
centres of Gujarat where different yantras are worshipped.41 The yan-
tras are so adorned that they appear as idols to the worshippers.42 The
mātṛkā images found at the site of Ambaji pushes back the antiquity
of the site as well as its association with mātṛkā worship. The images
found from the site have been dated to the sixth–seventh centuries ce,
and the mātṛkā represented are Vaishnavi, Indrani, Brahmani, Varahi,
and Chamunda, and seen along with the mātṛkā is an image of Vinapani
Shiva, and an image of Ganesha.43
This site, along with Devnimori and Shamlaji in Gujarat and Tanesara
and Amjhara in Rajasthan, seems to have been a stronghold of mātṛkā
worship. The site of Amjhara is close to the border with Rajasthan and
found here were images of Vaishnavi, Kaumari, Brahmani, Agneyi,
Chamunda and two more images, either representing Brahmani or
Kaumari, dating to 530 ce.44
Dating to the same period are two images of Vinadhara Shiva found
along with the mātṛkā images. The site of Tanesara has seven mātṛkā
images dating to between 540 and 550 ce, as well as an image of
a Deva, perhaps Shiva. At sites in southern Rajasthan and adjoining
Gujarat, mātṛkā images found are more than the traditional seven
or eight.45
Two other sites in the Banaskantha district with mātṛkā images are
Vedencha and Vadaval, and here too, they are represented with Vinapani
Shiva. From the site of Vedencha, situated 30 km south west of P
alanpur,
ten marble images were discovered in front of a brick structure.46 These
images consist of six mātṛkā – Brahmani, Mahesari, Kaumari, Chamunda,
and Varahi. In addition to these three images of Mahisasuramardini and
an image of Vinapani Shiva were also seen. Of these, the mātṛkā images,
image of Shiva and one image of Mahisasuramardini date to the late sev-
enth or beginning eighth century ce.47
The site of Vadaval is located in the same district, and here too, the
sculptures found suggest the association of the site with mātṛkā wor-
ship. The earliest sculpture found is that of Parvati, which dates to the
first half of the seventh century ce. The image of the mātṛkā is seen
here with an image of Vinadhara Shiva, an image of Bhairava and an
image of Ganesha, and on stylistic grounds, all the images have been
dated to late seventh or early eighth century ce. The mātṛkā images
from the site include Brahmani, Mahesvari, Kaumari, Varahi, Vaishnavi,
Indrani, and Chamunda. As has been pointed out by R.T. Parikh, Vadaval
seems to have been one of the important centres of tantric worship, as
according to belief, the present temple of Siddhesvarimata at old Deesa
was situated at Vadaval.48
The site of Kotia in the Patan taluka of Mahesana district yielded a
similar group of mātṛkā, which has been dated to the seventh century
ce. The mātṛkā found included Brahmani, Mahesvari, Vaishnavi, and

Aindri, along with an image of Ganesha.49 This is the second group of
mātṛkā where Ganesha is found in association with them. From the site
of Mahesana itself were recovered a mātṛkā dating to sixth–seventh
centuries ce, a Kaumari dated to seventh–eighth centuries ce, and inter-
estingly, a Kuber from the same site dating to the fifth century ce, which
is earlier than the mātṛkā images.50
Only one site on the southern side of North Gujarat containing a
group of mātṛkā images is that of Mataria. A group of mātṛkā sculptures
was found lying in an open area of a newly constructed Vyasesvara
Mahadeva temple at Mataria, which is located 12 km east of Sahehra
in Panchmahal district.51 This is the only site in southern Gujarat that
contains these images. A total of seven mātṛkā are represented, with
children, and the image of Bhairava is the guardian deity. One of the
mātṛkā found at the site, which is absent from the Shamlaji group of
mātṛkā images, is Ambika. The other mātṛkā seen here are Mahesvari,
Kaumari, Varahi, Indrani, Vayavi, and Brahmani. These are carved out
of light green schist and have been dated, on stylistic grounds, to the
sixth century ce. According to Sonawane, ‘The mother and child sculp-
tures from Mataria, for their motherly aspects, recall to our minds a
number of terracotta plaques from Ahicchatra datable to sixth – seventh
centuries ce.’52 In this set of images, it is noticed that the images of
Indrani, Vayavi and Kaumari are unique and are not seen in the set of
images found in North Gujarat.
Most of the above-mentioned sites that contain sets of mātṛkā images
are located in the northern region of Gujarat, strongly suggesting the
area as being important to goddess worship. It is also noticed that the
images of an earlier date, mainly of sixth century ce, do not represent
the mātrkās in groups, but are found individually, in numbers of two to
three at the maximum.
By the end of the seventh century ce, it seems as though the number
and the images were formalised, as seen at the sites of Vadaval and
Vedencha. The set of mātṛkā seem unique to the region as they are seen
not with only Ganesha or Karttikeya, but Vinapani Shiva is constantly
found alongside these images.
Temples dedicated to the mātṛkā are located at the sites of Pachtar,
Pata, Adodar, and Khimesvara in Saurashtra area. The numerous mātṛkā
images found in North Gujarat suggest not only mātṛkā worship at these
sites, but that the images may have been housed in some religious struc-
tures, as noticed in Saurashtra, While in northern Gujarat, their images
are found in association with mainly Shiva, in Saurashtra, their shrines
are found next to temples dedicated to Surya as well. It is interesting

to note that some of the Surya shrines have been converted to shrines
worshipping the goddess Randal, the wife of Surya, as noticed at the
sites of Boricha, Sutrapada and Pasnavada.
Even though the northern half of Gujarat seems to have been impor-
tant to worshippers of the goddess, other parts of the region also contain
some evidence of the worship of the mātṛkā and these sites demonstrate
the spread of worship of the mother goddess in the region. In the sixth
century ce, the iconography develops to a stage where now they can be
identified as the female counterparts of various male deities on the basis
of their weapons, such as seen in the images of Varahi, Vaishnavi and
Mahesvari, to mention a few.
While no religious structures have been found in the archaeological
records at these sites, these images would have been the main objects
of worship, as in the case of the temples in Saurashtra. These images
could have also been placed in open air shrines, or under trees. They
could also have been housed in simple structures, which could have
been made with the aid of four bamboos or branches fixed at the cor-
ners of a square, their stems bended and tied horizontally by strings at
regular interval.53 Sites in Saurashtra and at Ambaji in North Gujarat
associated with mātṛkā worship may have been small shrines, which
grew to become temple sites over a period of time. Ambaji is the only
site in North Gujarat to have survived as a mātṛkā worship site over
time and has, presently, a large temple, while other sites may have con-
tinued as open air shrines on a platform under a tree till they gradually
lost importance.
Iconographical development of Shiva

and Vishnu images
A look at the chronological table containing data on images demon-
strates a gradual iconographical development in the forms and repre-
sentations of deities within the region. The lists demonstrate that it is
only from the sixth century ce onwards that one notices an increase in
the number of images of a particular deity, and a simultaneous variety
in the forms of representation. An analysis shall be now carried out on
data pertaining to Shaivite and Vaishnavite images.
The list of Shaiva images found in Gujarat clearly demonstrates that
the earliest form this deity was worshipped in was the Shiva linga, as
most of the sites contain one or the other variant of it. The lingas found
in Gujarat perhaps were enshrined in a simple dolmen structure, where

they would have been the central object of worship. The images of
Shaivite affiliation demonstrate varied developments in iconographical
representation of Shiva in his various forms. These images demonstrate
that the region was never static and changes were always taking place
in preference for one or the other type of Shiva image.
The lingas are continually crafted over time, while developments in
the iconographic representations of Shiva also occur simultaneously.
By the sixth century ce, one comes across various forms of Shiva, such
as Vinapani Shiva, images of Shiva and Parvati and Bhairava images.
The table demonstrates that these images are found mainly in North
Gujarat comprising the sites of Shamlaji, Kotesvara and Gadha, or are
noticed in the region around Broach. In the period between the sixth
and the seventh century ce, the majority of the images found represent
Uma Mahesvara, indicating the popularity of this image, as is evident
from the sites of Kapuri and Karvan. The seventh century ce witnessed
an increase in the number of Bhairava images, with a concentration in
South Gujarat, as of the six images found, three belong from Broach.
Even though images of Vinadhara Shiva and Uma Mahesvara continue
to be crafted, a decrease in the number of the latter images is noticed.
Between the seventh and the eighth century ce, the region witnessed
the conception and creation of two new images – namely those of
Ardhanarisvara, representing Shiva as half-man and half-woman, and of
Lakulisa. An image of Ardhanarisvara, hails from the site of Tarsang.54
Developments in the iconographic representation of Shiva continues
further in the eighth century ce, as seen in the creation of the Harihar-
paitmaha panel at the temple site of Sonkamsari in Saurashtra,55 the
Nrtyamurti at Roda temple in North Gujarat and an image of Trimurti
from Rajpipla. An analysis of the list of images found in the region
demonstrates that while earlier forms of representations continue, such
as the ekamukhashivalinga and images representing Shiva Parvati, an
increasing complexity is noticed in the iconographical developments of
Shiva in his various forms.
Vishnu images
In the case of images belonging to the Vaishnavite pantheon, one notices
varied developments as well. The images of the avataras, in particular,
demonstrate a period of experimentation up to the eighth century ce
when it finally seems to have crystallised.
Table 3.1
Shaivite images
SITE SCULPTURE PERIOD REFERENCE

Valabhi Miniature Shiva 1st century bce/ce– IAR, 1997–98; p. 24
lingas 4th century ad
Goraj 3-eyed Shiva in 2nd–3rd century ce IAR, 1985–86; p. 23
schist
Devnimori 2 Lingas Kshatrapa period Iconography of Saiva
Deities from Gujarat;
p. 49
Devnimori Manusa linga Kshatrapa period Iconography of Saiva
Deities from Gujarat
Broach Ekamukhashivalinga 3rd–4th century ce JOI, Vol. I, No. 2;
p. 161
Khed Brahma Ekamukhashivalinga 4th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Amreli Gauri Sankara Kushana Iconography of
Saiva Deities from
Gujarat
Shamlaji Shiva linga 4th century ce Currently in Museum at
Museum Shamlaji
Vartol Shiva image, schist 4th–5th century ce Unpublished Sculptures
in the Dept. of
Archaeology & Ancient
History, MSU Baroda
Vadnagar Ekamukhashivalinga 5th century ce IAR,1988–89; p
Parel Shiva images 5th century ce BBMPG, Vol. VII;
p. 26
Shamlaji Virabhadra with 5th century ce Agam Indological
Nandi as vahana Series, Indian
Archaeological
Heritage; p. 561
Kasivisvesvara Ekamukhashivalinga Gupta period Iconography of Saiva
temple, Shamlaji Deities from Gujarat
Masara Vinadhara Shiva, 6th century ce JOI, Vol. XXV; p. 78
standing
Shamlaji Seated image of 6th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Vinadhara Shiva Deities from Gujarat
Shamlaji Standing image of 6th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Unjha Ekamukhashivalinga 6th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Shamlaji Statue of Shiva 6th century ce Sculptures from
Shamlaji and Roda;
p. 36
Table 3.1 (Continued)

Gadha Gauri Sankara with 6th century ce Agam Indological
Archaeological
Heritage; p. 562
Karvan Gauri Sankara with 6th century ce Agam Indological
Archaeological
Heritage; p. 562
Koral Shiva Parvati 600 ce Archaeology of Baroda,
Broach & Surat
Districts; p. 223
Broach area Shiva Parvati 6th century ce Archaeology of Baroda,
Broach & Surat
Districts; p. 109
Koteswara Vinapani Shiva 6th century ce Archaeology of
Banaskantha District;
p. 166
Pithai Standing Bhairava 6th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Delvada Uma Mahesvara 6th–7th century ce Iconography of Saiva
with Ganesha and Deities from Gujarat
Karttikeya
Tarsang Ardhanarisvara Latter half of 6th Sculptures from
century ce Shamlaji and Roda;
p. 52
Kapuri Shiva Parvati Late 6th–early 7th JOI, Vol. I, No. 2;
century ce p. 162
Shihora Uma Mahesvara 6th–7th century ad Iconography of Saiva
Shamlaji Shiva Parvati 7th century ce Sculptures from
Shamlaji and Roda;
p. 52
Aktesvara Uma Mahesvara 7th century ce Iconography of Saiva
(Rajpipla) Deities from Gujarat
Kora (taluka Uma Mahesvara 7th century ce Iconography of
Jambusar) Saiva Deities from
Gujarat
Burgh Kunda – Uma Mahesvara 7th century ce Archaeology of
near Ghumli Jamnagar District;
p. 419
Shamlaji Ekamukhashivalinga 7th century ce Sculptures from
Shamlaji and Roda;
p. 52
(Continued)
Bharuch Chaturmukha 7th century ce Iconography of Saiva

shivalinga Deities from Gujarat;
Table
Valabhi Manusa linga 7th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Deities from Gujarat;
Sankhari Ekamukhashivalinga 7th century ce IAR, 1993–94; p. 136
Chota Udepur Ekamukhashivalinga 7th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Tarsang Linga 7th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Central Gujarat Bhairava 7th century ce JOI, Vol. I; p. 163
Baroda Standing Bhairava 7th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Taranga Skeleton-type 7th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Bhairava Deities from Gujarat
Mataria Skeleto-type 7th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Dasharatha – Standing image of 7th century ce Iconography of Saiva
near Baroda Vinadhara Shiva Deities from Gujarat
Kavi area Standing image of 7th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Tintoi Standing image of 7th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Timbarva Lakulisa 7th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Limbodara Three-faced bust of Latter half of 7th BBMPG, Vol. X–XI;
Shiva century ce p. 23
Kashipura Shiva Parvati 7th–9th century ce JOI, Vol. VIII; No. 1;
p. 71
Kora (taluka Uma Mahesvara 7th–8th century ce Archaeology of
Jambusar) Jamnagar District;
p. 419
Dwarka Uma Mahesvara 7th–8th century ce Archaeology of
Jamnagar District;
p. 419
Raval (district Uma Mahesvara 7th–8th century ce Archaeology of
Kalyanpur) Jamnagar District;
p. 419
Bamana Uma Mahesvara 7th–8th century ce Iconography of Saiva

Dasratha Skeleton-type 7th–8th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Baroda Museum Lakulisa 7th–8th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Avakhal Lakulisa 7th–8th century ce Archaeology of Baroda,
Broach & Surat
Districts; p. 221
Khanpura Lakulisa 7th–8th century ce Archaeology of Baroda,
Broach & Surat
Districts; p. 221
Tarsang Ardhanarisvara 7th–8th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Vedencha Vinadhara Shiva 7th–8th century ce Archaeology of
Banaskantha District
Vadaval (Deesa Vinadhara Shiva Late 7th–early 8th Archaeology of
taluka) century ce Banaskantha District
Vadaval (Deesa Bhairava Late 7th–early 8th Archaeology of
taluka) century ce Banaskantha District
Vinchivada Ekamukhashivalinga 8th century ce Iconography of Saiva
(Sabarkantha Deities from Gujarat
district)
Sonkamsari Hariharapaitamah 8th century ce Archaeology of Jamnagar
District; p. 428
Vadodara Lakulisa 8th century ce IAR, 1981–82; p. 91
Varana (district Vinadhara Shiva 8th century ce IAR,1976–77; p. 74
Vadodara)
Rajpipla Trimurti 8th century ce Currently in the Baroda
Museum and Picture
Gallery
Ahmedabad Ardhanarisvara 8th century ce Archaeological Survey
of Ahmedabad District;
p. 16
Roda Nrtyamurti of 8th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Shiva Deities from Gujarat
Roda Ardhanarisvara 8th century ce Iconography of Saiva
Ahmedabad Ardhanarisvara 8th century ce Iconography of Saiva
District Deities from Gujarat
Nandesvara Seated image of 8th century ce Iconography of Saiva
temple, Vinadhara Shiva Deities from Gujarat
Porbandar
(Continued)
Amtherimata Seated image of 8th century ce Iconography of Saiva

temple, Vinadhara Shiva Deities from Gujarat
Vadnagar
Goraj Life-sized Nandi, Puratattva, Vol. 20;
Chaturmukha p. 100
shivalinga,
Andhakasursamhar,
dancing Shiva,
Shivagamas
Table 3.2
Vaishnavite images

Ten (Variav area, Vishnu; Headless Early centuries of Archaeology of Baroda,
Surat district) image with lance the Common era Broach & Surat Districts;
and conch(?) p. 142
Kamrej Plaque depicting 1st–2nd century Journal of Indian Ocean
Vishnu ce Archaeology, No. 1,
2004; p. 68
Amreli Three stone Latter half of 3rd Excavations at Amreli,
plaques of Vishnu century ce BBMPG,XVIII; p. 95
Amreli Parsurama 3rd–4th century Spread of Vaisnavism in
ce Gujarat up to 1600 ad;
p. 140
Kavi Haladhara Post-Gupta period Lalit Kala, No. 9; p. 58
Balarama
Valabhi Krishna 4th century ce JISOA, 1965–66; p. 1
Rangmahal Rama 4th–5th century Archaeology of
ce Jamnagar District;
p. 513
Navasari Vishnu 0–5th century ce Archaeology of Baroda,
Broach & Surat
Districts; p. 152
Devnimori 1 Vishnu image 5th century ce JISOA, Special Number –
Western Indian Art,1965–
66; p. 27
Kadvar temple Balarama 6th century ce Spread of Vaisnavism in
Gujarat up to 1600 ad;
p. 143
Devnimori Visvarupa Vishnu 6th century ce Kala;Vol. VI; p. 67

Shamlaji Damaged Vishnu 4th–6th century Samlaji Sculptures
head ce and 6th century Art in
Western India; p. 27
Shamlaji Mahavishnu 600 ce Artibus Asiae, Vol. 44; p.
Masara Gadadhar Vishnu, 6th century ce JOI, Vol. XXV; p. 78
Parsurama
Gadoi Trivikrama Vishnu 6th century ce Unpublished Sculptures
in the Dept. of
History, MSU, Baroda;
p. 23
Nagarpura Varaha Mid-6th century Archaeology of
ce Banaskantha district;
p. 147
Mahisa Vishnu 7th century ce Journal of MSU Baroda,
Vol. XXVI; p. 93
Ogaganj Visvarupa image 7th century ce Kala;Vol. VI; p. 67
of Vishnu
Tarsang Vishnu 7th century ce Unpublished Sculptures
in theDept. of
History, MSU, Baroda; p.
Vadgam Vishnu images 7th–8th century Journal of MSU Baroda,
ce Vol. XXVI; p. 93
Dwarka Laksmi Narayana 7th–8th century Archaeology of
p. 445
Dwarka Narsimha 7th–9th century Archaeology of
pp. 447–8
Shamlaji Vishnu image 8th century ce Sculptures from
Shamlaji and Roda;
p. 35
Shamlaji Visvarupa image Kala; Vol. VI; p. 67
of Vishnu
Kathalal Visvarupa image Kala; Vol. VI; p. 67
of Vishnu
Pithai Vishnu Early medeival Archaeology of Kheda
(Kapadvanj) District; p. 252
Dwarka Vishnu with 8th century ce Archaeology of
Garuda vahana Jamnagar District;
p. 439
(Continued)
Dwarka Varaha 8th century ce Archaeology of

Jamnagar District;
p. 446
Mehlav (Kheda) Dasavtara panel 8th century ce Archaeology of the
Kheda District; p. 137
Vadodara – Vishnu Slightly later than Archaeology of Baroda,
Kamnatha 8th century ce Broach & Surat
Mahadeo temple Districts; p. 221
Karvan Haladhara Slightly later than Archaeology of Baroda,
8th century ce Broach & Surat Districts;
p. 221
Kavi Haladhara and Slightly later than Archaeology of Baroda,
Kuber 8th century ce Broach & Surat Districts;
p. 221
Viramgam Laxminarayana 8th–9th century Archaeological Survey
ce of Ahmedabad District;
p. 16
Table 3.3
Images of goddesses

Akota Terracotta plaque of 2nd century bce JOI, Vol. I, No. 2; p. 160
Mahisasuramardini
Padri 3 Lajjagauri plaques 1st century East and West, Vol. 44;
bce/ce p. 482
Kamrej Broken image of 1st–2nd Journal of Indian Ocean
female deity century ce Archaeology, No. 1, 2004;
p. 67
Ajabpura 2 terracotta miniature Kshatrapa IAR,1977–78; p. 79
female figurines times
Amreli Fragmentary plaque 2nd–3rd Annual Report –
possibly representing century ce Archaeological
Durga with four arms Department, Baroda
State, 1936–37; p. 12 and
1935–36; p. 21
Amreli Probably a female 2nd–3rd Annual Report –
deity century ce Archaeological Department,
Baroda State, 1936–37;
p. 12 and 1935–36; p. 21

Amreli A female figure with 2nd–3rd Annual Report –
a child on the left century ce Archaeological
waist touching the Department, Baroda
breast State, 1936–37; p. 12 and
1935–36; p. 21
Tejgadh Mahisasuramardini Kshatrapa Unpublished Sculptures in
(Baroda district) period theDept. of Archaeology &
Ancient History, MSU,
Baroda; p. 45
Valabhi Mahisasuramardini 4th century ce JISOA, 1965–66; p. 1
Shamlaji Nandi as vahana of 4th century ce Agam Indological Series
mātṛkā Mahesvari – Indian Archaeological
Heritage; p. 563
Navasari Mother Goddess, 1st–5th century Archaeology of Baroda,
Parvati ce Broach & Surat Districts;
p. 152
Khambholaj – Image of Vaishnavi Early Historic Archaeology of Kheda
Hanuman period District; p. 78
temple
Devnimori 4 Mātṛkās, 1 head of 5th century ce JISOA, Special Number –
a mātṛkā, 1 torso of a Western Indian Art,
mātṛkā 1965–66; p. 27
Shamlaji Bhadra or Yasoda 5th century ce Sculptures from Shamlaji
and Roda; p. 48
Pavi Jetpur Parvati standing on 600 ce BBMPG, Vol. XIV; p. 35
Godha
Shamlaji Head of one mātṛkā, 6th century ce JGRS, Vol. XIV; p. 2
figure of another,
Parvati as Bhilan and
image of Lajjagauri
Mahudi Bhadra 6th century ce Sculptures from Shamlaji
and Roda; p. 48
Mataria Mātṛkā – Ambika, 6th century ce JISOA, Vol. IX; p. 42
Mahesvari, Kaumari,
Varahi, Indrani,
Vayavi, Brahmani,
and Bhairava
Masara Mahisasuramardini, 6th century ce JOI, Vol. XXV; p. 78
Ambika
Kanad (Surat Lajjagauri 6th century ce East & West, Vol. 44;
distt.) p. 484
Variav (Surat Lajjagauri 6th century ce East & West, Vol. 44;
distt.) p. 484
(Continued)
Kavi (Broach Lajjagauri 6th century ce East & West, Vol. 44;

distt.) p. 484
Tarsang Lajjagauri 6th century ce East & West, Vol. 44;
(Panchmahals) p. 484
Dhank Lajjagauri 6th century ce East & West, Vol. 44;
p. 484
Vasantgarh Lajjagauri 6th century ce Unpublished Sculptures
(Pavi Jetpur, in theDept. of
Baroda) Archaeology & Ancient
History, MSU, Baroda;
p. 41
Godhra Lajjagauri 6th century ce Lalit Kala, No. 23; p. 29
Tintoi Parvati with Bala 6th century ce BBMPG,Vol. III, Part I;
Ganesha p. 25
North Gujarat, Shiva Parvati 6th century ce BBMPG, Vol. XXIII; p. 23
located in
Baroda Museum
North Gujarat, Brahmani 6th century ce BBMPG, Vol. XXIII; p. 24
located in
Baroda Museum
North Gujarat, Kaumari 6th century ce BBMPG, Vol. XXIII; p. 25
located in
Baroda Museum
Koteswar Mātṛkās – Vaishnavi, 6th century ce Archaeology of
Brahmani, Aindri, Banaskantha District;
Varahi, Chamunda pp. 164–66
Vagpur, near Panchagnitapas 6th century ce Unpublished Sculptures in
Jagadia Parvati theDept. of Archaeology &
Ancient History, MSU,
Baroda; p. 37
Godai Mahisasuramardini 6th century ce Unpublished Sculptures in
(Panchmahal theDept. of Archaeology &
district) Ancient History, MSU,
Baroda; p. 44
Mahesana Mātṛkā 6th–7th IAR,1992–93; p. 111
century ce
Shamlaji Terracotta female Latter half of Sculptures from Shamlaji
figurine 6th century ce and Roda; p. 20
Danta Mahisasuramardini Late 6th–early BBMPG,Vol. XIII; p. 26
7th century ce
Shamlaji Saptamatrkapatta 7th century ce IAR,1990–91; p. 6
Kumbhariya Sakti Ganesha Early 7th JOI, Vol. XXII; p. 374
century ce
Kotia Mātṛkās – Brahmani, 7th century ce IAR, 1993–94; p. 136

Vaishnavi and Aindri
Baroda Museum Ambika Devi 7th century ce BBMPG, Vol. XIV; p. 38
North Gujarat, Mahisasuramardini 7th century ce BBMPG, Vol. XXIII; p. 26
located in
Baroda Museum
Sathal at Sakti 7th century ce Archaeological Survey of
Dholka Ahmedabad District; p. 16
Pavi Jetpur Lajjagauri 7th century ce Lalit Kala, No. 23; p. 31
Valabhipur Lajjagauri 7th century ce Lalit Kala, No. 23; p. 30
Randelia (near Lajjagauri 7th century ce Lalit Kala, No. 23; p. 31
Valabhipur)
Dhank Lajjagauri 7th century ce Lalit Kala, No. 23; p. 30
Dhank Lajjagauri 7th century ce Lalit Kala, No. 23; p. 30
(Manjushri
Vapi)
Vedencha Mātṛkās – Brahmani, end 7th–early Archaeology of
Chamunda, 8th century ce Banaskantha District;
Mahesvari, Kaumari, pp. 108–10
and Varahi
Mahesana Kaumari 7th–8th IAR, 1992–93; p. 111
century ce
Vaviya Varahi, Mahesvari 7th–8th Archaeology of Kheda
century ce District; p. 89
Dodhana Kaumari 7th–8th Archaeological Survey
(Viramgam century ce of Ahmedabad District;
taluka) pp. 166–7
Vaviya (Kheda) Varahi, Mahesvari 7th–8th Archaeology of Kheda
century ce District; p. 89
Vadaval (Deesa Mātṛkās – Brahmani, End 7th–early Archaeology of
taluka) Mahesvari, 8th century ce Banaskantha District; p.
Kaumari, Varahi,
and Vaishnavi,
Chamunda
Panas 3 Mātṛkās – Indrani, 8th century ce Archaeological Survey
(Viramgam Gauri and Varuni of Ahmedabad District;
taluka) p. 168
Vedencha Mahisasuramardini 8th century ce Archaeology of
Banaskantha District;
p. 110
Vadaval (Deesa Aindri 8th century ce Archaeology of
taluka) Banaskantha District;
pp. 131–3
(Continued)
Roda Parvati performing 8th century ce BBMPG, Vol. X–XI; p. 20

Panchagnitapas
Baroda Museum Durga on couchant 8th century ce BBMPG, Vol. X–XI; p. 20
lion
Varana (district Brahmi 8th century ce IAR, 1976–77; p. 74
Vadodara)
Asoj (taluk Brahmani 8th century ce IAR, 1979–80; p. 100
Vaghodia,
district
Vadodara)
Mevasa (taluka Parvati, miniature 8th century ce Archaeology of Jamnagar
Bhanvad) District; p. 458
Dwarka Mahisasuramardini 8th century ce Archaeology of Jamnagar
District; p. 459
Vadgam Mahesvari 8th century ce Archaeology of Kheda
District; p. 123
Karvan Standing Mahesvari 8th–9th BBMPG,Vol. X–XI; p. 21
(or Parvati) century ce
Banaskantha 6 Mātṛkā images Early medieval IAR,1958–59; p. 76
district
Pithai Indrani Eary medieval Archaeology of Kheda
District; p. 78
Goraj Gajalakshmi Puratattva, Vol. 20; p. 100
Palej (distt. Vaishnavi, Kumari, 8th–9th IAR 1990–91; p. 17
Mehasana) Brahmi, Vayavi, century ce
Varahi, Chamunda,
Mahesvari, Aindri,
Virabhadra, Hara
Gauri, Ganesha
This is evident from the Dasavatara temple and Dasavatara panels at

two different sites in Gujarat. The temple is at the site of Kadvar, and on
the basis of the plan of the shrine, which is rectangular, and images of
various incarnations of Vishnu found at the site, it is suggested that the
temple was dedicated to the Dasavatara. Though no temple can be iden-
tified in the northern half of Gujarat or around the southern region, one
can only attempt to locate sites associated with the worship of Vishnu
or his incarnations, with the help of the sculptural data. The Dasavatara
panel is from the site of Mehalvava, in Kheda district, and seems to
be the culmination of the process of depiction of various incarnations
of Vishnu. The Dasavatara panel of Vishnu is 1.2 metres in length and
is 0.5 metres broad, and dates to circa eighth century ce. The panel
shows Rama and Laksmana in a warrior pose, Kalki riding a horse,
Buddha seated in the padmasana, Vishnu resting on a Sesanaga with
his consort Lakshmi in attendance, and above the figure of Vishnu are
four Gananayakas. The eighth incarnation of Vishnu – Krishna, and
the lotus representing the seat of Brahma, are missing from the panel.56
These two pieces of evidence demonstrate that by the eighth century
ce, the worship of all the avataras had found a place in the religious
beliefs of the people and these sites would have been important to the
Vaishnavite community. While at other sites, one encounters only one
or two incarnations, these sites would have attracted those who were
associated with any one or more of the avataras, and identified Vishnu
as the most important deity to be offered worship.
An image of Vishnu known as the Visvarupa Vishnu is unique in
terms of not only the period it belongs to, but also, its spatial spread.
The images belong only to the sixth–seventh centuries ce and are found
mainly in the Shamlaji and Devnimori areas. According to Rangarajan,
‘During the Maitraka period several unique images of Viṣṇu have been
found including six images of the Viśvarūpa form which are icono-
graphically very significant.’57
These images are:
- Visvarupa Vishnu presently worshipped as Kalsi Chhokarni ma in

the shrine of Nilkantha Mahadeva at Shamlaji
- A sculpted fragment from Devnimori near Shamlaji
- A damaged sculpture from Shamlaji
- A damaged sculpture said to come from Shamlaji
- A damaged image from Kathalal
The fragmentary image from Devnimori, which is the broken portion

from the upper left edge of the nimbus of an image similar to the one at
Nilkantha Mahadeva temple at Shamlaji, is considered to be the earliest,
and contains figures of Chandra, Varaha and Agni. Based on an analysis
of the Devnimori sculpture Maxwell opines, ‘Possible that the earliest
versions of this type of image were created here (Devnimori), or by
designers and sculptors who went from there to Shamlaji, where local
craftsmen subsequently made inferior imitations.’58 The image contains
a multi-headed Vishnu with Hayagriva, Brahma, Shiva, N arsimha,
Varaha, Surya, Chandra, Balarama/Sankarsana, Krishna, Pradyumma,
Aniruddha, Samba, Rsi, Brahmana, Bhima, Arjuna, Laksmana, Rama,
Varuna, and Agni59 emanating in different directions. In terms of
religious developments, the image can be seen as, ‘the sculptural equiv-
alent of a theological treatise intended to bring together all the various
strands of belief which contributed to the religious identity of the local
Vaishnava community of the time’.60
As is the case of Shiva and mātṛkā images, the Vaishnavite images
too demonstrate continuous iconographical development. These images
suggest that in the period between the sixth century ce and the eighth
century ce, Gujarat witnessed the development and creation of vari-
ous images and that intense sculptural activity was occurring within
the region.
Diversity in the forms of goddess images found

in the region
In addition to the mātṛkā images, representations of deities not men-
tioned in literary texts, such as Lajjagauri and the representation of
Parvati in the form of Panchagnitapas Parvati are also found in the
region. As far as other goddess images are concerned, it is interesting
to note that while images of Lajjagauri are to be found in many parts
of Gujarat, the images of Panchagnitapas Parvati are rare to encounter.
The representation of Panchagnitapas Parvati demonstrates the varied
contexts an image of a single deity can be placed in. The Panctapas
is an austere penance, which is performed by an ascetic by sitting in
the middle of four burning fires with the sun blazing over the head,
which is supposed to be gazed at constantly in the summer season.61
The tapa was also performed by girls to get their desired consorts,62
and the Bhagavata Purana prescribes it as a penance in the third stage of
life (XI,18, 4). The images show Parvati performing the tapa in order to
obtain Shiva in marriage. When separated from Rama, Sita resolves to
undergo this tapa (Raghuvamsa, XIV, 66), and Parvati performs it when
she is unable to win Shiva by her devotion and physical charm, and
when Kama is reduced to ashes (Kumarasambhava,V, 2). It is in this
latter context that one encounters the images of Parvati performing this
tapa. The size of the images varies from small to large ones. An image
of the third–fourth centuries ce measures 7.5 cm × 6.9 cm, and yet
another one hails from Vagpur in Rajpipla district and measures merely
10.8 cm × 5.9 cm and dates to the sixth century ce.63 This theme of Par-
vati has been found at the temple sites of Roda and Karvan. The image
from Falwa Tekri in Karvan is a 1.2 metre-high image and dates to the
eighth–ninth centuries ce, and another mutilated image dating to latter
half of the seventh century ce was seen at the mound of the temple of
Sindhavai Mata.64 The smaller images may have been votive in nature
and the larger ones may have adorned the temple walls with Shaivite
affiliation. It is also noticed that over time, the size of the images rep-
resenting this deity increases, and from being stray finds, these images
are incorporated into the temple architecture of the region by the eighth
century ce. This representation of Parvati finds a place in the temple
architecture of North Gujarat, as demonstrated by the find of her images
at Karvan and Roda.
Found in the region are also images of Mahisasuramardini in varied
sizes. Some of the larger images, such as the one in the Baroda Museum
and Picture Gallery,65 would have been enshrined in a temple or would
have been part of the temple architecture. On the other hand are images
that are small in size, such as the one from Gadoi measuring 10.9 cm ×
4.8 cm and another one measuring 12.9 cm × 7.9 cm, the discov-
ery spot of which is unknown.66 The plaque from Tejgadh measures
6 cm × 7.5 cm and the one in MS University measures 9 cm × 6 cm.67
Single images of goddesses from various parts of Gujarat may have
been objects of worship under an open-air shrine or in a household
shrine, and these images are found from a very early period. It is from
the second to third century ce onwards that there is a gradual increase in
number, as seen in a plaque and two images of the goddess from Amreli
of second–third centuries ce,68 and the image of Mahisasuramardini
from Tejgadh, dated to the Kshatrapa period.69 Between the fourth and
the sixth centuries ce, there was a proliferation not only in the number
of images found, but also, in the forms the deity is represented and the
spread of her worship in different parts of Gujarat.
However, it is noticed that images of Lajjagauri do not appear in the
temple architecture of the region, but her worship seems to have been
more popular all across the region, as attested by the find of her images
at various sites. Her images encountered mostly are multifigured rep-
resentations of her, where she is represented along with a bull and a
crouching worshipper, and these date mainly to sixth–seventh centuries
ce.70 Her image corresponds to the full anthropomorphic form and these
images are found in different parts of Gujarat representing Lajjagauri in
her most developed form since she is shown as having a human form.
The images of these goddesses are small and they seem to have been
worshipped mainly by the womenfolk. This is certain in the case of the
images or plaques of Lajjagauri as she is worshipped mainly for beget-
ting children as her pose resembles that of a woman giving birth to a
child. Even though she is found in different parts of Gujarat, a concen-

tration of her plaques is seen around the site of Valabhi. Compared to
other sites which contain only one image, sites in the district of Valabhi
have, to their credit, six plaques of the goddess. Of these, three were
from the site of Padri, where the excavations brought to light a structure
that has been identified as a temple dedicated to this goddess.71 Others
include two from the site of Valabhi, one dating to the seventh century
ce72 and another dating to the sixth–seventh centuries ce,73 and one from
Gadholi dating to the fourth–fifth centuries ce.74 A single site with the
maximum number of images, namely four, is that of Dhank,75 which
is also located in Saurashtra. The other sites in Saurashtra containing
representations of this goddess are Amreli (third–fourth centuries ce),76
Mota Dava and Sajadijali no timbo in Rajkot district, dating to fourth–
fifth centuries ce,77 and Bantava near Junagadh of the post-Gupta
period.78 Other sites outside the area of Saurashtra that contain plaques
of this goddess are Tarsang,79 Pavi Jetpur80 and Kanad.81 Images of this
goddess have also been found in contexts of stepwells, which shall be
discussed briefly.
The size of most of these images suggests that they were either used
at the household level, crafted for certain specific religious ceremonies
or used in ritual processions. This also now brings us to a less discussed
category of images – namely mobile images, which, though small,
played an important role in temple rituals and religious ceremonies.
Wells as sacred sites

Stepwells and their association with water made them sacred spots
and they were considered as tirthas or fords between heaven and earth.
Inscriptional evidence also points to the association of stepwells as
tirthas and places of worship. It states that, ‘may this pleasant and
propitiating pure tīrtha in the form of a vāpī with a large maṇḍapa
endure as long as the sun and moon exist. May there be wealth, Śrī’.
If not a shrine, as noted by Neubauer, the sacredness of the well part is
indicated by a sculptured row of shrines or niches indicating shrines.
Vishnu’s association with the stepwell can be traced to the story of
Vishnu where he single-handedly dug the stepped pond Manikarnika
kund in Benares and it came to be seen as tirtha or a place so powerful
that all other tirthas are said to have come here to bathe at midday to
dump the load of sins they have acquired by pilgrims and to become
pure again. In the case of Gujarat, these wells have been associated with
the cult of the Mother Goddess. According to Neubauer, ‘In Gujarat the
cult of the mother goddess is very intimately connected with water or
watering places.’82 Stepwells are not merely perceived as sources of
water, but in terms of religion, these structure served as subterranean
temples and were centres of worship. To date, it is a popular belief in
Gujarat that mother goddess Varuchi or Varudi Ma resides in stepwells,
and women perform rituals for fertility and prosperity.83 It is this popu-
lar belief among the people of Gujarat that makes these wells symbols
of living traditions. A mere look at the names given to the stepwells is a
clear indication of these with the worship of the goddess – Ankol Mata,
Mata Bhavani stepwell, Asapuri stepwell (Ahmedabad), Saindhavai
Mata stepwell (Patan), and Matri stepwell, to mention a few. As Livingston
says, ‘In wells the mother goddess and her myriad companions are wor-
shipped mostly by women to increase fertility.’84 It is said that in places
without tanks, gods are not present. To date, in Gujarat, young brides
and couples immediately after their marriage go to a well or stepwell
to pay homage to the water deity to receive the boon of fertility. Thus,
stepwells play an integral role in the life of the people who stay in its
vicinity.
According to Livingston, ‘Stepwells were open to villagers, pil-
grims, shepherd, holy man, merchant, craftsmen, soldiers, performers.
All were welcome. Broad section of Indian society came to stepwell on
temporary basis to seek water, shade, privacy or refuge. . . . They were
most diverse spaces.’
As has been rightly said, ‘Water may be viewed as the abode of
sacred powers and gods, or may itself be regarded as being divine and
an object of worship and frequently both versions exist. To represent
the divine powers in water, religious images were frequently placed in
tanks and rivers.’85 Stepwells were viewed as abodes of various spir-
its of life-giving powers, and if worshipped in the right manner, they
bestowed progeny, fertility, growth, and wealth.86
The creation of a stepwell was not merely an architectural act, but
was deeply associated with religious merit as well. During the instal-
lation and consecration ceremony of a stepwell, its association with
the water god Varuna and fertility gods such as Vishnu and Narayana
become obvious. The association of Vishnu with water bodies seems to
have continued over time in the region of Gujarat. The earliest stepwell
to be encountered is at the site of Hatab, which has been dated to the
first–second centuries ce. The well is of bricks and the narrow short
entrance with broad sandstone stepped passage leads to a moon-shaped
platform, where two narrow pathways attached to both side walls

descend like a coil of snake. A carved tortoise was also noticed on one
side of the well, and it is suggested that this might have been a well
associated with the worship of Vishnu.87
The temple built by the viceroy of Chandragupta in the vicinity of
the Sudarsana lake was dedicated to Vishnu. The presence of images of
Vishnu at wells is also seen at the site of Roda. This stepwell dates to
the eighth century ce and contains four shrines at four corners within
the well (see Figures 1.9 and 1.10). These are located at the level of the
fourth landing of the pyramidal steps, and the deities in the shrine guard
the sacred water site.88
The stepwells in the region show a concentration within Saurashtra
up to the seventh century ce. Two stepwells in the region of Saurashtra
are found in Junagadh and Dhank. Dhank is the only site where
images are found alongside a stepwell. The site has representations
of the goddess Lajjagauri, and of the many images found, one was
noticed at the seventh-century stepwell known as Manjusri Vapi,
which is located in Dhank. The other stepwell at Dhank is the Jhilani
Vapi, which dates to 600 ce, and noticed in it were niches that would
have housed some deities.89 Another early stepwell is located 15 km
west of Dhank, on the way to Sidhsar. The site of Dhank not only has
to its credit the first stepwells of the region, but found here are also
five Lajjagauri images,90 which is the maximum number found from
a site. The wells and images both date to the sixth–seventh centuries
ce and it would seem that this goddess had a close association with
stepwells in this region. In addition to images of this goddess, images
of other deities are also found in association with stepwells. It has
been pointed out that the most ancient figures worshipped at Indian
water places were trees, nagas and vegetative deities (yaksas), small
beings with large heads and startled eyes.91 The images of Kubera and
Nagaraja could have belonged to this category of deities, and as for
Ganesha, he was a vegetative deity before theistic worship.92 From
the site of Jhilani Vapi, images of Ganesha, Kubera and Nagaraja date
to the fourth century ce, and the mātṛkā image dates to the end of the
fourth century ce. Of the sixth century ce is an image of Karttikeya
and the Lajjagauri plaques date to the seventh century ce. The two
Gana images from the Banaskantha district in North Gujarat, fixed
in a well situated between the road from Ambaji and Kotesvara,93
could have also been part of stepwells where they may have been
worshipped. Another image of Karttikeya hails from Vaghavav talav

(a water body) in Kheda district and is the earliest in the region, dat-
ing to the third century ce.94
At the site of Vaviya, in Kheda district as well, two images of
Sesanarayaṇa and an image of an Apsara were found lying loose in a
stepwell, further confirming the association of these images with water
bodies.95
The association of mātṛkā images at sites with stepwells is also
noticed at the site of Vaviya in Kheda district. The images from the site
were found outside a stepwell and date to the seventh–eighth centuries
ce. These include images of Varahi, Karttikeya and Mahesvari.96
The importance of wells and their association with sacred sites
is also noticed at the temple sites in Saurashtra. All the temple sites
had a well in their vicinity, the water of which would have been used
for ritual purposes. Thus, wells in the region can be viewed in two
manners – they were either part of temple architecture, from where
water would be drawn for ritual purposes, or they functioned as sacred
sites themselves, as seen in the case of the wells found at Dhank and
Roda. In the medieval times, these wells not only increased in size
and decoration, but served as landmarks for traders and travellers
who sought shelter from the scorching heat, and simultaneously, they
housed images of various deities in the niches provided in their archi-
tectural layout.
Sculptural evidence for the existence of sacred

sites and religious structures
Inscriptional data provide crucial evidence that confirms the existence
of religious architecture. Besides the Junagadh rock inscription of the
time of Skandagupta,97 the copper plate inscription from Sanjeli also
substantiates the existence of temples. The inscription from the site of
Sanjeli, in the Panchmahal district, mentions the grant of a village for
worship and offering to the deity Svami Narayanadevapada of the tem-
ple at Vadrapali. Another inscription from the same site mentions the
donation of villages to be enjoyed by Parivrajas and worship and offer-
ing to the deity Bhagavatapada.98 The words Narayanadevapada and
Bhagavatapada clearly are Vaishnavite in nature, and hence, it can be
safely assumed that temples dedicated to these deities existed already
in 325–326 ce, when the inscriptions were engraved.
By the sixth–seventh centuries ce, one comes across temples in the

Saurashtra region of Gujarat, but as for the northern half and southern
Gujarat, no structures are encountered. What one comes across, rather,
are a number of sculptures from the areas, which may help in identify-
ing sites that may have contained temples. The site of Karvan is the
only site where data from coins and sculptures corroborate each other
and point to the continued sanctity of the site for Shaivism. Excavations
at Karvan, district Vadodara, revealed a brick structure, the outer por-
tion of which was plastered with lime.99 The find of coins with depic-
tions of the bull on them from the site seems to confirm the Shaivite
association of the site in the first period under study.
Sculptural remains further provide evidence for the existence of a
religious structure, which is nonexistent, at the site of Karvan. A door-
frame of yellowish sandstone fixed on the entrance steps leading to a
tank at Karvan was noticed and the frame is dated to the second half
of the eighth century ce or slightly later.100 It consists of two stelae,
the outer panels of which represent figures of Durga, Surya, a princely
pair and a Shaivite dvarapala on the right side, and of Skanda, Vishnu
and a pair of devotees and the river goddess Ganga on the left side.101
An image from the site depicts Uma Mahesvara, which has been dated
to the seventh century ce,102 and another image from the Nakalesvara
temple at Karvan of a two-armed standing Karttikeya with a pea-
cock behind him is dated to the eighth century ce. The deity is also
seen on a doorframe from Karvan, which is also dated to the eighth
century ce.103 Also found from the site were images of other deities,
including the goddesses Mahesvari, Chamunda and Indrani (eighth
century ce), Nagaraja (seventh century ce), image of Hara Gauri
(seventh century ce) and a linga with Lakulisa as well as an image
of Lakulisa of the seventh century ce. Evidence from the site cor-
roborates the traditional association of it with the Lakulisa Pasupata
sect as the images are predominantly Shaivite, with a concentration
of Lakulisa and Bhairava images. Thus, the sculptural evidence from
the site strongly suggests the prior existence of a temple with Shaivite
affiliations at the site.
Another site that requires mention is that of Kavi, from where a
saptagrha panel of schist slab points to the earlier presence of some
structure at the site. The panel contains representations of Surya, Soma,
Mangal, Budha, Brhaspati, Sukra, and Sani, has been dated to the late
Gupta period and seems to have been placed on the door lintel.104 Other
images from the site date from the sixth to the eighth century ce, such
as a mātṛkā image of sixth century ce,105 Ganesha of sixth–seventh

centuries ce,106 Virabhadra of seventh century ce and images of Nritti,
Mahisasuramardini and a massive bust of Vishnu dating to seventh–
eighth centuries ce.107
At the site of Patan Anhilwada, five mātṛkās images are carved on a
doorjamb. The stone used is the grey Dungarpur schist. The individual
pieces consist of the upper parts of two doorjambs, a yaksa bracket
piece, and two slabs representing step roofs with image niches, a panel
of five mother goddesses and an image niche between two makara
heads. These pieces are clearly part of some religious structure that
ceased to exist with the passage of time.108
An analysis and study of the images highlights the importance of
including sculptural data in the study of sacred sites. These images
provide hints and clues to the earlier existence of structures at certain
sites. If this set of data is excluded from the study of sacred sites, many
of the sites would go unnoticed and the picture of religious develop-
ments in the region would be incomplete. Evidence pertaining to the
earlier existence of temples also comes from inscriptions. Rashtrakuta
king Prabhutavarya Govindaraja gave a gift to the temple of the Sun
at Kapika or Kavi,109 and the other inscription is of Mahasamanta
Balavarmana of the Chalukya dynasty, which was issued to the tem-
ple of the Sun god Tarunaditya in Saurashtra.110 The images from the
above-mentioned sites make it clear that even though one notices a
concentration of temples in coastal area of Saurashtra, these images
were an integral part of religious structures that would have marked the
landscape in other parts of Gujarat.
Terracotta objects as votive offerings

Another source of information for the reconstruction of religious sys-
tems in the region are terracotta figurines. Votive terracotta offerings
are made even to date by the tribals of Gujarat. Places in Surat district
demonstrate continuity in the technique of manufacturing of terracotta
figurines meant for votive offerings.111 As has been pointed out by Haku
Shah, ‘Techniques employed in creating some of these images – such as
pinching, pressing and slitting shows an unbroken continuity from time
of the Indus Valley Civilization.’112 While driving across parts of Guja-
rat, one often comes across these terracotta offerings in the shape of
an elephant, horse, tiger, bull, or rhinoceros, placed in front of a small
shrine. An individual, or at times, even an entire village community
offers these to the deities when their wishes are fulfilled. The terracotta
animal figurines are seen as a substitute for real animals for sacrificial
purposes.
Excavations at the site of Nagara brought to light one such figurine,
which, undoubtedly, seems to have been intended for religious purposes.
The small specimen of an animal, which seems to be a sheep, has curved
horns and marks of a swastika on the neck and a taurine symbol on the
thigh.113 The presence of these symbols indicates the religious nature of
the figurine. Also encountered at the site were single specimens of ter-
racotta animal figurines. Belonging to period III, lower levels of which
date to the beginning of the Common era,114 are the figurines of rhi-
noceros, nilgai hyena, elephant, and buffalo.115 Belonging to period II,
dated to the third century bce to first century ce, is a figurine of a horse.
Tracing back the tradition of offering votive terracotta animals, it would
seem as though the horse, rhinoceros, elephant, and buffalo could have
been intended for religious purposes. In addition to these terracotta figu-
rines of animals, found at the site are 13 human figurines, also belonging
to Period III.
Excavations at the site of Amreli brought to light a large sherd of jar,
which read samvat 344, Magha sukla 2, and another potsherd with the
same date inscribed on it.116 Rao is of the opinion that these were part
of votive jars that were offered on that day, which was observed as an
occasion for a religious ceremony held at Amreli.117
Found also are a few examples of votive terracotta tanks and minia-
ture Shiva lingas from the site of Valabhi.118 Votive offerings seemed to
have been a part of Buddhist religion as well, as seen in the presence
of votive objects in the archaeological records. At the Buddhist site
of Devnimori, excavations brought to light, among a number of other
antiquities, votive tanks and stupas and terracotta seals. Two fragments
of votive tanks were obtained from vihara I, a mould for votive stupas
from the vihara, two red objects identified as votive stupas and a circu-
lar sealing representing a stupa with probably some attendant figure.119
From the site of Siyot in northern Kachchh were recovered more than
thousand fragments of clay sealings and votive stupas dating between
the eighth and eleventh century ce.120
Development, spread and existence of Buddhism

Sculptural data help understand the development of Buddhism in the
region over a period of time. While architectural data present us with
worship of the caitya and stupa, images from various sites point to a
more complex form of Buddhism. The origins of Buddhist images can
be traced to an early period when, ‘In mid to late first century, roughly
five hundred years after the Buddha lived South Asia saw a tremendous
burst in image production. After first century ce a cultural shift occurred
in which a whole new range of topics became viable as subjects for
depiction.’121 The development of the Buddha image in Gujarat, then,
needs to be viewed as a result of a larger cultural process and not as
something that happened at a singular moment for a singular reason.122
De Caroli’s studies on the origins of Buddhist images changes this
view as, ‘I think . . . that doctrinal shifts, Mahayana or others, were
a direct response to broad changes in cultural artistic practice, which
the more established doctrinal positions struggles to condemn, excuse,
justify or champion.’123
The Sarvastivadins were among the first to develop an opinion on
the proper way to represent Buddha/Bodhisattva, thereby approving its
creation in a very limited manner. There is evidence to suggest that the
Sarvastivadins were particularly active and influential in this regard
during and after the height of the Kushana dynasty.124
While the caves across Gujarat are largely devoid of sculptural
details, with the one at Khambalida being an exception, the images
recovered stand testimony to the wider cultural processes. The life-size
images found at a few sites could have been the central objects of wor-
ship, as their size would suggest. Buddha images of this size, dating to
the sixth century ce, have been found at Isalava hill, near Valabhi,125
and from the site of Kotayarka in the Vijapur taluka of Mehasana dis-
trict.126 A Buddha image squatting on the simhasana in the principal
cave at Dhank and images of Buddha in dhyanamudra on each side of
the backdoor of the shrine127 indicate the inclusion of Buddha images
for worship in the cave architecture of the region.
Gregory Schopen notes that, ‘in the Western “Cave Temples” we can
even more clearly watch the introduction of the cult images. At Ajanta
in the early phase, 1st century bce, there are no images. In the second
phase which started in the fifth century ce, images were introduced as
an integral part of the new excavations and were introduced in many of
the older caves’.128
A detailed study of donative inscriptions at various Buddhist sites by
Gregory Schopen throws light on the vital role played by the Buddhist
monks, and not as much the laity, in the installation and worship of these
images. At Sarnath, the images donated by monk donors was twice that
Table 3.4
Buddhist images

Khapara Kodia Popular Buddhist Early centuries of K.V.Soundara Rajan,
figures like Jambhala, the Common era Junagadh; p. 44
‘udaremukha’ figure
forming the spout hole
of a vessel
Mahudi 4 Buddhist images in Early centuries of JGRS, Vol. I; p. 65
(Mehasana) bronze the Common era
Amreli Clay figurines of Beginning of the JGRS, Vol. VIII;
Buddha and potsherds Common era p. 102
with Brahmi script
Khambat Fragment of a small 2nd–3rd century Baroda Museum and
Bodhisattava ce Picture Gallery
Kheralu Bodhisattva 3rd–4th century IAR, 1992–93; p. 111
ce
Idar Bodhisattva paintings 200 bce –500 ce Lines on Stone, 1993;
of stupas inside caves p. 201
Liladeva (South Attendant Buddha 3rd century ce Journal of Indian
Gujarat) Museums, Vol. X;
p. 59
Dhank (in the Buddha squatting on Buddhist Monuments
principal cave) simhasana and Sculptures in
Gujarat; p. 25
Dhank (on back Buddha in Dhyana Buddhist
door of the shrine, Mudra Monuments and
on each side) Sculptures in
Gujarat; p. 25
North to the caves Wall with figures Buddhist
at Dhank in low relief, some Monuments and
Buddhist pantheon Sculptures in
Gujarat; p. 25
Devnimori Buddha in Dhyana Buddhist Monuments
Mudra; fragments of and Sculptures in
17 images Gujarat; p. 25
Chavaj, 6 km Buddhist image 4th century ce
North of Broach
Gambhirpura, Rock paintings of 4th–5th century
3 km North of stupas ce
Idar
Nagara Images of Buddha with
those of Brahma and
Surya; Seated image of
Dhyani Buddha

Khambhalida Large sculptures IAR, 1958–59; p. 70
representing
Boddhisattavas and
devotees under shelter
of trees
Khambhalida (in 2 huge sculptures Buddhist Monuments
one of the caves) – Padmapani and Sculptures in
Avalokitesvara and Gujarat; p. 28
Vajrapani
Isalava hill (near Life-size image of Buddhist Monuments
Valabhi) Buddha and Sculptures in
Gujarat; p. 28
Valabhi Brass image of Buddha 6th century ce JOI, Vol. XI; p. 81
Presented to the Bronze image of 6th century ce Archaeological Survey
Prince of Wales Buddha and 4 more of Western India,
Museum Buddhist images for year ending 31st
March 1915; p. 30
Kotayarka (taluk One almost life-size Buddhist Monuments
Vijapur, district image of Buddha in and Sculptures in
Mehasana) Bronze Gujarat; p. 28
Nagara Image of Buddhist Monuments
Ratnasambhava, one of and Sculptures in
the Dhyani Buddhas Gujarat; p. 29
Gogha Image of Aksobhya, Buddhist Monuments
one of the Dhyani and Sculptures in
Buddhas Gujarat; p. 29
Bhuj Buddha – bronze 7th century ce JOI, Vol. VIII, No. 3;
p. 217
MEU, in North Hand of a Buddhist 7th century ce BBMPG, Vol. XXIII;
Gujarat, located in figure p. 27
Baroda Museum
Kachchh Museum Bronze image of 8th century ce IAR, 1963–64; p. 69
standing Buddha
Taranga hill Tara and a panel with 4 8th–9th century JGRS, Vol. I; p. 65
temple of seated Buddhas ce
Taranamata
Taranga hill 9 Buddhist images 9th–10th century JGRS, Vol. VIII;
temple of ce p. 110
Taranamata
Charsada, Kachchh Number of Buddhist
images – big and small
Siyot, Northern More than 1,000 8th–11th century
Kachchh fragments of clay ce
sealings; Votive stupas
than by the laity.129 Similarly, out of the 18 inscriptions from Kanheri,

none of the images were donations of the laity.130 A similar trend is seen
at the Ajanta caves, where 94 per cent of the images donated were by
monks,131 and at Mathura, where of the 26 donative inscriptions pub-
lished that record gift of images, 17 or two-thirds record gifts by monks
and nuns.132 Schopen concludes that in the Kushana period, two-thirds
of donors of images were monks and nuns.133
The above-mentioned detailed study demonstrates that, ‘the cult of
images was almost entirely and probably exclusively a monastically
initiated and supported cult’134 and not by the laity, as is generally
presumed. It was also noticed that all donors were trepitakas or those
who knew the Three Pitakas, ‘those who knew the whole of Buddhist
literature as it existed at the time’. The earliest dated cult images at
least at three major sites in the Ganges Basin – Sarnath, Sravasti and
Kausambi and in Gandhara – were set up by learned monastics.135 It is
these learned monastics who were the propagandists of a new cult.136
Schopen notes that the actual monk, unlike the textual monk, appears to
have been deeply involved in religious giving and cult practice of every
kind from the very beginning.137 Sarvastivadins and Mulasarvastiva-
dins, the two communities, seem to have become proponents of image
use, particularly as expressed in Avadana literature.138
Images of Dhyani Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, found in different
parts of Gujarat, reflect the philosophical developments the religion
had undergone. The facade of the caityagrha cave at Khambalida has
sculptures representing the Bodhisattavas and devotees under the shel-
ter of trees.139 Sculptural evidence from the region proves the develop-
ment of Buddhism from worship at caityagrhas and the incorporation of
female divinities. According to the theory of the five Dhyani Buddhas,
each of them has a sakti and a Bodhisattva.140 These five are Vairocana,
Aksobhya, Ratnasambhava, Amitabha, and Amogasiddhi, and each of
them occupies a quarter and represent the elements ether, air, fire, water,
and earth.141 Each of them has a sakti, and Tara is the sakti of Amogasid-
dhi. For purposes of creation, each of the Dhyani Buddha has an active
counterpart, known as Bodhisattva, and the latter exert their influence
over the universe in successive ages through Manusi Buddhas.142 Of
these Manusi Buddhas, Gautama Buddha is for this age, and Maitreya is
the fifth Manusi Buddha,143 who is yet to appear in the future. Found in
the region are images of the Bodhisattvas, Padmapani, Avalokitesvara,
and Vajrapani.144 Avalokitesvara was to become one of the most popular
Bodhisattvas whose duty was to instruct new adherents and to guard the
Buddhist faith until Maitreya appeared as the next Manusi Buddha.145
He refused his own salvation until all creatures of the world were in
possession of the bodhi knowledge and obtained freedom from worldly
sorrows and sufferings.146 He aids people and his name is to be recol-
lected in quarrels, disputes, strife and in any danger, and in death, disas-
ter and calamity.147 Thus, not only is he the saviour of people, but also,
is resorted to by devotees in times of need, and hence, also helps fulfil
the mundane needs of the people. As is Avalokitesvara to Amitabha, so
is Bodhisattva Vajrapani to the Dhyani Buddha Aksobhya. The image
of Aksobhya has been recovered from Gogha,148 and he is the second
Dhyani Buddha and his corresponding Manusi Buddha is Kanakamuni.
The image of Aksobhya and of Vajrapani, when taken together into con-
sideration, is the only definite piece of evidence to prove that the con-
cept of Dhyani Buddhas and their Bodhisattvas was prevalent in the
region, as the latter is the corresponding Bodhisattva of the former. The
other image of a Dhyani Buddha is of Ratnasambhava from Nagara.149
Sculptural evidence also helps corroborate the records of Xuanzang,
to an extent. He refers to the images of the seven Buddhas in connec-
tion with the vihara built by Siladitya I by the side of his palace, and
these seven Buddhas were Vipasyin, Sikhin, Visvabhu, Krakuchandra,
Kanakamuni, Kasyapa, and Sakyasimha.150 While not all seven can
be accounted for in the archaeological data, of the few images that have
been found from Valabhi, some may have represented them. These
include a bronze image of Buddha and four more Buddhist images dat-
ing to the sixth century ce.151
The Bodhisattvas were friendly and compassionate and aimed for the
release of all humans from all their sufferings.152 They were full of pity
and concerned with the welfare of all beings, and dwelt in friendliness,
compassion, sympathetic joy, and even mindedness.153 They aimed to
rescue all beings from the stream of Samsara, which is difficult to cross,
and free them from all calamities.154 This form of Buddhism would
have been more popular as its goal was the salvation of all beings. This
salvation of all human beings, in the opinion of Debala Mitra, paved the
way for the emergence of a host of Bodhisattvas.155
At the site of Taranga, situated in North Gujarat among the hills on
the west side of river Sabarmati, two Buddhist shrines were noticed.
Seen here is the Tarana Mata temple, which is carved inside a rock,
and the nine images on the platform inside are Buddhist.156 The image
of Tara is housed in a small shrine nearby, and over the halo behind the
goddess is an ornament with a double winged bird, over which is a lotus
seat with a seated Amitabha on it. Below them are two Bodhisattvas,
and according to A.S. Gadre, the images date to the eighth or ninth cen-
tury ce.157 Still located in the caves are also images of the nine Buddhas,
an image of Buddha and five Dhyani Buddhas. This site, in all prob-
abilities, corresponds to the Kampilya monastery, which was founded
on the banks of Puravi near Navasari, mentioned in the grants of the
Rashtrakuta kings.
While the general belief is that Buddhism declined in the region by
the eighth century ce, sculptural evidence points otherwise. The reli-
gion was prevalent in the region beyond the eighth century ce, even
though the extent of its influence may have decreased; the grants of
Dantivarman and Dhruva prove that the religion was still receiving
royal patronage. Dantivarman donated land to this monastery in 877 ce,
and seven years later, King Dhruva made donations to it. According to
the grant, the monastery had 500 monks who belonged to the samgha
from Sindhu desa, and the grant was made with the consent of the pre-
siding abbot of the monastery, who was Sthiramati.158 Further evidence
for the continuity of Buddhism beyond the seventh–eighth centuries is
the presence of the head of a Buddhist figure, in the old Kadi district,
assigned to the ninth century ce, with the Buddhist formula inscribed
on it.159 Evidence for the existence of Buddhism in Kachchh is a bronze
image of Buddha of the seventh century ce from Bhuj, which has an
inscription in Brahmi on its pedestal in the front and also extends to the
left hand side. It records that the image was dedicated by Nagasingha
bhiksu in memory of his mother Devakriti, who had entered the order
of bhiksunis.160 This image can be proof of the existence of Buddhist
monasteries in the region of Kachchh as well, data on which do not
exist either in the form of monumental remains or inscriptional data.
Another bronze image of a standing Buddha of the eighth century ce is
currently located in the Kachchh Museum.161
The sculptural evidence pertaining to Buddhism places the region
in the context of wider cultural processes and hints at the possible
active role and involvement of the monastic community in the estab-
lishment of image worship within Buddhism. It becomes imperative
to include sculptural data in that it provides for a more holistic picture
of the chronological and spatial spread of the religion. While archi-
tectural data are silent about Buddhism in Kachchh and its continuity
well beyond the eighth century ce, the inscription on an image points to
the existence of a monastery in the region of Kachchh and the images

at Taranga indicate the existence of the Buddhist community in the
eighth–ninth centuries ce.
Existence of Jaina community

Gujarat holds special importance for the Jaina community, and liter-
ary tradition establishes the region’s importance. Literary tradition,
if true, would date the spread of Jainism in this region to circa third
century bce, since, according to it, Samprati, disciple of arya Suhastin,
gave food and clothes to Jaina monks. For the Kshatrapa period,
there seem to be a number of acharyas connected with the region of
Gujarat. These were Mallavadisuri, Siddhasena Divakara, Nagarjuna,
Padaliptasuri, Vajrabhuti, and acharya Khaputa. While Nagarjuna was
born in Gujarat, Padaliptasuri went to Dhankapuri (modern-day Dhank)
and had a dialogue over there with Nagarjuna. Nagarjuna is also
believed to have installed an idol of Parsavanatha on the bank of river
Shedhi and founded the tirtha Stambhanaka (modern-day Thamana
in Kheda district), and Palitana is believed to have been named after
Padaliptasuri.162 The teacher of queen Padmavati, wife of Nahapana,
was acharya Vajrabhuti, who hailed from Bharukaccha, while M allavadi
hailed from Valabhi.163
A reconstruction of the presence of the Jaina community in Gujarat
is made possible with the aid of various sculptural remains found from
different sites. These images also place developments of Jainism in a
wider cultural and art historical perspective. The lack of architectural
data pertaining to the existence of the Jaina community is more than
compensated for by the sculptural data. The hoard of Jaina images
found from the site of Akota and Gogha clearly points to the presence
of Jainism in the region. The images contain inscriptions that help date
them and also determine the various kulas of the Svetambara sect that
the devotees belonged to.
The hoard of images from Gogha and Akota prove vital in proving a
strong presence of Jainism extending from the early medieval well into
the medieval period. The Gogha hoard was a chance discovery during
renovations at Navakhanda Parsavnatha temple. It contains 28 small
insignificant images and 66 images, each with an inscription with the
name of the donors’ villages, towns, castes of traders and of gacchas
and suris, all of the Svetambara sect.164 For the period under study, the
Akota hoard holds more relevance as an exhaustive study on these has
Figure 3.2
Sites with Buddhist and Jaina images
Table 3.5
Jaina images

Located Harinegamesi 3rd century ce BBMPG, Vol. XIV;
in Baroda pp. 39–40
Museum
Akota Rishabnath, bronze c. 460–500 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 26
Akota Jivantsvami, bronze c. 500 ce BBMPG, Vol. XIII;
p. 12
Akota Head of unidentified c. 600 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 33
Jina
Valabhi 5 bronze tirthankaras 6th century ce JOI, Vol. XI; p. 83
Akota Jivantsvami, bronze Mid-6th century ce Akota Bronzes; p. 28
Akota Rishabnatha, bronze Mid-6th century ce Akota Bronzes; p. 28
Akota Ambika Late 6th century ce Akota Bronzes; p. 31
Mahudi Parsavnatha with 6th–7th century ce BBMPG,Vol. XIII;
Yaksha Dharana and p. 12
Yakshi Padmavati
Vasantgadh, 2 Jaina bronzes 687 JOI, Vol. I; p. 161
near Sirohi
Khed Brahma Jaina image End 6th–beginning JOI, Vol. X; p. 62
7th century ce
Surat Jaina metal image Late 6th–early 7th JISOA, Special
century ce Number – Western
Indian Art, 1965–66;
p. 3
Unknown find Parsavnatha 6th–7th century ce BBMPG, Vol. III;
spot p. 92
Akota Sarasvati c. 600–620 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 33
Akota Fragment of Jina c. 600–620 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 34
image
Akota Parsavnatha c. 625 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 37
Akota Mahavidya c. 600–650 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 36
Achchhupta
Akota Pedestal of Jina 600–650 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 39
image
Akota Unidentified Jina c. 600–650 ce Akota Bronzes;
pp. 40–41
Akota Tri-tirthika image of c. 650 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 36
Parsavnatha
Akota Rishabnatha c. 650 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 38
Akota Damaged c. 650 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 42
Parsavnatha
(Continued)
Akota Elephant-shaped Early 7th century ce Akota Bronzes; p. 32

incense burner
Akota Unidentified Jina Mid-7th century ce Akota Bronzes; p. 30
Akota Standing Parsavnatha c. 7th century ce Akota Bronzes; p. 33
Akota Parsavnatha c. 7th century ce Akota Bronzes; p. 35
Akota Rishabnatha Late 7th century ce Akota Bronzes; p. 41
Akota Rishabnatha Late 7th century ce Akota Bronzes; p. 42
Akota Parsavnatha in c. 700 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 44
kayotsarga mudra
Akota Rishabnatha with c. 700 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 45
broken halo
Akota Damaged Sarasvati c. 700 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 46
Akota Rishabnatha with c. 750 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 45
halo bordered by
‘three dot’ motif
Akota Ambika c. 750–800 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 48
Akota Incense burner with c. 750–800 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 49
lotus-shaped lid
Liladeva 7 bronze Jaina 7th–10th century ce Journal of Indian
images Museums, Vol. X;
p. 59
Mahudi Parsavnatha Prior to 8th century BBMPG, Vol. XXV;
ce p. 19
Mahudi Unidentified 800–900 ce BBMPG, Vol. XXV;
Tirthankara p. 19
Ahmedabad Jaina image 8th century ce IAR, 1973–74; p. 36
Akota Unidentified Jina 8th century ce Akota Bronzes; p. 46
Akota Fragmentary Jina c. 8th century ce Akota Bronzes; p. 48
image
Akota Chamaradharini Mid-8th century ce Akota Bronzes; p. 47
Akota Ajitanatha Mid-8th century ce Akota Bronzes; p. 47
Akota Ambika on lion Latter half of 8th Akota Bronzes; p. 48
century ce
Akota Parsavnatha with c. 800 ce Akota Bronzes; p. 49
attendants
Bhadruda Mahavira, Santinatha, 8th–9th century ce IAR, 1988–89; p. 100
(Ahmedabad) Parsavnatha and
one unidentified
Tirthankara
been carried out by U.P. Shah’s (Akota Hoard) and they belong to the
early medieval period. Yet, images of the Gogha hoard have not been
published in detail and these images roughly cover the medieval period.
But they undoubtedly prove beneficial in placing sculptural develop-
ments in Gujarat in a wider art historical perspective. The Varangacar-
ita of the seventh century ce contains a detailed description on the ritual
bathing of images,165 and images from the Akota hoard may have been
part of this ceremony. Temples dedicated to the tirthankaras existed in
Karnataka and that images were being worshipped is evident from the
Kadamba inscriptions. One of the copper plates mentions a grant of
land in order that the worship of Jinas can be carried out,166 and another
inscription mentions the grant of a village for the perpetual anointment
of the Jaina image with clarified butter.167
Even though these records do not hail from Gujarat, they are indica-
tors of the rituals that the Akota images could have been part of. These
images seem to have been, ‘the result of the new outlook of the Jaina
teachers who frequently recommended image worship. They thought
the construction of new temples and rebuilding of old and dilapidated
ones as meritorious acts. They glorified temple worship and encour-
aged the Jaina laity to erect basādis, enshrine relics in them’.168 The
worship practices in which these images would have been the focus
can be inferred from the study carried out by Leslie Orr of Tamil Jaina
inscriptions covering a period from the fifth century ce to the thirteenth
century ce. Of the 369 inscriptions, 238 give information regarding
donation for various purposes and these have been classified into three
categories. These are – setting up of images (including Jina, yaksis and
Jaina preceptors); construction and renovation of shrines, establishment
of lamps to be burned in front of images; arrangements of various wor-
ship services, such as bathing, festival observances and offering of food
stuffs and other items to images.169
The images prove that the religion had developed beyond the wor-
ship of only the Jinas. Rather, a number of other gods and goddesses
were also being worshipped in this period. The incorporation of yak-
sas and yaksinis into the Jaina pantheon is seen in an image of Risha-
banatha. The earliest known Ambika representation in northern India,
datable to late sixth century ce, is from Akota.170 From this site, four
independent images of her and 13 Jina samyukta (along with a Jina) of
bronze, dating from the sixth to the eighth century ce, have been recov-
ered from this hoard. She is represented as having two arms, holding
a child and amralumbi, seated in lalitasana and riding a lion. In her
earliest representation, she has a halo decorated with lotus petals and a
figure of Parsavanatha over her head.171
In the Jina samyukta images, up to the seventh century, she was not
solely associated with Neminatha as she is found along with other Jinas.
She is seen in a mid-sixth-century image of Rishabanatha172 as well
as in the tritirthika image of Parsavanatha dating to 650 ce.173 She is
depicted with two hands holding amralumbi and child, and also noticed
in these images is yaksa Sarvanubhuti holding a citron and money bag.
As in the case of the image of Ambika from the site, so it is also with
the image of Rishabanatha, which is the first representation, in Jaina art,
of yaksa and yaksi sitting on full-blown lotuses with one foot raised and
the other hanging.
Similar developments are noticed in Ellora, where 17 of the 23 Jaina
excavations contain large-scale sculptures of yaksa-yaksi pair. The
presentation of these pairs as ‘attendant’ deities to tirthankaras follows
a sculptural convention that emerged in the mid-sixth century. Sculp-
tures produced during the mid-sixth century through tenth centuries
invariably include the specific yaksa-yaksi pair as attendants.174
In addition to these yaksa-yaksi pair were the Sasanadevatas who
protect and preserve the teachings of the tirthankara.175 The Akota
hoard holds special significance in terms of these type of images as the
earliest Jaina images to include Sasanadevatas are among those found
in the Akota and Vasantgadh hoards.176 The female yaksi is seated to
the proper left of the tirthaṇkara on an open lotus. She supports a small
child on her lap with her left hand and holds a branch of the mango
tree in her right and the goddess makes the gesture of vardanmudra
with her proper left hand.177 In some seventh–eighth-century images,
she is shown seated on a lion.178 The yaksi images are presented as a
caretaker, as one who provides both nourishment and protection for her
offspring.179
In addition to her representation as a Sasanadevi to the Jina, Ambika/
Kusmandini appears to have been popular as an independent deity and
an individual image of the goddess can also be dated to the sixth cen-
tury.180 In the origins and development of the Jaina yaksi Ambika, ele-
ments of perhaps three different ancient deities, have emerged – first,
a mother goddess probably a form of Durga riding on the lion or a
prototype of the Brahmanical Durga; second, some goddess associated
with the mangoes and mango tree; and third, some goddess associated
with the kusamandas.181
The popularity of goddess worship in Jainism is evident from the
find of goddess images in the Akota hoard. Among the various metal
images, some represent goddesses Sarasvati, who is regarded as Sasan-

adevi or the messenger of all tirthankaras,182 and is also the head of the
collective body of the sixteen Vidyadevis. Images of Sarasvati from
the Akota hoard have been dated to 600–620 ce183 and 700 ce.184 An
image of Mahavidya Achchhupta, dated to 600–650 ce, where the deity
is shown in a benevolent aspect riding a horse, was also recovered from
the hoard.185 She is the fourteenth Vidyadevi of the sixteen Vidyadevis
found in the Jaina pantheon. In the Jaina tradition, there is a distinc-
tion made between mantra and vidya. Both possess magical powers,
but while mantras are presided by male deities, vidyas are presided
by female divinities and are combinations of words invoking female
divinities and are mastered by prescribed rites.186 Shah points out that,
according to the text Vasudevahindi (500 ce), the vidyas belonged origi-
nally to Gandharvas and Pannagas and were 48,000 in number,187 and
this text has the earliest account of origin and worship of Vidyadevis
and Vidyadharas.188 These Mahavidyas formed a group of tantric god-
desses,189 who enjoyed popularity in Jaina tantric worship,190 were con-
nected with supernatural cognition and magical powers and are mainly
Tantric divinities.191
‘During early medieval period worship of deities particularly Jain
goddesses was an integral part of Jain religious practice. Goddesses are
often associated with vidyās, magical spells and invocations that could
be used to attain material objects or satisfy worldly concerns.’192
These data, if seen along with the find of the vast number of sculp-
tures from different sites in Gujarat, would undoubtedly point to the
presence of a Jaina community in the region. It is interesting to note
that Gujarat becomes one of the most important regions for the Jainas
by the medieval period. The scattered archaeological data, in the form
of sculptures and images, seem to suggest the beginnings of a religious
community that would, in a later period, come to have a large num-
ber of adherents. While it is difficult to trace the exact development
of Jainism in the region, one can surely assert its existence and spread
in the region of Gujarat based on evidence, in the form of literary data
and sculptural remains available to us. The image of various goddesses
indicates that the religion had undergone developments and that the
laity was not merely worshipping the Jinas, but also a number of other
goddesses whose association with Jinas had not been fixed at this stage
and were independent deities as seen in the case of Ambika. The images
speak of a religion that moved beyond the worship of Jinas and towards
a more complicated pantheon and incorporation and development of
various deities in the religion.
The Akota and Gogha hoards provide vital clues tracing close asso-
ciations between Gujarat and Rajasthan in terms of Jaina iconographic
developments. Gogha is located on the coastline of Saurashtra and at
a distance of about 19 km from Bhavnagar and about 39 km from the
capital of the Maitraka dynasty, Vallabhipur. This hoard is the only
evidence to establish a strong Jaina presence around Valabhi, which
was an important center of Buddhism as well. Patrick Krüger observes,
‘The earliest of that type (Bronzes of Advanced Type) are from Akota
hoard where iconography is advanced and includes not only the addi-
tion of attending figures such as yakśas, carmadhāras and nāgas, but
also depiction of iconographic features like dharmacakra, lion throne
etc.’193 The introduction of the torana element in western Indian Jaina
bronzes is first noticed at Vasantgadh in certain bronze images pro-
duced after the mid-tenth century ce194 The C haturvimsatipatta of
Adinatha (1066 ce) and the Tritirthi Parsavnatha (1078 ce) are in the
Vasantgadh style195 Catherine Ludwig observes that images of Sarasvati
from Akota and Vasantgadh are stylistically akin to each other. The
image from Vasantgadh dates to 650–675 ce, measures 34.37 cms in
height and she is dressed and adorned in the same manner as the Akota
bronzes.196 Further connections are seen from images in the Gogha
hoard belonging to the tenth–eleventh century, which mark the last
phase of the Vasantgadh tradition.197 The few published objects of the
Gogha hoard lead to the conjecture that the sculptures originate from
the transitional period and later, and could, therefore, illustrate the evo-
lution of the late type.198
Conclusion
Discussions of the various images found from different parts of the
region demonstrate the diversity in religious forms and worship. It is
evident that a study of religion minus these images would provide us
with an incomplete picture. Only with the aid of the sculptures can one
see that religious developments were not limited to regions around
Saurashtra, which contains the architectural remains in the form of
temples, vihara, stupas, and caityas. The religious developments in the
region are to be viewed as heterogeneous and not as a single whole.
While certain regions saw the iconographic development of certain
deity/deities, other regions demonstrated a different pattern. In North
Gujarat, the mātṛkās seemed to have been more popular, whereas images
of Bhairava and Lakulisa were found mainly from South Gujarat.
While religious structures inform us only on a type of sacred site, a

study of images reveals many more. Even though mention of different
categories of sacred sites are to be found in the literary texts, these are not
specific and are difficult to find on ground. It is here that the sculptural
data come to our aid, as a study of these reveals that trees, wells and sites
with terracotta offerings existed as sacred sites in the region. Stepwells
as sacred sites become landmarks in the region by the medieval period,
but their beginnings can be traced to the period under study. The stepwell
at Dhank demonstrates this as not only are images found in their vicinity,
but the wells also contain niches for the installation of deities.
As for Buddhism and Jainism, the complex developments taking
place in the religion are demonstrated by the sculptural data. It is only
with the aid of images that one can point to the existence of the wor-
ship of Bodhisattvas in parts of Gujarat, besides those with structural
remains. As for Jainism, it is only sculptural data that corroborate
the presence of the Jaina community in the region. The Akota hoard
is important because it not only contains the earliest representations
of certain images, such as Ambika, but also reveals developments in
the religion as well. The images from the hoard make it evident that
the female deities, such as Achchhupta, one of the Mahavidyas, and
Sarasvati were also now being worshipped. Also that by this time,
sixth–seventh centuries ce, yaksis such as Ambika had already gained
independent status, though they were also being represented along with
the Jinas. The Akota hoard contains the first few images of Ambika as
being represented independently, and of Mahavidya Achchhupta, in the
country, and hence, are the first sculptural evidence of the developed
religious pantheon of the Jainas containing deities besides the Jinas.
Thus, sculptural data reveal much information where architectural
data fail to provide clues. While the temples in the region of Saurashtra
are relatively plain on the exterior and contain next to no images, the
data from North and South Gujarat abounds in sculptural remains. It is
these that reveal the complexities in the religions and the developments
and changes they were witnessing over time. They prove the presence
of the Jaina community in the region, and also, the continuity of the
Buddhist religion well into the eighth century ce, which a study of the
structural remains would have not revealed. The find of images, taken
along with the inscriptional data, also helped in identifying certain
sites that may have contained structures that housed images for wor-
ship, and these religious structures fail to appear in the archaeological
records. The chapter amply demonstrates that to have a comprehensive
understanding, the existence of religious structures and a panoramic

view, it is necessary to incorporate as well as analyse the pool of sculp-
tural data from the region concerned.
Notes
1 H.W. Mutoro, The Mrijikendayaka as a Sacred Site, in David Carmichael,
Jane Hubert, Brian Reeves and Audchild Schanche (eds), Sacred Sites,
Sacred Places, Routledge, One World Archaeology Series, 23, New York:
Routledge, 1994, p. 132.
2 P. Anne van’t Haaff, Saurashtra, Surasena – Silver Punch Marked Coin-
age, Nasik: Indian Institute of Research in Numismatic Studies Publica-
tion, 2004, pp. 8–18.
3 Heather Elgood, Exploring the Roots of Village Hinduism in South Asia,
World Archaeology, 36 (3), 2004, p. 334.
4 Anne van’t Haaff, Saurashtra, Surasena, p. 12.
6 S.S. Singh, Early Coins of North India – An Iconographic Study, New
Delhi: Janaki Prakashan, 1984, p. 11.
7 Singh, Early Coins of North India, p. 11.
9 Om Prakash Singh, Religion and Iconography on Early Indian Coins,
Delhi: Bharati Prakashan, 1984, p. 34.
11 R.N. Mehta, A Copper Coin from Kamrej, Journal of Oriental Institute,
8 (2), 1958, p. 199.
12 J.N. Banerjea, Development of Hindu Iconography, Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal Publishers, 1974, p. 121.
Society of India, I (1), 1939, p. 23.
15 A. Cunningham, Coins of Ancient India from the Earliest Times Down to the
Seventeenth Century AD, Varanasi: Indological Book House, 1971, p. 98.
16 J. Allan, Catalogue of Coins of Ancient India, Delhi: Oriental Books
Reprint Corporation, 1975, pp. CVLII–CXLIII.
17 Allan, Catalogue of Coins of Ancient India, pp. 245–50.
18 Allan, Catalogue of Coins of Ancient India, p. 249.
20 R.N. Mehta and S.N. Chowdhary, Excavations at Dhatva, Vadodara:
MS University, 1975, p. 17.
22 Gadre, Important Coins from Baroda State, p. 26.
25 R.N. Mehta and D.R. Shah, Excavation at Nagara, Vadodara: MS Univer-
sity, 1968, p. 114.
26 V.S. Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, Unpublished

PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1978, p. 5.
27 G. Bühler, Valabhi Grants – No.XV – A Grant of Siladitya I Dated Samvat
290, Indian Antiquary, 9, 1880, Delhi: Swati Publications (reprint), 1984,
p. 238.
28 Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, table.
32 Michael W. Meister and M.A. Dhaky (eds), Encyclopedia of Indian Temple
Architecture, Vol. 2, Part 1, Delhi: American Institute of Indian Studies,
1989, p. 205.
33 Kantilal F. Sompura, A Note on the Age of the Gop Temple, Journal of
Oriental Institute, 14 (2), 1964–65, p. 191.
p. 189.
p. 179.
36 Report on the Working of Baroda Museum During Period from 1st
May 1949 to 31st March 1950, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture
Gallery, 1951, 7, p. 93.
37 Jyotish Y. Desai, Sculptures from Junagadh and Rajkot Museum, Unpub-
lished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1986, pp. 44–5.
38 Desai, Sculptures from Junagadh and Rajkot Museum, p. 43.
39 Momin Kamarali Noormohmed, Archaeology of the Kheda District up
to 1300 AD, Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1979,
p. 254.
40 V.T. Padmaja, Yantra Worship in Sakta Centres of Gujarat, Journal of Ori-
ental Institute, 34, 1984–85, p. 174.
41 Padmaja, Yantra Worship in Sakta Centres of Gujarat, p. 178.
42 V.T. Padmaja, Three Sakti Pithas of Gujarat, Journal of Oriental Institute,
35, 1986, p. 243.
43 U.P. Shah, Matrkas and Other Sculptures from North Gujarat, Bulletin of
Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 14, 1962, pp. 29–31.
44 Sara L. Schastok, The Śāmalājī Sculptures and Sixth Century Art in West-
ern India, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1985, list of figures.
45 Alaknanda Chattopadhyaya, Yogini Cult in Gujarat, Unpublished MA Dis-
sertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1994. p. 12.
46 R.T. Parikh, The Archaeology of Banaskantha District up to 1500 AD,
47 Parikh, The Archaeology of Banaskantha District up to 1500 AD,
pp. 107–13.
48 Parikh, The Archaeology of Banaskantha District up to 1500 AD, p. 317.
51 V.H. Sonawane, Matrika Sculpture from Mataria and Ardhanarisvara from
Tarsang (Panchmahals), Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Arts, 9,
1977–78, p. 42.
52 Sonawane, Matrika Sculpture from Mataria and Ardhanarisvara from Tar-

sang, p. 42.
53 D.N. Shukla, Vāstuśāstra, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1953, p. 412.
54 Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat. Iconographic
Chart of Composite Images.
56 K.N. Momin, Some Sculptures of Visnu from District Kheda – Gujarat,
Journal of MSU, Vadodara, 26, 1977, p. 94.
57 Haripriya Rangarajan, Wrong Identification of the Images of Viśvarūpa
Visnu from Gujarat, Kala, 6, 1999–2000, p. 67.
58 T.S. Maxwell, Evidence for a Viśvarūpa Iconographic Tradition in Western
India – 6th to 9th Century AD, Artibus Asiae, 44, 1983, p. 215.
59 Maxwell, Evidence for a Viśvarūpa Iconographic Tradition in Western
India, p. 215.
60 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988, p. 184.
61 R.D. Trivedi, Iconography of Pārvatī, Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1981,
p. 31.
62 R.D. Trivedi, Iconography of Pārvatī, p. 32.
63 B. Janardhana, Unpublished Brahmanical Sculptures in the Department of
Archaeology and Ancient History, Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS Uni-
versity, Vadodara, 2003, p. 37.
64 U.P. Shah, Pārvatī Performing Panchagnitapa, Bulletin of Baroda Museum
and Picture Gallery, 11, 1953–55, pp. 54–5.
65 V.L. Devkar, Some Latest Additions to Museum and Picture Gallery
– Baroda, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 23, 1971,
pp. 16–17.
66 Janardhana, Unpublished Brahmanical Sculptures, p. 44.
68 S.R. Rao, Excavations at Amreli – A Kshatrapa Gupta Town, Bulletin of
Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 18, 1966, p. 94.
70 Shah, Pārvatī Performing Panchagnitapa, p. 39.
71 Vasant Shinde, The Earliest Temple of Lajjāgaurī? The Recent Excavations
at Padri in Gujarat, East and West, 44 (2–4), 1994, pp. 481–5.
72 Pavetri Kumari Shivram, Lajjāgaurī Sculptures with Special Reference to
Gujarat, Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1987,
p. 49.
73 B. Janardhana, Unpublished Brahmanical Sculptures in the Department of
Archaeology and Ancient History, Unpublished MA Dissertation, MS Uni-
versity, Vadodara, 2003, p. 42.
74 Shivram, Lajjāgaurī Sculptures with Special Reference to Gujarat, p. 44.
75 Shivram, Lajjāgaurī Sculptures with Special Reference to Gujarat,
pp. 47–9.
79 Shinde, The Earliest Temple of Lajjāgaurī?, p. 484.

81 Shinde, The Earliest Temple of Lajjāgaurī?, p. 484.
82 Jutta Jain Neubauer, The Stepwells of Gujarat – In Art Historical Perspec-
tive, Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1981, p. 7.
83 Neubauer, The Stepwells of Gujarat, p. 6.
84 Morna Livingston, Steps to Water: Ancient Step Wells of India, Princeton:
Princeton Architectural Press, 2002, p. 31.
85 Julia A.B. Hegewald, Water Architecture in South Asia – A Study of Types,
Developments and Meanings, Leiden: E.J. Brill, Boston, London, Koln,
2002, p. 37.
86 Neubauer, The Step Wells of Gujarat, p. 5.
87 Shubhra Pramanik, Hatab: An Early Historic Sea Port on the Gulf of
Khambat, Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology, 1, 2004, p. 138.
88 Hegewald, Water Architecture in South Asia, p. 142.
90 Shivram, Lajjāgaurī Sculptures with Special Reference to Gujarat,
pp. 47–8.
93 R.T. Parikh, Two Gana Sculptures from Gujarat, Journal of Indian Society
of Oriental Art, New Series, 2, 1967–68, pp. 52–3.
94 Noormohmed, Archaeology of the Kheda District up to 1300 AD, p. 123.
97 J.F. Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum – Inscriptions of the Early
Guptas, Vol. 3, Calcutta: Superintendent of Government Printing, 1888,
pp. 61–5.
100 U.P. Shah and R.N. Mehta, A Few Early Sculptures from Gujarat, Journal
of Oriental Institute, I (2), 1951, p. 164.
101 Shah and Mehta, A Few Early Sculptures from Gujarat, p. 164.
102 Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, table
103 Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, table
104 V.S. Parekh, Some Interesting Sculptures from Kavi Area, Journal of Ori-
ental Institute, 26 (2), 1976, p. 187.
105 Parekh, Some Interesting Sculptures from Kavi Area, p. 188.
106 Parekh, Some Interesting Sculptures from Kavi Area, p. 188.
107 Parekh, Some Interesting Sculptures from Kavi Area, pp. 188–90.
108 H. Goetz, ‘Late Gupta’ Sculptures from Patan Anhilwada: Archaeological
Evidence from Vanaraja and the Chapotkata Dynasty, Bulletin of Baroda
Museum and Picture Gallery, 7, 1949–50, pp. 25–6.
109 G. Bühler, Inscriptions from Kavi, Indian Antiquary, 5, May 1876, p. 144.
110 Prof. F. Kielhorn, Two Copper Plate Inscriptions of the Time of
Mahendrapala of Kanauj – A Plate of Balavarman, Epigraphia Indica, 9,
1907–08, pp. 4–10.
111 Haku Shah, Gujarat in Tribal India, Saryu Doshi (ed.), Tribal India –
Ancestors, Gods and Spirits, Mumbai: Marg Publications, 1992, p. 95.
112 Haku Shah, Gujarat in Tribal India, p. 94.

113 R.N. Mehta and D.R. Shah, Excavation at Nagara, Vadodara: MS Uni-
versity, 1968, p. 94.
114 Mehta and D.R. Shah, Excavation at Nagara, p. 168.
115 Mehta and Shah, Excavation at Nagara, p. 94.
116 S.R. Rao, Excavation at Amreli – A Kshatrapa Gupta Town, Bulletin of
Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 28, 1966, p. 92.
117 Rao, Excavation at Amreli, p. 92.
119 R.N. Mehta and S.N. Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori (A Report of
the Excavation Conducted from 1960–1963), Vadodara: MS University,
1966, pp. 91–2.
120 Le Thi Lien, Buddhist Monuments and Antiquities of Gujarat, Unpub-
lished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1992, p. 66.
121 Robert De Caroli, Image Problems – Art, Text and the Development of the
Buddha Image in Early South Asia, Seattle: University of Washington
Press, 2015, p. 5.
122 Caroli, Image Problems, p. 4.
125 Mahendrasinhji K. Rathor, Bronze Image of Buddha from Valabhipur,
Journal of Oriental Institute, 11, 1966–67, p. 81.
A Historical Survey, Hoshiarpur: Visheshvaranand Institute, 1965,
p. 28.
128 Gregory Schopen, On Monks, Nuns and ‘Vulgar’ Practices: The Introduc-
tion of the Image Cult into Indian Buddhism, Artibus Asiae, 49 (1/2),
1988–89, p. 155.
129 Schopen, On Monks, Nuns and ‘Vulgar’ Practices, p. 155.
136 A.L. Basham, The Evolution of the Concept of the Bodhisattva, in L.S.
Kawamura (ed.), Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhism, Waterloo, ON:
Wilfrid Laurier University, 1981, p. 30.
140 N.N. Bhattacharya, History of the Tantric Religion, Delhi: Manohar Pub-
lications, 1992, p. 232.
141 N.K. Bhattasali, Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures in
the Dacca Museum, Varanasi: Indological Book House, 1972, p. 16.
142 Bhattasali, Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures, p. 18.
143 Bhattasali, Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures, p. 19.
145 N.N. Bhattacharyya, History of the Tantric Religion, Delhi: Manohar

Publications, 1992, p. 234.
146 B. Bhattacharya, An Introduction to Buddhist Esoterism, 2nd Edition,
Benares: Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, 1964, pp. 28–9.
147 Edward Conze (ed.), Buddhist Texts Through the Ages, Oxford: Bruno
Cassirer, 1954, p. 195.
150 Samuel Beal, Si-Yu-Ki Buddhist Records of the Western World, London:
Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., 1906, Vol. II, p. 268.
151 Archaeological Survey of Western India, for Year Ending 31st March 1915,
p. 30.
152 Conze (ed.), Buddhist Texts Through the Ages, p. 128.
155 Debala Mitra, The Monument – A Historical Survey, in D.C. Ahir (ed.), A
Panorama of Indian Buddhism – Selections from the Maha Bodhi Journal
(1982–1992), Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications, 1995, pp. 497–8.
156 A.S. Gadre, Buddhist Influence in Gujarat and Kathiawad, Journal of
Gujarat Research Society, I (4), 1939, pp. 66–7.
157 Gadre, Buddhist Influence in Gujarat and Kathiawad, pp. 68–9.
158 Moreshwar G. Dikshit, History of Buddhism in Gujarat, Journal of Guja-
rat Research Society, 8 (2 and 3), 1946, 1, pp. 110–1.
159 U.P. Shah, Some Sculptures from North Gujarat Currently Acquired by
the Baroda Museum, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 23,
1971, p. 27.
160 Dikshit, History of Buddhism in Gujarat, pp. 110–1.
162 Rasesh Jamindar, The State of Jaina Faith in Gujarat Under the Western
Kshatrapas, Journal of Oriental Institute, 49, 1999, p. 77.
163 Jamindar, The State of Jaina Faith in Gujarat, p. 78.
164 Lalit Kumar, Some Jaina Metal Images from an Unpublished Gogha
Hoard, Z_Nirgrantha_1_022701.pdf and Nirgrantha_2_022702.pdf, Nir-
grantha 2, 1996, p. 58 (accessed on 3 October 2015).
165 Ram Bhushan Prasad Singh, Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka,
Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1975, p. 24; J.F. Fleet, Sanskrit and Old
Canarese Inscriptions, Indian Antiquary, 6,1877, Delhi: Swati Publica-
tions (reprint), 1986, p. 27.
166 Fleet, Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions, p. 27.
167 Fleet, Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions, p. 31.
168 Singh, Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka, p. 24.
169 Leslie Orr, Jain Worship in Medieval Tamil Nadu, in N.K. Wagle and Olle
Ovarnstörm (eds), Approaches to Jaina Studies: Philosophy, Logic, Ritu-
als and Symbols, Toronto: University of Toronto – Centre for South Asian
Studies, 1999, pp. 250–74.
170 M.N.P. Tiwari, Ambika in Jaina Art and Literature, New Delhi: Bharatiya
Jnanpith, 1989, p. 34.
171 U.P. Shah, Akota Bronzes, Bombay: Department of Archaeology, Govern-
ment of Bombay, 1959, p. 31.
172 Shah, Akota Bronzes, pp. 28–9.

174 Lisa Owen, Beyond Buddhist and Brahmanical Activity – The Place of the
Jaina Rock Cut Excavation at Ellora, PhD, University of Texas, Austin,
2006, p. 69.
175 Owen, Beyond Buddhist and Brahmanical Activity, p. 70.
176 Shah, Bronze Hoard from Vasantgadh, Lalit Kala, 1–2, April 1955–56,
pp. 55–65.
180 Shah, Iconography of the Jaina Goddess Ambika, Journal of the Univer-
sity of Bombay, 9 (2), 1990, pp. 147–69.
181 U.P. Shah, Jaina Rupa Mandana – Jaina Iconography, Vol. I, New Delhi:
Abhinav Publications, 1987, p. 257.
182 J. Burgess, Digambara Jaina Iconography, R.P. Hingorani (ed.), Vara-
nasi: Ashutosh Prakashan, 1979, p. 45.
183 Shah, Akota Bronzes, pp. 33–4.
185 Rasesh Jamindar, The State of Jaina Faith in Gujarat Under the Western
Kshatrapas, Journal of Oriental Institute, 49, 1999, p. 36.
186 U.P. Shah, Iconography of the Sixteen Jaina Mahāvidyās, Journal of
Indian Society for Oriental Arts, 15, 1947, p. 114.
187 Shah, Iconography of the Sixteen Jaina Mahāvidyās, p. 117.
189 Tiwari, Elements of Jaina Iconography, p. 78.
193 Patrick Krüger, Classification of Jaina Bronzes from Western India, Centre of
Jain Studies, Newsletter, SOAS, University of London, March 2011, p. 40.
194 Kumar, Some Jaina Metal Images from an Unpublished Gogha Hoard, p. 59.
196 Catherine Ludwig, Sarasvati – Riverine Goddess of Knowledge, Leiden:
Brill, 2007, p. 244.
198 Krüger, Classification of Jaina Bronzes from Western India, p. 44.
4
Shared space and multiple

affiliations
In the previous chapter on sculptural remains, the focus was on a gen-

eral survey and analysis of sites with images. With the aid of sculptural
data, the chapter brought forth diversity in iconographic representations
of deities, the varied contexts that images could be placed in and a clus-
tering of certain images within specific areas of Gujarat. Images also
made us aware of the existence of deities not mentioned in literary data
and of sacred sites other than those with architectural remains, such as
wells and trees.
In most studies, the development of religion has been viewed more
or less in a linear pattern wherein one religion was followed by the
other, as seen in the opinion of Romila Thapar, ‘Buddhism had begun
to be replaced by now more thriving Vaishnava, Jaina, Saiva and Sakta
sects.’1 References to texts such as the Rajatarangini of the twelfth cen-
tury, and Prabhandacintamani have been utilised to bring forth the reli-
gious tension that existed between religious communities. It has been
pointed out that Shaiva sects attacked Jaina establishments from the
seventh century onwards in Tamil Nadu, and in Karnataka, the Vira
Shaivas persecuted Jaina monks and destroyed Jaina images.2
Lisa N. Owen draws our attention to the dynamic, fluid and shift-
ing encounters between medieval Tamil Jainas and Hindus and through
a study of the Jaina rock-cut sites near Madurai dispels the ‘standard
narrative’ of relations between these two groups.3 The ‘standard narra-
tive’ presents the history of interaction in the region solely in terms of
dispute and conflict between fixed and monolithic communities of the
Hindus and the Jaina. According to this narrative, the seventh–eighth
centuries ce ushered in a period of Hindu dominance over other com-
munities, and this presented a rupture from the harmonious coexistence
of religions in the Sangam period. This Hindu revival is documented
158 V Shared space and multiple affiliations
through a vast corpus of poetry of Vaishnava and Shaiva poet saints

and by the ‘physical’ conversion of Buddhist and Jaina monuments into
Hindu places of devotion. This narrative points that at this point in time,
there was clear discourse between Hindu and ‘heterodox’ communi-
ties.4 Her study establishes not conflict but coexistence; as numerous
examples show, in the early medieval period, Jaina and Hindu rock-
cut monuments developed and/or coexisted simultaneously and served
as sacred places of worship for both communities. At Annamalai and
Arittapatti, there was visual reaffirmation of Jaina presence on these
hills, especially since Hindus also worshipped here, as evidenced by at
least three rock-cut caves created in the seventh and eighth centuries ce.
Rather than viewing the multireligious nature of these sites in terms of
opposition or competition, we can perhaps explore how these encoun-
ters point towards complex ways in which these traditions interacted
and defined themselves within the medieval Tamil landscape. The rock-
cut shrine at Annamalai is dedicated to Narasimha and a small pillared
cave is associated with Subrahmanya. At Arittapatti, an eighth-century
cave is dedicated to Shiva on the western side of the hill.5
John E. Cort also mentions how, according to the standard narrative,
Jainism and Buddhism have been present and active in Tamil areas at
least from the second century bce, and harmony and tolerance among
the faiths prevailed in the Sangam period. In the fifth–sixth centuries ce,
the heterodox schools of Jainism and Buddhism reached their greatest
popularity and began to pose a threat to the orthodox faiths.6 As a result
of the great Hindu revival of the seventh–eighth centuries ce, the stand-
ard narrative concludes, the once powerful communities of Jainas and
Buddhists in Tamil Nadu met their demise.7 He goes on to refute this
theory and states that ‘Hindu elements in south Indian Jainism met as
the product of degeneration or osmosis in a predominantly Hindu envi-
ronment, but rather as parts of a shared religious culture where divine
figures, literary tropes and ritual forms could be reincorporated, refor-
mulated and resituated for polemical purposes.’8 With reference to the
Shaiva Agamas, John E. Cort states, ‘While the Nayanmars set up Jains
as their bête noire, the more ascetic and ritualistic Saiva Brahmana
made more positive use of their encounter with Jainism. Many of the
doctrines and practices outlined in Saiva Agamas composed or put in
final form during this period show interesting and suggestive parallels
with those of Jains.’9
Archaeological data from Vasantgadh in Sirohi district of Rajasthan
also indicate the presence of the Jainas and Hindus within the same
Shared space and multiple affiliations V 159
locale. The early temples, as known from the inscriptions, were for the
goddess Kshemarya, Sun, Brahma, and Jaina tirthankaras. The temples
came into shape as early as the seventh century ce. An inscription of
625 ce records that Rajulla was a feudatory who had been given gover-
norship of Vasantgarh.10 The temple of Khimelamata was constructed
under the supervision of a goshti signified to resemble a panch or com-
mittee entrusted with the management of the religious endowments.11
The temples dedicated to Sun and Brahma are mentioned as existing
in Vatapura in the inscription of Purnapala, dated VE 1099. The rul-
ing feudatory-like Rajulla took care of the construction of the temple.
Alongside the Hindu temples, the hoard of bronze images from Vasant-
garh is evidence for the presence of the Jaina community as well. This
hoard has images dating from the early medieval to the medieval period
and contained 240 bronze Jaina images. The vast number of images
found in this hoard are clear indicators of the site being a stronghold of
Jainism as well.
Literary tradition makes one believe that there was contestation and
rivalry in Gujarat, on the basis of the account of Somanatha in the Prabhan-
dacintamani. According to it, there was a rivalry between H emachandra,
the minister of Kumarapala, and the Shaiva priest, Bhava Brhaspati at
the Somanatha temple. The account sates that when Kumarapala reno-
vated the temple, he was a Shaivite, but due to the miracle performed by
Hemachandra after the renovation, Kumarapala converted to Jainism.12
A number of sites of the medieval period in the northern part of Gujarat
demonstrate the coexistence of Shaiva worshippers and Jainas. At the
sites of Polo, Abhapur and Antarsuba, one notices the presence of Shaiva
and Jaina temples in close proximity to each other. Coexistence between
Jainism and Hinduism continued well into the medieval period in Gujarat
in the reign of the Chalukya dynasty. Hemachandra was a revered fig-
ure in the writings on Jainism and his purported obeisance to Shiva is
significant for a general comprehension of Chalukya rulership. In the
time of Vanaraja, the ruler built the Panchasara Parsavnatha temple at
Anhilwada Patan, and the image was brought from the site of Panchasara.
His minister Ninnaya constructed a Rishabhnatha temple at Patan for the
Vidyadhara gaccha. Chamundaraja, under the influence of Jaina teacher
Viracharya, issued a grant to a Jaina temple (HIG, Pt.III). According to
the Vadnagar Prasasti,13 the first Chalukya king to have admitted Jaina
sadhus to his court was Durlabhraja.
Hemachandra’s acceptance of Kumarapala’s creed was reciprocated
by the sovereign, who was an important patron of Jaina foundations and
reportedly worshipped at Jaina temples. This mutual participation in

the practices of the other hints at meanings of religion and community
identification that are not always acknowledged in modern academic
frameworks.14
The Neminathacariu mentions that the Poruyada family had men
of virtue, and in the family, there was a rich merchant prince named
Thakkura Ninnaya, who was invited by Vanaraja to stay in Anhilawada.
Also, the tilak ceremony of Vanaraja was performed by the sister of a
merchant of Kakara village. Vanaraja made Jamba, who was a sresthi, his
mahamatya. This tradition of enlisting the support of rich merchants and
giving them highest administrative posts, that was started by Vanaraja,
continued in the Chalukyan period up to the reign of Kumarapala. The
Jainas of Gujarat were important contributors to the region’s commercial
and overall economic prosperity and the Chalukya’s sectarian catholicity
was politic. The Chalukyas were generous patrons of Jaina foundations
as well as Shaiva temple complexes.15
In the case of Buddhism, the coexistence of religions can be traced
back to an earlier period in the region. Textual accounts have also been
utilised to demonstrate conflict between the Brahmanical religion and
Buddhism. It has been pointed out that the Rajatarangini refers to
Mihirakula’s attack on Buddhist monks and monasteries. Thapar opines
that Xuanzang’s account dating to the seventh century ce describes
the persecution of Buddhists and destruction of Buddhist images in
Kashmir and eastern India where the rulers were Shaivas.16 Here too,
for the region of Gujarat, the archaeological data prove otherwise as
many sites dating between the fourth and seventh centuries ce demon-
strate the coexistence of both these religions.
This chapter aims at bringing out the coexistence of different reli-
gions at various sites in the period under study. At certain sites, this
coexistence continues into the medieval period. The sites that demon-
strate coexistence are seen as not being limited to only one area, but are
spread across the region under study. The sites are located in Saurashtra
(Amreli and Valabhi), northern Gujarat (Devnimori and Shamlaji) and
South Gujarat (Akota and Vadodara) as well. These sites contain Brah-
manical remains as well as those of either the Buddhist or the Jaina
religious community.
The vast pool of archaeological, sculptural and inscriptional data from
the region has not been put together to bring forth the religious diversity
and the parallel existence of religions at a site. The region of Gujarat has
also been seen merely as a coherent whole and developments here have
served as a mere adjunct to those in the rest of the country. This chapter
shall demonstrate that within the region, there is diversity not only in
the database of the sites, but in terms of religious affiliation as well. The
sites selected for discussion exist in different niches, along the coast,
in valleys and at the foot of hill ranges, and data from these sites show
considerable variations. For instance, in the case of Buddhism, while at
Devnimori, one encounters a Buddhist complex, at the site of Valabhi,
the database consists mainly of land grants, and at Amreli, it is mainly
data from archaeological excavations, which include a number of pot-
sherds and structural remains identified as a vihara. Besides Buddhism
and the Brahmanical religion, the chapter also highlights the coexist-
ence of Jainism with the Brahmanical religion. Thus, in this chapter,
architectural, sculptural and inscriptional data as well as literary refer-
ences to certain sites have been utilised.
With the data available on hand, the chapter will demonstrate
the different patterns of development at the sites under study – for
example, whether at a given site, construction of religious structures
occurred simultaneously for two religions, or whether it happened
at different periods of time. The continuity of certain sites over time
shall also be discussed and analysed to see whether the affiliation of
a site remains the same or undergoes a change. The chapter will also
deal with sites where images dating to an earlier period are selec-
tively picked up and placed in religious structures constructed at a
later period.
As for the time period of study, it is noticed that for the first two
periods, evidence pertaining to the coexistence of religions is available
only from the site of Mount Girnar and its vicinity. Bulk of the sites that
demonstrate coexistence are from the third period under study, namely,
from the fourth to the eighth centuries ce. In order to be able to bring
out the different patterns in religious coexistence, multiple affiliation,
and the changes and continuities over time, we shall discuss the sites
under various themes, rather than dividing the chapter into different
sub-periods, as was done in the earlier chapters.
Continued affiliation and consolidation

First, we shall discuss sites that demonstrate continuity where religious
affiliation has remained more or less the same over time. First and fore-
most are the Gir hills as these were sacred to the Buddhists, Jainas and
the followers of the Brahmanical religion. The earliest evidence for the
coexistence of religion in and around these hills is from the Saurash-

tra janapada coins found at Junagadh and its vicinity. The symbols on
these coins have been discussed in Chapter 1, and of main interest here
are symbols depicting the ground plans of temples and depictions of
viharas and stupas. These symbols on the coins amply demonstrate the
existence of both these religions, and possibly, also affiliated religious
structures between c. 450 and 50 bce.
Besides the architectural remains discussed in Chapter 1, reference to
the site is also found in the travel account of Xuanzang. In his account
on Saurashtra, he mentions a mountain called 22 Yeuh-chen-to (Urjay-
anta), on top of which was a sangharama, and the cells and galleries
were mostly excavated from the mountainside.17 Perhaps Xuanzang
was referring to the caves located in the Gir hills that were being uti-
lised by the Buddhists, and this is the only evidence available to prove
the existence of the religion after the third–fourth centuries ce.
The Bawa Pyara caves have been considered to have belonged to
the Jainas as found here is a stone inscription of the second century ce,
of the grandson of Jayadaman, which contains the Jaina term Kevalaj-
nana, and it refers to the samadhi of the Digambara saint Dharasena.18
In the opinion of Soundara Rajan, the inscription may not belong origi-
nally to the site and was brought here from elsewhere.19 Even if the
inscription does not belong to the site, it still indicates the presence of
the Jaina community somewhere in the vicinity from where the inscrip-
tion may have originated. It also seems plausible to postulate that while
the caves were used earlier by the Buddhist community at the site, later,
these were inhabited by the Jainas. On the basis of mangalas, or auspi-
cious symbols, depicted above the doors of a couple of caves here, it is
believed that a monastic establishment of the Nirgrantha monks resided
in the rock-cut caves.20
Mount Girnar has been associated in the Jaina literary tradition with
the 22nd tirthankara, Jina Aristanemi. It was regarded sacred mainly
because Aristanemi renounced the worldly ways and attained omnis-
cience and salvation on this mountain.21 The site continued to be an
important Jaina centre as it was visited by Svami Samantabhadra of
the Digambara sect, and in the Svayambhustotra hymn, he describes
the hill as a bull’s hump, which is what it looks like in profile.22 The
Urjayanta hill or the Gir hills, it has been pointed out, grew over the
centuries to the status of the holiest sites of the Svetambara sect, and
continued to be so in the medieval times.23 A temple of Mallinatha
and of Neminatha in the Gir hills and another four belonging to the
twelfth century ce demonstrate the continued association of the site
with Jainism. The fifth and the last peak is located in deep forests on the
high point of the mountain, where there are footprints of Neminatha
and of Andhar Vardutt Muni. Currently located at a height of 182.8
metres on the summit of Mount Girnar is the temple of Amba Mata, a
Brahmanical goddess. It is noticed that in the sharing of sacred space at
Junagadh and its vicinity, while the Jainas chose the summits on Mount
Girnar, the Buddhists selected sites at the base of these hills. In this
case, contestation of space does not seem to have occurred as, within
an area, both the religions chose sites that did not infringe on the sacred
space of the other religion.
Besides containing evidence for the presence of the Buddhists and
the Jainas at the site, inscriptional data provide evidence to the exist-
ence of a Vishnu temple in the Gupta period, and legends and water
bodies at the site prove the continuity of the Brahmanical religion
at the site. The Sudarsana lake seems to have been important to the
Brahmanical religion, as is evident by its name – one of the weap-
ons associated with Vishnu is his Sudarsanachakra. The Skandagupta
inscription, dating to 450 ce, at Junagadh provides definite evidence
for the existence of a temple. The inscription, along with the repair
of the embankment of the same lake, mentions the construction of
two temples by the viceroy Chakrapalita, one of them being a Vishnu
temple.24 On the way to Girnar on the southern side of the road is the
holy water reservoir Damodar kunda, and on the bank of the kunda
is a temple, which is believed to be the spot where the temple was
constructed by the viceroy Chakrapalita.25 This is the well where the
unburnt bones of the deceased, after cremation, are to be immersed for
the person to attain moksa.26
The continued association of the site with the Brahmanical religion
is seen in the legends found in the Skanda Purana, believed to have
been compiled in Gujarat, and dated to about 700 ce. The Revati kunda
mentioned in this Purana is an important tirtha (Sk.P. 7–2.17) located
in Girnar, as is also the Chakra tirtha associated with Surya. Accord-
ing to legend, a sage named Ahirbudhnya was worshipping the Sudar-
sanachakra and practising penance on the Gandhamadana mountain
when he was troubled by demons. Sudarsana came to his aid, killed
the demons and stayed there permanently in a pond built by the sage,
which came to acquire the name Chakra tirtha. A bath in this pond helps
one get rid of sufferings caused by raksasas, pretas etc.27 In yet another
legend, the tirtha is associated with Vishnu, who is supposed to have
erected a tank in which he washed his Sudarsanachakra after killing the
asuras (Sk.P. V. 3.90).
The Gir hills witness three fairs in the year, and the first of these is
held in the month of Karttika from the eleventh to the fifteenth day.
During these days, the pilgrims take a round of mount Girnar, start-
ing and ending at the temple of Bhavnatha. The second fair is held on
Mahashivaratri in which the pilgrims bathe in the Mrigikunda, and the
third fair is the Bhadarvi Amas Sravana, which is held on the fifteenth
day of the dark half of Sravana (in August).28 This fair is held in rever-
ence to lord Krishna at the Damodar and is attended by lakhs of people
from different parts of Gujarat. Thus, there seems to be a continued
association of the site with Vaishnavism, beginning with the Vishnu
temple constructed in the Gupta period and continuing up to date with
the fair held at the Damodar kunda.29
The site of Junagadh was and continues to be sacred to Jainism and
the Brahmanical religion, though Buddhism ceased to exist after a
point in time. In all probability, the Jaina monks occupied the caves,
associated initially with the Buddhists, till they further expanded
their influence here. Mount Girnar is, till date, an important sacred
centre for the Jaina community, and this clearly demonstrates the
continued association of the site, which grew in importance over the
centuries.
Similarly, in the case of the Brahmanical religion, while archaeologi-
cal and sculptural data are wanting, data from the Gupta inscription and
legends associated with water bodies in the hills also confirm the con-
tinued sanctity of the site. The data clearly demonstrate the continued
sharing of sacred space between Jainism and the Brahmanical religion
well into the medieval and modern times, as seen in the presence of
the medieval Jaina temples, the temple of Amba Mata and the water
reservoirs.
We shall now turn to discuss sites that contain evidence for the coex-
istence of the Brahmanical religion and Jainism, and demonstrate the
continuity of two religions. The site of Khed Brahma is located on the
confluence of the rivers Haran, Kausambi and Bhima Sankari and con-
tains evidence for the presence of the Brahmanical religion and Jainism.
The few Jaina schistose images from the site date to the sixth century
ce,30 and the continued association of the site with the Brahmanical
religion is seen in the presence of an ekamukhashivalinga of the fourth
century ce and a life-size image of Shiva of the fourth–fifth centuries
ce. An image depicting Shiva performing the tandava dance, dating
to the seventh century ce, is now located in the Pankeshwar Mahadeo
temple.31 The image of Brahma from the site dates to the sixth century
ce,32 though the temple is of the eighth century ce. The site contains evi-
dence of a continued association with the Brahmanical religion. While
the site is currently a Brahmanical site, with the image of Brahma under
worship and a temple dedicated to the goddess, Inamdar has reported
that Hindu and Jaina images were being unearthed daily from the site
while digging for laying the foundations of new houses.33 The Jaina
images from the site are currently under worship at nearby locations.
One of the images has been set up in the medieval Digambara Jaina
temple at Khed Brahma, an important Jaina site, in the Idar hills, and
the other image is also in a Digambara Jaina temple on a nearby granite
hill. Thus, here, continuity in the worship of images is noticed as the
images are taken from the original site and made an integral part of
newer structures.
As for the Brahmanical religion, the site is more famous for a temple
dedicated to a goddess. The name of the site can be attributed to the
legend associated with the site, according to which, the rishis, munis
and gods wanted to carry out a sacrifice or yajna at the site which was
a jungle, and they requested Brahma to clear the area. This he did with
a golden plough, and so, the site is known as khed (plough) Brahma
or where Brahma used a plough. They then requested Brahma to pro-
vide protection from the demons, and to do this, Brahma asked Ambaji
to come and reside at the site. Thus, the legends, with ease, weave
together the existence of a Brahma and devi temple at the site.34 The
goddess Ambaji worshipped here, in another temple, is of interest as for
every day of the week, she has a different vahana, except for one day,
when she is on foot.
Thus, while the site gains popularity as a Brahmanical site in a later
period, the Jaina images continue to hold importance as a part of newer
religious structures at an important Jaina tirtha.
At present, the site retains its importance as a Brahmanical as well
as a Jaina sacred centre. In Puratan Brahmaksetra, there is a mention
that at some time in the past, there were several Digambara tem-
ples here. It is inferred that there may exist a large temple of Sri
Neminatha Bhagwan. Currently, the site has two Jaina temples – one
dedicated to Mahavira and the other to Neminatha. It is interesting
to note that at both the sites, the Gir hills and Khed Brahma, the
goddess worshipped is Amba Mata, who is considered as the guard-
ian deity of Neminatha, and both the sites demonstrate continuity in
the coexistence of the Brahmanical religion and Jainism over a long
period of time.
Abandonment and survivals of religious

affiliation at sites
Certain sites in Gujarat demonstrate the coexistence of religions at a
certain point in time, and while one religion continues, the other fades
out or ceases to exist over time. The data being limited in nature for
interpretation, one can only postulate that the continuity could have
been either an interrupted or an uninterrupted one. We shall now discuss
sites that initially contain evidence for coexistence, but over time, only
one religion survives and continues to exist at the site.
The first two sites we shall discuss are the sites of Devnimori and
Shamlaji, located in close proximity to each other. They contain the
maximum number of archaeological and sculptural data pertaining
to Buddhism as well as the Brahmanical religion. They are located
on either side of the Meshvo river in the northern region of Gujarat.
Devnimori is the only Buddhist site in Gujarat where archaeological
excavation brought to light a large Buddhist establishment. As for the
Brahmanical remains, a total of 46 Brahmanical images35 belong to the
sites of Devnimori and Shamlaji, and in the region of Gujarat, the site
of Devnimori has the maximum number of Shiva lingas. The Buddhist
site of Devnimori had only a vihara in its initial phase, and over time, it
developed into a full-fledged Buddhist complex with a protection wall
of its own.
The site of Devnimori is situated on the eastern side of the bend
of river Meshvo, on a commanding elevated position overlooking the
gorge, the river as well as the whole valley.36
Excavations at the site of Devnimori brought to light a large sarira
stupa, four uddesa stupas, a rectangular structure, an apsidal temple,
and a protecting wall. The Buddhist settlement, at the site, began with
the construction of a large vihara, which has been dated to before the
third quarter of the fourth century ce.37 Near this vihara, Sadhu Agni-
varman and Sudarsana built the sarira stupa. Along with it, the votive
stupas, the apsidal temple and the protecting wall were built in the
fourth century ce.38 On the basis of the antiquities found at the site,
it has been pointed out that the settlement flourished till the seventh–
eighth centuries ce.39
Two caskets were obtained from the mahastupa. The lowest of them
contained only ashes, was made of schist, cylindrical and measured
11.98 cm in height and was 1.77 cm thick at the top. The other casket is
of greater interest as it is inscribed and it contained a cylindrical copper
Figure 4.1
Model of Devnimori stupa site
box with silk bags, gold bottle and some organic-like material.40 As for
the architecture of the site, on the south of the stupa was a large four-
sided catusala vihara with a northern entrance, containing inner veran-
dah and a courtyard.41 The vihara contained 30 rooms, a shrine room in
its southern side and at the main entrance at its northern side and a flight
of steps near its entrance.42 A second vihara contained two rooms, 2.43
metres × 2.43–2.74 metres each, an inner and outer verandah, drains in
the south-western corner of the courtyard, parts of steps and the main
entrance was west-facing towards the main stupa.43 The rooms of the
vihara were divided into four categories – residential quarters, shrine
rooms, entrance room, and storeroom.44
The mahastupa was located 15.24 metres to the north east of vihara
I. The apsidal ended structure, which was probably a caitya hall, was
located 1.82 metres to the south west of the main stupa and measured
4.87 metres × 3.04 metres and 5.18 metres × 3.2 metres and was also of
brick. The hall was divided into three parts – the apse, the rectangular
approach chamber and the side aisle.45 A total of 26 terracotta images of
Buddha in dhyanamudra were brought to light, measuring 66 cm–68.58
cm, all of which were three dimensional, with only the backs hidden
from view as they were meant for fixing on the face of the stupa.46 Of
the 26 images, 12 were found totally intact, and the remaining 14 could
not be repaired or remoulded. Also found at the site were 20 heads, of
which 12 could be fitted back to their respective torsos.47
The images have been classified on the basis of form and features of
the face, hairstyle, drapery, and cushion seat. The facial features were
categorised as oval-faced, almond-faced and round-faced.48 As for dra-
pery, the sanghati or the upper garment drapes over both the shoulders
in 9 images, while in 13, only one shoulder is draped.49 The folds and
frills of the images are depicted by incised lines and ribbed lines. The
cushion seats are also classified into two main groups – having bands of
single petal, further being sub-divided on the basis of the petals point-
ing up or down, and having bands of double petals. The tiny tuft of
hair between the eyebrows was noticed in seven images found from
the site.50
The decorative pieces recovered from the site include arches, capi-
tals of pilasters, medallions, pilasters, bases of pilasters, and dentils or
brackets, in addition to cornices, moulds and fillet bands.51 The arches
at the site were classified into semi-circular stilted arches and caitya
arches, and in the former category, the architectural features in relief
included bell-shaped base, horizontal ledges and recesses, lion figures
in relief and floral background of the lion figure.52 Square as well as
rectangular decorative bricks were recovered from the site. The rec-
tangular bricks were of the same size as those used for construction
and had decorations in the form of ovolo (in quarter ellipse section,
receding downwards), moulding and fillet bands. The former type was
used to decorate cornices, and the two floral motifs used for it were
the acanthus leaf and bay leaf. The bricks with fillet bands could be
classified into those with chequer pattern and those with a hook pat-
tern.53 The square bricks, on the contrary, had five different depictions
on them, which included Buddha figures, grotesque faces, animal faces,
floral compositions, geometric designs, and conch compositions.54 The
wastage of manufacture such as the over-burnt images of Buddha and
arches recovered from the core of the stupa provide evidence for the
local manufacture of bricks and terracotta images at the site.55
The excavation report also informs us that the excavations on other
mounds, within an area of about four square kilometres, at Devnimori
indicate that the Shaivas also built their temples here,56 and that some
of them were contemporary to the Buddhist settlement as the size of the
bricks used in the temples was the same as those used by the Buddhists
at the site. When the site was visited by Goetz in 1947, he reported,
‘In the midst of the jungle, along a small brooklet coming down the
hillside, quite a number of small brick temples have been erected, with
the usual simple moulded Gupta plinths and a rectangular cella, the
walls of which are still standing to a height of four to six feet above the
floor level.’57 We shall now turn to a few of the images recovered from
in and around the area. Found from the site were two Manusa lingas of
the Kshatrapa period58 and another linga of antiquity is to be seen at the
village site of Devnimori, which is under worship by the local inhabit-
ants.59 Found from the site were also four images of mātṛkās, the head
of a mātṛkā and the torso of another, dating to the fifth century ce.60 The
sculptural evidence points to the earlier presence of the Shaivites at the
site as well. A number of Brahmanical images have been recovered from
Shamlaji, the earliest being a two-armed standing image of Ganesha
dated to the third–fourth centuries ce. Belonging to the fourth–fifth cen-
turies ce is a two-armed standing image of Karttikeya and ascribed to
500 ce are figures that seem to represent Gana.61 From the area were
also excavated a seated and a standing image, dated to sixth century ce
of Vinadhara Virabhadra where Shiva is seen holding a vina. Of these
two, the image representing Shiva as standing is seen in association with
the Saptamatrkas,62 and in addition to these is a Shiva linga currently in
the Museum at the site, which is dated to the fourth century ce.63 The
size of the lingas, again, suggests that there were temples earlier since
these lingas might have been the ones installed in the temple structures
that were noticed by Goetz. Recovered from the site were three sets
of mātṛkās images dated to between 520 and 530 ce. While the first
set, dating to 520 ce, contains the images of Brahmani and Chamunda,
the second set, dating to 525 ce, includes images of Agneyi, Mahes-
vari, Aindri Vaishnavi, Varahi, and Chamunda. The third set consists of
mother and child images and is dated to between 525 and 530 ce. The
second and third set of mātṛkās images, as well as the image of Virab-
hadra Shiva, measuring 1.1 metres in height, in the opinion of Schastok,
can be attributed to a temple dedicated to Shiva.64 The images of two
dvarapalas, the image of Ganga, two Nandi images, and the throne back
suggest the earlier existence of probably more than one temple at the
site. Of the seventh century ce are an image of Shiva and Parvati,65 an
ekamukhalinga66 and an image of Mahisasuramardini as well. The find
of the above images and lingas shows the continued Shaivite association
of the site. Also seen here are images of Bhadra or Yasoda (fifth cen-
tury ce),67 Parvati as Bhilan and an image of Lajjagaurī68. Also found
from in and around the area are Visvarupa Vishnu images,69 one of
which is currently under worship at Shamlaji. Thus, at the site, there
is evidence of Shiva, mātṛkā as well as Vishnu worship. A look at the
size of the images, dating from c. 520 ce to the seventh century ce, will
demonstrate that these were crafted for being the central image of wor-
ship, either in a shrine or in the open, or were meant to adorn the walls
of some religious structure, as in the case of the mātṛkā images, which
vary from 39.92 cm to 89.91 cm in height.
The site has structural remains of both the Buddhist (dating from the
fourth to seventh century ce) and the Brahmanical religions (dated to
the post-Gupta period) and has the maximum number of images of both
the religions as well. It also has a long period of continuity, beginning
from the third/fourth centuries ce and continuing up to the seventh/
eighth centuries ce, the longest period for a site in the region. The site
would have been one of the major Buddhist sites of the region as it is
the only one in Gujarat from where there is clear evidence of the exist-
ence of remains of Buddha, in the casket, and could have been part of a
wider Buddhist religious network. The fifth stanza of the inscription on
the casket reads that the stone casket was the receptacle for the relics of
Dasabla (the Buddha).
A look at the data pertaining to Buddhism and the Brahmanical reli-
gion at these sites points to a simultaneous development of both the
religions. The construction and continued maintenance and repair of the
Buddhist complex at Devnimori, as well as the sculpting of the various
Brahmanical images and the earlier temples at the site can all be placed
between the fourth and the seventh centuries ce. Both the religions
seemed to have witnessed a simultaneous growth and development in
terms of architecture and sculptural activities. But while traces of the
Brahmanical religion continued till it regained importance in the medi-
eval period, Buddhism gradually faded away.
The site of Shamlaji demonstrates the continued existence of the
Brahmanical religion at the site, though with a renewed affiliation.
While the sites of Devnimori and Shamlaji had Shaivite affiliations in
the period under study, by the medieval period, the site becomes an
important Vaishnavite centre, and continues to be so up to date. The
structure that helps identify the thread of continuity of the Brahmanical
religion at the site is the temple Harischandrani Chorni, which dates to
800 ce. It is believed that Raja Harischandra performed sacrifices at the
site in order that he may have a son.
Shamlaji is a site where one can clearly notice the continuity of the
Brahmanical religion in a limited nature, till it regains importance as
Figure 4.2
Linga at site museum, Devnimori
Figure 4.3
Visvarupa Vishnu image under worship at Shamlaji
a famous sacred centre. The site also shows that images can survive
and later be placed in a new context and a new structure. The site of
Shamlaji is a Vaishnavite pilgrimage centre and holds special impor-
tance for the Bhil community of the area. While the current temple
at the site belongs to the medieval period, the image it houses is of a

much earlier period, dating to not later than the eighth century ce.70 The
local belief is that a young Bhil boy, while digging the earth, found
this image, and since then, it has been seen by the community as their
ishta or kula devta. The image of Gadadhar Vishnu is black in colour,
and hence, the name Shyamala of the deity. This image representing
the Gadadhar form of Vishnu with four arms is placed in the medieval
temple. In the month of Karttika, lakhs of devotees flock to this site, and
a fair is held where food grains, clothes, gold, silver, and a number of
other things are sold, which are bought by the adivasis; during the fair,
a number of adivasi marriages also take place.71 On full moon nights,
the temple is lit with a number of diyas.
It is noticed at this particular site that while the images under worship
belong to the sixth–seventh centuries ce, the structures that they are
enshrined in are either of the medieval or the modern period. It is also
important to point out that not all images gain the same status. Of two
lingas under worship, while one linga is housed in a temple, the other
linga at the nearby site of Devnimori is not enshrined in a temple.
Similarly, at another shrine, one witnesses the continuity of an image,
but this is a Shaivite image. Located opposite the shrine of Shamlaji is the
Khak chowk area, at the end of which, near the corner of the street is
the Trilokinatha temple. Here too, while the building is of a later period,
the image of Shiva under worship can be dated to the sixth century ce,72
and the dvarapala is also of an earlier date. Yet another shrine dedicated
to Shiva, the Kasivisvesvara temple, is small in size, and here, it is the
linga, which is under worship. The ekamukhashivalinga enshrined in
the temple is of schist and dates to the seventh century ce. The head on
the linga shows a jata tied above the head, and the forehead is broad and
with three eyes.73 An image of Ganesha from the late Gupta period is
under worship in a small shrine on the way from the Shamlaji temple to
river Meshvo.74 An image of Nandi currently located in the Ranchodji
temple at Shamlaji is also of an earlier date and belongs to the sixth
century ce.75
Yet, the people of the region view another form of Vishnu, the Vis-
varupa form, differently. Even though the image, dating to sixth cen-
tury ce,76 is under worship at a temple in Shamlaji, the deity is seen as
a goddess, namely Kalsi Chhokarani Ma,77 and not as a form of Vishnu.
Another such image of Vishnu in the village of Ogaganj, located 20 km
from Ahmedabad, is also worshipped as a goddess and is now iden-
tified by the worshippers as Tripura Mata.78 The image dates to the
seventh century ce and is currently housed in a temple.79 Many such

other images have been able to survive over time as they have been
taken by the villagers for purposes of worship, or the images adorn the
temple walls.
The place is also known as Karambu tirtha, and the legend asso-
ciated with it also tells us indirectly how the site was forgotten, and
then, later reclaimed. According to legend, Sri Gadadhar Vishnu came
to reside at the tirtha and it had the blessing of Brahma that of all the
tirthas, this was an agrasthana. Brahma performed a mahayajna, and
when he began, Vishnu appeared in the form of Shyamala (the black
one). On the request of Brahma, Vishnu agreed to stay at the Karambu
tirtha in his Gadadhdar form. Karambu tirtha became full of pride and
was cursed that it would become infamous and would regain its lost
glory only in the tretayuga when Raja Harischandra, a parambhakta of
Vishnu, would visit the site. This story clearly illustrates that the site
was earlier an important Brahmanical site, but in due course of time,
lost its importance and faded away in the memory of the people, till it
was rediscovered and made important later again.
An analysis of the sites of Junagadh as well as Shamlaji and
Devnimori, both containing evidence of coexistence of Buddhism and
the Brahmanical religion, demonstrates different patterns. At the site
of Junagadh, the continuity in coexistence is noticed up to date, and the
change being of coexistence between Buddhism and the Brahmanical
religion can be compared to that of the latter and Jainism. The sites
of Devnimori and Shamlaji, on the contrary, demonstrate that at first,
both sites ceased to exist, but at a later stage, the Brahmanical images
were reclaimed and reinstated in newer structures, and the site once
again becomes an important Brahmanical site and continues to be so
to date.
Gradual decline of sites with evidence

of parallel existence
In addition to the above-mentioned sites, there are other sites that dem-
onstrate the coexistence of religions in the period under study, but unlike
the sites discussed above, these sites lose importance over time never to
be regained. Within these are some sites that demonstrate a simultane-
ous growth and development of two or more religions, and other sites
that gradually gain importance for more than one religious community.
First, we shall discuss sites where evidence points to similar dates for
the archaeological remains pertaining to Buddhism and the Brahmani-

cal religion, namely, Amreli and Nagara.
The site of Amreli contains evidence of the presence of the Buddhist
community as well as the Brahmanical religion. As has been pointed
out in the excavation reports, ‘Amreli appears to have been an impor-
tant centre for various religious sects especially for Brahmanism and
Buddhism . . . Besides worship of Viṣṇu the cults of Śakti and Siva
appear to have been followed by the inhabitants.’80
The Brahmanical remains at the site are terracotta plaques represent-
ing the following – a goddess, probably Durga with four arms and with
ugra or fierce appearance, a female figure wearing a crown and another
female figure with a child on her left waist touching the breast, prob-
ably some mātṛkā,81 an image of Ganesha carved in yellowish stone,
and a fragmentary image of baked clay representing the upper half of a
woman with prominent breasts.82 The terracotta image of Gauri Sankara
from the site is dated to the fourth century ce.83 Also recovered from
the excavations were votive jars offered in religious ceremonies.84 The
Buddhist remains from the site include two small clay images – one of a
Bodhisattva and the other of Buddha,85 dated to the fourth century ce,86
and a number of fragmentary potsherds. The image of the Bodhisattva
was recovered from the remains of a Buddhist structure on the northern
fringes of the town.87
Further evidence is from potsherds, which were fragments of ves-
sels belonging to monks. They contain fragmentary inscriptions, which
seem to give the name of individuals or the localities they belonged to.
Some of them read – Sri Gira [i]nagara, [V]ajapa . . ., Sri Vighra . . .,
Sri Panda, Ghahta . . ., Vakrumidrukaya,88 indicating the presence of
the Buddhist community at the site. Excavations at the site also brought
to light a structure that may have been a Buddhist monastery. Excava-
tions carried out on the northern fringe of the mound revealed structures
that covered an area of 22.86 metres × 7.62 metres. Of these was a room
measuring 6.09 metres × 4.87 metres, which formed the main hall of the
structure. The western wing had four rooms, a verandah and a portico.
On the basis of its location close to a water source and of small rooms,
adjoining the main hall, it has been suggested that this brick structure
was used for religious ceremonies. In addition to this, the recovery
of two terracotta Bodhisattva figures while removing the bricks from
the main hall helped associate the structure with the Buddhist faith.89
The structure has been identified as a Buddhist monastery, which was
more extensive than what the present ruins at the site suggest.90
The site of Nagara excavations brought to light an image of Dhyani

Buddha, and of the 28 seals and sealings recovered from the site, three
are inscribed, of which one has an oval die with four Brahmi letters
Buddha Pyasa.91 In the excavations conducted on Hanuman Dhado, the
images of Buddha were seen, along with the images of Brahma and
Surya.92
The sandstone-seated image of the Dhyani Buddha measures 1.39
metres high and 1.09 metres wide, and the size suggests that the image
would have been installed for purposes of worship and rituals. The
lower portion of a standing deity and its fragmentary vahana belonging
to period III, from 0 ce/bce to eighth/ninth centuries ce,93 were also found.
The image is of sandstone, and on its side panel is a wheel and it grasps
a lotus stalk. Another fragment of the lower portion of an unidentifiable
image was also noticed.94
While the archaeological data give limited evidence for the existence
of the Brahmanical religion at the site, literary data point to its contin-
ued existence. The site is associated with the Nagara brahmanas of the
region, as mentioned in the Skanda Purana (Sk.P. VI.278.23). The region
around Nagara is known as Nagna Hara desa95 in the Purana as Shiva
roamed naked in the country (Sk.P.VII.i.319–48). The region around the
Gulf of Khambat was also sacred and was known as Stambesvara in the
Skanda Purana and contained sites such as Barkaresvara, which was
situated on the sea shore (Sk.P. I.ii.1.9–11), and Barbari was a sacred
town near Khambat at the mouth of river Mahi (Sk.P. I.ii.37.1).
Thus, at the site of Nagara, while Buddhism seems to have had a
limited period of existence, the site continues to be important for fol-
lowers of the Brahmanical religion, as seen in it being mentioned as an
important tirtha in the Skanda Purana.
Development of multiple affiliations over time

The next site that we shall discuss is Valabhi, which is the only site that
contains evidence – archaeological, sculptural, inscriptional, and liter-
ary, for the existence of Buddhism, Jainism and the Brahmanical reli-
gion. Development of religions at this site presents us with yet another
pattern, as initially, it has evidence pertaining to only one religion, but
over time, gains importance as a sacred centre for all three religions.
The developments here demonstrate that the Brahmanical religion
seems to have been the earliest at the site, and while it continued, the
site also became important to the Buddhist and the Jaina communities.
The Brahmanical remains recovered from the site are miniature

Shiva lingas (first–fourth centuries ce),96 images of Mahisasuramardini
and Krishna (fourth century ad),97 an image of the goddess L ajjagauri,98
and a huge sandstone Manusa linga (seventh century ce).99 Among
the ruins of Valabhi were seen a number of colossal lingas and images
of Nandi, which imply the existence of several Shaiva temples at
Valabhi.100 Here too, once again, inscriptional data provide definite
evidence for the presence of a temple at the site. An inscription of
Suketuvarmana, dating to 322 Saka era on a slab, was recovered from
this site. According to K.V. Ramesh, the only traces of former great-
ness of the site are a ruined temple of Kandesvara built of stones
and mortar, and a ruined temple of Hanuman, which are located
45.72 metres east of the mamlatdar’s office.101 According to him, the
ruined temple of Kandesvara was the ancient temple of Kotisvara
from where the epigraph must have been recovered.102 It is dated to
about fifth–sixth centuries ce and records the installation of the deity
Kotisvara by Simhadatta. The last line of the inscription contains a
reference to the temple (sthana) of Kotisvara, and this was the temple
in which Simhadatta installed the deity Kotisvara.103 In the opinion of
K.V. Ramesh, it is not unlikely that Vala was one of the seven ancient
Kotisvara sthanas on the west coast. If this is taken into consideration,
along with the find of the colossal Nandis and Shiva lingas and that
the rulers of the Maitraka dynasty claimed to be mostly Param mahes-
varas, then it follows that the site was important to the Brahmanical
religion. The importance of the site also lies in the period of continu-
ity as an important Brahmanical site, beginning from the first century
bce/ce (miniature Shiva lingas) to the seventh century ce (Lajjagauri),
and it becoming an important Buddhist site in the sixth–seventh
centuries ce.
Valabhi was also the capital of the ruling Maitraka dynasty, and
the copper plate grants provide vital data for the site being an impor-
tant Buddhist centre, as they mention 14 viharas that were located
within and around the site of Valabhi. Excavations at the basement of
an ancient building, conducted by R.V. Father Heras (1934) brought
to light parts of a damaged terracotta stupa. Also found from the site
were many Mahayanist votive clay seals with images of Buddha and
the stupa, inscribed with the Buddhist creed in characters of the sixth–
seventh centuries ce.104 Recovered from the site were fragmentary
stone slabs bearing words such as Tathagata, Ratna traya and samgha,
as well as terracotta plaques with representation of the stupa.105 The
images recovered from in and around the site include a life-size image
of Buddha from the nearby Islava hill,106 a brass image of Buddha from
a field on the opposite side of river Ghelo, 1.2 km west of Valabhi,107
and another five bronze images, dating to the sixth century ce.108 When
Xuanzang visited Valabhi, he recorded that scattered around are spots
where the three past Buddhas sat down, walked or preached the law.109
Simultaneously, the Jaina community was claiming the site as an
important sacred centre as well. The sculptural evidence from the site is
a Jaina metal image dating to the sixth century ce. In 363 ce, tradition
records that the Jaina friars held a synod at Valabhi in Saurashtra, and
another such synod was held at Valabhi once more, between 593 and
516 ce.110 Also recovered from the site were some Jaina images dating
to the sixth–seventh centuries ce.
Thus, at the site of Valabhi, evidence points to the existence of reli-
gious structures of Jainism, Buddhism and the Brahmanical religion
between the sixth and seventh centuries ce. A list of the donations
made by the Maitraka rulers to the Buddhist vihara will demonstrate
that the donations were made to already existent viharas and rarely for
the construction of a new one. While the earliest evidence found per-
tains to the Brahmanical religion, Buddhism also began to gain a foot-
hold at the site, and was later joined by Jainism – though they did not
exist at the expense of one another, but rather, coexisted. This site also
stood witness to decline and fading away of the site as an important
religious site, altogether for Buddhism, Jainism and the Brahmanical
religion. It probably came under the attack of the Arabs and was never
able to regain its importance as a sacred site for all three religious
communities.
Thus, it is noticed that while the site had initially a single religious
affiliation, over time, it became important to other religions as well.
The point to be noticed here is that all three religions existed side by
side, and the growth of one did not cause the decline of the other.
Literary data will have us believe that Buddhism and Jainism were
at conflict here, seen in the numerous discussions mentioned to have
taken place between the Buddhist and Jaina monks. But sculptural
and inscriptional data, on the contrary, amply demonstrate that both
existed simultaneously, as did also the Brahmanical religion at the
site. Also, the sudden decline of all three could be attributed to the
repeated Arab invasions that took place and which may have led to a
downfall of the city and decline of all three religions in the archaeo-
logical records.
Continuities from sculptural evidence

An important site with Jaina remains is the site of Akota, which is
located in the present city limits of Vadodara, the latter containing
Brahmanical images. Akota is the only site under the period of study
that provides definite sculptural evidence for the existence of Jainism in
the region. Unearthed from the site was a hoard of Jaina images, dating
from the Gupta times, with the latest image belonging to the eleventh
century ce. The site brought to light a total of 168 pieces, of which 68
different objects could be pieced together. What is noticed at this site is
that the Jaina images predate the images of the Brahmanical religion, as
the latter date to the seventh–eighth centuries ce.
The list of the Jaina images include 8 images and an elephant-shaped
incense burner of the Gupta period, a bell and 14 images dating to the
seventh century ce and an incense burner and 13 images of the eighth
century ce. While the Jaina images are from the Gupta period onwards,
the Brahmanical images belong to the seventh–eighth centuries ce.
Three images of Bhairava belonging to the site date to the seventh cen-
tury ce; while one image of Lakulisa dates to the seventh–eighth cen-
turies ce, another one dates to the eighth century ce. Also found was an
eighth-century ce image of Vishnu, and the site also seems to have been
important to a sect of the Shaivite community.
Similar seems to have been the case with religious structures at the
site, as the Jaina structure would have predated the Brahmanical tem-
ple. Evidence for the existence of religious structures for both the reli-
gions is from inscriptional data.
Most of the inscriptions on the pedestals or at the back of the Akota
images mention them to be gifts meant for installation. The continued
donation of images over a period of time clearly suggests that either this
site or a site nearby was important to the Jaina community. Considering
the number of images found at the site and the time span covered by
them, it seems plausible to suggest that they would have been housed
in some type of structure, and the inscription on the image donated
by Durginni corroborates this. The inscription reads, ‘This is the pious
gift, in the Chandra kula, of the female worshipper Durggini, in the
Rathavasatika.’111 In the opinion of Shah, Rathavasatika was the name
of the Jaina shrine in which the image was installed. He points out, ‘In
the first two centuries of the Christian era ārya Vajra and his disciples
and other great pontiffs visited different cities of western India such as
Surparaka and Bhrgukaccha. Excavations have suggested that Akota
was fairly well populated in the Kshatrapa age, and it is very likely that
there was a Jaina temple here at that time. Since Akota was a district
town on a caravan route from central India to Broach, it is possible that
it was visited by Jaina monks. Arya Ratha was a direct disciple of arya
Vajra and came from Surparaka and the vasatika at Akota was probably
named after him.’112 The other explanation behind the name ratha is to
see the shrine as a place from where an annual procession (rathayatra)
was taken out. Shah points out that the Jaina texts mention the Mauryan
ruler Samprati attending such a procession, where a wooden image of
Mahavira was taken out.113
The case for existence of a structure at the site is further strength-
ened by the presence of some mason marks on stones used for pave-
ments in later repairs at the shrine of Bhimanatha, situated to the north
of Akota. According to Shah, ‘there existed on the site a shrine called
Rathavasatikā, probably named after ārya Ratha, in the second century
ce’.114 Excavations at the site of Akota brought to light a structure that
has been dated to the third–fourth centuries ce.115 One of the brick-built
structures excavated at the site has been identified as a public build-
ing,116 which was perhaps the structure that housed a few of the bronzes
excavated from the site. The find of a bell117 and incense burner118 from
the site further strengthen the case for existence of a religious structure
where they may have been used for ceremonial purposes.
Inscriptions give evidence for the existence of a Brahmanical temple
at Vadodara. The Valabhi grant of Siladitya I, dating to 610 ce, men-
tions the donation of land and a stepwell to a temple of Mahadeva, or
Shiva. This temple was located in Vatapadra or modern Vadodara, and
was built by one Harinatha.119
It is interesting to note that no structural remains of either religion
are to be found in the period succeeding the eighth century ce or the
medieval period. Though the images from the hoard clearly indicate that
at this site, or a site nearby, the religion continued up to 1100 ce, which
is the latest date for the images from the hoard. However, Shaivism
was gaining a strong foothold at a short distance of about 28 km from
Vadodara, at the site of Karvan. Excavations at the site brought to light
structures dating between the second and eighth centuries ce, which
were temples and seem to have been of Shaivite affiliation, as seen in
the number of lingas recovered from the site. The first of these was
located in the southern part of the mound, and a pranala supported by
bricks and provided by a large soakage jar at the floor level indicated
that the structure was a temple, probably dedicated to Shiva.120 Another
structural complex was noticed in the northern part of the mound, which
was rectangular in plan and 29.99 metres in length, and was provided
with a flight of steps with a moonstone at the entrance. Here too, a cov-
ered drain ending in a pranala draining into a soakage pit was seen in the
north-eastern part of the structure. According to the excavation report,
the temple was raised on a platform and consisted of a garbhagrha, anta-
rala and mandapa. The garbhagrha had a linga on a yonipatta connected
with a covered drain and a pranala. The Shaivite affiliation of the place
is seen in the fragmentary inscription dating to the seventh–eighth cen-
turies ce, which records the salutations to Shiva by a devotee.
Continuity of the site is seen in the presence of images dating to
the succeeding periods, and continuing well into the medieval period.
Belonging to the seventh–eighth centuries is a single image from the site,
which is a sculpture of Natesa in black sandstone, measuring 53.94 cm
in height.121 A detailed doorframe of yellowish sandstone, dated to the
latter half of the eighth century ce, is a clear indication of the existence
of a temple at the site. From the ninth century ce onwards, the site dem-
onstrates continuity till date as an important centre of the Lakulisa sect
and is considered a sakti pitha as well.
It would be interesting to mention here that temple sites of the medie-
val period in North Gujarat contain Jaina and Shaiva shrines next to each
other, and the site of Vadodara/Akota demonstrates that the coexistence
of these two religions at a site had an earlier beginning in the region.
Literary evidence for continued sanctity

and later coexistence
In addition to the above-mentioned sites, there are sites that were sacred
to one religion in the period under study, and later, in the medieval
period provide evidence of coexistence of religions. These are the sites
of Ambaji, Kotesvara and Kumbhariya, located in close proximity to
each other and demonstrating coexistence at a later period in time.
The sites of Ambaji and Kotesvara are Brahmanical sites, and that of
Kumbhariya is a medieval Jaina site. The Brahmanical sites are men-
tioned in the Skanda Purana and hence indicate an earlier date of the
sanctity of the site, even though the temples at the site date to a later
period. The evidence for coexistence at the site starts from the medieval
period with the construction of the temple complex of Kumbhariya,
located on the road between Ambaji and Kotesvara. A visit to these
sites demonstrates that while Ambaji continues to be an important
Brahmanical religious centre, Kumbhariya no longer attracts a vast

number of pilgrims, and Kotesvara is also visited by comparatively few.
Ambaji is a sakti pitha and is a site sacred to devi worshippers. The
Ambika sakti pitha is located at Arasur near Mount Abu, in the south-
west end of the Aravalli hills in northern Gujarat. Sculptural evidence
from the site points to it being a site associated with goddess worship
already in the period under study. Found from the site were images of
Vaishnavi, Brahmani and Aindri, dating to the sixth–seventh centuries ce.
Also found from the site, dating to the same period were images of
Shiva Vinapati and Ganesha122 as well, indicating the earlier sanctity
of the site, where these images would have been objects of worship. To
this group probably also belonged the image of Sakti Ganesha, dating
to the early seventh century ce,123 found from the site of Kumbhariya,
which contained a huge Jaina temple complex in the medieval period.
It is believed that the river Sarasvati appears from under the surface of
the earth at the site marked by the Kotesvara temple. The river Sarasvati
is said to originate at Plaksha Prasaravana in the Shivalik hills of the
Himalayas and disappear into the ground at Vinasana near Kurukshetra.
It is said to surface again at Ambaji, disappear into the Kachchh desert,
originate again in the Gir forest in Saurashtra, and drain into the sea at
Somanatha. The legend in the Skanda Purana narrates how Visvamitra
ordered Sarasvati to aid him in destroying Vasistha, and on her declin-
ing, the river flowed with blood. She then went to Vasistha to help her,
who was residing in Arbuda (Abu region), and went into samadhi, and
when he stared at the ground, two streams burst open, one of which
was the source of Sarasvati (Sk.P.VI.172–173). Also located here is the
Kotesvara Mahadeva shrine. The site is also mentioned as one of the
excellent holy places and a bath in the Kasyapi Ganga (Sabhramati)
at this site and in the Sarasvati helps obtain the merit of bathing in
the latter half of Sravana or every day or by properly offering a srad-
dha on a new moon day (Padma Purāṇa VI. 135.17–35). There is no
image of Ambika here, and instead, there is a yantra. Legend has it
that Vimalshah is said to have worshipped Ambika prior to building the
Dilwara temple at Mount Abu. Legend has it that at this site that Rama
received from the goddess the arrow that would kill Ravana.
Legend has it that Krishna worshipped Shiva and Ambika at Ambi-
kavana and that Rukmanni worshipped Ambika here prior to her mar-
rying Krishna. Legend also has it that the tonsure ceremony of Krishna
the child was performed here at Ambaji. Located close to the current
temple at Ambaji and noticeable from the temple site is Gabbar hill, on
top of which is perched yet another small temple dedicated to the god-
dess. According to the legend at the site, the flame on top of the Gabbar
hill has been burning since a long time and will continue to do so. The
source of the ever-burning flames at the site is natural from within the
hill, which is probably what provides sanctity to the site. The Abu hills
or Arbuda are associated with Vasistha and are believed to have been
home to his hermitage. The Skanda Purana mentions Arbuda or Mount
Abu as one of the three sacred mountains, and a holy bath here attains
the benefit of 24 tirthas (Sk.P. VI.199.23–24). Nandini, his cow, is said
to have fallen into a pit, and the river Sarasvati is said to have filled the
pit with water to enable the cow to come out. The site is now marked by
a temple at Kotesvara, from where the Sarasvati reemerges, marked by
temples, which can be seen from a distance.
The site clearly demonstrates how a sacred centre, over time, can
become part of a wider religious network. The images from the site
do indicate the worship of the goddess and with the creation of legend
and stories, the site attains the status of a sakti pitha. Once thus known,
the site is not only part of a religious network in Gujarat, but also, an
integral part of a religious circuit in other parts of the country that too
are associated with the fallen body parts of Parvati. Further, the site’s
sanctity is increased even more once it is described as a site where the
holy river Sarasvati emerges from underground, to disappear again, and
also, by its association with Vasistha.
Conclusion
Studies of the various sites that demonstrate coexistence of religions
show that a single pattern of development cannot be applied. Almost
each site has a different story to tell about multiple affiliations of a site
and of continuities and discontinuities. While at sites such as Junagadh,
the sanctity continues over a long period of time, but religious affili-
ation of one religion declines, at sites as Khed Brahma, there is con-
tinuity in affiliation and existence of religions as well. A number of
legends develop at many of the Brahmanical sites that demonstrate a
long period of continuity. Also, some sites decline all of a sudden, and
the decline is not of one religion only, but of the site itself; such as was
the case with Amreli, Nagara and Valabhi. The site of Valabhi follows
a different pattern of development of multiple affiliations. The site, in
the initial stages, has only Brahmanical remains to its credit, but later,
it attains importance as sacred centre for the Buddhists as well as the
Jaina community. At Valabhi, religions developed side by side, and the

growth and development of any one of them was never at the cost of
the other. This trend continues well into the medieval period, as seen
in the case of Ambaji and Kumbhariya. While Brahmanical sculptural
remains from the site date its sanctity to an early period, the site grows
in importance and is a tirtha in the Skanda Purana. Then, in the medi-
eval period at Kumbhariya, located at a short distance from Ambaji, a
Jaina temple complex develops. The site of Kotesvara also becomes an
important sacred centre, and all three exist together at a point in time.
It is noticed that at most of the medieval sites in northern Gujarat, a
Shaivite shrine existed close to a Jaina temple, or even in the case of
a temple complex, as in the case of Kumbhariya, one shrine was dedi-
cated to Shiva. The beginnings of this trend can be traced to this period,
as seen in the case of the sites of Vadodara and Akota, where Shaivite
images and Jaina images were recovered.
While Jainism becomes a major religion in Gujarat in the medieval
period, it is apparent that prior to that period, this religion also coex-
isted and shared sacred space, as seen at its major site Akota, and at
other sites such as Khed Brahma and Valabhi. It also becomes clear that
while studying religion, it is important to think of a parallel existence,
and look for its evidence, rather than think in terms of the existence of
one religion at the cost of the other.
In the succeeding period, with the coming of Islam and Muslim com-
munities, the trend of coexistence of varied religious communities con-
tinues. In addition to patronage provided by rulers of the Chalukya/
Solanki dynasty, evidence indicates the tolerant attitude of the rulers
towards followers of Islam as well.
The Solankis were known to have treated the Muslims with respect,
and rightly so, as a trading community, they brought in wealth into the
kingdom. Ibn Haukal states that there were Jama Mosques at Famhala
(Anhilwada).124 The Jawame al hekayat of Sadid al Din Mohammad
Aufi narrates a story of justice of Jayasimha (1094–1103) towards the
Muslim community. The story indicates the presence of a mosque at
Khambat, which was rebuilt in 615/1218 in the reign of Bhimadeva II
(1178–1242).125
Various Muslim communities were an integral part of the social
fabric under the Chalukyan rule. The Patni, who are a Muslim trading
community, are said to have settled in the town of Patan, during the
rule of Mahmud of Ghazni. The community spread from Patan to the
cities of Veraval, Govindpura, Naodra, Kalji, Chourvad, Keshod, and
Junagadh. In older days, the community was dealing in sea transporta-

tion by wooden country crafts, and the owner of country crafts were
known as Vahanvatu; they were rich and went to Gulf as well as Africa.
The Bohras from Yemen are another community who came to Gujarat,
settled here and made it their home. In the time of later Chalukyan
kings, other communities were invited and brought to Patan to be set-
tled, such as the Patola weavers; the Vankars, a weaving community
from Saurashtra; and the Virajas or viravanijas, who appear to have
been silk weavers.126
The reason behind providing support to different religious sects
by the Chalukyas/Solankis has been aptly identified by Alka Patel.
‘Generous patronage was essential for the intertwining of otherwise
disparate social and political contingents of society. The sizeable allo-
cations to both new and established institutions were fundamental to
the consolidation and dissemination of centralized authority and ulti-
mately contributed to a regional and political cohesiveness.’127 It has
been generally assumed that with the coming of Muslim conquerors,
the Hindu temples were systematically desecrated and destroyed by the
invading armies, as exemplified by the temple at Somanatha. A study
of early Islamic architecture and associated inscriptions by Alka Patel
negates this contestation between Hindus and Muslims as ‘It seems
that in medieval Gujarat the barriers marking separate communities
rather than rigid and insurmountable, were in actuality fluid and nego-
tiable.’128 Ranabir Chakrabarti, using inscriptions on shipowners and
merchants of western India, finds in them signs of amity and tolerance
between the local Hindu merchants and a Hurmuzi nakhuda.129 There
was a spirit of amiable relation among Muslims and Hindus and mutual
trust and cooperation among them.130 Already, by early centuries of the
Common era, several hundred years before the eighth-century incur-
sions of Muhammad bin Qasim and his forces into Sindh, merchants,
pilgrims and traders from various regions of Western Asia interacted
with the Indian coasts and inland areas.131
The epigraphs shed light on the royal, mercantile and lay patron-
age of the architectural foundations that were an integral part of the
sociocultural landscape of South Asia, both before and after long-term
Islamic political presence in the northern Indian Plains.132 Inscriptional
data pertaining to the early Islamic mosques in Gujarat reveal that the
merchants and trading communities were the earliest patrons of Muslim
religious architecture, and not conquering and invading rulers. Also,
these were invariably newly constructed ones that did not involve the
destruction of non-Islamic buildings, such as those of the Jainas or

Hindus.
On the coast of Kachchh at the site of Bhadreshvar, is presumably the
earliest mosque in the region of Gujarat. It is also the site of a twelfth-
century Jaina temple. The local Muslim community of the Isma’ili sect
is said to have constructed a mosque here with the permission of the
Jaina council. But the most notable structure is the shrine of Ibrahim,
dated to 1159–60, on the basis of the inscription found at the site.133
The inscription of the mosque at Junagadh dated 685/1286–87134 men-
tions ‘Ordered the construction of this blessed mosque the great learned
chief of the merchants and the shipmasters, the pillar of the pilgrims (to
Mecca) and of two shrines modest in the world and of religion Abul-
qasim b. Ali al Iraji.’ Iraj seems to refer to the name of a southern Iranian
city near Ramhurmuz or of the ancestor of Abulqasim b. Ali and is an
indication of the Iranian origin of our ‘chief of the merchants and ship-
masters of the town’. This mosque is situated north of the ancient fort of
Uparkot to the north east of the town. It is a rocky area with many ancient
caves. The area is known as Mai Gadechi. Apart from the mosque, there
is another mosque, shrine, a number of tombs, and a stepwell.135
As mentioned earlier, Junagadh, and specifically, Mount Girnar was
sacred to both the Hindus and the Jainas. The Hindus climb the summit
of this hill to worship the footprints of Guru Dattatreya and the temple
of goddess Amba. A look at the dates of construction of the Jaina tem-
ples amply demonstrates that Islam and Jainism existed side by side at
this site. The temple of Neminatha was built by Vastupala and Tejpala
between 1128 and 1159 ce, and belonging to the fifteenth century ce
is the Mallinatha temple, demonstrating the continued importance of
Junagadh to the Jaina community. In 1128 ce, a Svetambara temple
was dedicated to Neminatha and erected by Sajjana, a minister of
Jayasimha Siddharaja.136 Although Jayasimha did not embrace Jainism,
Hemachandra made him build a temple of Mahavira at Siddhapura and
worship Neminatha on Mount Girnar.137 A bilingual inscription from
Somanatha of the thirteenth century refers to a grant given to Muslims
by the local ruler Arjunadeva for them to build a mosque in AH 662
(VE 1320/1263 ce). The persons responsible for the construction of
the mosque was a sailor and shipowner known as Firuz b. Abu Ibrahim
from the state of Hormuz.138 Presence of a wealthy Muslim trading com-
munity at Bhadreshvar is apparent from one of the tombstones, which
belongs to Abu’l faraz b. Ali from Siraf. An inscription from Khambat
refers to the construction of a mosque by Ali b. Shapur in 615/1218–19.139
Inscriptions from mid-thirteenth century and afterwards indicate

that many Islamic buildings were constructed and maintained by
both Hindu and Muslim craftsmen.140 In the bilingual Arabic Sanskrit
inscription from Somanatha Veraval dating to 1264 ce, the Sanskrit
version details the various artisan groups and officials responsible for
maintaining a mosque in a proper state of repair. Interestingly, it is
the local non-Muslim leaders who were charged with the stipulated
disbursement of proceeds from the endowment’s financial inter-
est, including forwarding of any surplus to the holy cities of Mecca
and Medina.141 The construction and maintenance of Islamic ritual
buildings fell within the purview of both Muslims and non-Muslim
laborers.142 In the 1304 donations that revolved around the the Kham-
bat mosque, the revenues of the village which were donated to the
mosque, were quite probably generated by Muslim and non-Muslim
inhabitants of the village.143
The rich Islamic architecture of Gujarat is evidence for the close
interactions between Muslim patrons and Hindu artisans and provides
vital clues in understanding this. It is the merchants and traders, rather
than rulers, who contributed to the presence of Islam and Islamic archi-
tecture in Gujarat, which led to the development of the Maru Gurjara
tradition in Islamic architecture. As has been pointed out by Alka Patel,
‘The strict historiographical separation of Indic and Islamic architec-
tural histories can prevent us from discerning the physical and histori-
cal connections between buildings housing different religious practices
and the architectural innovations ensuing from the application of estab-
lished forms of building to new social and religious functions.’144 These
buildings signalled a more sustained and less confrontational interaction
between ‘Hindu’ workers and their ‘Muslim’ patrons.145 The concept
of religion was vastly different in non-modern times from what it is
today.146
Mehrdad Shokoohy, while studying the mosque at Bhadreshvar,
notes that ‘the workmen trained in the Indian tradition were being
employed on the building projects of a Muslim community . . . and had
learnt to accommodate the vernacular style to Muslim requirements’.147
At Bhadreshvar, there were influential Muslim mercantile community
of the Ismaili persuasion and were prospering under the Chalukyan
kingdom of Gujarat.148
This interaction left an impact on Indian craftsmen as well. The
Vrksarnava, an architectural treatise from western India that codified
generations of building experience, contains a chapter describing the
construction of a mosque according to the Maru Gurjara tradition.149

This style of architecture had its impact at sites outside India, such as at
the Masjid I Sanji at Larvand, located in central Afghanistan. ‘An array
of Indic figural ornament adorns the sakhas and doorway and the over-
hanging eave above it. The original appearance of the threshold can be
reconstructed by comparison with those of 11th–12th century Gujarati
and Rajasthani temples, to which it is iconographically and stylistically
related.’150 The mosque has similarities with the six marble temples at
Kumbhariya in Gujarat, dating from 1061 to 1230 ce, a period which
coincided with the zenith of Solanki or Western Chalukya rajas. The
site lay at the confluence of trade routes leading from central India to
Sind and northern Rajasthan and Gujarat. The details of the door jambs
at Masji I Sangi all repeat a formula employed in the carved architec-
tural forms of the Mahavira temple at Kumbhariya – for instance, the
distinctive form of the curved double bell-shaped capitals, overhang-
ing eaves with pair of hamsa, creeper carved on the frame of the lalata
(shrine), to mention a few.151 The adaptive dimension is most apparent
in the interior carvings, which replicate the basic formal vocabulary
of Maru Gurjara temples.152 In the opinion of Finbarr Barry Flood, the
Gujarati stone masons had the ability to adapt the Maru Gurjara norms
to serve the needs of the Muslim patrons, as is attested by the mosques
and shrines erected several decades earlier in town of Bhadreshvar.153
Arabic and Persian sources attest to continuation of commercial con-
tacts with Muslim merchants living and trading in Anhilvada/Patan,
capital of the Chalukya rajas, and Hindu merchants from the same city
operating contemporaneously in Ghazni.154 These contacts would have
facilitated the spread of the architectural style and movement of arti-
sans that were crucial to the construction of the Islamic monuments in
the region of Ghazni.
It is noticed that even when certain communities converted to Islam,
they retained their earlier customs and traditions, indicating that there
was no sudden breach with their past. Michael Naylor Pearson notes
that ‘Among local converts to Islam in Gujarat, two most important
commercially were the Khojas and Bohras. Both Khojas and Bohras
retained many Hindu characteristics in such matters as inheritance and
even in religious matters – thus the most revered book of the Kho-
jas dealt with the nine incarnations of Visnu who had been adopted by
them as Adam and with his tenth as Ali.’155
The chapter illustrates that instead of studying religions in terms
of conflicts and contestations, one should view it from a perspective
wherein religious boundaries are viewed as being fluid instead of
rigorous, and where religious ideas, beliefs and thoughts are constantly
undergoing a process of interaction, dialogues and the consequent mod-
ifications and transformations resulting thereof.
Notes
1 R. Thapar, Somanatha – The Many Voices of a History, New Delhi: P enguin,
Viking, 2004, p. 22.
2 R. Thapar, Cultural Pasts – Essays in Early Indian History, Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2000, p. 975.
3 Lisa N. Owen, Transforming the Landscape – Question of Medieval Reuse
and Worship at Ancient Jain Rock Cut Sites Near Madura, in H.P. Ray
(ed.), Negotiating Cultural Identity: Landscapes in Early Medieval South
Asia, New Delhi: Routledge, 2015, p. 113.
4 Owen, Transforming the Landscape, p. 113.
5 Owen, Transforming the Landscape, p. 136.
6 John E. Cort, The Story of the Disappearing Jains, in John E. Cort (ed.),
Open Boundaries: Jain, Communities and Cultures in Indian History,
Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications, 1994, pp. 213–24, 215.
7 Cort, The Story of the Disappearing Jains, p. 216.
10 D.R. Bhandarkar, Vasantgarh Inscription of Varmalata, Vikram Samvat
682, Epigraphia Indica, 9 (25), 1907–08, p. 189.
11 D.R. Bhandarkar, Vasantgadh Incription of Varnalata, PRASIWC, 1905–06,
p. 50.
12 C.H. Tawney (translated), Prabhandacintamani Wishing-Stone of Narra-
tives, Merutunga Acharya, Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1901.
13 Vajeshekahr G. Ojha and G. Bühler, Vadnagar Prasasti of the Reign of
Kumarapala, Epigraphia Indica, I, 1892, reprinted 1983, pp. 293–304.
Architectural Historians, 63 (ii), 2004, p. 152.
15 Patel, Architectural Histories Entwined, p. 155.
16 R. Thapar, Somanatha, p. 224.
17 Samuel Beal, Su-Yu Ki-Chinese Accounts of India, Translated from Chi-
nese of Hieun Tsang, Calcutta: Sushil Gupta (India) Ltd., 1958, p. 459.
18 Asim Kumar Chatterjee, A Comprehensive History of Jainism, 2nd Edition,
New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 2000, p. 86.
19 K.V. Soundara Rajan, Junagadh, Delhi: ASI, 1985, p. 39.
20 M.A. Dhaky and U.S. Moorti, The Temples in Kumbhariya, Delhi: Ameri-
can Institute of Indian Studies, 2001, p. 4.
24 J.F. Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum – Inscriptions of the Early
Gupta Kings and Their Successors, Vol. 3, Calcutta: Superintendent Gov-
ernment Printing, 1888, pp. 61–5.
25 Babita Sikdar, Girinagara – The Ancient Provincial Capital of Western

India, Unpublished MA Dissertation, Department of Archaeology and
Ancient History, MS University, Vadodara, 1999, p. 53.
26 A.M.T. Jackson and R.E. Enthoven, Folklore of Gujarat, Published in
Haryana, Printed in Delhi: Reprint Vintage Books, 1989, p. 38.
27 Savitri V. Kumar, The Puranic Lore of Holy Water Places, Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, 1983, p. 70.
28 Gujarat State Gazetteers, Junagadh District, Ahmedabad: Directorate of
Government Print, 1975, pp. 814–9.
31 P.A. Inamdar, Some Archaeological Finds in the Idar State, Himatnagar
Idar State: Department of Archaeology, 1936, plate VI.
32 Inamdar, Some Archaeological Finds in the Idar State, plate VI.
33 Inamdar, Some Archaeological Finds in the Idar State, p. 13.
34 Data collected during field trip about the legend prevalent at the site
(January 2003).
35 Sara L. Schastok, The Shamlaji Sculptures and Sixth Century Art in Western
India, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1985, List of Figures.
36 S.N. Chowdhary, Buddhist Monuments of Devnimori – North Gujarat,
Unpublished PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1964. p. 19.
37 R.N. Mehta and S.N. Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori (A Report of
the Excavation Conducted from 1960 to 1963), Vadodara: MS University,
1966, p. 29.
40 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavations at Devnimori, pp. 119–20.
42 S.N. Chowdhary, Buddhist Monuments of Devnimori – North Gujarat,
43 S.N. Chowdhary, Buddhist Monuments of Devnimori, p. 93.
44 Chowdhary, Buddhist Monuments of Devnimori, p. 121.
45 Chowdhary, Buddhist Monuments of Devnimori, p. 117.
46 Chowdhary, Buddhist Monuments of Devnimori, pp. 166–7.
47 Mehta and Chowdhary, Excavation at Devnimori, p. 141.
57 H. Goetz, Gupta Sculptures from North Gujarat, Journal of Gujarat
Research Society, 14 (1), 1952, p. 1.
58 V.L. Devkar, Sculptures from Shamalaji & Roda, Bulletin of Baroda
Museum Picture Gallery, Vadodara: Govt. Press, 1960, 13, Special Num-
ber, p. 136.
59 Fieldtrip (January 2003).
60 R.N. Mehta, Five Sculptures from Devnimori, Journal of Indian Society of
Oriental Arts, 1966, Special Number – Western Indian Art, p. 27.
61 Sara L. Schastok, The Shamlaji Sculptures & Sixth Century Art in Western
India, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1985, List of Figures.
62 V.S. Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, Unpublished
PhD Thesis, MS University, Vadodara, 1978. Table.
63 Fieldtrip (January 2003).
64 Schastok, The Samlaji Sculptures & Sixth Century Art in Western India,
p. 16.
65 Devkar, Sculptures from Shamalaji & Roda, p. 136.
68 Goetz, Gupta Sculptures from North Gujarat, p. 2.
69 Dr. Haripriya Rangarajan, Wrong Identification of the Images of Viśvarūpa
Visnu from Gujarat, Kala, 6, 1999–2000, p. 67.
71 Booklet – Shamalaji, Gujarati, Published by Shamalaji Vishnu Mandir
Trust
75 Ravi Hazarnis, Vrisha Sculptures in Gujarat, in C. Margabandhu, K.S.
Ramachandran, A.P. Sagar and D.K. Sinha (eds), Indian Archaeological
Heritage, Agam Indological Series 11, Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1991,
p. 563.
76 Rangarajan, Wrong Identification of Images, p. 68.
80 S.R. Rao, Excavation at Amreli, Bulletin of Baroda Museum and Picture
Gallery, 18, 1966, p. 14.
81 Annual Report – Archaeological Department, Baroda State, 1936–37,
p. 12.
p. 19.
83 Hazarnis, Vrisha Sculptures in Gujarat, p. 563.
84 Rao, Excavation at Amreli, Bulletin, p. 14.
p. 19.
88 Annual Report – Archaeological Department, Baroda State, for Year End-
ing 31st July 1939, p. 5.

95 A.B.L. Awasthi, Studies in the Skanda Purāna, Part I, Lucknow: Kailash
Prakashan, 1965, p. 85.
97 U.P. Shah, A Female Bust from Valabhi, Journal of Indian Society of Ori-
ental Arts, Special Number – Western Indian Art, 1966. p. 1.
98 Vasant Shinde, The Earliest Temple of Lajjāgaurī? The Recent Excava-
tions at Padri in Gujarat, East and West, 44 (2–4), 1994, p. 484.
99 Parekh, The Iconography of Saiva Deities from Gujarat, Chart of Lingas
from Gujarat.
100 Kantilal F. Sompura, Structural Temples of Gujarat (up to 1600 AD),
Ahmedabad: Gujarat University, 1968, p. 83.
101 K.V. Ramesh, Vada Inscription of Suketuvarman Saka 322, Epigraphia
Indica, 40, Part 2, 1973–75, p. 57.
102 Ramesh, Vada Inscription of Suketuvarman, p. 52.
103 Ramesh, Vada Inscription of Suketuvarman, p. 53.
105 M.G. Dikshit, History of Buddhism in Gujarat, Journal of Gujarat
Research Society, 8 (2 and 3), 1946, p. 109.
A Historical Survey, Hoshiarpur: Vishveshvaranand Institute, 1965, p. 28.
107 M.K. Thakor, A Bronze Image of Buddha from Valabhipur, Journal of
Oriental Institute, 11, 1966–67, pp. 79–85.
108 Archaeological Survey of Western India, for Year Ending 31st March 1915,
p. 30.
109 Samuel Beal, Su-Yu-Ki-Chinese Accounts of India, Translated from Chi-
nese of Hieun Tsang, Calcutta: Sushil Gupta (India) Ltd., 1958, p. 457.
115 Benapudi Subbarao, Baroda Through the Ages, Vadodara: MS University,
1953, p. 14.
116 Subbarao, Baroda Through the Ages, p. 110.
118 Shah, Akota Bronzes, pp. 31 and 44.
119 G. Bühler, Valabhi Grant No.XV – A Grant of Siladitya I, Indian Anti-
quary, 9, 1880, p. 238.
121 Dhananjay Hanumantrao Shinde, Karvan and the Lakulisa Sect, Unpub-
lished MA Dissertation, MS University, Vadodara, 1979, p. 23.
122 Shah, Matrka and Other Sculptures from North Gujarat, Bulletin of
Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, 14, 1962, pp. 29–32.
123 R.T. Parikh, Unique Sculpture of Sakti Ganesa of the Ucchista Variety
from Kumbhariya, Journal of Oriental Institute, 22, 1973, p. 374.
124 Krishna Brajesh, Foreign Trade in Early Medieval India, Delhi: Harman
Publishing House, 2001, p. 66.
125 Z.A. Desai, Mirat I Sikandari as a Source of Study of Cultural and Social
Conditions in Gujarat, Journal of Oriental Institute of Baroda, 10, 1961,
pp. 353–64.
126 V.K. Jain, Trade and Traders in Western India, Delhi: Munshiram
Architectural Historians, 63 (ii), 2004, pp. 144–63, 155.
128 Alka Patel, Building Communities in Gujarat, Leiden, E.J. Brill, 2004,
p. 55.
129 Ranabir Chakravarti, Nakhudas and Nauvittikas – Ship-Owners and Mer-
chants in West Coast of India, Journal of Economic and Social History of
the Orient, 43, 2000, pp. 34–64, 54.
130 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, Delhi:
Manohar Publishers, 2002, p. 228.
131 Alka Patel, Building Communities in Gujarat, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2004,
p. 35.
132 Alka Patel, Expanding the Ghurid Architectural Corpus East of the Indus –
The Jagesvara Temple at Sadadi, Rajasthan, Archives of Asian Art, 59,
2009, p. 37.
133 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Trading Patterns Across the Indian Ocean: The
Making of Maritime Communities, in Benjamin Z. Kedar and Merry E.
Wiesner Hanks (eds), The Cambridge World History, Vol. 5, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2015, pp. 287–8, 297.
134 Z.A. Desai, Arabic Inscription of the Rajput Period from Gujarat,
Epigraphia Indica Arabic and Persian Supplement, 1959–61, New Delhi:
Archaeological Survey of India, 1987, pp. 18–19.
135 Mehrdad Shokoohy, Bhadresvar, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1988, p. 44.
136 Kristi L. Wiley, A to Z of Jainism, Lanham: The Scarecrow Press INC,
2009, p xxxv.
137 Helmuth von Glasenapp, Jainism – An Indian Religion of Salvation –
Translation, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1999, p. 57.
138 Shokoohy Bhadresvar, p. 43.
139 Shokoohy Bhadresvar, p. 43.
140 Patel, The Rudra Mahalaya, p. 155.
142 Patel, Building Communities, p. 56.
143 Patel, Building Communities, p. 55.
144 Patel, The Rudra Mahalaya/Congregational Mosque of Siddhpur, p. 148.
145 Patel, The Historiography of Reuse in South Asia, Archives of Asian Art,
59, 2009, p. 2.
146 Van der Veer, The Foreign Hand – Orientalist Discourses in Sociology
and Communalism, in C. Breckenridge and Peter van Veer (eds), Orien-
talism and the Post Colonial Predicament: Perspectives on South Asia,
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993, pp. 39–40.
147 Shokoohy, Bhadresvar, p. 40.
148 Shokoohy, Bhadresvar, p. 41.
150 Finbarr Barry Flood, Objects of Translation – Material Culture and Medi-
eval Hindu Muslim Encounter, Princeton: Princeton University Press,
2009, p. 207.
151 Flood, Objects of Translation, pp. 210–11.
152 Flood, Objects of Translation, p. 212.
155 Michael Naylor Pearson, Merchants and Rulers in Gujarat – The Response
to the Portuguese in the Sixteenth Century, Berkley, Los Angeles, Lon-
don: University of California Press, 1976, p. 27.
5
Religious processes, rituals and

pilgrimage
In the previous four chapters, archaeological and sculptural data per-

taining to religion in Gujarat were discussed. In this chapter, the con-
centration will be on the data available from the Mahabharata and the
sixth–seventh-century text the Skanda Purana pertaining to sacred sites
in Gujarat and religious developments in the region. A study of these
texts becomes imperative to have a better understanding of religious
developments and a more comprehensive picture of the region. Replete
with stories and legends, the Puranas also furnish data regarding the
religious beliefs and practices of a region even though this requires a
cautious sifting of facts from legends and myths. The aid of archaeo-
logical and inscriptional data will be taken to determine the degree to
which certain rituals and festivals were practised and the presence of
sites mentioned in the texts.
Historians such as Vijay Nath and Kunal Chakrabarti have suggested
that the currently practised religion be called Puranic religion since it
is the 18 Maha Puranas that are considered as the sacred texts. The
Puranas have been studied not with a view to highlighting the diver-
sity and continuity in the religious beliefs, but have been viewed as
instruments used by the Brahmanical community to spread a hegem-
onic Puranic religion.
The Puranas are viewed as indicators of a process whereby the brah-
manas spread their religion by interacting with tribal and other com-
munities, and the process is seen as two-directional. But if we examine
the Puranas, it is noticed that no one ‘Great Tradition’ seems to exist.
As pointed out by Vijay Nath, ‘This gigantic corpus reveals not one
homogenetic, but several categories of Puranic texts, varying in their
content and format.’1 According to Nath, the cause behind the com-
pilation of the Puranas was the extension of the Brahmanical culture
196 V Religious processes, rituals and pilgrimage
to the ‘peripheral’ areas due to the land granted to this priestly class.
She states that the nature of focal attention, which was paid to these
‘tribes’ in the Puranas, seems unprecedented and excessive and is almost
refrain-like in character. The interaction between the tribes and civilisa-
tional centres, in her opinion, could have been occasioned by a certain
amount of economic interdependence, which was unavoidable. Also,
trade routes brought civilisational forces to close proximity with the
tribal habitational zone. Interaction was also necessitated by the need to
exploit the professional services of the tribesmen. According to Nath,
in the closing centuries of the Common era, the politico-economic sce-
nario underwent considerable change.2 Two factors were important that
necessitated the urgent need for acculturation. First was the appear-
ance of foreign powers, which uprooted certain rulers, who had to
try their luck in remote territories inhabited by the tribes. The second
factor was the development of trade and commerce, and to meet the
demand for Indian goods, agricultural production had to be promoted.
The increasing pressure on land led to the need to reclaim virgin and
wasteland, and this was possible through granting of land to the brah-
manas. A labour force was required for the cultivation of these plots
of land, and this could be provided by the tribes already dwelling in
and around the area of the cultivated land. Also, there were brahmanas
who cultivated plots of land by themselves, and they too, according to
Nath, could not have avoided contact with the native tribes. Most of
the lands granted were not of a very large size, and there was more of
intensive agriculture. Nath points out that the rise of such a fairly large
number of brahmana cultivators led to an attitudinal change on part
of the brahmana ideologues. The agricultural leanings led to the agro-
technology and other related subjects being displayed by Brahmanical
writers in the post-Gupta period.3 Along with the economic factor was
the political force caused by state formation. The ruling elite and the
priestly groups played a crucial role.4 In this phase, it was the ruling
aboriginal chiefs and their priests who provided the initiative for accul-
turation since they were keen to enter the cultural mainstream. She lays
stress on the role played by the tribal chieftains, who staked their claim
to political power and turned collaborators with the migrant brahma-
nas. The process of acculturation was peaceful and through religious
indoctrination.
Vijay Nath’s formulation of the spread of Brahmanism because of
land grants that made the brahmanas settle in remote areas, which
led to an interaction with the tribals, and also, the spread of better
Religious processes, rituals and pilgrimage V 197
agricultural techniques needs further scrutiny. In the Skanda Purana, we

come across Prabhasa Khanda, and also, the importance of Dwarka.
The archaeological data show that these two sites had great antiquity
and were important even before the period of the compilation of the
Puranas. Now, if we give credit to the brahmanas for the spread of the
Puranic religion, and subsequently, the construction of temples, then
how does one explain the earlier presence of temples at Dwarka and
Padri? Further, it is interesting to see that the two sites of this region
that have a considerable amount of importance in the Puranas are those
very sites that have been inhabited over a long period of time. Also, if
it was agriculture that led to assimilation, then these two sites negate
this. This is mainly because these two sites subsisted more on trade
than agriculture due to their location along the coast. It would seem as
though, rather than creating new centres of pilgrimage or temples, the
brahmanas, with the aid of the Puranas, recognised and accepted the
importance of certain sites, as evident from the example of Dwarka.
Temples are associated with the emergence of Puranic religion, and
the general belief is that the rulers invited these brahmanas in order to
help legitimise their rule, and also, to gradually increase the area under
cultivation. This, they tried to achieve by granting land on a large scale
to them. It is then these brahmanas who spread the religion in the hin-
terland areas, and it is the ruling and the religious elite who are credited
with the construction of the first temples in these regions. If the politi-
cal elite had a major role to play in the process of acculturation, then
it becomes difficult to explain the lack of importance given to politi-
cally important sites, in the Puranas. The sites of Amreli, Junagadh and
Valabhi that were political centres do not acquire the same importance
as the non-political sites of Dwarka and Somanatha.
As for the construction of a temple by royalty, the earliest reference
is available from the site of Junagadh on the rock edict dating to the
Gupta period.5 Thereafter, reference to temple construction by a mem-
ber of the royalty is found in the plates of the time of Toramana found at
Sanjeli that date to the end of the fifth century ce or the beginning of the
sixth century ce.6 These are a total of three copper plate grants that men-
tion donations to the same temple in different years. The grant dating
to the third regnal year mentions the donation to the temple of her deity
Jayasvami caused to be constructed by the queen mother Viradhikya.7
The grant belonging to the sixth regnal year records the grant of vil-
lages in the name of Viradhikya, the queen mother to the temple of the
Supreme deity constructed by her.8 The third grant records the grant of
the village Sangampallika to the temple of Lord Narayana, which was

constructed by Viradhikya, who is now described as the queen paternal
grandmother.9
References to donations made to temples by the Maitraka rulers
are very few, since out of a total of four donations, two donations are
towards temples dedicated to the goddess, and one each to that of Shiva
and Surya. While Dronasimha10 and Dhruvasena II11 made one donation
each, Siladitya I12 donated twice to temples. Donation was also made
to the temple of goddess Kottammhikadevi in Trisamgamaka, which
received a donation of guda and rupaka. The temple of Adityadeva,
dedicated to Surya, was located in Bhadareniyaka and was donated
100 padavarta of land and two bhaiksaka by the ruler Siladitya.13
In most cases, these temple structures have not been identified on
ground, except in the case of the temple dedicated to Shiva, which
was located in Vatapadra.14 Evidence for the involvement of the com-
munity is provided in one of the Maitraka inscriptions as well. There
is a reference in the inscriptions to the presence of a temple dedicated
to Bhavani, which was built by the villagers. One of the fields donated
by Dharasena III in the Bhavnagar plates lay to the west of (the tem-
ple of) Sanikarika (i.e. the goddess Bhavani) built by the villagers.15
The temple built by Harinatha, as recorded in the inscription, was
dedicated to Shiva and received 270 padavartas of land and a step-
well is further evidence of the construction of temples, more by the
people and communities than by the royalty. The temple was known
as Mahadeva and was located in Batabatara.16 In Vala itself, at Moti
Darai, an old Shiva temple with a stepwell was discovered, and not
long ago, a polished granite linga of greenish colour was discovered
there,17 but no reference to this temple is found in the inscriptions.
Similarly, the temples located along the coast of Saurashtra dated
between the sixth and the eighth centuries ce have been given the
nomenclature of ‘Maitraka Temples’, but do not contain any evidence
to suggest the involvement of the royalty in either their construction
or maintenance. Thus, most temples mentioned in the grants cannot
be located on ground, and the temples that do exist did not have any
association with the royalty.
Rather than attributing the construction of temples to the ruling elite
and the prevalent religious ideology to a new class of settlers in the
region, it is more important to consider the existing religious beliefs
and practices among the inhabitants. The emergence of temples in this
region could have been a further manifestation of the already prevalent
religious system in the period prior to their construction. By attribut-

ing religious developments to settlers from other places would mean
the worship of those deities that were brought into the region by the
brahmanas. The impression one would then have is a replacement of
the religious practices of the people inhabiting the region by a new set
of beliefs and practices. The various figurines and the miniature Shiva
lingas would seem to present a different view. The worship of Shiva
can now be traced to a much earlier period in this region, and hence, the
beginnings of the worship of Shiva cannot be attributed to or connected
with the land grants and the associated spread of the ‘Brahmanical’
religion. The terracotta figurines found at different sites, such as those
of Lajjagauri, Panchagnitapas Parvati and Mahisasuramardini, would
seem to indicate the prevalence of some form of goddess worship, and
this too antedates the period of the land grants to the brahmanas in this
region. In the region of Gujarat, evidence for the role of the ruling elite
is wanting, and most of the grants made by the rulers are to brahmanas
involved in Vedic studies.
The process of appropriating and glorifying sacred sites was selec-
tive when it comes to Gujarat. It is noticed in the Skanda Purana that
even though numerous temple sites were emerging along the coast of
Saurashtra, the only sites that have been dealt with in great detail are
those of Somanatha and Dwarka. These two sites were already tirthas
in the time of the Mahabharata, and thus, to associate the Puranas with
settling of Brahmanas in newer unsettled areas to spread the religion
seems implausible in this case. What does change in the Skanda Purana
as compared to the Mahabharata in respect to these two sites is that
there is an extension of sacred geography. Now, it is not only Prabhas
Patan with the Somanatha temple, but Prabhasa Ksetra, which includes
the area around Somanatha as well.
As discussed above, the relation between temples or brahmanas
and the ruling authority is not applicable in Gujarat. Thus, it becomes
imperative to identify other processes and religious changes taking
place in the region, and for this, we shall concentrate mainly on the
Skanda Purana. The chapter shall demonstrate that while, on the one
hand, Vedic studies continued in the Early Historic period, on the other,
local popular customs and beliefs were also finding their place in the
Skanda Purana. Simultaneously, a number of festivals mentioned in
the text hint at an attempt to involve a greater number of people. Rather
than the ruling dynasty being the main support in Gujarat for the brah-
manas, in the spread of the Puranic religion, the region demonstrates an
interaction and dialogue between the local beliefs and customs and the
Brahmanical ideology.
In the study to follow in this chapter, it will be noticed that while
certain rites and rituals continue from an earlier period, such as the
Vedic ceremonies, one also notices a mixture of the old and the new,
as in the case of sraddha or mortuary rituals, where the rite may have
its roots in the local beliefs, but the mantras used were from an earlier
Sanskrit textual tradition. Simultaneously, new inputs are noticed, as
seen in the increase in the importance and number of wells, as well
as the incorporation of rituals that are specific to a site and may date
earlier to the compilation of the Skanda Purana. First, the chapter shall
demonstrate continuity, then proceed to discuss methods which ensured
the involvement of more people in Puranic rituals, the incorporation of
local beliefs being one, the evidence pertaining to new inputs, and then
demonstrate with the aid of archaeological and inscriptional data that
the sites of Dwarka and Somanatha, which were already sacred, were
being further elaborated in the Skanda Purana.
Continuity of Vedic rituals

There has been a general belief that with the coming of the Puranas, the
Vedic rituals were replaced by rites mentioned in the Puranas. Accord-
ing to Savitri V. Kumar, ‘The social religion of the Purāṇas was differ-
ent from the more or less personal religion as seen from the Śrautasūtra
tradition and from the earlier Brahmanic tradition. The Śrauta religion
was a development of the individual ritual series, while the Purāṇas
have a wider humane approach18 and that the Purāṇas in most cases
portray the common person’s religious belief.’19 A similar opinion is
held by Vijay Nath as according to her, ‘The development (of tīrthas)
marked the culmination of the process by which the Vedic tradition
with its narrow caste base and appeal was sought to be gradually sub-
sumed by the Puranic tradition with its strong folk orientation and being
geared largely to the appeal of the masses.’20 The change is seen in the
fact that tirthas came to occupy a very important place, and that visiting
certain tirthas gave as much merit or reward as in the performance of
the Rajasuya and Vajapeya ceremonies. ‘In the Mahābhārata we find
that various tīrthas have been associated with the fruits or merits of
various sacrifices.’21 In the opinion of Vijay Nath, ‘The ritual act of
pilgrimage became both a substitute for Vedic yajñas and an important
expiatory measure.’22 This chapter will demonstrate that tirthas do not
mark the culmination of the bhakti movement; rather, it was a continua-

tion of an earlier tradition that gained more importance and also did not
replace the religion of performance of sacrifices.
It shall be noticed in the course of this chapter that even though new
rituals associated with tirthas and temple worship came up, the sacri-
ficial rites continued to take place. In the Mahabharata itself, refer-
ences are found both to tirthas as well as sacrifices. Reference to the
existence of temples comes from the statement, ‘Bulls belonging to the
village temple’ (III.X.24), while the statement, ‘and on Parvan days,
he should cause worship of fire to be made with offerings, oblations in
fire and recital of benedictions’(IV. III.78.5) indicates the prevalence of
sacrifices as well. Thus, it would not be appropriate to think in terms of
a disjunction between the Puranic and sacrificial religion; rather, they
existed side by side, in the period under study. While tirthas and temple-
related rituals may have appealed to the masses, sacrifices continued to
be performed by those better off. This becomes evident when analysing
the data available to us from inscriptions dating to the Maitraka period.
The grants are evidence of the diverse beliefs of the Maitraka rulers.
While the rulers claim to be mostly Shaivites, donations were bestowed
to brahmanas involved in Vedic studies, to temples and Buddhist mon-
asteries as well. The rulers of this dynasty made four donations towards
temples, as well as gave 56 donations to brahmanas specializing in one
or the other branch of Vedic studies. These donations were made at
times with the purpose of the continuance of certain sacrifices, as evi-
dent from the grant of Dharasena II,23 Siladitya I,24 Dhruvasena I,25 and
Siladitya V,26 and were known as bali, caru, vaisvadeva, and agnihotra.
Even though the rulers claimed to be devout worshippers of some
deity, most of these grants were given to brahmanas who do not seem
to have been involved with temples. The gotra and the Vedic branch of
studies of these brahmanas suggest that they were involved either in
Vedic studies or in the performance of sacrifices. A majority of them
belong to the Chandogya or the Vajisaneyi branch of Vedic studies. In
some grants, it has been mentioned that the purpose of the donation was
for the maintenance of rites such as bali, caru and vaisvadeva. In one
grant of Dhruvasena III, dated 653–654 ce, it is stated that ‘be it known
to you, that, for the increase of spiritual merit of my mother and father
I give with a libation of water to brahmana Bhattibhatta . . .’.27
The maximum donations were made to brahmanas belonging to
either the Chandogya or Vajisaneyi branch of Vedic studies. Also, if we
analyse the list of brahmanas who received more than one donation,
those belonging to these two schools and the Maitrayaniya School

were the ones who received them. In only one case is the donation
shared between two people who are brothers and belonged to the
Chandogya school. Thus, it were the brahmanas belonging to either
one of three branches of Vedic studies who were most patronised.
Besides C handogya and Vajisaneyi, the Bhavrcha branch of brahmanas
received the maximum single grants and they total to ten.
At this point of time, Vedic studies seemed to have reached a high
stage of specialisation. This becomes clear when the list regarding the
brahmana donees is scrutinised. Within the Vedic branch of Vajisaneyi,
there is a further division into Sukla Yajurveda and Chaturvedin. Also
mentioned is a Madhyandin Vajisaneyi branch of Vedic studies. Then,
there is the Maitrayaniya, as well as Maitrayaniya Krsna Yajurveda and
Maitrayaniya Manavaka. It appears as though, on the one hand, the
Maitraka rulers associated themselves with a particular deity, such as
Shiva, and on the other hand, took an interest in Vedic religion. They
seemed to have had a great interest in the continuation of various ritual
sacrifices as bali, caru and vaisvadeva and ceremonies, in all probabili-
ties for the continuation of the reign as well as success in campaigns.
Also, we have one example of a donation being made for the spiritual
merit of the parents by Dhruvasena III. Probably a part of the donations
given by other rulers was utilised for this purpose also.
While rulers did donate for the continuance of sacrifices, they also
associated themselves with one of the Puranic deities, mainly Shiva. The
grant of Dhruvasena I mentions the purpose of the grant as the main-
tenance of sacrificial rites of bali, caru, vaisvadeva, and others.28 The
Bantia plates of Dharasena II mention that the grant is made for the
maintenance of the five sacrificial rites.29 Dharasena II granted land to
a Brahmin so that bali, caru, vaisvadeva, agnihotra, and atithi pancha
mahayajna could be performed.30 The purpose of the grant of Siladitya V
was to defray the expenses of an agnihotra and other sacrifices.31 The
grant of Dharasena II to a Rigvedi brahmana to perform sacrifices32 indi-
cates that it was those involved or specialising in Vedic studies who
were performing the sacrifices. Thus, these grants demonstrate that even
though Puranic rituals were taking root in the form of temple worship
and tirthas in Saurashtra, it did not mean that sacrifices went into obliv-
ion or were completely undermined by the new rituals associated with
the Puranas.
It is noticed that the most frequently mentioned sacrifices are those
of bali, caru and vaisvadeva, and the other important one mentioned
is agnihotra. Vaisvadeva is performed on Chaitra full moon and is one

of the Chaturamasyas (seasonal sacrifices).33 In the vaisvadeva parvan
itself, there are (besides the five offerings common to all Chaturamasyas)
three more offerings, namely, a cake on seven potsherds for the Maruts,
a payasya to all gods and a cake on a single potsherd to Heaven and
Earth.34 The five offerings common to all Chaturamasyas are a purodasa
(cake) on eight potsherds for Agni, boiled rice (caru) for Soma, a puro-
dasa on 12 or 8 potsherds for Savitri, a caru for Sarasvati, and a caru of
finely ground rice for Pusan. The reward for the performance of Chatu-
ramasyas was heaven, and they could be performed throughout one’s
life or for one year only.35 The name given to this rite is vaisvadeva
since in it, sacrifice is offered to all gods or because food is cooked in
it for all the gods.36
Out of the seven forms of haviryajnas, agnihotra is the second,
according to Gautama VIII.20. From the evening of the day of agnyad-
heya, the householder has to perform agnihotra (burnt offering of cow’s
milk) twice daily in the evening and the morning to the end of his life.37
The homa is performed with cow’s milk without any particular
reward in view, but one who desires to secure a village or plenty of
food, or strength or brilliance may employ respectively yavagu (gruel),
cooked rice, curds, or clarified butter (Asv. II.3.1–2).38
Even though we find references to sacrifices for personal benefit,
donations to those specialising in one or the other branch of Vedic study
are perhaps an indication of other important sacrifices that might have
been carried out by them. Those mentioned are Vajisaneyi, Chandogya,
Atharvana, Bhavrcha, and Maitrayaniya. The brahmanas specialising
in Chandogya would have had their roots in the Samaveda, and the
Maitrayaniyas and Vajisaneyis in the Yajurveda,39 Atharvana in Athar-
vaveda and the Bhavrcha was an offshoot of the Rigveda. Maurice
Winternitz points out that four chief priests occupied the srauta sacri-
fices and they were: 1. Hotr or ‘Caller: Invoker’, who recited the verses
of the hymns in order to praise the gods and invite them to the sacrifice;
2. The Udgatr or ‘singer’, who accompanied with songs the preparations
and performance of the sacrifices, especially for the soma libations;
3. The Adhvaryu or ‘sacrifice executor’, who executed all sacrificial
acts and mutters thereby the prose prayers and sacrificial formulas,
and 4. The Brahmana or ‘High priest’ who had to protect the sacrifice
from harm.40 The Hotr was one who learned the Rigveda, the Udgatr
priests learned in the schools of the Samaveda,41 the Adhvaryu priest
the Yajurveda42 and a Brahmana was he who knew all the three Vedas.43
The Vajisaneyi Samhita belongs to ‘white’ Yajurveda, containing only

mantras,44 and it originates from Yajnavalkya Vajasaneyi, who was the
principal teacher of this Veda.45 In this Samhita, there are prayers for
new and full moon sacrifices, with their connected sacrifices for the
manes, the daily fire cult, inception of fire and fire offerings (agnihotra)
to be made every morning and evening and seasonal sacrifices (Chatu-
ramasyas) that were performed once every four months. The Soma sac-
rifice could last from one to many days, the Vajapeya was a one-day
sacrifice and the Rajasuya was a sacrifice that took place at a king’s
coronation,46 and also mentioned is the horse sacrifice (Asvamedha).47
From a look at the Yajnavalkya Samhita, along with the data on the
various functions of the priests, in a sacrifice, and those mentioned in
the inscription, it could be inferred that some sacrifices must have taken
place. It is seen that the Maitraka rulers donate mostly to brahmanas
specialising in one of the three branches of Vedic study. Thus, it can be
assumed that in return for the donations they received, they performed
various sacrifices in which each had a role of its own to play, such as the
Vajapeya or Rajasuya sacrifice.
A description of these rituals, two among many others that are men-
tioned, demonstrates that certain rituals and sacrifices continued from
the earlier times. It is possible that those who could have afforded them
were still performing rites and sacrifices since they could have invested
the vast resources required in carrying them out. At the same time, other
forms of worship and rites started gaining ground and popularity. This
could have been because these tirthas and temples, along with their
rituals and stories that made them famous, were an easy and afford-
able means to attain salvation and fulfilment of desires for the not so
wealthy.
Elaboration of rituals in the Skanda Purana as

compared to the Mahabharata
An analysis of rituals mentioned in the Mahabharata and the Skanda
Purana makes it evident that certain rituals mentioned in the former are
described in much greater detail in the Purana. Thus, while rites and
rituals associated with certain sites continue from the earlier period,
they also become more elaborate and complex. Some of these rituals
invariably imply the requirement of the brahmanas as they are complex
and complicated. The elaborate description, various items to be given
and the stress laid on dana ritual indicate the importance of the priestly
community in the region. The local inhabitants would have played the
main role in providing the economic support since the support of the
royalty was mainly towards those involved in Vedic studies and ritual
specialisation thereof.
The Skanda Purana in its Prabhasa Khanda also lays down elaborate
rules while undertaking a pilgrimage (Sk.P. VII.I.28), something that is
not found in the Mahabharata. The pilgrimage or yatra is to be under-
taken when the person feels inclined and has the requisite money on
hand and the devotee should observe some (religious) rules and regula-
tions in his own house (Sk.P.VII.I.28.3–4). The person should bow to
Rudra mentally and perform sraddha in accordance with the injunctions.
He should circumambulate the holy spot, observing the vow of silence
with great concentration (Sk.P.VII.I.28.5). Among other things, the
devotee should be self-restrained, observe full control on diet, should
be rid of lust, anger, covetousness, and delusion. He should be free from
rivalry, malice and indulgence, and thereafter, he can start his religious
journey (Sk.P.VII.I.28.6–7). Pilgrimage on foot is considered the best
(Sk.P.VII.I.28.22) and by controlling the sense organs and subsisting
on alms, the benefit acquired is ten times (Sk.P.VII.I.28.24). In addition
to this, no gifts are to be accepted at the tirtha (Sk.P.VII.I.28.34) and
in the tirtha, the requisite fast should be observed (Sk.P.VII.I.28.61)
as there is nothing superior to fast observed in a holy spot as a means
of quelling sin (Sk.P.VII.I.28.64). One should also give Mahadana,
(Sk.P.VII.I.28.102) and carry out Sparsana or touching or ritualistic
imbibing of the tirtha water (Sk.P.VII.I.28.122).
Another such ritual described in great detail is that of dana and as
pointed out ‘The Pauranic legends deal elaborately with the aspect of
dāna, its allied rites and their positive as well as negative aspects. Dāna
according to one’s capacity is necessary almost at every tīrtha.’48
A look at the Skanda Purana demonstrates that the above-mentioned
statement holds true as dana becomes an important aspect of the ritual
at tirthas and is described in detail. Even though in the Mahabharata,
it finds mention, for instance ‘That magnanimous king, bathing there,
offered oblations to the pitṛs and the celestials. Giving wealth to the
foremost of brahmanas he then went to the ocean’ (Mbh. III. CXVIII.3),
or ‘The king observed many fasts in these tīrthas and gave away many
costly gems’ (Mbh. III, CXVIII.14), it is not dealt with in great detail.
However, it is given a lot of importance in the Skanda Purana where
not only the types of dana, but also, different objects to be donated at
different tirthas are also mentioned.
The text mentions the 16 Mahadanas that should be made by a king

at Prabhasa. These are Tulapurusa, Brahmanda, Prthvi, Kalpa tree,
Kamadhenu, Gaja (elephant), Vaji (horse), Ratha (chariot), Ratna (jewel),
Dhenu (cow), Hiranya (gold), Asva (horse), Sapta Sagara (seven seas),
Mahabhuta (great elements), Ghata (pot), Visva (universe), Chakra
(wheel), and Kalpalata (wish yielding creeper).
The following ten are remembered as Parvatas (mountains): Dhanya
(grain), Ratna (jewel), Guḍa (jaggery), Suvarṇa (gold), Tila (gingelly
seeds), Karpasa (cotton), Sarkara (sugar), Sarpis (ghee), Lavana (salt),
and Rupya (silver). The following ten are remembered as Dhenus (cows):
Guda (jaggery), Ajya (ghee), Dadhi (curds), Madhu (honey), Ambu
(water), Salila (water), Kśīra (milk), Sarkara (sugar), and those called
Ratna in their own form. Of these, gifts are to be given at each tirtha
separately or all should be given once in a place at the confluence of
Sarasvati and the sea (Sk.P.VII.I.28.90–94).
To a learned man, everything should be given or a house with all the
necessary paraphernalia; something, whether much or little, should be
given to brahmanas in a social gathering (Sk.P.VII.I.28.95) and in an
injunction laid down, dana, together with monetary gifts and gift of
cows, should be performed (Sk.P.VII.I.28.97). At the site of Bhalla tir-
tha, where Krishna was killed by an arrow, one should worship Vishnu
and keep awake at night and make gifts, such as those of lamps etc.
(Sk.P.VII.i.353.10b–11). The Skanda Purana provides a description of
the various reasons or bases of dana which total six. These are Dharma,
Artha (wealth), Kama (desire), Vrida (shame), Harsa (delight), and
Bhaya (fear) (Sk.P. I.ii.4.55). The six ancillaries of dana are the donor,
the recipient, purity, the thing gifted, the thing associated with Dharma,
and the place and time. The text also prescribes that a donor should be
free from sickness, he should be a righteous soul, be desirous of giv-
ing, be free from desires and pure in conduct, and his vocation as well
as activities should be free from reproach (Sk.P. I.ii.4.62–64a). Dana is
further sub-divided into three categories – Uttama (best), Madhyama
(mediocre) and Kaniyasa (inferior) (Sk.P. I.ii.4.77) on the basis of the
objects donated. For instance, while houses, palaces, land, well, and a
cow are Uttama (Sk.P. I.ii.4.78), food grains, resting places and gar-
ments are considered Madhyama (Sk.P. I.ii.4.79).
The objects to be donated during the Chaturamasya consist mainly of
food items, which stand in contrast to objects donated otherwise, such
as cows, land, gold etc. Donation in this period when Hari is asleep
becomes a means of attaining brahmana hood (Sk.P.Vi.235.1). Gifting
of cooked food excels all other gifts (Sk.P.VI.235.4) and items such
as ghee in pots, in combination with diamond (Sk.P.VI.235.9), cooked
food (Sk.P.VI.235.13–14), milk, curds and buttermilk, (Sk.P.VI.235.15),
vegetables and garments (Sk.P.VI.235.16), flowers and garments
(Sk.P.VI.235.17), sandal paste and incense (Sk.P.VI.235.18), cows
and plots of land, which causes redemption (Sk.P.VI.235.20), gin-
gelly seeds, cooked food sprinkled with honey or jaggery, salt, oil, etc.
(Sk.P.VI.235.21).
Instances prescribing gift of particular items at different sites is also
seen. It is advised that at Brahma kunda in Prabhasa Ksetra, a pilgrim
should make a gift of horses and golden water pitchers to a learned
brahmana for the eradication of all sins (Sk.P.VII.I.147.10).
At the site of Rukmini kunda, located at Girnar-Junagadh,49 for the
propitiation of Rukmini and Sripati, charitable gifts according to one’s
capacity are prescribed (Sk.P.II.viii.7.26).
A man should perform holy bath, homa with Vaishnava man-
tras, charitable gift and worship of brahmanas and Vishnu at the site
(Sk.P.II.viii.7.22). At Camatkarapura, the donation of a cow to an
excellent brahmana helps attain the benefit of the gift of the entire earth
(Sk.P.VI.15.9–15). Gift of cows and clothes to prominent brahmanas
as per procedure at Bhalla tirtha, located in Prabhas Patan, secures the
donee the fruit of (proper performance of) the yatra (Sk.P.VII.I.353.33).
To ensure that no future generation shall be afflicted by leprosy,
the devotee should make the gift of a cow with the deity in view
(Sk.P.VI.212.75).
Another ritual dealt with in great detail and advised to be performed
at Dwarka and Somanatha is that of sraddha. In the case of Dwarka, it
is mentioned that, ‘On the meritorious twelfth day of the bright half of
in the month of Bhadrapad, one should cause the offering of oblations
etc (to the pitrs) on that sacred place Dvārāvatī which is resorted to by
sages and Gandharvas. One (thereby) obtains unending merit offered
by pitṛs’ (Sk.P.III.ii.25.11–16).
Further, ‘After taking bath here if the devotee offers water libations
and balls of rice and performs śrāddha here, his manes become pleased
with him’ (Sk.P. III.26.1–3). By performing sraddha at the site of Bhal-
laka tirtha in Prabhasa, the pitrs attain satisfaction (Sk.P.VII.I.353.25),
and at Kardamala, also in the Prabhasa Ksetra, propitiating the pitrs
make the pitrs satisfied for a kalpa and performing sraddha here with
greens, roots and fruits is as good as performing sraddha in all the
tirthas (Sk.P.VII.I.354. 6–7).
Similarly, in the case of Somanatha, known as Prabhas Patan as well

in the Purana, an entire chapter is devoted in the Prabhasa Khanda on
the topic of sraddha and how it should be performed. References to
the benefits of performing sraddha here include, ‘One who performs
śrāddha at Somesvara without feeling of jealousy, his ancestors, the
departed ones, become deeply satisfied until the annihilation of all liv-
ing beings’ (Sk.P. V.iii.85.70b–78).
Another ritual encountered often in the text is that of pinda dana or
the offering of oblations to one’s ancestors, which is to be carried out
by the devotee at various sacred sites. A holy bath and offering of liba-
tions to the pitrs at Brahma kunda located in the Prabhasa Ksetra helps
attain all the benefit of Agnistoma (Sk.P. VII.I.147.9–10). Similarly,
at Mulasthana, the pilgrim should offer libations with water mixed
with gingelly seeds, and if sraddha is performed at the site with even
greens, roots and fruits, the pitrs attain salvation (Sk.P. VII.I.278.70–72).
If a man offers libations on the full moon day of Sravana, then all the
18 types of leprosy will disappear (Sk.P.VII.I.278.74–75). A bath in
the river Puskaravartaka and offering of libation to the pitrs here with
devotion helps attain what is desired and the merit befitting Tripuskara
(Sk.P. VII.I.134.11–13).
The topic is dealt with in great detail in the Skanda Purana as an entire
chapter is devoted to the necessity of performing sraddha (Sk.P.VI.215),
one is devoted to its origin (Sk.P.VI.216), the proper time for its per-
formance, the eligible brahmana, and procedure of carrying it out
(SkP.Vi.217). On the day of the sraddha, the Yajaman is not to recite
the Vedic mantras, he shall avoid anger and despised activities, oil bath,
physical fatigue, journey, and going far in vehicles (Sk.P.VI.217.40).
In the hour named kutapa, when the sun reaches the middle of the sky,
the person takes his holy bath and wears white clothes. He should pro-
pitiate the pitrs and devas as well as the invited brahmanas, and then,
he performs sraddha (Sk.P.VI.217.41).The periods and occasions in
which when sraddha is offered becomes everlasting is enumerated in
the text and these are Maivadi tithis, which are the lunar days marking
the beginning or anniversaries of Manvantaras (Sk.P.VI.217.52). If a
devotee takes bath and offers water mixed with darbha and gingelly
seeds with the pitrs in view on the days detailed in the text, he attains
the greatest goal (Sk.P.VI.217.54–58). Rules relating to performance
of sraddha, according to one’s own land and caste, are also laid down
(Sk.P.VI.218). Different days, according to one’s desired aims, are also
detailed in the text. For instance, those who wish for covetable sons
of good conduct should perform sraddha on Panchami or the fifth day

(Sk.P.VI.219.6). For perfect agricultural produce, it should be performed
on the Saptami or seventh day, for success in mercantile activities and
business dealings, Astami or eighth day is suggested, performance on
the twelfth day helps obtain perfect sons, and it is advised that on the
thirteenth day, it should not be performed as it is not conducive to the
increase of progeny (Sk.P.VI.219.3–15).
The text also gives a list of various flowers to be used in a srad-
dha rite, along with other things such as pepper, jaggery, salt, and tin
(Sk.P.VII.I.206.47–48). Sraddha is not to be performed during adver-
sity, without fire, during solar and lunar eclipse, in a group or when
the sun has set (Sk.P.VII.I.206.50). Annual sraddha is to be performed
every year on days of death of the mother and father, but not in the
intercalary month (Sk.P.VII.I.206.59).
The elaboration of these rituals entailed the requirement of a ritual
specialist. The day, time and method of performing these are dealt in
such detail that they seem to hint an attempt at establishing certain
rituals that aided in the continued importance of the ritual specialist.
The Puranas were compiled in Sanskrit, and the only ones with access
to it and in-depth knowledge were the priestly community who had
authority over these elaborate rites. Simultaneously, a process aimed
at involving more people in the Puranic rituals was also taking place.
This is evident from some festivals described in the Skanda Purana that
shall now be described.
Festivals involving pilgrims on a larger scale

In addition to the continuity of Vedic rites and rituals, the Puranas
inform us of certain festivals and occasions that would have implied the
involvement of a greater number of people. Besides the daily worship
of the deity carried out at the temple, visiting the temples on certain fes-
tivals and occasions accrued more benefits to the pilgrim. These occa-
sions provided the opportunity to the common man to hear recitations
of various stories and legends in the Purana. As has been pointed out by
Kunal Chakrabarti, ‘The Purāṇa were written in Sanskrit but purveyed
in vernacular for popular consumption.’50
A festival mentioned in the Shiva Purana and the Skanda Purana
and celebrated to date with great fervour in many parts of the coun-
try and associated with Shiva is the festival of Shivaratri. The Shiva
Purana mentions that in the dark half of the month of Magha, the rite
of Shivaratri is performed when the Chaturdasi extends up to midnight

(III, 38, 24). The devotee shall go to the temple of Shiva for worship
and he shall observe ritualistic affirmation (III, 38, 27). The night is
divided into three periods, and in the fourth three-hour period, the dev-
otee is to worship Shiva with black gram, green gram and offer flow-
ers of sankhi and the leaves of bilva (III, 38, 69–70). Till daybreak,
the devotee shall pass time in songs of prayer, musical instruments
and devotional dances (III, 38, 74). The Skanda Purana contains the
story of Chanda, who performs the worship of the linga incidentally
on the Shivaratri night, and the leaves he plucked of the bilva tree he
sat on fell on the linga as well. He also kept awake and fasted, and by
so fasting and keeping vigil on Shivaratri night, he attained the great-
est reward (Sk.P. I.i.33.52–61). This festival is celebrated till date in
many parts of the country, when devotees fast and throng to temples
and offer bilva leaves, oblations and pour milk and water on the Shiva
linga and keep awake the entire night. The method of worshipping
the lingas is also to be found in the text as it states that, ‘on the thir-
teenth lunar day of the bright half a devotee should duly bathe Siva
and worship by means of different kinds of flowers, sweet scents and
incense in due order’ (Sk.P.VII.I.122.4). At the site of Dasarathesvara
in Prabhasa Ksetra, where there was a well-established temple
(Sk.P.VII.I.171.1–4), the text prescribes the devotee to offer worship
to the deity on the full moon day in the month of Karttika by offering
lamps and adorations (Sk.P. VII.I.171.6).
Another festival mentioned in the Skanda Purana is Janamastmi,
which is celebrated to date in different parts of the country. It mentions,
‘On the eighth day in the dark half of Bhādra month Kṛṣṇa’s birthday
(is celebrated). Devotees shall take a holy dip there (in Gomati river)
and keep awake at night (Sk.P. V.i.62.28–32). They should propitiate
the excellent devotees of Visnu eager to celebrate Kṛṣṇa’s birthday with
various sweet smelling flowers, scents, garments and ornaments. Along
with it they should worship cows and brahmanas with mental purity
and concentration’ (Sk.P. V.i.62.33–39). Other references to worship of
Vishnu is seen in, ‘In the bright half of Caitra on Ekādaśī day a devo-
tee should after adoring Vīṣṇu offer Indian gooseberry and derive at
every step during circumambulation’ (the benefit of donating a thou-
sand cows) (Sk.P. V.i.62.33–39).
The text also describes a Rathayatra in connection with Brahma. It
mentions that the Rathayatra (religious procession or a car festival)
of the Lord in the month of Karttika is glorified (Sk.P.VII.I.107.55).
The person should take the four-faced Lord clad in a deer hide and
accompanied by Savitri all through the city. It should be on the full
moon day and many kinds of musical instruments should be played.
After taking the deity round the entire city, he shall be installed
(Sk.P.VII.I.107.56–57). At the outset, the brahmanas are to be fed, and
thereafter, the deity is placed on the chariot to the accompaniment of
music played on different musical instruments (Sk.P.VII.I.107.58). The
devotees keep awake by seeing various kinds of visual scenes of dra-
matic performances and listening to the profound sounds of the Vedic
chants (Sk.P.VII.I.107.60). After the devotee makes the chariot go
round the city to the accompaniment of conches and musical instru-
ments, the Niranjana rite is performed, and then, the deity is placed in
its own original place (Sk.P.VII.I.107.63).
Existence of these festivals can be inferred on the basis of the men-
tion of a festival in the Purana and in an inscription as well. The fes-
tival described in the Skanda Purana is Tripura festival celebrated on
the full moon day in the month of Karttika (Sk.P.II.iv.33). On this day,
Shiva killed the demon Tripura (Sk.P.II.iv.37), and in the evening of
this auspicious day, lights are to be offered in a Shiva temple (Sk.P.II.
iv.40–43), along with mantras. This festival is mentioned in a copper
plate grant found in the village of Sunev Kulla in Hansot Mahal of the
Broach district. The grant is dated to 540 or 541 ce, and was made on
the occasion of Mahakarttika, a day when a festival is held in honour of
Shiva’s victory over Tripurasura.51
The rituals mentioned above that were to be observed during the
festivals were simple and involved fasting, bathing the image of the
deity, offering flowers, incense, lights, etc. and keeping awake at night.
A common factor in these festivals was the central role of the temple,
which was the focus of the various rituals. The temple seems to have
been a place where recitation of the Puranas, dance, music, and wor-
ship of the deity in its diverse forms took place. The royalty may also
have participated in these festivities. Thus, it is evident that temples
were arenas of dialogues that shaped the beliefs and practices in the
region.
In addition to Vedic studies and the performance of various festi-
vals mentioned in the text, one notices new inputs as well. References
to water bodies in the Mahabharata consist mostly of rivers at sacred
sites, while in the Skanda Purana, in addition to rivers, a number of
wells come into prominence as important components of the sacred
landscape in Gujarat.
Water as sacred sites in literary tradition

The association of water and its sanctity as well as purifying and heal-
ing properties gains importance in the Skanda Purana. In the third chap-
ter of the book, a discussion was carried out on the existence of wells
as sacred sites on the basis of archaeological and sculptural remains.
A similar trend is noticed in the literary tradition as well, where a num-
ber of wells or kundas have been mentioned. Here, two distinct trends
can be noticed. On the one hand are wells where sculptural and archae-
ological data substantiate their sanctity, while on the other hand are
wells that have legends associated to sanctify them as sacred.
While in the Mahabharata, there is mention of carrying out ritual
bathing in rivers at the sacred sites of Prabhasa and Dwarka, in the
Skanda Purana, besides rivers, a number of wells and kundas come
to be considered as sacred. In most of the stories, one notices that
ritual bathing helped the devotee attain salvation and free oneself
from a number of sins. As has been pointed out by Savitri V. Kumar,
‘Salvation is attained by the holy water bath in most of the Puranic
legends.’52 Not only are the water bodies potent enough to destroy
sins, but at times, the sins are left and passed on to the water deities.53
This is gathered from the story where Prabhasa, Puskara, Gaya,
Naimisa, and Kuruksetra go to Brahma and complain of becoming
deformed and polluted due to the sins of the people who bathed in
them (Sk.P.II–III.vii.2).
Stories associated with a number of kundas located at sacred sites in
Gujarat amply prove their power to free one from sins and help attain
salvation. A holy bath in the kunda at Bhairavesvara and worship of the
deity with injunctions regarding the five upacaras (Sk.P.VII. 149.2–3)
ensures no rebirth and never meeting with destruction (Sk.P.VII.149.4).
The Kundala kupa located in Prabhasa Ksetra is considered destructive
of all sins (Sk.P.VII.148. 49). A holy bath in this kunda results in freeing
oneself of the sin incurred from stealing (Sk.P.VII.I.148.1–4). Similarly,
the benefits accrued by taking a holy bath at Brahma kunda consists of
destroying one’s sins. The sight of the kunda destroys the sins of seven
births (Sk.P.VII.I.147.64) and an ablution in it is equivalent to taking
a bath in all tirthas on the earth and the benefit of worshipping all dei-
ties (Sk.P.VII.I.147.63). After taking a bath, if one circumambulates
the kunda 15 times, it is considered as good as circumambulating the
whole earth, consisting of the seven continents, together with seven
nether worlds and surrounded by crores of tirthas (Sk.P.VII.I.147.67).
By drinking water from this kunda one does not incur any sin, whether
mental, physical or verbal (Sk.P.VII.I.147.75). Also located in the
Prabhasa Ksetra is a well on the bank of Devika river, and it is said that
if someone produces the sound ‘hum’, the well is filled up with water,54
and a bath in this well destroys all sins (Sk.P.VII.2.339).
At certain sites, water also had the power to cure ailments, as seen in
the story associated with Somanatha and curing of Soma of phthisis at
the site. A kunda with healing properties was that of Ratnaditya located
in the Prabhasa Ksetra. A dip in this kunda not only caused destruc-
tion of all sins (Sk.P.VI.212.10), but also helped get rid of leprous ail-
ments, if one bathes on the seventh lunar day in the bright half of the
month of Magha coinciding with a Sunday (Sk.P.VI.212.11). To the
north-western side of this is the water tank by the name of Dhanvantari,
where a holy bath with great devotion aids in dispelling every ailment
(Sk.P.VI.212.15).
The importance of these is evident in their capacity as places where
one can wash off one’s sins and as sites that also cure certain ailments.
While literary tradition accounts for the wells at the major sites of
Hatakesvara, Somanatha and Dwarka, archaeology demonstrates their
existence as an integral part of religious life in Gujarat, and more spe-
cifically, Saurashtra.
Up to this point in the chapter, one notices that various religious pro-
cesses were at play in the region. These include continuity of Vedic
studies from an earlier period, existence of rituals such as the srad-
dha that are a mixture of the Vedic and Puranic, recognition of already
important sites such as wells, and also an attempt to incorporate more
people into the Puranic fold through performances and recitations of
sacred texts. Some rituals encountered in the Skanda Purana demon-
strate the acceptance and inclusion of local customs at some of the sites
in the region, which shall be discussed next.
Incorporation of local beliefs and practices

in the Skanda Purana
By the time of the compilation of the Skanda Purana, Dwarka becomes
one of the seven cities which are the bestower of salvation, and these are
Kasi, Kanti, Maya, Ayodhya, Dvaravati Mathura, and Avantika (Sk.P.
IV.i.6.68). There are constant references to the site being one where sal-
vation can be attained, a concept that is not seen in regard to these sites
in the Mahabharata. ‘People should always renounce their bodies at
Dvārāvatī with a desire to conquer (attain) the world of Viṣṇu.’ Another

man who is free from sickness and observes fast (unto death) ‘becomes
free from all sins and goes to the city of Viṣṇu’ (Sk.P. III. i. 26.1–4).
Another instance is, ‘Urged by the god of death when creatures die at
Dvārāvatī, they become Viṣṇu in Vaikuntha endowed with four arms
and wearing yellow clothes’ (Sk.P. IV.i.7.111).
The soil of Dwarka is also given importance in the Skanda Purana
as it mentions, ‘One by whom a tilaka with (local) clay (called Gopi-
candana) has been applied at Dwarka should certainly be known to be a
living liberated soul’ (Sk.P. II.iv.4.34–39). Similarly, at the site of Sukla
tirtha, the application of mud from the tirtha and a holy bath at the site
helps attain the benefit of all the tirthas (Sk.P.VI.123.51).
A unique ritual for the site of Somanatha is encountered in the
text. This entails the offering of gold bracelet in the sea and the story
revolves around a queen by the name of Indumati. She was born as a
cowherdess in her pervious life and had five husbands. She lost all her
husbands and went to Somesvara, where she took a holy bath in the sea.
In the process, she lost her gold bracelet and because of this meritori-
ous act carried out unknowingly, she was married to king Brhadratha in
her next life. Upon realising the importance of this, she offered a gold
bracelet every year, and because of this, she attained the state of Deva
(Sk.P. VII.I.37).
The worship of Saligrama is equated with the worship of Vishnu as the
stone was marked by his discus and it leads to salvation (Sk.P.VI.243.37).
Worship of this stone and a stone from Dvaravati is advised for the
home (Sk.P.VI.243.39), and when worshipped with the leaves of the
tulasi plant, then death averts that home (Sk.P.VI.243.44). It should
be especially worshipped during Chaturamasya (Sk.P.VI.243.50),
offered light (Sk.P.VI.243.53), bathed with water containing sandal-
wood paste and tulasi leaves (Sk.P.VI.243.58) and offered a mass of
incense (Sk.P.VI.243.62). It is evident from this that the worship was
simple and did not require the assistance of a brahmana or uttering of
any complicated mantras. Worship of Vishnu and attainment of salva-
tion became even more simplified through the worship of this stone,
which could be carried out in one’s home.
An analysis of the evidence available for the sites of Dwarka and
Somanatha or the Prabhasa Ksetra also seems to point to a process
of recording and recognising the sites as important sacred centres of
Gujarat, and not a process whereby these become important due to any
role played by the brahmanas or the ruling elite.
Somanatha and Dwarka in literature and archaeology

An analysis of the literary references to the sites of Dwarka and
Somanatha, and the archaeological and inscriptional data pertaining to
them, indicates the marginal role played by the Puranas in contributing
either to the establishment, popularity or importance of the sites. These
sites had attained importance prior to the compilation of the Skanda
Purana. Available archaeological and inscriptional evidence concerning
the major sacred sites in the region makes it apparent that the Skanda
Purana contains a description of what existed on the ground. Dwarka
and Somanatha are two important sacred sites that find mention in the
Mahabharata and the Skanda Purana and these are the only two temple
sites that have been dealt with in the literary tradition, as compared to
other temple sites located along the coastline of Saurashtra. The exclu-
sion of other temple sites may have been due to the major concern of the
Purana in detailing sacred sites that had greater antiquity and a wider
influence in the region. A case study of Somanatha as described in the
Mahabharata and the Skanda Purana and the available archaeological
records demonstrate a coming together of the literary and archaeologi-
cal traditions.
While in the Mahabharata, the site of Prabhas Patan/Somanatha is
associated mainly with the Somesvara linga, by the time of the compi-
lation of the Skanda Purana, the sacred area of Prabhas Patan is extended
and is known as Prabhasa Ksetra, which contained numerous lingas,
temple sites and lingas described in the text. The site of S
omanatha with
the Somesvara linga is said to be located in the P rabhasa Ksetra. The
Ksetra is said to extend 12 yojanas (12 x 12 = 144 km) and the abode of
Somesvara is in the middle of it (Sk.P.VII.I.7.60–61). It is described as
being located at the confluence of Reva and Aurvi (Sk.P.V.iii.85.1–10)
and at the confluence of Sarasvati and the ocean (Sk.P.VII.I.10.28).
Reference to the existence of temples at the site is also found in the
text, as it mentions, ‘Somaraja brought Brahma, the Lord of the Uni-
verse, to the great Prabhasika tīrtha along with Savitrī and all the sages.
Lord Brahma then erected a hundred maṇḍapas and caused a hundred
kuṇḍas to be dug’ (Sk.P.VII.I.23.85–86). Of these numerous kundas
and mandapas only a few can be identified.
A study carried out by S.N. Desai on the sites mentioned as being
located in the Prabhasa Ksetra and their actual location on ground
shows that this Purana was describing sites on ground. Due to Muslim
invasions, many of the sites got destroyed, but many still exist. In some
cases, while the structure may have not survived, the images are to be
seen in newer temples and locations. In total, the area had 195 temples
dedicated to Shiva, 5 to Vishnu, 25 to goddesses, 19 Surya temples,
5 Ganesha temples, 8 tirthas, 2 vapis, 3 kupas, 2 forests, 19 kundas,
and 1 asrama.55 Of these, the author has been able to identify some
temple sites and the existence of some lingas and old images, now part
of newer temple structures.
The temples at the sites of Candisa, Angaresvara, Kapilesvara,56 and
Bhairesvara57 have been ravaged and reduced to rubble. Many of the
sites mentioned in the Purana are not identifiable and their existence ear-
lier is also uncertain. In other instances, the temple sites exist, but their
names have undergone slight changes. For instance, Varunesvara is now
known as Venesvara,58 Chitresvara is now known as Chitravichitra59 and
Javardaghdesvara is currently called Rotlesvara.60
Instances where the object of worship survives and can be located
are the Kamesvara linga, currently in the Sharda matha,61 the Chitr-
gandhesvara linga,62 the Ravanesvara linga seen at kotha Khadki,63 the
Chaturbhuja Mahadeva image in the Junagadh museum,64 the damaged
Ratanesvara linga seen lying in the fields,65 and the Jamdagnesvara
linga in Golvad area of Prabhasa city.66 Similarly, in the case of tem-
ples dedicated to other deities, some of the images can be located. The
original temple housing the image of Daityasudana was destroyed and
is now in a new temple.67 The image of Mahisasuramardini is currently
worshipped as Brahmapuri Mata68 and that of Mahakali is housed in
a new temple.69 The image of Kumbhodhar Ganesha is now in the
Junagadh museum.70
Certain temple structures were also identified by the author, even
though many were destroyed during the medieval period. Some can
still be located, and at times, have other names. Of the Shaivite temples
mentioned in the Skanda Purana, the temple of Ramesvara is now a
new structure located at the Triveni,71 Medhesvara is seen close to the
ghat,72 Katesvara was converted to a mosque by the ruler of Mangrol,73
Bhutesvara is in the Ramrakh chowk matha where currently a library
stands,74 Kshemesvara was possibly located where a masjid stands
now,75 and a new temple stands at Mankesvara located at the conflu-
ence of Hiranya and Sarasvati.76 Of the temples dedicated to the god-
desses, the temples of Yogesvari, Kumaresvari, Mahalakshmi, and 64
Yoginis, Bhutamatrka and Sarasvati have been located.77 Of the temples
dedicated to Surya, the ones that still exist are those of Sagaraditya,
Chitraditya and Nagaraditya.78
The ever-growing and increasing importance of Somanatha within

and outside the region of Gujarat made it inevitable for the Purana
compilers to record the site and its environs in great detail. The site of
Somanatha has been associated with the Lakulisa Pasupata cult and is
considered as an important site of this sect. ‘That the temple of Som-
anatha was the all India centre of the Pāśupātā cult during the histori-
cal times is indisputable.’79 It has been pointed out that long before the
second century ce, the head of the Pasupata cult had its headquarters
at Prabhasa, and that the principal shrine of Shiva was established by
the beginning of the Common era.80 Rather than attributing the founda-
tion of the site to the Moon god, it is possible that it owes its origin to
the historical personage Soma Sarman, a Shaivite Brahmana, whose
date is fixed in the latter half of the first century ce.81 Inscriptional evi-
dence points to the site being a sacred centre as well since the Karle and
Nasik inscriptions record the visit of Nahapana to Prabhasa tirtha where
he had given eight wives to brahmanas.82
The construction of the second temple at the site has been ascribed to
the Maitraka period on the basis of a defaced Brahmi inscription found
at the site during excavations.83 The garbhagrha of this second temple
was constructed on the spot where the first temple stood and it also
possibly had an open sabhamandapa.84 Near-shore excavations also
brought to light six Shiva lingas with yonis at a depth of 49.98 cm,85
further attesting to the Shaivite association of the site. Thus, the text
seems to be an enumeration of sites already existing in and around
Somanatha, which now have legends and stories attached to them.
Similarly, in the case of Dwarka, it is again noticed that an already
important sacred centre was incorporated within the Skanda Purana
and its extent increased. The site is also known as Kusasthali in the
literary tradition and debates have taken place on the identification of
the Dvaravati described in the Mahabharata, as the site is said to be
located on the west coast near Raivataka hill. After a careful analysis,
S.R. Rao is of the opinion that the site is represented by the present Bet
Dwarka. According to him, ‘Kuśāsthali is identified with Antadvipa
of the Mahābhārata which was a pleasure resort of the Yadavas. The
topography of the island is compatible with the description in the epic
of a hill on the east and sea on the other sides. The terraced hills of the
island that are wooded are even now covered with śisam trees. Accord-
ing to the Mahābhārata the Yadavas occupied Kuśāsthali and fortified
it. This is testified by the archaeological remains in form of massive
stone walls in the sea.’86
In the Skanda Purana, the site of Kusasthali is described as being

established by Kusa and was on the coast of the western sea where Gomati
met the sea (Sk.P. Prabhāsa Kśetṛa, Dvārakā Kśetṛa Māhātmya). This
site is clearly the present-day Dwarka, where the Gomati flows and a
number of ghats are noticed along its course at the site. Prior to the com-
pilation of this Purana, the site had acquired importance as an important
site of Vishnu worship and as the abode of Krishna. The earliest refer-
ence to Dwarka in the early historical period as a seat of Krishna in
Okha is found in the copper plate grant of the Garulaka ruler Simhaditya
dated to 574 ce, which mentions Krishna as the ‘Lord of Dwarka’.87
It states that Simhaditya overcame the lord of Dwarka by unchecked
valour, as Sarangapani (Krishna) possessed unchecked valour and was
the Lord of Dwarka.88 Rao further points out that the temples of Agni,
Varuna and Indra described in the Vishnu Parva of the Harivamsa
Purana, which is dated to the fifth century ce, can still be located. The
temples of Samudranarayana, Agnidevata and other deities can be seen
along the coast.89
As for the temple structure at the site, excavations reveal an early
date for it. The first temple at the site was constructed in the third period
of occupation on the mainland of Dwarka and is dated between sec-
ond century bce and the sixth century ce.90 Excavations brought to light
architectural pieces that may have belonged to a temple dating to the
fifth–seventh centuries ce. In the debris were found moulding and fini-
als of temples with small spires found in the neighbourhood. In addition
to this, it was noticed that a small rectangular shrine of tapering roof,
surmounted by a finial lies in the main hall of the temple today, and this
seems architecturally to be the earliest shrine at Dwarka, and along with
similar shrines along the coast of Saurashtra, it can be placed in fifth–
seventh centuries ce.91 Further excavations brought to light a temple
dating to the eighth century ce and on the northern side of the temple,
two images of four-armed Vishnu were found, which can be dated to
the eighth century ce as well.92 As in the case of Somanatha, here too, the
compilers seem to have been incorporating already sacred sites in the
region in the text and not legitimising or promoting any new site. This
becomes further evident when in the Dvaraka mahatmya section of
this Purana, mention is found of the presence of a Trivikrama image
of Vishnu in the main shrine, which is, in actuality, a cult image in the
temple at the site.93 In the satellite area of Dwarka at the site of Pindara,
a rock-cut yoni dating to the early historical period was encountered
during excavations.94
From this analysis, it is apparent that multiple religious processes

were taking place within the region of Gujarat. More than the royalty
and the brahmanas, it was the inhabitants and their beliefs and practices
that seem to have shaped the process. Even though religious develop-
ments in the region were part of wider pan-Indian processes, the region
retained its uniqueness, as the following data shall prove.
Religious developments in Gujarat in a wider

pan-Indian context
Religious developments in a region cannot be viewed in isolation as
these are part of wider religious networks. Especially in the case of
Gujarat, which had trade contacts throughout the period of its history,
it is necessary to trace the religious developments here in context
with other parts of the country. In order to do so, a study of two
images, namely Visvarupa Vishnu and Panchagnitapas Parvati, shall
be carried out.
VISvARUPA VISHNU
The Visvarupa Vishnu images have been recovered mostly from the
area around Shamlaji and Devnimori. These sites are located in north-
ern Gujarat and are in close proximity to each other. The image rep-
resents Vishnu in a multifigured form, along with many other deities.
The images date from the sixth century ce to the ninth century ce,
one of these being an image from Kathlal.95 A detailed study of these
images has been carried out by T.S. Maxwell,96 informing us of the
origin of these multiheaded images, their experimental phases, analy-
sis of the method of carving them, and their spread to different regions
in India. Maxwell points out that this type of Visvarupa sculpture was
invented in western India97 and the archaeological evidence for a per-
petuation of iconographic formula established at Shamlaji consisted of
sculpted fragments from Shamlaji and Devnimori, a damaged sculp-
ture at Kathlal and a pillar relief at M
andasor.98 The image is unique
to the region as similar representations are not found elsewhere. The
images from the sites were an attempt to represent the, ‘Vaisnava cos-
mogonic and cosmological doctrines which prevailed in Samlaji in the
sixth century ce’.99
In his study, Maxwell traces the origin of these Visvarupa Vishnu
images to the region of Mathura and an imitation of Gupta iconography.100
In his opinion, the Shamlaji sculptors were well-versed enough in the

iconographical formulae of the northern sculpture centre for them to
have experimented with it,101 and the images mark the perpetuation and
development of the Kushana multiform sculpture in western India.102
The source of these images has been traced by him to the Kushana ‘B’
type of images, which is a composition of several partly represented
figures which are co-joined obliquely and vertically, and most of the
images discussed by him regarding the source of the complex Vishnu
image belong to Mathura and its surrounding areas.103
Even though the origin of the Visvarupa Vishnu images is traced to
the region of Mathura, the fragments found at Shamlaji demonstrate
that the sculptors of the region did not blindly copy, but experimented
with the basic form to create images that are unique to the area around
Shamlaji. Maxwell points out that Visvarupa Vishnu images were being
developed at the site when the Gupta School at Mathura was ignoring
it, as those found from Shamlaji are more complicated in iconographic
terms than any of the later versions.104 The uniqueness in the concep-
tion and creation of the images also lies in the fact that the sculptors
at this site did not rely on the Gita tradition, which was prevalent in
Mathura region, and relied rather on more ancient texts, which spoke of
the archetypal forms, such as the egg and the tree, which the designers
adapted freely.105
While, on the one hand, the images from Shamlaji demonstrate the
wider connection of Gujarat with the area around Mathura, on the other
hand, the influence of this image on the iconographic developments at
Deogarh in Uttar Pradesh is also noticed. The Visvarupa Vishnu images
at Deogarh, it has been pointed out, derive mainly from Shamlaji and
Mathura.106 The essential form of the Deogarh image consisted, as in
the case of Shamlaji, of an egg containing a tree, or a yupa floating
upright upon the waters, which are represented by the nagas.107 Cer-
tain features that were borrowed from the Shamlaji sculpture in the
iconography of Visvarupa Vishnu were the nagas at the base108 and the
placement of the figures within the nimbus facing outwards away from
Vishnu and the three figures above.109 The site of Shamlaji proves then
to be an important centre of experimentation and creation of Visvarupa
Vishnu images as it aids in connecting the iconographical develop-
ments from the Gupta period onwards to the ninth century ce, when the
sculpture was finally standardised at Kanauj.110 Shamlaji is an impor-
tant link in the iconographic development of this form of Vishnu, which
linked Gujarat to sites in eastern India as well. The origin being from
Mathura, the images at Deogarh being influenced by the developments

at Shamlaji clearly points to an interaction between these two regions.
As opined by Maxwell, ‘From Mandasor the iconographic influence of
Shamalaji spread still further eastward to combine with that of Mathura
and Kashmir at Deogarh, where the experimental image based upon
these converging concepts and styles, which was to be developed at
Kanauj and spread throughout the north, was with historical inevitabil-
ity at last created.’111
PANCHAGNITAPAS PARvATI
The other type of images that we would like to discuss, to place devel-
opments in Gujarat in a wider network, are images that represent Parvati
performing the Panchagnitapas. The earlier and later representations of
the goddess found at different sites in Gujarat are, in a way, unique to
the region. Representations of this goddess from various sites in the
country depict her in varied forms. These variations occur mostly in the
presence or absence of the fires, the stag, lion, her attendants, and addi-
tional figures such as Shiva, Ganesha and the navagrahas. A compara-
tive analysis of the early images found here and in different parts of the
country shows that a certain method of depicting her was established
in Gujarat at an early period, and was followed, more or less, in the
later periods as well. If nothing else, it seems as though the style from
Gujarat was later adapted at temple sites of Madhya Pradesh.
An analysis of the images found from different sites demonstrates
that the earliest image is encountered in Gujarat. First, we shall describe
the early images found in different regions outside Gujarat, and then
carry out a comparative analysis. As for other regions, a detailed study
has been carried out by N.P. Joshi on 116 images from various parts
of the country, starting with 400–500 ce and continuing up to the
medieval period.112 Of these, 49 hail from sites in Uttar Pradesh, 44
from Madhya Pradesh, 7 each from Rajasthan and Gujarat, and 2 from
Haryana. According to the author, the earliest images are from the sites
of Mandhal and Patur in Maharashtra, dated from 400 to 500 ce, wherein
the goddess is depicted standing and is wearing no ornaments.113 In the
Patur images, Parvati is seen holding a rosary in her right hand and
water vessel in the left, and here, the agnikundas are absent.114 There-
after is the image from Cave 21 at Ellora, dating to 600 ce,115 in which
she is depicted with two arms holding an aksamala in the right and a
ghata in the left hand and a deer skin is seen on her left shoulder. Also,
seen is Shiva in the guise of a brahmacharin, and in the lower field are
a few attendants of Shiva.116 Dating to the same period is another image
from Kannauj, and here too, she has two hands with a deer skin on her
shoulder and the left hand holding a ghata and no agnikundas.117
Of the various elements that are present along with the image of
Parvati, Joshi opines that these were not essential features. For instance,
the agnikundas appear from the first to the second centuries ce, but they
were not an essential feature, and within these, variations are noticed,
as seen in the case of images from South India where agnikundas are
placed near the feet rather than on the sides.118 Similarly, the lion and
stag appear together from the sixth to the seventh centuries ce and were
also not essential to the image.119 In the case of the Shiva linga and
Ganesha, the author opines that their presence can be traced from the
mid-seventh century ce along with the agnikundas,120 and most of the
images described by the author date to the eighth century ce. The author
opines that, ‘Roughly up to the sixth century ce the sculptural trend
was moving under one and the same tradition, but just after that period
(beginning of eighth century ce) there appears a change. The original
tradition in various regional schools started taking liberties in different
ways and brought forth several forms of one and the same class.’121
We shall now turn to two early images found in Gujarat that dem-
onstrate a different trend of development. The earliest image is a small
one from an unidentified spot and currently located in the Department
of Archaeology and Ancient History of MS University of Vadodara.
The image dates to the third–fourth centuries ce and Parvati is shown
holding a small Shiva linga on a lotus stalk, the upper left hand holds
a Ganesha on a crooked staff and the lower right is in abhayamudra.
A lotus design is engraved in the prabhamandala and four navagrahas
are visible above her head.122 As compared to the other images dis-
cussed above, this would seem to be the earliest representation of the
goddess found from any site. It also establishes that in this early period,
Gujarat was formulating and creating its own representation of Parvati
performing penance as it does not have any similarities with images of
the fifth century ce. According to N. P. Joshi, ‘In early images Pārvatīs
maid friends, attendants or subordinate are absent’,123 but this image
proves the contrary. The later images found from Gujarat further attest
the existence of a sculptural trend within the region that continues over
time.
The sixth-century ce sculpture from Gujarat is from Vagpur and this
image does not bear any similarity with other sixth-century images
found, either from sites in Madhya Pradesh or South India, which have
been discussed above. The goddess is shown holding a Shiva linga in
the upper right hand, a miniature Ganesha in the upper left and the
lower right is in abhayamudra and the navagrahas in the image form an
arch on the halo.124
Three images dating to the eighth century ce are found in Gujarat, of
which two are from the temple site at Roda and one is from Karvan, fur-
ther demonstrating continuity in the iconographical representation of
this goddess in Gujarat. In one image from Roda, the goddess is shown
seated on a lotus, almost cross-legged and she has four arms holding the
aksamala, padma in two hands and a ghata. Ganesha and Shiva linga
are seen on the two lotus flowers she holds in her upper two arms. Also
seen are four agnikundas and two devotees below.125 The other image
hailing from the same site depicts her standing, bedecked with orna-
ments and she has four arms, of which two hold the lotus, the lower
ones hold an aksamala and a ghata. She is represented as standing in a
shrine or niche with two square pillars with a rough purnaghata motif
on them. On the top of the right pillar is the Shiva linga on the platform
while on the top left one is a small image of a two-armed Ganesha and
two fire altars are seen on each side of the goddess.126 The nine heads on
the halo symbolise the grahas in the image.127
The next image is from Falwa Tekri (mound) at Karvan, which is
1.21 metres high. Here too, the goddess has four arms, is in standing
posture and carries a rosary and lotus in her right and upper left hands.
Near the feet, two kneeling figures are noticed, and also depicted are the
fire altars.128 Another image from Sindhavi Mata temple at Karvan is
dated to the latter half of the seventh century ce and only the lower por-
tion of the image remains. Here too, she is depicted in a standing pose
with the agnikundas and a devotee on either side.129 The third image
from Karvan is dated to the eighth–ninth centuries ce and is embedded
in the modern shrine of Lakulisa, known as the Rajarajesvara temple.
The attendants are seen on either side holding fly whisks, and while
the lower hands of Parvati are mutilated, the upper left shows a small
seated Ganesha. The upper right hand is defaced, but probably had a
lotus with a Shiva linga.130
An analysis of the images dating from the third–fourth centuries ce to
the eighth–ninth centuries ce demonstrates that the main idea of depict-
ing this form of Parvati did not undergo any major change in the region.
In all the images found, the deity is seen along with Ganesha and the
Shiva linga is seen on lotus stalks held by her in her upper two arms
and only minor variations are visible, such as depicting the goddess
standing or sitting, with or without ornamentation and the fly whisks
in the hand of the attendants. These variations testify the minor experi-
mentations being carried out within a given sculptural tradition. These
may have resulted due to exchange of ideas with other sites within the
country, which were also crafting images of this goddess. Of the eighth
century ce, the only site outside Gujarat with a similar representation of
the goddess is at Malagaon in Sirohi district. Here, she is seen standing
with ornaments, has four hands, four agnikundas are seen next to her,
two female attendants flank her, and seven heads are seen on the halo.
As in images from Gujarat, in this image also, she is seen holding a
linga and Ganesha on lotus stalks.131
The other noteworthy feature in the images is the nine planets, which
place the iconographical developments in Gujarat on a wider pan-
Indian perspective. Joshi points out that in a number of figures from
central and western regions of the country, the back slab, just above the
goddess’s head is seen occupied by nine planets.132 Of the eighth–ninth
centuries, the few images that have this are from Roda and Karvan in
Gujarat, and Ayodhya in Uttar Pradesh.133 Depiction of the Shiva linga
and Ganesha on the lateral pilasters or additional rathika platforms seen
in the eighth-century image from Karvan, is seen in the ninth-century
images from Madhya Pradesh.134 Ganesha and the linga are also noticed
in an image from Sivadvara in Sonabhadra, located in Uttar Pradesh.135
Even though small, these minor features in images from Gujarat and
sites in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh indicate interaction between
these two regions, which led to the existence of certain common fea-
tures in images of Panchagnitapas Parvati, even though Gujarat contin-
ued to craft the images in its own iconographical trend of representing
the goddess.
The above two iconographic representations of Vishnu and Parvati
help locate Gujarat in a wider pan-Indian context. The region was also
important in terms of the sculptural developments, as is seen in the case
of these images. The region crafted images that were specific to it and
it is these images that then seem to have influenced artisans at sites in
northern and southern India.
The Visvarupa Vishnu images from Shamlaji influenced artisans in
Deogarh, and the images of Panchagnitapas Parvati from Gujarat were
the earliest to represent the goddess with the Shiva linga and Ganesha.
This form of representation not only continues in Gujarat, but is also
seen at temple sites in Madhya Pradesh.
Conclusion
This chapter aimed at bringing forth the religious processes within
Gujarat and also placing developments here in a wider context. The
above discussion brings forth the multiple religious processes that
were taking place in Gujarat. Three processes are discernable which
are continuity of the Vedic rites and rituals, a mixture of the local
and ‘Brahmanical’, and the incorporation of local beliefs and prac-
tices such as application of the local mud in Dwarka. The existence
of stepwells at the sites of Dhank, Hatab and Roda demonstrates the
importance of these in the religious beliefs of Gujarat. The compilers
of the Skanda Purana recognised this as one notices a number of sites
with wells and their ability to wash away sins and cure diseases. Simi-
larly, in the case of the sites of Dwarka and Somanatha, the compil-
ers were incorporating and elaborating sites that had already acquired
tremendous importance as sacred sites in Gujarat. Thus, the role of
the brahmanas in this case did not involve the introduction and spread
of a new religion, but more of an interaction and dialogue with local
beliefs and practices.
The temple sites in Gujarat contain scant evidence of the involve-
ment of the royalty in either their construction or maintenance. The few
instances of temples constructed by the royalty cannot be located on
ground. Since the temple priests and ritual specialists were not being
supported on a large scale by the royalty, they must have required the
support of the laity. Also, the elaborate description of various danas
and benefits thereof, as well as it being an essential requirement to
completion of any pilgrimage or rite, further demonstrates the depend-
ence of the priestly class on the common man. An attempt to involve
more people is apparent also in the Skanda Purana as a number of
festivals are mentioned where pilgrims would visit temples and this
would be the time to narrate stories and legends in the common man’s
language who otherwise had no access to the Purana written in San-
skrit. Thus, while earlier practices continued, the Puranas symbolised
an interaction of local and Brahmanical beliefs which led to the crea-
tion of a Purana specific to the region. It records a process whereby the
local beliefs, rites and rituals were not subsumed by the Brahmanical
religion, but were recognised and included as integral components of
the Skanda Purana.
As for developments in the region in a wider pan-Indian scale, on
the basis of the images discussed, it is apparent that the region was
an important centre of iconographic developments taking place. The

images of Visvarupa Vishnu amply prove the importance of Gujarat
in providing continuity in its sculptural development from the Gupta
period to the early medieval times. The site of Shamlaji and its envi-
rons developed a representation of the deity, which was unique to the
site and further influenced sculptural developments at other sites such
as Deogarh. Even though the form of the image may have been taken
from the Kushana images, artisans in Gujarat worked further on it to
create the most complicated iconographic representation, which could
be copied in idea and not in form.
Similarly, the representation of Panchagnitapas Parvati demon-
strates that the mode of depicting her with lotus stalks holding a Shiva
linga and Ganesha is the earliest to be found anywhere at all. It thus
seems plausible to suggest that this style of representing her was
developed first in Gujarat and was subsequently followed at certain
other sites.
Sculptural analysis of these images shows that the artisans never
copied blindly from other regions, but always experimented and created
a visual representation of deities that suited the religious needs of the
time. Simultaneously, the constant interaction of sites in Gujarat with
other parts in the country was also taking place, and it seems as though
more than being influenced, the artisans and their images influenced
iconographic developments elsewhere in the country.
Notes
1 Vijay Nath, Purānas and Acculturation – A Historic Anthropological Per-
spective, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 2001, p. 1.
2 Nath, Purānas and Acculturation, p. 27.
5 J.F. Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indica – Inscriptions of the Early Gupta
Kings and Their Successors, Vol. 3, Calcutta: Superintendent Government
Printing, 1888, pp. 61–5.
6 R.N. Mehta and A.M. Thakkar, Copper Plates of the Time of Toramana,
Vadodara: MS University, 1978, p. 1.
7 Mehta and Thakkar, Copper Plates of the Time of Toramana, p. 17.
10 L.D. Barnett, Bhamodra Mohota Plate of Dronasimha, Epigraphia Indica,
16 (4), 1921–22, pp. 17–19.
11 A.M.T. Jackson, Two New Valabhi Copper Plates – Grant of Dhruvasena II,
Journal of Bombay Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, 20 (54), 1898, pp. 6–10.
12 R.D. Banerji, The Bhadreniyaka Grant of Siladitya I, Epigraphia Indica 21,

1931–32, p. 117; G. Bühler, Valbhi Grants – No.XV, – Grant of Siladitya I,
Indian. Antiquary, 9, 1880, p. 238.
13 Banerji, The Bhadreniyaka Grant of Siladitya I, p. 117.
14 Bühler, Valbhi Grants, p. 237.
15 Banerji, The Bhadreniyaka Grant of Siladitya I, p. 182.
16 Bühler, Valbhi Grants, p. 237.
17 K.J. Virji, Ancient History of Saurashtra, Bombay: Konkan Institute of
Arts and Sciences, 1952, p. 167.
19 Kumar, The Puranic Lore of Holy Water Places, p. 245.
21 N.B. Patil, The Folklore in the Mahābhārata, Delhi: Ajanta Books, 1983,
p. 25.
23 G. Bühler, Additional Valabhi Grants No.X – A Grant of Dharasena II,
Indian Antiquary, 7, 1878, pp. 68–70.
24 G. Bühler, Valabhi Grants – No.XV – A Grant of Siladitya I – Dated Sam-
vat 290, Indian Antiquary, 9, 1880, p. 237.
25 V.S. Sukhtankar, Bhavnagar Plates of Dhruvasena I: (Valabhi) Samvat 210,
Epigraphia Indica, 15, 1919–20, p. 256.
26 G. Bühler, Further Valabhi Grants C – The Grant of Siladitya V (VI), Indian
Antiquary, 6, 1877, p. 17.
27 E. Hultzsch, A Valabhi Grant of Dhruvasena II Dated Samvat 334,
Epigraphia Indica, I, p. 92.
28 Sukhtankar, Bhavnagar Plates of Dhruvasena, p. 258.
29 D.B. Diskalkar, Some Copper Plate Grants Recently Discovered, No.1 –
Bantia Plates of Dharasena II of Valabhi, Epigraphia. Indica, 21, 1931–32,
p. 179.
30 G.S. Gai and P.R. Srinivasan, Two Maitraka Charters – B. Charter of Dhar-
asena II Year 252, Epigraphia Indica, 37, 1966–67, p. 171.
31 G. Bühler, Further Valabhi Grants C – The Grant of Siladitya V (VI),
Indian Antiquary, 6, 1877, p. 17; Bühler, Additional Valabhi Grants No.X –
A Grant of Dharasena II, pp. 68–70.
32 Bühler, Additional Valabhi Grants No.X – A Grant of Dharasena II,
pp. 68–70.
33 As quoted in P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, Vol. II, Part II, Poona:
Bhandarkar Oriental Institute, 1974,1091.
34 Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, p. 1092–3.
35 Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, p. 1092.
37 Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, pp. 998–1001.
39 Paul Deussen, The Philosophy of the Upanishads, Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal Publishers, 1979, pp. 6–7.
40 Maurice Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, Vol. I, Delhi: Satguru
Publications (reprint), 1990, p. 150.
41 Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, p. 149.

49 Savitri V. Kumar, The Puranic Lore of Holy Water Places, p. 348.
50 Kunal Chakrabarti, Religious Processes – The Purānas and the Making of
Regional Tradition, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001, p. 26.
51 Prof. E. Hultzsch, Sunao Kala Plates of Saṁgasiṁha, Epigraphia Indica,
10, pp. 72–5.
55 S.N. Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, Ahmedabad: Mayur Printry, 1965,
pp. 476–7.
56 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, p. 467.
77 Desai, Prabhasa ane Somanatha, pp. 477–8.
79 Kaushik J. Bhatt, Selected Sculptures in Prabhas Patan Museum, Unpub-
lished, MA Dissertation, MS University, Vododara, 1982, p. 16.
80 Bhatt, Selected Sculptures in Prabhas Patan Museum, p. 16.
81 M.A. Dhaky and H.P. Shastri, Riddle of the Temple of Somanatha, Varanasi:
Bharata Manisha, 1974, p. 31.
82 E. Senart, The Incriptions in the Cave at Karle, Epigraphia Indica, 7,

1902–03, p. 57 and Inscriptions at the Caves in Nasik, Epigraphia Indica,
8, 1905–06, p. 78.
85 S.R. Rao, The Lost City of Dvaraka, New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan, 1999,
p. 93.
86 Rao, The Lost City of Dvaraka, p. 102.
87 E. Hultzsch, Palitana Plates of Simhaditya, Epigraphia Indica, 11 (2),
1911–12, p. 19.
88 E. Hultzsch, Palitana Plates of Simhaditya, p. 19.
91 Zainuddin Dawood Ansari and M.S. Mate, Excavations at Dwarka,
Poona: Deccan College, 1966, p. 16.
93 Rao, The Lost City of Dvaraka, New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan, 1999,
p. 102.
95 T.S. Maxwell, Evidence for Viśvarūpa Iconographic Tradition in Western
India – 6th to 9th Century AD, Artibus Asiae, 44, 1983, p. 233.
96 T.S. Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988.
97 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, p. 144.
98 Maxwell, Evidence for Viśvarūpa Iconographic Tradition, p. 214.
105 Maxwell, Viśvarūpa, pp. 155–6.
111 Maxwell, Evidence for Viśvarūpa Iconographic Tradition, p. 233.
112 N.P. Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati – Iconographic Study of Parvati in Penance,
New Delhi: New Age International Limited Publishers, 1996.
113 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, p. 10.
115 R. Gupta, The Panels of Kalyanasundaramurti at Ellora, Lalit Kala, 7,
1960, p. 14.
118 Joshi, Tapasvini Parvati, pp. 17–18.

122 B. Janardhana, Unpublished Brahmanical Sculptures in Department
of Archaeology and Ancient History, Unpublished MA Dissertation,
MS University, Vadodara, 2003, p. 37.
124 Janardhana, Unpublished Sculptures in Department of Archaeology,
p. 38.
125 U.P. Shah, Parvati Performing Panchagnitapa, Bulletin of Baroda Museum
and Picture Gallery, 11, 1953–55, p. 56.
126 Shah, Parvati Performing Panchagnitapa, pp. 55–6.
128 Shah, Parvati Performing Panchagnitapa, pp. 54–5.
129 Shah, Parvati Performing Panchagnitapa, p. 55.
130 Shah, Parvati Performing Panchagnitapa, p. 55.
6
Gujarat in context
The formulation of the role of the religious shrine in the ancient period,
as discussed in this study, is different from that which is generally
accepted by historians of ancient India. In current historical writing,
the emphasis has been on the spread of Sanskritic culture around the
fourth–fifth centuries ce through movements of brahmanas at the behest
of the emerging political elite and the consolidation of a feudal order.
The temple is often associated with the newly emerging states in what
is termed the early medieval period. In lieu of generous donations, the
brahmanas and temples are said to have provided legitimisation to the
rulers.1 There is unanimity also in the association with migrations of
brahmanas and their role as priests in consolidating the new cults, fre-
quently described as of Puranic affiliation. How valid are these claims?
These formulations have been countered elsewhere and the arguments
will not be repeated here.2
The data presented in Chapters 2 to 6 have convincingly demonstrated
that temples and religious edifices not only represent the prevalent reli-
gious beliefs and practices, but also, bear testimony to the social and
economic conditions of which they were a crucial component/element.
The construction of religious structures implied the involvement of
people who were attached to these and performed their delegated tasks.
Resources were then required not only for rituals associated with dei-
ties, but also, for the maintenance of those individuals whose livelihood
depended on the religious structures such as temples.
Another contribution of this study has been the use of inscriptions
as source material for the study of religion. Most of the epigraphs
had earlier been utilised mainly to reconstruct the genealogy of the
various ruling dynasties, or in the case of early medieval India, to
prove the emergence of feudalism as also regional polities. No doubt
inscriptions provide valuable information about the reign of the Mau-
ryas, Kshatrapas and the Gupta dynasties in Gujarat as elsewhere.
232 V Gujarat in context
Inscriptions at the site of Girnar prove that the Maurya, Kshatrapa and
the Gupta dynasties considered the site to be significant for recording
their exploits. On the great rock at Girnar, in addition to the Asokan
edicts, there is another inscription of Rudradaman that records that a
dam was built near the rock edict during the time of Chandragupta
Maurya, and in the time of Asoka, the Sudarsana lake was adorned
with conduits. The lake was repaired again under the rule of Rudrada-
man, and once again, during the rule of Skandagupta of the Gupta
dynasty. This inscription has been utilised by historians to reconstruct
the rule of these major dynasties over Gujarat. Other inscriptions that
are used for similar purposes are the Mulavasar inscription and the
Jasdan inscription pertaining to the rule of the Kshatrapas. An interest-
ing point in the Girnar inscription is the mention of the construction
of a Vishnu temple in the vicinity of the dam. According to Campbell,
the only trace left of the original temple is a pilaster built into the wall
to the right as one enters the modern Damodar temple, which was
constructed in the fifteenth century.3
Gavin Flood rightly states, ‘temples were also centres of learning,
popular devotion and pilgrimage. We need to understand not only the
architecture and formation of temples, but also their social and religious
context. We need to understand how the temples were built, what went
on inside them and what they represent’.4 The archaeological data more
importantly include an analysis of the location of religious architecture
within the social domain and cultural landscape. Religious architec-
ture is an indicator of interaction with diverse interest groups, such as
worshippers, ritual specialists, patrons, artisans, and so on.5 Religious
shrines transformed the social geography of the region and building
new temples stimulated economic growth.6
Religious structures of Gujarat thus need to be viewed and studied
from a different perspective, as shown in this book. It is not merely the
temple as a structure that is important, but rather, locating it in broader
terms and placing it within the social domain and wider networks. Tem-
ples and images carry narratives of their own, a story of continuities,
of reassertions and of new identities. They symbolise the fact that at a
particular point in time, the religious needs of the people underwent
change, and the structures are witness and symbols of those changes
and continuities. In all the studies carried out for Gujarat, the issue of
coexistence and sharing of ideas between religions in terms of art archi-
tecture and ritual, as well as sacred space has not been an issue of con-
cern. Sites in Gujarat demonstrate the parallel existence of Hinduism,
Gujarat in context V 233
Buddhism and Jainism at sites of Shamlaji/Devnimori, Junagadh and

Vadodara/Akota, to mention a few.
An in-depth study of temples, religious imagery and traditional lore
and literature demonstrates the role of the community in the reinvention
and re-creation of religious identities at certain sites, which helped these
continue well into the twenty-first century. For instance, at Shamlaji
in North Gujarat, a post-Gupta image of Vishnu was found by a boy
belonging to the Bhil community, and this image was enshrined in a
temple constructed by a merchant. While some sites have a long thread
of continuity (Dwarka, Somanatha and Miyani), some were reclaimed
(Shamlaji) and others were abandoned (Ghumli and Boricha). Of the
ones that survived, one again notices involvement of varied commu-
nities, such as that of the Jadeja clan at Miyani and Bilesvara, local
village community at Pata, and Bhils and tribals at Shamlaji, which
in turn, defines their networks within and outside the region as well.
These are some of the perspectives adopted in the book while analysing
religious sites in Gujarat.
Sacred sites need to be located in the context of settlement sites in
order to enable identification of the support base of religious sites. Even
though archaeological reports on excavations and explorations have
been reported over time, a comprehensive study of these in c ontext
of religious sites has not been carried out. The settlement sites in this
study have not been classified as fortified/non-fortified, or urban–rural
dichotomy, but rather, in terms of economic activities such as craft
production, salt manufacturing and iron extraction. The bases for site
selection demonstrate variation and could be either political or due to
economic activities, such as agriculture, craft, trade, or a combination
of these. A study of the environment and topographic conditions of the
region aids in a comprehensive understanding of the factors that played
an important role of the communities that were essential for the con-
tinued sanctity of a sacred spot or religious structure. On the basis of
architectural and inscriptional data, the involvement of communities
in the continued sanctity of sites has been discussed, which vary from
village community, to merchants, traders, monks nuns, and the ruling
elite as well. For example, while sites along the coastline of Saurashtra
with temples, such as at Kadvar, Mangrol and Porbandar served as
intermediate ports and also subsisted on fishing, at Dwarka and Valabhi,
agriculture and bead manufacturing formed the backbone of economic
activities, and at the sites of Roda, Akota and Broach, agricultural activ-
ities were of prime importance.
Yet another crucial, but less analysed source is the numerous sculptural
finds found scattered and reported from various sites in Gujarat. Reli-
gious imagery greatly aids in the reconstruction of sacred landscapes,
religious beliefs, practices, and developments where architectural and
monumental remains are lacking and nonexistent. They bring forth the
diversity in religious sites of the region. The first and foremost source
of information here are the punch-marked coins that contain depictions
and symbols of not only deities, but interestingly, also layout plans of
viharas and stupas, which are otherwise not archaeologically traceable
for the period these coins belong to. With the help of tables and maps,
the iconographical developments, heterogeneous in nature, have been
traced in the period under study as each sub-region within Gujarat dem-
onstrates varied preferences for iconographical images. For instance,
mātṛkā images were more popular in North Gujarat, as seen at Shamlaji,
Roda, Palej, and Ambaji, while Bhairava and Lakulisa images are
found in the southern area of Gujarat at the sites of Avakhal, Vadaval,
Karvan, and Vadodara. Images of interest found in the region are those
of Lajjagauri at Valabhi, Pavi Jetpur, Dhank, etc. and Panchagnitapas
Parvati at Karvan and Vagpur, which are small in size, but clear indica-
tors of diversity in deities worshipped. Another image is of Visvarupa
Vishnu found only at the site of Shamlaji and Devnimori in North
Gujarat. Buddhist images demonstrate growing complexities within the
religion, for example, at Dhank, Amreli, Valabhi, Taranga, and Gogha
and the Jaina images from Akota, Vaviya, Mahudi, and Ahmedabad are
the only evidence for the strong presence of the community.
The role of religious texts such as the Mahabharata and the Skanda
Purana in establishing the continued sanctity of certain sites also
receives attention. These texts highlight multiple religious processes in
Gujarat, which involved a process of interaction and dialogue between
local beliefs and practices, on the one hand, and the Brahmanical reli-
gion, on the other. Some of the themes covered in this study include
continuity of Vedic rituals, a further elaboration of rituals in the Skanda
Purana as compared to the Mahabharata, festivals involving pilgrims
on a large scale, water as sacred sites in Skanda Purana, incorpora-
tion of local beliefs and practices, Somanatha and Dwarka in lit-
erature and archaeology, and religious developments in Gujarat in a
wider pan-Indian context on the basis of study of Visvarupa Vishnu
and Panchagnitapas Parvati images. The narratives weave sites within
Gujarat with each other, as well as place them in larger religious circuit
through myths, stories and legends.
An important aspect of the early temples of Gujarat is their location

near the seacoast. These coastal temples were dedicated to a variety of
deities, ranging from the non-Sanskritic fertility goddess L ajjagauri,
whose shrine dated to first century bce was excavated from the site of
Padri in the Talaja tahsil of Bhavnagar district of Gujarat hardly 2 km
from the Gulf of Khambat to temples of Surya or Sun and other gods
along the Saurashtra coast from the sixth century onwards. The shrine
at Padri also needs to be placed within the larger context of increased
hierarchy of settlement in the area at this time. Padri was known for
extraction of salt, while Hatab was the largest site, located close to the
sea with an area of over 40 hectares. Archaeological exploration in the
region has provided evidence for 22 early historic sites located in a linear
pattern along the Shetrunji river and a multi-tier settlement hierarchy.7
In the fifth century ce, the lower Shetrunji valley in Bhavnagar district
emerged as the core region of the early Maitraka rulers (475–767 ce), as
evident from inscriptions, with the political centre at Valabhi at the head
of the Gulf of Khambat.
From the 10th to 13th century, the primary route was along the coast
from Dwarka on the Gulf of Kachchh to Somnath on the Saurashtra
coast and Bhavnagar at the head of the Gulf of Khambat. The coastal
centres of Somnath and Dwarka were well-known for their magnificent
temples, though the beginnings of these sites date to the early centuries
of the Common era. We start with the nature of the early temple in
western India and changes in its interactive circuits across the ocean
over time.
Coastal temples and maritime linkages

This section addresses the theme of cultural integration through the
institution of the religious shrine or Hindu temple, especially with ref-
erence to those located on or near the west coast of India. Traditionally,
the Indian coasts have been portrayed as inhospitable regions in histori-
cal writing, lacking natural harbours and afflicted with a shallow conti-
nental shelf and turbulent swells of waves. Did this deter travel across
the ocean and attempts to control the waters? Gujarat has a coastline of
1,600 km, most of which lies in Saurashtra. Saurashtra is bounded by
the Gujarat plains in the east and north east, by the Gulf of Kachchh and
Little Rann on the north, and on the south east by the Gulf of Khambat.
The Arabian Sea borders the entire southern seaboard. As recently as
1970, sailing vessels carried 30 per cent of the total trade. It had one
large international port at Kandla in Kachchh and 46 smaller ports,

which handled 40 per cent of the total traffic. Thus, sailing vessels were
an integral part of the maritime cultural landscape of Gujarat. In the
1950s, the Swedish maritime ethnologist Olof Hasslof introduced the
term sjobruk or maritime cultural landscape, signifying demarcation
and utilisation of maritime space by communities for settlement, fish-
ing, shipping, pilotage, and so on.8 A significant feature of this maritime
landscape was the religious shrine and it is the role of the shrine that
forms the focus of this section.
A discussion on the coastal shrine is critical for this book in order
to dispel the myth that due to restrictions stipulated in the Law Books
or the Dharmasastras on maritime travel, the Hindu population turned
to ‘agrarian pursuits and production, away from trade and maritime
transport’.9 Temples are best described as ritual instruments and their
function is ‘to web individuals and communities into a complicated and
inconsistent social fabric through time’.10
It is the strands of this social fabric that need to be understood and
appreciated. It is significant that while the origin myths of most of these
temples associate their founding with a royal patron, there is little his-
torical evidence for this during most of their existence. Another asso-
ciation is genealogical and the fact that a particular community has a
special relationship with the deity enshrined in the temple. Monastic
and temple-centred religious institutions formed an important interme-
diate group between the state and the family. Thus, the temples and
monasteries were not merely centres of devotion and worship, but were
also principal institutions in the period from the ninth to thirteenth cen-
tury for establishing laws and enforcing them on their members.
In addition to their role as adjudicators in society, religious shrines
were also consumers of a variety of commodities used in ritual, as well
as important locales for trading activity, as indicated by shops and
markets within or in the vicinity of temple premises. The building of
new temples stimulated economic growth, thereby transforming both
the geographic and social landscapes of the region.11 At the same time,
there are several instances of a differential tax on commodities required
for religious purposes.
Of interest to this discussion is the copper-plate charter of Vishnusena
in Sanskrit, issued from Lohata in the Kathiawar region. D.C. Sircar, the
editor of the inscription has identified Lohata with the town of Rohar
on the Gulf of Kachchh. The find-spot of the copper plates is unknown,
but on palaeographic grounds, it is dated to sixth–seventh centuries ce.
The inscription states that the king Vishnusena was approached by the
community of merchants from Lohata to endorse customary laws prev-
alent in the community and which had been continuing for several gen-
erations. The king assures protection to the community of merchants
established in the region and endorses their continued functioning. The
inscription then provides a detailed list of 72 trade regulations or cus-
tomary laws to be followed by the merchant community.12
Some of the regulations are of great interest to this discussion. For
example, it is specified that merchants staying away for a year were not
required to pay an entrance fee on their return (rule 52). Other clauses
specify duties that were to be paid. A boat full of containers (bhanda-
bhrta-vahitrasya) was charged 12 silver coins, but if the containers
were for religious purposes, they were charged only one and a quarter
silver coin (rule 53). In the case of a boat carrying paddy, it was half this
amount. The exception to this was a boat carrying buffaloes and cam-
els, where no reduction is allowed (rule 54). Other items, which were
frequently transported by boat included dried ginger sticks, bamboo,
wine, leather, and bulls. The variety of taxable objects mentioned in the
inscription is an indication of the diverse nature of trade in the region.
These included oil mills, sugarcane fields, wine, cumin seed, black
mustard, and coriander. The inscription also refers to a tax on dyers
of cloth, weavers, shoemakers, and retailers hawking goods on foot.
Others such as blacksmiths, carpenters, barbers, potters, etc. could be
recruited for forced labour under the supervision of officers. Thus, the
record makes a distinction between commodities meant for religious
purposes and the temple, as opposed to those to be sold in the market
and underscores a differential in taxation.
Another early centre of religious architecture on the west coast is the
site of Cotta Chandor in Chandor district in south Goa on the banks of
the river Paroda leading to the sea, which was subjected to excavation
for two field seasons in 2002–04.13 The complete plan of a brick temple
complex, datable from third to eleventh century ce, was unearthed and
five phases of structural activity were identified. Though three phases
of construction were identified, these were marked by continuity of reli-
gious beliefs, and in the last phase, the sculpture of Nandi was added
to the temple complex. Politically, the Kanara coast was controlled by
the Kadambas from 350 to 550 ce and several families are known who
ruled from centres further inland, such as at Banavasi and Halsi. The
Silaharas followed the Kadambas in Goa from 750 to 1020 ce, but the
Kadambas remerged in the tenth century. The Panjim plates refer to
king Guhalla Deva of the Goa Kadambas (750–1020 ce) undertaking a

pilgrimage to the temple of Somnath on the Saurashtra coast, but hardly
had he reached halfway, when the mast of his ship broke and he was
forced to take shelter with a ruler friendly to him. This was the port of
Goa where a rich Muslim merchant by the name of Madumod of Taji
origin and the wealthiest of all the seafaring traders, came to the help of
the king. In return, the king gave him much wealth. This record tells us,
for the first time, of Arab traders settled on the Goa coast in the eleventh
century ce.14 These references are important as indicators not only for
the presence of religious shrines in coastal areas of western India and
donations of land to the temples, but more importantly, of travel and
pilgrimage by the coastal route that provided interconnectedness to the
shrines.
It is evident from the discussion above that the crucial element in
the Asian coastal landscape was the religious shrine. It is important to
locate this shrine in context, both physical and social in order to unravel
the multiple levels at which sacred sites interacted with a diverse range
of communities and negotiated between these. Another aspect of the
shrine is its horizontal expansion and additions made to it over time
to house a variety of functions of interest to this paper, such as gha-
tikasthana or centre of learning, which came to be incorporated in
temples, especially in peninsula India from the eighth–ninth centuries
onwards.
Eleventh-century inscriptions from the temple in Thirumukkudal, on
the banks of the Palar river near Kanchipuram in Tamil Nadu, indi-
cate the existence of a Vedic pathshala attached to the temple, as also
a medical centre termed athura saalai and arrangements for distribu-
tion of medicinal herbs. Inscriptions from the Buddhist site of Kanheri
near Mumbai and a temple in Gujarat would suggest that this practice
may have earlier beginnings. Sixth-century inscription from Kanheri
refers to a donation by vaidya or physician. Three copper plates from
central Gujarat dated in the reign of the Huna Toramana (fifth–sixth
centuries ce) record gifts made to the temple of Jayaswami or Narayana
belonging to the queen mother by the trading community of Vadrapalli.
Vadrapalli was probably located 8 km to the west of Sanjeli and signa-
tories to the donation included traders from Ujjain, Kannauj, Mathura,
and perhaps, Mandasor in central India. A goldsmith constructed a
lake near the temple. The copper plate states that itinerant mendicants
visiting the temple, as also devotees, should be provided with medi-
cines (bhaisaja).15 These are aspects which need further research and
analysis. In this concluding chapter, we would like to keep the focus

on the Gujarat coast and its place in the maritime world of the first mil-
lennium ce.
Maritime India and transcultural encounters

In this section, it is suggested that the fishing and sailing communities
formed a distinct group and were the crucial component of sea travel
in the western Indian Ocean, extending from the west coast of India to
the Red Sea and the African coast. Fishing was the traditional occupa-
tion of coastal groups in several pockets of the Indian Ocean and this
is an adaptation that dates to at least the fifth millennium bce in several
areas.16 These communities adopted numerous occupations associated
with the sea: fishing and harvesting other marine resources, salt-
making, sailing, trade, shipbuilding, and even piracy. These mari-
time communities are to be distinguished from merchants and traders
involved in oceanic trade. Merchants and traders in some cases cer-
tainly owned ships and watercraft, but they neither manned nor sailed
these. More often, however, goods and cargoes were entrusted to the
skipper of the vessel, who was then responsible for their sale and profit.
It is important to stress the participation of these different communities
and diverse ethnic partners so as to highlight the varied nature of seafar-
ing activity in the western Indian Ocean.
The Periplus Maris Erythraei perhaps provides the first detailed
description of local boats in the Indian Ocean in the early centuries ce
and several types extending from the East African coast to the west
coast of India are referred to.17 The Periplus informs us that: ‘Two runs
beyond this island [Menuthias = Zanzibar?] comes the very last port
of trade on the coast of Azania, called Rhapta [sewn], a name derived
from the aforementioned sewn boats, where there are great quantities
of ivory and tortoise shell’ (section 16). There is a strong tradition of
archaeological research in this part of East Africa, though objectives
and strategies have changed over the last six decades. Current research
indicates that prior to 2300 BP, the entire littoral was occupied by
hunter-gatherer-fishing communities using microlithic stone tool tech-
nology and utilising marine resources. The period from 2300 to 1500 BP
witnessed the gradual emergence of the first farming and iron-using
groups.18 In recent years, Felix Chami has found archaeological evi-
dence for artefacts associated with early trade on Mafia Island, and, not
far away, on the mainland, near the mouth of the Rufiji River, which he
dated to the first few centuries ce.19 Interestingly, the Periplus informs
us that Rhapta was under the firm control of a governor appointed by
the Arabian king of the Yemeni centre of Muza, where taxes were col-
lected, and it was serviced by ‘merchant craft that they staff mostly
with Arab skippers and agents who, through continual intercourse and
intermarriage, are familiar with the area and its language’.20
A range of communities participated in maritime activity at this time,
such as the Nabataeans, Sabaeans, Homerites, and Arabs, in addition
to Indians. Trade in cloth, wood and agricultural products sustained
the Indian Ocean network, as is indicated by the presence of guilds
of weavers, potters, oil millers, and so on, in the list of donors men-
tioned in the inscriptions from the Buddhist monuments of peninsular
India.21 This is further substantiated by the botanical evidence from the
archaeological excavations at Berenike on the Red Sea coast, which
included imports from South Asia, such as pepper, coconut, Job’s tear,
and possibly, rice.22
Berenike was a multicultural site and the inhabitants came from
throughout the ancient world, including Egypt, the Mediterranean,
Axum, sub-Saharan Africa, south Arabia, Nabataea, Palmyra, and per-
haps, India. Greek was the lingua franca in early Roman times and most
texts are in that language, though ostraka found in the city indicate a
substantial Roman military presence. The Nikanor Archive belonging
to a family of camel owners involved in the transport of goods between
the Nile valley and the Red Sea coast indicates the participation of elite
families resident in Egypt in trading activity.23
Data from shipwrecks indicates that pepper had been imported into
the Mediterranean at least from the second millennium bce. It was a
critical ingredient in medicines, had culinary applications and was also
used in funerary and religious rituals. Pepper has been found at several
sites on the Red Sea coast, but perhaps was the most noteworthy import
to Berenike and included black pepper, white pepper or black pepper
that had ripened and long pepper. Black pepper was a product of South
India, while long pepper was cultivated in North India, and in all prob-
ability, shipped from the west coast centre of Bharuch or Barygaza in
the present state of Gujarat.
In the context of Gujarat, the Periplus refers to Syrastrene or
Saurashtra; Eirinon or the Rann of Kachchh beyond which lies Barake
or the Gulf of Kachchh (section 40). This is a dangerous gulf to navigate
for ‘not only are the waves there very big and oppressive, but the sea
is choppy and turbid, with eddies and violent whirlpools’ (section 40).
After this, the author mentions the Gulf of Barygaza identified with
the Gulf of Khambat (section 41). The region is described as ‘very fer-
tile’ and ‘in the area there are still preserved to this very day signs of
Alexander’s expedition, ancient shrines and the foundations of encamp-
ments and huge wells’ (section 41). Somewhat later, the author refers
to ‘old drachmas engraved with the inscriptions, in Greek letters, of
Apollodotus and Menander, rulers who came after Alexander’ being
found in the market of Barygaza (section 47).24
Does the Periplus indicate the ethnic identity of traders who tra-
versed the sea lanes of the western Indian Ocean? Muza at the mouth
of the Red Sea is described in the Periplus Maris Erythraei as a port
of trade without a harbour (section 24), but with a good road-stead for
mooring, and teeming with Arabs – shipowners or charterers and sailors
(section 21). Leuko Kome on the Red Sea coast was the harbour of the
Nabataeans where craft, ‘none large’, loaded with freight from Arabia
(section 19). While discussing Muza or Mocha on the Yemen coast of the
Red Sea, the text refers to Arabs – shipowners or charterers and sailors –
who ‘trade across the water and with Barygaza, using their own out-
fits’ (section 21). Muza is termed ‘port of trade’ even though it lacks
a harbour. Another important harbour and storehouse at the entrance
to the Red Sea was the island of Socotra, which was settled by Arabs
and Indians and even some Greeks, who sail out of there to trade (sec-
tion 30). Merchants from Barygaza or Bharuch customarily traded with
Oman and centres in the Persian Gulf and brought in supplies of cop-
per and logs of teak and ebony. The Malabar Coast owed its prosperity
to Greek shipping, and also, to traffic from Ariake or Gujarat (sec-
tion 54). On the east coast, the Periplus refers to Poduke identified with
Arikamedu near Pondicherry where local boats mix with those that sail
down from the region of the Ganga and from across the Bay of Bengal.
Thus, it is evident that diverse local communities in Gujarat, as else-
where, participated in seafaring activity, as reflected in references to
local watercraft in the Periplus Maris Erythraei. A reading of the Peri-
plus also establishes the absence of state control over maritime trade,
either in the region of the Red Sea or further afield, though it is true that
the local polities attempted to extract revenues from the sale of trade
commodities at market centres.
The ethnographic data indicate that the coastal settlements partici-
pated in trade with other centres further south and also across the Ocean,
though each port specialised in a particular route. Mandavi, P orbandar
and Veraval trade with east Africa, Porbandar and Veraval with south
Arabia, Southeast Asia and the Persian Gulf. Thus, route specialisation
is an important aspect of seafaring activity that has far-reaching impli-
cations for a study of the past as well.25 Another critical factor is the
sailing season, which in Gujarat comes to end in June, after which the
monsoon winds become too dangerous until end-July.
One aspect that is missing from the Periplus is any reference to the
belief systems of the local communities. Here again, ethnographic data
show participation of the sailing communities in a variety of rituals
and beliefs. There are rituals performed at each stage of construction
of the watercraft and are also compiled in a book titled Nauka Navgha-
tan Pujanam or worship for new ship construction. The communities
are linked to coastal temples dedicated to a range of deities and often
donate regularly for maintenance as also performance of rituals. A third
feature in the religious landscape is the memorial stone or paliyar set
up in memory of those who lost their life at sea. It is also significant
that temple structures often double as markers to identify the coasts
and are often associated with local legends of saviours at sea. Thus,
religious architecture fulfils both religious and navigational purposes
and this would have been important in an earlier period also,26 though
the primary resource for an understanding of the weltanschauung of the
shipper and the sailor remains oral traditions.
Rather than posing a dichotomy between oral and literate traditions,
it is the interface between the two that is significant. It is suggested
here that in the historical period, one significant use of writing was
for trading activity. The shared culture that extended across not only
South Asia, but also the Indian Ocean was part of a literate tradition,
which was by no means controlled by the ruler or the brahmana, but
included Buddhist and Jaina monks, navigators and trading and crafts
groups. Writing facilitated storing of information, cumulative knowl-
edge promoted new genre of cultural and artistic expression and aided
ordering of information under numeric and alphabetic heads and the
use of maps.27 Of interest to this book is the use of writing as a marker
of identity and valuable insight into this aspect of seafaring activity is
provided by recent data from the island of Socotra, as discussed in the
next section.
The island of Socotra and its maritime context

Socotra is a small archipelago of four islands about 250 km east of the
Horn of Africa, off the coasts of Yemen and Somalia in the western
Indian Ocean. The largest island in the group is also called Socotra.
The 132-km-long island is often described as the most isolated place
on Earth, though this account does agree with its central location in
the maritime networks of the early centuries of the Common era, as
evident from archaeological excavations conducted over the years. The
excavations at Socotra need to be viewed in the context of the marine
resources of the island. One of the earliest descriptions of the island is
to be found in the Periplus Maris Erythraei (section 30), which refers
to it as Dioscurides. Several varieties of tortoise shell found on the
island are referred to, and are said to be in demand by the shippers
from Arabia and the west coast of India, who exchanged big cargoes of
tortoise shell for rice, grain, cotton cloth, and female slaves. The other
resource referred to is cinnabar, which is collected as an exudation from
the Dragon trees.
One of the oldest known archaeological sites on the island of Socotra
has been located in the vicinity of the modern village of Rakuf in the
eastern part of the island. Remains of a workshop used for the manu-
facture of flint tools were found. Close to the site was a small cemetery,
comprising of ten dolmen-shaped grave structures comprising burial
chambers of stone cists unique on the island. These burials had scant
grave furniture and as a result the excavators found it difficult to pro-
vide a precise date. The graves were very different from those found in
other parts of the island, but structurally similar ones have been found
in south Arabia and in the Persian Gulf and Oman.28 On the basis of
analogies with these remains, the burials on Socotra have been dated
from the second half of the first millennium bce – a date which cor-
responds well with the evidence from Greek sources regarding begin-
nings of trade contacts with the island. It also indicates colonisation of
the island by local communities with close links to the south Arabian
coast.
Contemporary to these burials is the graffiti found on limestone out-
crops on the eastern coast of the island at Eriosh. The graffiti includes
drawings of outlines of feet, purely geometric shapes and animal and
human forms. There are attempts at imitating a script, but no identifi-
able South Arabian inscription could be found. Another type of stone
structure found extensively on the island of Socotra is what has been
described as ‘boundary walls’, though the function of these is not quite
clear. It would seem that they demarcated plots of land growing incense
trees such as aloe and cinnabar. In many cases, in the vicinity of these
walls were found stone structures and cemeteries.
One of the most interesting discoveries was that of a settlement along

the northern littoral of the island 2 km south of the modern village of
Suq. An analysis of the archaeological data from the site indicates two
phases of settlement: an earlier phase dated to the early centuries of the
Common era; and a second phase from around the tenth to thirteenth
century ce. The archaeological data also suggest similarities with the
Arabian Peninsula and Persian Gulf.
In the first century ce, Hoq cave on the northern face of the island of
Socotra was known in a wide region by merchants travelling between
Africa, India, the Middle East, and Far East. Explorations in the
2000-metre-deep cave in 2001 led to the discovery of 200 graffiti, draw-
ings and small offerings dated to the late second to fourth centuries ce.
Of these, 192 are in the Brahmi script, 1 in Kharosthi, 1 in Bactrian,
3 in Greek, 1 in Palmyrene Aramaic, and 20 odd in Axumite or ancient
Ethiopian. The graffiti and inscriptions are not randomly engraved in
the cave; instead, they occur in clusters at specific sites, most likely
representing deliberate choice of location. In the graffiti written in the
Brahmi script at site 14, for example, individuals adopt several terms
to identify themselves, such as sea-captains; yavana, a term that is fre-
quently also used in the epigraphs of the western Deccan caves or by
their place of residence such as Barygaza or Bharuch on the west coast
of India.29
These overwhelming cases of self-representation of individuals/
groups from the Indian subcontinent may be compared with contem-
porary epigraphs on the west coast of India,30 both with reference to
content and locations and add a hitherto under-researched perspective
to maritime activity in the western Indian Ocean, which has largely
centred on discussions of pottery and identifications of coastal centres
mentioned in early Greek writing.31
Archaeology of coastal centres and harbour

installations (fourth–ninth centuries CE)
Cosmas Indicopleustes (‘India-voyager’), a Greek sailor from Alexandria
who travelled to Ethiopia, India and Sri Lanka in the early sixth century,
provides a good example of interconnectedness of the western Indian
Ocean. In later life, he became a monk, probably of Nestorian tendencies.
Cosmas tells us that he was a native of Egypt, probably of Alexandria,
never received a complete education (II, 1). He was a merchant (II, 54
and 56) in early life, perhaps importing spices and made many voyages.
He knew Palestine and the area around Mt. Sinai (V, 8, 14, 51–52), had
been to Socotra (III, 65), and had navigated in the Mediterranean, Red
Sea and Persian Gulf (II, 29). He had rounded Cape Gardafui and sailed
off Somalia (II, 30).32 Cosmas even mentions in book 2 another merchant,
Menas, a friend of his, who also became a monk. His book, the Christian
Topography of Cosmas Indicopleustes is dated to 550 ce. The surviving
manuscripts of the text include an uncial manuscript of the ninth cen-
tury, written in Constantinople (Rome: Vaticanus Graecus 699 (V), and
No. 1186 of the Greek Mss. of the Monastery of St. Catherine at Sinai
(S), dated to the eleventh century.33
The fourth century saw the rise of both the Christian holy man and
Christianity as a civic institution in Egypt. Archaeological work at Abu
Sha’ar, located 20 km north of Hurghada on the Red Sea coast, located
a fort built in the late third–early fourth centuries ce as a result of the
reorganisation of the eastern defences of the Roman Empire. After the
fort’s abandonment in the early fifth century, it was occupied by Chris-
tian communities and converted into a church and the north gate became
the principal entrance. The presence of graffiti, Christian crosses and
two major ecclesiastical inscriptions in Greek attest to the importance
of Abu Sha’ar as a pilgrimage centre in Upper Egypt. In addition, it was
ideally located to facilitate travel to Sinai for St. Catherine’s Monastery
or to Aila (Aqaba at the northern end of the Gulf of Aqaba) and onwards
to Jerusalem.34
It would seem that from the fourth to seventh centuries, the focus
of maritime activity shifted further south along the Red Sea coast to
Adulis. Adulis, with the two harbours of Diodorus island and Orienê, is
located at a spot where the Red Sea winds are less ferocious. At present,
the site is located 7 km from the coast – though there is evidence that it
was connected with the sea by a silted channel of the River Haddas. The
sixth-century work of Cosmas Indicopleustes refers to the town in the
Aksumite period and contains a sketch map showing Adulis a little way
from the coast, clearly connected with Aksum. There are also indica-
tions for the presence of a church at the site.
The ceramic evidence, especially the presence of ribbed body
sherds, largely from amphorae and costrels with some coarse wares
from the kilns in Aqaba indicates continuing contact with the Jordanian
Byzantine/Umayyad tradition with a probable seventh-century date.
Aqaba amphorae have a wide distribution in the Red Sea area, having
been found in fourth-century contexts at Berenike, while at Abu Sha’ar,
the type occurs from at least the fifth century, and at Qana, they appear
in the Upper Period dating to the sixth–seventh centuries ce. The east-
ernmost distribution is at Kamrej on the west coast of India. Some of
the amphorae bear Christian monograms, suggesting that the contents
may sometimes have had a role in church liturgy.35
Amphorae jars were used for the long-distance transport of food-
stuffs in antiquity, and when found in archaeological excavations, pro-
vide indicators of trade and maritime contacts. The torpedo jars, dated
from third to eighth century ce, are of Mesopotamian origin and have a
body resembling a torpedo. They look like amphorae without handles
and probably had similar uses. Torpedo jars are common and ubiqui-
tous between the fourth and the tenth centuries ce, having a very wide
distribution in the western Indian Ocean, stretching from Iraq, along the
Arabian and Iranian coasts, down the western coast of India as far as
Sri Lanka, and along the east coast of Africa.36
In the Indian subcontinent, they are clustered around the north-
western coast, particularly Gujarat and Maharashtra. Especially sig-
nificant is their find at a Christian monastery site on the island of Sir
Bani Yas, 170 km south west of Abu Dhabi in late sixth/early eighth
century ce context.37
Thus, it is evident that trade networks across the western Indian
Ocean indicate continuity, though the affiliation of shrines and sites
often change over time.
In the final analysis, rather than ruptures and discontinuities, occa-
sionally revived by external stimulus, a complex trading network
involving a variety of groups including artisans, craftspeople and
transporters marks the early history of Gujarat. The history of these
communities is evident from the donations that they made to religious
establishments. Thus, trade and trading activity cannot be studied in
isolation from the diverse religious landscape that developed in the
region. The attempt in this book has been to highlight the location and
archaeology of religious structures, thereby placing the temple in its
wider social base. It also needs to be appreciated that the temple was
by no means unique; instead, it was part of a diverse sacred geography.
For a comprehensive appraisal of crafts and communities in western
India, the intertwined strands of religious architecture, economic activ-
ity and political intervention need to be examined and understood. An
overview of this activity as presented in this book amply demonstrates
the participation of communities of western India in a variety of trading
networks, local, regional and transoceanic in the first millennium of the
Common era.
Notes
1 ‘The rapid growth in the number and networks of temple centers, whose
origins certainly date to pre-Gupta times, become understandable when we
begin to appreciate how closely they were linked, as were gifts and land
grants to Brahmins (brahmadeyas and agraharas) with the formation of
subregional and regional kingdoms and their legitimation, consolidation
of their resource bases, and the forging of linkages for social integration
across communities’ (B.D. Chattopadhyaya, Historiography, History and
Religious Centre – Early Medieval North India c. 700–1200 AD, in Visakha
N. Desai and D. Mason (eds), Gods, Guardians and Lovers – Temple Struc-
tures from North India, Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishing, 1993, p. 42).
2 Himanshu Prabha Ray, The Shrine in Early Hinduism: The Changing
Sacred Landscape, The Journal of Hindu Studies, 2, 2009, pp. 76–96; H.P.
Ray (ed.), Archaeology and Text: The Temple in South Asia, New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 2010.
3 James M. Campbell, History of Gujarat, Gurgaon: Vintage Books, 1989,
p. 70.
4 Gavin Flood in H.P. Ray, Archaeology and Text – The Temple in South Asia,
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010, p. xiii.
5 H.P. Ray, Archaeology and Text – The Temple in South Asia, Delhi: Oxford
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Index
The use of diacritics has been kept to a minimum in the book for ease of reading.
These are however marked in the Index.
acculturation 13, 52, 196, 197 Arab-Persian Gulf 38, 60, 67 – 8, 74,
Adodar 44, 111 86, 185, 241, 249
Agathocles 6 Arikamedu 68, 241
agni 22, 125, 203, 218 Arittapatti 158
agnicayana 6 arjikā 89
agnihotra 201 – 4 Arthaśāstra 9, 61, 94
agnikuṇḍa 221 – 4 Aśoka vii, 26, 27, 49, 51, 232
agniṣṭoma 8, 22, 208 Aśokan edict vii, 26, 27, 49, 51, 232
Agnivarman 166 aśvamedha 8, 10, 19, 204
āhārani 84, 85, 91 Asvin 9
Ahicchatra 111 avarohaṇa 78
Ai Khanum 6 avatāra 113, 125; daśāvatāra 120,
Ajivika 5 124, 125
Akota 16, 69, 78, 80, 83, 89, 91, āyatana 8
120, 141, 143, 144, 145 – 9, 160,
179 – 81, 184, 233, 234 Balasiri 10 – 11
akśamālā 221, 223 Barabar hill 5
Alech Patan 34 Barygaza 77, 240, 241, 244
altar, sacrificial 8, 10 Bawa Pyara caves vii, 24, 33,
Ambaji (goddess) 16, 17, 109, 110, 69, 162
112, 130, 165, 181, 182, 184, 234 bead 30, 63 – 5, 69, 72, 78, 79;
Ambika (devi/yaksi) 111, 121, 123, making 26, 60, 65, 79, 233
143 – 6, 149, 155, 156, 182 Begram 7, 18
amphorae 68, 71, 73, 76, 78, Bengal 5, 12, 241
245, 246 Berenike 240, 245
Amreli 16, 44, 62, 65, 67, 68, 72 – 3, Besnagar 5
80, 105, 114, 118, 120, 121, 127, Bet Dwarka 23, 63, 65, 72, 80, 87,
128, 134, 136, 160, 161, 175, 105, 217
183, 197, 234 Bhadreshvar 186 – 8
anchor 86 Bhāgavata 5, 10, 126
aṇḍa 47 Bhāgavatapāda 131
Andhau 39 Bhāgavata Purāṇa 126
Annamalai 158 Bhairava 16, 106, 108, 110, 111,
antarāla 5, 7, 181 113, 149
Antialkidas 5 bhakti 6, 13, 51 – 2, 201
278 V Index
Bharuch 65, 116, 240, 241, 244 6, 15, 64, 65, 103, 105, 234;
Bharukaccha 47, 77, 82, 141 Roman 76, 78; Saurashtra
Bhokardhan 7 janapada 13, 49, 61, 62, 65,
Bhṛgukaccha 77 102 – 4, 162; tribal 78, 79, 103,
Boria stupa vii, 30 – 2, 69 105; Ujjain 73, 74, 104
Boricha 43, 108, 112, 233 Cosmas Indicopleustes 244 – 5
Brahmā 8, 29, 90, 125, 136, 159, Cotta Chandor 237
164, 165, 174, 176, 207, 208,
210, 212, 215 daivatapratimā 9
Brahma, Khed 114, 143, 164, 165, dakkhināpathapati 10
169, 183 Daksa 22
brahmachari 7 dāna 204, 205; mahādāna 206;
brahmacharin 222 piṇḍa dāna 208
Brahmakṣetra 165 Daśakumāracarita 49
brāhmaṇa 1, 98; Shatapatha 4 deśadevatā 9
Brahmani 110 – 11, 121 – 4, 169, 182 devadāsī 9
Brahmanical 11, 19, 54, 146, 152 – 4, devagṛha 7 – 9
156, 160, 161, 163, 164 devakula 7, 8
Brahmanism 175, 196 devakulikā 6
Brahmi 23, 30, 35, 37, 63, 64, 72, devatāgṛha 9
74, 76, 105, 124, 136, 140, 176, devāyatana 7, 8
217, 244 Devila 6
Broach 34, 60, 62, 65, 69, 76 – 7, 79, devīsthāna 109
80, 82, 86, 88, 89, 91, 93, 113, Devnimori 17, 35, 38, 40, 44, 45,
114, 117, 118, 120 – 2, 136, 180, 47 – 8, 53, 74, 76, 81, 88, 106,
211, 233 110, 125, 134
Buddha 4, 15, 35 – 7, 47, 48, 74, 75, Dhank/Dhankapuri 16, 17, 33 – 4,
84, 125, 135, 136 – 40, 167, 168, 72, 108, 122, 123, 128, 130, 131,
170, 175 – 8 135, 136, 141, 149, 225, 234
Buddha, Dhyani 138 – 40, 167, 176 dharma 7, 206
Buddha, Manusi 138, 139 dharmacakra 148
Dharmaśāstra/Dharmasūtra 7, 236
caitya 4, 8, 9, 24, 29, 33 – 6, 135, Dhatva 59 – 60, 80, 103 – 5
148, 167, 168; caityadevatā 9; Dholavira 4
caityagṛha 24; caityaprāsāda 8; Dravidian 11, 12
caityeśu 8 Durga 6, 120, 124, 132, 146, 175;
Chalukya 44, 52, 133, 159, 160, see also Mahishasuramardini
184 – 5, 187, 188 Dwarka 17, 22 – 3, 38, 40, 43, 44,
Chandragupta 61, 130, 232 51, 60, 61 – 3, 69, 81, 82, 86, 87,
Chandraketugarh 5, 11 90, 91, 105, 116, 119, 120, 124,
coins: Gupta 12, 40, 71, 73, 77, 197, 199, 200, 207, 212 – 15, 218,
78; Kshatrapa 38, 71, 73, 77, 78; 225, 233 – 5
Kushan 12, 72, 79; punchmarked Dwarkadheesh 22 – 3
Index V 279
Ed Dur 74 Herakles 5, 6

Egypt 3, 240, 244, 245 Huntington, Susan L. 36
Ellora 146, 221
epics 3, 8, 9, 11, 19, 217 Indo-Bactrian 5
Indra/Mahendra 8
Foucher, Alfred 36 inscriptions i, ii, 6, 9, 10 – 12, 14, 16,
19, 71, 74, 78, 81 – 4, 89 – 91, 108,
Gadha 113, 115 131, 133, 135, 138, 141, 145, 159,
Gandhara 6, 35, 138 175, 179, 180, 185, 187, 198, 201,
Ganesha 43, 44, 90, 110 – 11, 116, 217, 231, 232, 235, 238, 240, 241,
122, 124, 130, 133, 169, 173, 175, 244, 245; inscriptions, copper
182, 216, 221 – 4, 226 plate 5, 11, 45, 51; inscriptions,
Ganga (goddess) 132, 169 stone vii, 27, 37, 39, 50, 61
Ganga (river) 5, 12, 104, 162, Intwa 29, 30, 32, 33, 37, 67, 69
182, 241 itihāsa 3
garuḍa-dhvaja 5
ghaṭa 12 Jagatgram 10
ghaṭikāsthāna 238 Jaina vii, ix, 2, 4, 9, 12, 16, 18, 42,
Ghumli 24, 29, 43, 52, 115, 233 47, 48, 53, 54, 61, 78, 84, 89,
Girnar 24, 26, 33, 37, 44, 51, 61, 141 – 8, 157 – 60, 161 – 5, 176,
62, 65, 82, 83, 90, 161 – 4, 186, 178 – 82, 184, 186, 234, 242
207, 232 Jamalpur 6
Gogha 16, 86, 137, 139, 141, 145, Jokha 59 – 60
148, 234 Junagadh vii, 14, 16, 17, 23, 24, 26,
Gop 43, 109 27, 29 – 33, 37, 48, 49, 51, 61, 62,
Goraj 28, 40, 79, 80, 89, 106, 114, 67 – 9, 71, 75, 81, 109, 128, 130,
118, 124 131, 136, 162 – 4, 174, 183, 185,
Greek 5, 38, 240, 241, 243 – 5 186, 197, 207, 216, 233
Gudimallam 5 Junnar 71
Gulf of Barygaza/Bharuch 77, 241
Gulf of Kachchh 13, 14, 87, Kachchh 15, 38, 39, 48, 61, 65, 69,
235, 240 74, 93, 134, 137, 140, 141, 182,
Gulf of Khambat (Cambay) 14, 29, 186, 236, 240
69, 77, 83, 176, 235, 241 Kadamba dynasty 237 – 8
Gupta vii, 6, 12, 27, 37, 40, 50, 61, Kadia Dungar 17, 34, 35, 48, 77
71, 73, 78, 79, 132, 163, 164, 169, Kadvar vii, 44 – 6, 68, 85, 86, 118,
173, 179, 197, 220, 226, 231, 232 124, 233
Kaira 65, 82
Harappa/Harappan 3 – 4, 14, 23, Kalibangan 3, 4
60, 74 Kampiya 48
harmyaprāsāda 8 Kamrej 60, 79, 103 – 5, 118,
Hatab 38, 82, 85 – 6, 129, 225, 235 120, 246
Heliodorus 5 Karttikeya 90, 104, 111, 115, 130 – 2
280 V Index
Karvan (Kayarohana) 16, 28, 38, Mahābhārata 2, 8, 14, 16, 17, 19,
40, 44, 65, 78 – 81, 106, 108, 113, 21, 22, 61, 195, 199 – 201, 204,
115, 120, 124, 126, 127, 132, 180, 205, 211 – 13, 215, 217, 234
223, 224, 234 mahārathī 10
Kausambi 10, 138, 164 Mahisasuramardini 6, 110, 120 – 4,
Kavi 82, 116, 120, 122, 132, 133 127, 133, 169, 177, 199, 216
kāvya 3 Maitraka 11 – 12, 14, 29, 40, 43, 48,
Keesaragutta 7 49, 52, 73 – 4, 79, 81 – 5, 88, 89,
Kesariyaji temple 2 93, 108, 125, 148, 177, 178, 198,
kevalajñāna 162 201, 202, 204, 217, 235
Khambalida 29, 30, 33, 36, 72, maṇḍapa 12, 29, 181, 215
135, 138 maṇḍapikā 42
Khambat 77, 86, 106, 136, 176, 184, Mandasor 45, 219, 221, 238
186, 187 Mangrol 82, 85 – 6, 109, 216, 233
Khapara Kodia 29, 30 – 3, 136 maṭha 9, 29, 216
Kharosthi 6, 244 Mathura 6, 18, 45, 69, 138, 213,
Khimesvara 17, 43, 111 219 – 21, 238
Kinderkheda 86 mātṛkā 6, 16, 90, 106, 109 – 12, 121 – 4,
kinnarī 7 126, 130, 131, 133, 148, 169, 170,
Kodinar 86 175, 234; see also saptamātṛkā
Kolhapur 30 Maurya/Mauryan 16, 23, 24, 37, 50,
Kosambi, D. D. 11 61 – 3, 71, 180, 231, 232
Kotesvara 113 megalithic burials 5
Krishna 5, 6, 10, 22, 63, 118, 125, Mesopotamia 3, 76, 246
164, 177, 182, 206, 218 Miyani 43, 44, 85, 86, 233
Kshatrapa 28 – 30, 35, 38 – 40, mother goddess 11, 29, 64, 112, 121,
50, 61, 69, 71 – 4, 77 – 9, 90, 114, 129, 133, 146
120, 121, 127, 141, 169, 180, mudrā 74; dhyānamudrā 135, 167;
231, 232 vardāna 146
Kubera 6, 9, 10, 40, 49, 130 mukha-maṇḍapa 5
kuṇḍa 28, 29, 43, 212, 215
Kushana 6, 12, 38, 72, 79, 114, 135, Naga 6, 18, 125, 130, 132, 220
138, 220, 226 Nagara 28, 29, 64, 65, 67, 69, 80,
86, 91, 103, 105, 134, 136, 137,
Lajjagauri 16, 23, 64, 120, 121, 122, 139, 175, 176, 183
123, 126, 127, 130, 169, 177, Nagari 5, 10
199, 234, 235 Nanaghat 10
Lakroda 40, 42 Nandi 43, 114, 115, 118, 121, 169,
Lakshmi/Mahalakshmi 13, 90, 103, 173, 177, 237
124, 125, 216 Nani Ryan 74
Lakulīśa 16, 28, 78, 106, 108, 109, Nasik 10
113, 116, 117, 132, 148, 179, 181, Navadurga 44; see also Durga
217, 223, 234 nāvikapati 49
Lothal 3, 4 Nayanika 10
Index V 281
pādāvarta 84, 85 Rājatarangiṇī 157, 160

Padri 22 – 3, 60, 61, 64, 120, 128, Rajgir 6
137, 235 Rāmāyaṇa 3, 8, 19, 61
pañcaśākhā 90 Randal 112
pañcatapas 126 Rashtrakuta 12, 48, 133, 140
Panchagnitapas Parvati 16, 17, 90, Red Polished Ware (RPW) 38, 40,
122, 124, 126, 199, 219, 221, 67 – 9, 72 – 3, 75 – 8, 80 – 1, 85
224, 226, 234 Red Sea 38, 60, 68, 71, 239 – 41, 245
Panchatantra 3 relics 30, 37, 145, 170
Pāṇini 9 Revanta 43
Pārvatī 29, 81, 90, 109, 110, 113, rice 64, 77, 203, 207, 240, 243
115, 116, 121, 122, 124, 126, Roda vii, 16, 17, 40 – 2, 89, 90, 111,
127, 169, 183, 221 – 4; see also 114, 115, 117, 119, 121, 122,
Panchagnitapas Parvati 124, 126, 127, 130, 131, 223 – 5,
Pasnavada 44, 112 233, 234
Pata 44, 108, 111, 233 Rojdi 80
Patan 23, 60 – 2, 65, 80, 82, 110, route(s) 20, 44, 53, 62, 63, 65,
129, 159, 184, 185, 188, 267 68 – 9, 74, 76 – 8, 82, 88, 180, 188,
Patan Anhilwada 133, 153, 159, 196, 235, 238, 241, 242
184, 267 Rudradaman 27, 37, 39, 69, 232
Patañjali 9 rūpastambha 90
Periplus Maris Erythraei 74, 77,
239 – 43 sacrifices, Vedic 8, 10, 204
Pindara 44, 65, 86, 218 Saindhava 29, 52, 129
Polo 42, 159 śākhā 11, 19
Porbandar 86, 87, 117, 233, 241 salt/salt-making 15, 59, 64, 93, 206,
Prabhandacintāmaṇi 157, 159 207, 209, 233, 235, 239
Prabhas Patan 14, 22, 60, 62 – 3, 80, Sana 29, 30, 34
199, 207, 208, 215, 251 Sanchi 71
pradakṣiṇāpatha 48 Sangam 157, 158
Prakrit 10, 39 Sanjan 25 – 6
praṇāla 28, 180, 181 Sanjeli 51, 131, 197, 238
punch-marked coins 6, 15, 64, Sankarṣaṇa 6, 9, 10, 125
65, 103, 105, 234; see also saptamātṛkā 109 – 12, 122, 169
coins Saraswati/Sarasvati 74, 75, 182,
Purāṇas 3, 18, 108, 126, 176, 182, 183, 203, 206, 215, 216
195 – 7, 199, 200, 202, 204, 208, Satarudriya 6
209, 211, 215 – 18, 225; see also Shaiva/Shaivism/Shaivite ix, 28,
Skanda Purāṇa 42, 44, 53, 78, 80, 89, 104, 106,
Puranic 10, 13, 52, 195, 197, 199, 108, 112 – 14, 127, 132, 157 – 60,
200 – 2, 209, 212, 213, 231 168 – 70, 173, 177, 179 – 81, 184,
pushkarini 6 201, 216, 217
Shamlaji vii, 16, 38, 40, 42, 48,
Qana 68, 74, 245 67 – 9, 74 – 6, 80 – 1, 88, 89, 91,
282 V Index
106, 110, 111, 113 – 15, 119, Sohar 68

121, 122, 125, 160, 166, 169, Soma 8, 22, 62, 132, 203, 204, 213
170, 172 – 4, 219 – 21, 224, 226, Somanatha 17, 22, 23, 40, 43, 44,
233, 234 51, 60 – 2, 65, 68, 69, 81, 82, 86,
shell objects 23, 26, 63, 67, 72, 79, 90, 159, 182, 185 – 7, 197, 199,
239, 243 200, 207, 208, 213 – 15, 217,
shell-working 60, 63, 65, 72, 73, 78, 218, 225, 233, 234; see also
80, 85 Prabhas Patan
Shetrunji valley 34, 72, 235 Sonkamsari 29, 52, 113, 117
Shiva linga vii, 5, 28, 42, 43, 62, Sonkh 6, 7
73, 79, 80, 103, 106, 108, 109, Sopara 30, 77
112 – 17, 132, 134, 164, 166, śrāddha 200, 205, 207, 208,
169, 177, 180, 181, 198, 199, 209, 213
210, 215 – 17, 222 – 4, 226; śrāvaka 89
Chaturmukhashivalinga 116, 118; śreṣṭhī 160
ekamukhashivalinga 113 – 16, śrīvatsa 103, 104
164, 169, 171, 173; Jyotirlinga 62 stepwell 15, 17, 41, 42, 89 – 91,
Sita 8, 61, 126 128 – 31, 149, 180, 186, 198, 225
Siva/Shiva 9, 28, 29, 42, 44, 51, 62, Sudarśanachakra 105, 163
73, 79 – 81, 89, 90, 91, 104 – 6, Sudarśana lake 26, 37, 50, 71, 130,
108 – 16, 122, 125, 126, 158, 159, 163, 166, 232
164, 170, 173, 176, 180 – 2, 184, Sūrya 10, 42 – 4, 51, 81, 105, 106,
198, 199, 202, 210, 216, 217, 108 – 9, 112, 125, 132, 136, 163,
221; Ardhanārīśvara 90, 113, 176, 198, 216, 235
115, 117; Bhairava/Bhairaveśvara Sutrapada 44, 68, 85, 86, 112
16, 106, 108, 109, 113, 115 – 17,
121, 132, 148, 179, 212, 234; Talaja 29, 34, 235
Lakulīśa 28, 108, 109, 117, 132, Tara 47, 48, 137, 138, 140
148, 179, 234 (see also Lakulīśa); Taranga 16, 17, 47 – 8, 116, 137,
Mahākāla 104; Nṛtyamūrtī 139, 141, 234
113, 117; Trimūrtī 113; Umā Taranmata 47, 48, 139
Maheśvara 113, 115 – 17, 132; Taxila 7
Vīṇādhara/Vīṇāpāṇi/Vīṇāpati thāna 11
Siva 81, 108, 110, 113 – 18, 169, Timbarva 65, 116
182; Vīrabhadra 81, 114, 124, tīrtha 8, 11, 13, 22, 63, 69, 105,
133, 169, 173 128, 163, 165, 174, 176, 183,
Siyot/Kateshwar 48, 53, 74, 184, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204,
134, 137 206, 212 – 14
Skanda 6, 9, 132 Toramana 45, 51, 197, 238
Skandagupta 67, 69, 131, 163, 232 torpedo jars 76, 246
Skanda Purāṇa 16, 17, 28, 81, 163,
176, 181 – 4, 195, 197, 199, 200, Uparkot 17, 29, 32, 33, 69, 71, 186
204 – 6, 208 – 18, 225, 234 Usavadata 10
Socotra 242 – 4 Utttarapatha 63
Index V 283
Vadgaon-Madhavpur 10 Vedic 1, 4, 7 – 11, 17, 104, 199 – 203,

Vadnagar 29, 35, 40, 45, 47, 53, 205, 208 – 9, 211, 213, 225,
58, 65, 75, 76, 82, 114, 118, 234, 238
159 Veerapuram 5
Vadodara 14, 16, 28, 40, 44, 64, 65, Veraval 14, 85, 184, 187, 241
78 – 80, 82, 88 – 9, 91, 106, 108 – 9, Vidarbha 5
117, 120, 124, 132, 160, 179 – 81, vimāna/ratha 7
184, 222, 233 – 4 Visavada 86
vaidya 238 Vishnu 8, 16 – 7, 29, 38, 42, 50,
Vaishnava 45, 63, 126, 157, 51, 67, 88, 90, 105, 112, 113,
158, 207 118 – 20, 124, 125, 128 – 30,
Vaiśravaṇa 9 132 – 3, 163 – 4, 170, 172 – 4,
Vājapeya 8, 10, 200, 204 206 – 7, 210, 214, 216, 218 – 20,
Vala 44, 65, 177, 198 224, 226, 232 – 4; see also Viṣṇu
Valabhi 16, 43, 46 – 9, 51 – 2, 62, 73, Vishnusena, copper-plate charter
80 – 6, 89 – 90, 114, 116, 118, 121, 236 – 7
123, 128, 134 – 5, 137, 139, 141, Viṣṇu 105, 125, 175, 188, 210, 214;
143, 148, 160 – 1, 176 – 8, 180, Viśvarūpa 16, 17, 119, 125, 170,
183 – 4, 197, 233 – 5 172 – 3, 219 – 20, 224, 226, 234
vaṇijak 84
vāpi 84 Xuanzang 46, 47, 139, 160,
Varuna 8, 10, 125, 129, 218 162, 178
Vasai 38, 44, 65, 68
Vasudeva 5, 6, 9, 10, 105 yajña 165, 174, 200
Veda 1, 6, 8, 11, 104, 203, 204; yaṣṭi 39
see also Vedic yātrā 205

The Archaeology of Sacred Spaces

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The Archaeology of Sacred Spaces

This volume focuses on the religious shrine in western India as an

Susan Verma Mishra is Project Associate, Indira Gandhi National

Himanshu Prabha Ray is Chairperson, Academic Committee, Project

Series Editor: Himanshu Prabha Ray, Former Chairperson, National

Also in this series:

Negotiating Cultural Identity

Women and Monastic Buddhism in Early South Asia

Susan Verma Mishra

1.1 Bawa Pyara caves 24

3.1 Shaivite images 114

Theistic developments in the Indian subcontinent involving worship

itihasa or history and the Ramayana as caritra or exploits, and through

The archaeology of sacred space

Cemetery R 37 at Harappa, dating to the Mature Harappan phase,

The diversity in form and structure of early religious architecture is

Sourasenoi (Surasenas) of Medhora or Mathura. This is further sup-

The image and the shrine in the textual tradition

It is proposed that we look at Vedic ritual as a three-dimensional, living

Thus, continuity in the religious process, from sacrificial rituals to

Certainly, images were known, and knowledge of these is evident

The continuation of the Vedic tradition

centuries bce in several regions of the subcontinent, including Gujarat.

at the religious tirthas.44 In contrast, the inscription of Balasiri, mother

The autochthonous goddess

centuries ce and show enclosures marked by railings. Terracotta

The historical background

Outline of the book

lamps, oil and so on62 as against dhanam-ca bhagvatam puja-snapana-

of not only deities, but interestingly, also layout plans of viharas

more a process of interaction and dialogue between local beliefs and

6 Joyce Burkhalter Flueckiger and Laurie J. Sears (eds), Boundaries of

26 Annual Report of the Department of Archaeology and Museums, Govern-

49 D.D. Kosambi, An Introduction to the Study of Indian History, Bombay:

Throughout the ages, many cultures have conceived of geographic space

Period I: circa third century BCE to

by communities in Gujarat through the construction of more or less

A sacred site not mentioned in literary texts and containing evidence

as has been recorded in the Kiss e Sanjan (authorship is recorded as 969

Demarcation of sacred space by the royalty

Period II: first century BCE/CE to third century CE

An expansion of Buddhist sacred geography of Junagadh is noticed

caves.50 Kadia Dungar is a small elongated hillock between Jagadia and

found connected to a covered outlet drain, which passed through the

that occurred at them and not, as others have proposed – depictions of

Role of the royalty in creation of sacred space

Memorial stones as sacred space

indicator of worship of ancestors since these stones would be a constant

Period III: fourth century CE to eighth century CE

Revanta and a mutilated image of Surya are indicators of the presence

Valabhicchandaja105 style is to be found, with the main temple being

importance of the trading community in the construction of sacred

presence of monastic complexes revealed through archaeology at the

Buddhist schools were flourishing in Gujarat. S. Beal’s Si-yu-ki notes

Role of the royalty in creation of sacred space

Gupta period, inscribed on the same boulder of rock that contains

Then, Cakrapalita, the governor, having sacrificed to the gods with

While a number of temples are erected in different parts of Gujarat in

opinion of B.D. Chattopadhyaya, regional states emerged from the sev-

political consolidation did not rely exclusively on the patronage of

as yet, no structure has been clearly identified as Jaina in any of the

23 Pande and Narayan Vyas, An Early Temple in Gujarat, p. 108.

57 Rawat, Recently Found Ancient Monastery, p. 226.

90 Banerji and Sukthankar, Three Kshatrapa Inscriptions, p. 238.

1.1 Bawa Pyara caves 24

3.1 Shaivite images 114

Bharuch Chaturmukha 7th century ce Iconography of Saiva