PROJECT WORK – POLITICAL SCIENCE

TOPIC – FEMINIST POLITICAL APPROACH

Submitted by: Submitted to:

Name - Akshi Yadav Mr. Sam Babu K.C.
Roll No. – R 405217018
SAP ID - 500063139
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I have taken efforts in this project and worked on it very sincerely so that it is according to the
needs of the faculty as well the organization. But this project would not have been success
without the help of many people who at various times whenever there is any issue or any
difficulty in understanding either the concept or the data of the project have sorted out my
problem and help me find a solution to it.

I would first of all like to show my gratitude to the distinguished institution i.e. University Of
Petroleum And Energy Studies for giving me the opportunity to explore such a wonderful topic
and make project on the topic which will benefit us in the future to know about the Feminist
Approach to Politics.

Secondly, I would like to thank faculty, Mr. Sam Babu K.C., who has given his best efforts to
make me understand the concept so well that I should not face any problem, I am highly indebted
for his guidance and constant supervision and his full support and cooperation.

Thirdly, I would like to thank my friends who at every step of the project have helped in
completing the project and for their great and endless efforts to make this project success and I
would like to show my gratitude for their willingness in helping me out with all their abilities.

Lastly, I would like to thank my parents for their moral support which is very important to
complete any project.
INTRODUCTION
To have better understanding about the feminist political approach we should first know about
the ‘feminism’. Feminism has different meaning and uses, for instance, some people refer the
term ‘feminism’ to a specifically political movement in various places especially in western
countries while some writers uses to refer the belief that there were injustices against women.
Although ‘feminism’ has a history in English that was linked women’s activism from late 19th
century till present.

In the contemporary discourse of feminist in India, politics and assertion of identities that are
communal in particular, for instance, both caste and religion have become the roots of such
issues. The most important aspects of these issues are the articulation of difference among
women, group-specific personal laws, such as, each religious group its own personal laws. It is
often said that it would not be easy to disassociate gender interests from caste and religious
politics. It also influences the diverse perspective within feminist politics in a number of ways.

Causes for division between women and their association for movements, such as uniform civil
code and reservation for women i.e. known as affirmative action. Somehow, now the major focus
is on using women’s issues and grievances for fulfilling political goals. This along with a
difference in perspective of people are the major cause of said issues. There are many
contradictions presently advocated in the notion of group-specific rights. The contradictions are
mainly based upon relations between the groups as against the gender inequalities within the
group. This shifts the focus away from women’s issues to the communal politics and weakens
the women’s rights movements. The need to talk about exclusion and oppression of women
exists as much for the disadvantaged through gender, as it is through caste, class, religion, and
ethnicity. The recognition of differences on such issues draws attention to marginality and is a
starting point to address inequalities.

To know the consequences for feminist politics when this lead to essentialization of a particular
difference. In examining such issues, the project first considers the nature of feminist politics,
that what were the issues around which the women were mobilized, the various movements
regarding feminist movements and it also discusses the gendered civil society and the distinction
between feminist politics and participation in other civil society organizations. Some sections
analyze feminist politics using the conceptual differences of public/private divide and the
concept of differences.

In India, this journey has been in pursuit of equality, democracy and the struggle for the
articulation of the feminist agency from a patriarchal society. All these social reforms and
feminist movements in India has resulted the change in contemporary political scenario. Today
in India many females are actively participating in political activities. Now, there are
innumerable new opportunities for different positions transforming the feminist which is the
result of many feminist movements since many decades.
CHAPTER-1
FEMINIST APPROACH TO POLITICS, THEN AND NOW

In western countries, during the late 19 th and early of 20th century the efforts of activism did not
begin or end with this to obtain justice for women. In India, women’s movement took off in the
1920s, building on the 19th century social reform movement. Because of high nationalism and the
freedom struggle, the women’s movement progressed in India. This was the major reason of the
rise of the feminist politics in India.

From 1920s, the Indian National Congress started forming bonds with peasants, worker and
women’s organizations to demonstrate mass support. Women’s political participation was
socially legitimized, completely altering equations within the women’s movement, while some
were engaged in political activity, from 1889 every political meeting included some women a
few delegates and many observers. Their participation was symbolic, from there the educated
women and politically knowledgeable were seeking new public roles. The partition of Bengal in
1905 and the swadeshi movement attracted very large number of women, including uneducated
rural women. For instance, women’s political actions were hidden from all the British
authorities. Then on that point of time women helped in every possible situation such as they hid
weapons, shelters fugitives, and importantly they encouraged men, because their domestic roles
providing cover for these subversive and revolutionary acts. There the women were appeared
equal as men, and their significance was symbolic. Women were posed as regenerated Indian
womanhood. As in Swadeshi movement women did not do the same thing like all the men,
instead of that they used their traditional roles to hide a range of all the political activities.

Mahatma Gandhi introduced the logic of “feminine” mode of protest to the whole of the
nationalist movement. It is credibly argued that Gandhi “feminized” national politics by
emphasizing “Satyagrah” creating a special space for women. He make the nationalist movement
groups and numbers of women as never before. The Bengal women that the way during the non-
cooperation movement protests of 1921. Mahatma Gandhi appreciated the value of females
picketeers and continually sought to add more women into such type of protests and activities.
This made a great impact on civil disobedience movement of 1930s was because of these
efforts. Masses of women took to the streets and joined picketing lines, in various parts of the
country.

Women politics legitimized the Gandhian politics. It supported the claims of Indian unity
against foreign rule. And also it undermined the civilizing mission of the British and the
government’s claim to be a protector of women. Police violence toward and sexual abuse of
female political activists helped prove the illegitimacy of the colonial rule. The movement was
furthered for women’s rights as well. On that time the leadership of Indian National Congress
became committed to the civil rights program of women’s associations. Particularly, middle class
women gained many social benefits, by breaching the public domain, on that time female
activists facilitated their daughters to the world of formal education, professions, employment
and most importantly they were introduced to the field of politics.

Nationalist leaders and female demonstrators claimed the participation of all the Indian women,
but it was dominated. This limitation was inferred in Gandhi’s political idiom. Some women who
joined the revolutionary movement violated stereotypical gender roles, but they were very few
and exceptional. Their political achievements were valued, but the society did not consider them
representative or respectable.

The revolutionary women was again seen in 1940s among early communist women. Many
among these women questioned social restrictions on women’s mobility. They questioned
discriminatory sexual morality imposed on women. From there, their personalities became bold,
social statement like inter caste and intercommunal marriages. They were a small group and
outside the mainstream like all the revolutionaries. These small group were there to ask radical
gender questions.

The contradictions within the women’s movement became increasingly apparent. On the other
side, by the 1940s the All India Women’s Conference was establishing itself as the premier
organization representing women. By 1942, women activist were so engrossed in the struggle of
independence that they ignore gender issues. Mahatma Gandhi set the script in his first article on
women in ‘Young India’, where it is said that women should take their proper place beside men,
that women should use their energy helping their men against the common foe.

In the mid of 1940s the supremacy of all India women’s organization eroded. They had spoken
for all Indian women for two decades, by placing their demands within the framework of social
feminism, that constructed women as socially and psychologically different from men. The
1940s were a thundering decade for India. There was war and famine. The quit India movement
go hand in hand with more radical movements for socioeconomic justice. And women were a
significant part of all the major events of independence. Women were the important part of all
the major events of that time. Many women’s organization were created such as Mahila
Atmaraksha Samiti (self- defense league) in Bengal. Which did significant relief work in times
of famine, war and later partition.
After independence, there were very far reaching changes in the legal – judicial ambit. There was
expand in women’s education, more middle-class women were entering into services and
professions.
Indian independence in 1947, and till about 1970, was a passive phase in civil society activity,
then that was expected that the newly free state would take measures towards gender equality in
all the opportunities within all the institutions like social and political institutions, and this could
be achieved without any active mobilization of women. In between 1970s and 1980s was the
phase when it was seen that the state did not carry out the expected measures, and thus the
advent women’s association were observed. That can be considered as the ‘first phase of feminist
activism’ in independent India’. Despite the divergence in ideologies, beliefs and practices
because of which this period was characterized by consensus among the women’s organizations
that focused on women’s rights and deal with the patriarchy in the social and political institutions
that undermined equality.

‘The second phase of feminist politics’ began from mid 1980s, with the disappointment with
limitations of legal involvement in the absence of social and political mobilization on the
deprivation of women’s entitlement. The indifference was evident of the state issues of gender
justice, when it became the policy of vote bank rather than enhancing the status of women. These
were the issues which become the focal point in women’s mobilization. During this period
feminist activists played a major role, the formation of women power (stree Shakti) located in the
rural, poor and disadvantaged is a shift from dominant pattern.

The emphasis on differences intensified during ‘the third phase of feminism’ since the early
1990s. although there was involvement in debates on the eco-feminism, human rights and
economic reforms. the identity politics on the Uniform Civil Code, and the reservations of seats
for women in electoral politics have been the focal point of feminist politics since the beginning
of this phase.

Feminist politics found it difficult to accept differences and plurality as crucial factors in
mobilizing women and addressing women’s interests. This goes back to the nationalist
movement where the unified construction of women was rooted in the identity of womanhood,
which was not contested by any other social group. The deification of womanhood was used to
make women’s participation in the movement acceptable. Social differences were not reflected
in this imaginary construction of women. Even after the nationalist movement, this perception
persisted, although the Hindu construction of womanhood was not emphasised. Women were
perceived as a unified category of interests and identity, with shared disadvantages. The focus,
therefore, was on the institutions and legal barriers inhibiting gender equality. Differences among
women are not considered significant as an analytical construct since gender inequality is
pervasive in the political, social, and institutional processes.
The secular and modernisation discourse in post-independent India partly contributed to the
ambivalence in the gender and community identity of women. A conscious effort was made to
construct a universal, secular and modern feminist subject, in consonance with the image of a
secular modern India. Such conceptualization ignored both the cultural comprehension of gender
differences and their conjunction with social hierarchies. While obscuring the caste and religious
dimensions of gender, feminist politics has not developed the analytical tools to distinguish
between the plurality of patriarchies or to relate them to the specificity of historical conjectures.
The women’s movements, therefore, do not address issues such as secularism, citizenship, and
rights, from a gender perspective Translating these notions into feminist activism leads to a
manifestation of extreme views, as in the case of uniform civil laws and community rights, i.e.
either indifference to group specificity or overemphasis of minority religious identity even when
it is inimical to women’s rights. While there are many inconsistencies and contradictions in
according primacy to gender justice alone, feminist politics has not evolved a framework that
balances the extreme positions..

The turning point came in 1970s, when several events—some within and some outside India—
gave a radical turn to the women’s movement. The “new feminism” in developed Western
countries led in 1971 to the international year and then decade of women. The focus was on
development. In the 1950s the India state had bypassed Gandhi’s vision of an alternative path to
progress, opting instead for conventional models of development: industrialization, central
planning, expansion of science and technology. It was assumed this model would deliver the
same results as elsewhere in the developed world—that is, raising aggregate well-being would
deliver benefits to all But this prediction foundered on the “hard rock” of Indian patriarchy. This
outcome became evident when, at the urging of the United Nations, the Indian government
appointed a Committee on the Status of Women. The committee’s 1974 report confirmed the
worst fears of skeptics. According to their port, since 1911 the condition of Indian women
(especially poor women) had worsened in a variety of conventional measures of well-being.
Gender disparities had widened in employment, health, education, and political participation.
The new generation of middle-class women in the public world who encountered and other
disabilities brought a new eye to bear on the “woman’s question.”

The turning point came in 1970s, when several events—some within and some outside India—
gave a radical turn to the women’s movement. The “new feminism” in developed Western
countries led in 1971 to the international year and then decade of women. The focus was on
development. In the 1950s the India state had bypassed Gandhi’s vision of an alternative path to
progress, opting instead for conventional models of development: industrialization, central
planning, expansion of science and technology. It was assumed this model would deliver the
same results as elsewhere in the developed world—that is, raising aggregate well-being would
deliver benefits to all. But this prediction foundered on the “hard rock” of Indian patriarchy. This
outcome became evident when, at the urging of the United Nations, the Indian government
appointed a Committee on the Status of Women. The committee’s 1974 report confirmed the
worst fears of skeptics. According to the report, since 1911 the condition of Indian women
(especially poor women) had worsened in a variety of conventional measures of well-being.
Gender disparities had widened in employment, health, education, and political participation.
The new generation of middle-class women in the public world who encountered isolation and
other disabilities brought a new eye to bear on the “woman’s question.”

In the mid-1980s the movement encountered severe challenges. The Shah Bano case catapulted
the demand for a Uniform Civil Code into the cauldron of communal politics. The Deorala sati
incident (1987)initiated a critique of feminism, highly sophisticated but bearing a striking
resemblance to earlier dismissals on grounds of elitism, modernism, and Westernism. This
backlash was complicated by rising majority fundamentalism, which spawned its own women’s
organizations and its own “feminist” language. These challenges fragmented the broad
perceptions of unity that had underwritten notions of sisterhood and political alliances with low
castes and the poor. They demonstrated how fragile was the collectivity based on gender politics
and how vulnerable it was to challenges of community, class, and caste interests.

In contemporary feminist politics the organisational activism of women is related to the

distinction of public/private in citizenship and political discourse. These themes present both
interrelationship and distinctness. Two issues are crucial while looking at women’s activism
from the point of public/ private discourse. The first is related to politicising the ‘private’, taking
up issues of the private space, and making the
14
deprivation of rights of the women within the family a discourse in the public realm. Second,
taking up unjust and oppressive practices in the social norms pertaining to religion and caste
(that is, private), for deliberation and change in the public sphere. Women’s activism has not,
however, been consistent in addressing these issues. While public/ private distinction was
contested when arguing for economic, political and legal rights, it was also reinforced when
religious and caste identities were involved. In most cases, secular legal intervention is not
sought when the oppression is within religious practices, and is even resisted by emphasising
their distinct religious identity. There were instances (for example, anti-dowry agitations, anti-
arrack movement) where issues of the private realm were politicised by women’s movements to
mobilise opinion and change societal practices and norms. Through legislations and
awarenessbuilding measures they were successful in bringing into the public realm the problems
within the institution of marriage and family (such as dowry, divorce and inheritance of
property). The anti-dowry agitations have been one of the most strident campaigns of women’s
organisations (1975-1985), where dowry related crimes were made a public issue, resulting in a
special law against such crimes. The networking of women’s associations and consolidation of
their efforts were more conspicuous during the agitation for anti-rape laws, (1978-1988). The
anti-arrack27 movements in Maharashtra (in the 1970s) and in Andhra Pradesh (1992), which
took up the case of physical violence against women in the family and the economic problems of
the household associated with alcoholism of men, are examples of women trying to bring issues
that are of the private space into public discourse and seek state intervention.28 Transcending the
public/ private division, women participated in organisational activity, seeking to be agents of
change in mitigating their economic problems and also addressing practical needs. The Chipko
(which literally means ‘hugging’, and in this instance hugging trees) movement is an
environment movement, which provides an example of women looking beyond gender questions
to address livelihood needs. Women participated intensely in the forest action, transcending the
boundaries of ‘private’ to protect the trees. The contrived absence of the men of the village
planned by forest officials of the state government, led to the mobilisation of women, who
marched to the forests to stop the felling of trees (Guha, 1989). Women’s participation (in
Chipko) is related to core issues of the economic struggle for survival which, and unlike in other
movements, is an example of the collaboration of men and women (Bandopadyaya, 1999).
CHAPTER 2
PROBLEMS FACED BY FEMALES IN POLITICS IN INDIA

The problems that were faced by women have many reasons such as gender inequality. The
record of Indian women in politics is often cited in rebuttal to accounts and reports that dwell on
the subordination of women. Indian women can vote and stand for election to all provincial and
central bodies. Women have been ministers, ambassadors and, most notably, the Prime Minister.
While the extent of their involvement falls far short of the equality promised by the Constitution
of India it is significant in comparison with other countries of the world.

Political participation of women in any country gives an overview of how women are treated in
society. The development of any country also depends on the equal participation of men and
women. Since women’s presence is seemed to be low in Indian politics, it is the duty of every
human being to make them aware of their rights and motivate them for participating in
mainstream politics. The constitution of India not only guarantees equality in society but also
suggests states to make special provisions for women. Women still are fighting for equal status
in society. Because of their low representation in Indian politics, their issues and problems are
generally unseen and unnoticed. Their genuine demands are not raised before the decisions
makers. Women need be dependent to make their own decisions.

‘It is very difficult for a woman to make up her mind to enter politics. Once she makes up her
own mind, then she has to prepare her husband, and her children, and her family. Once she has
overcome all these obstacles and applies for the ticket, then the male aspirants against whom she
is applying makeup all sorts of stories about her. And after all this, when her name goes to the
party bosses, they do not select her name because they fear losing that seat.’1

India, being the largest democratic country in the world has very low representation of women in
politics. Lesser women are seen in holding key positions and decision making positions in the
political arena. The marginalization of Indian women in politics is as old as the Indian society.
Their low representation in political sphere is one of the main reasons for the exclusion of the

1
Sushma Swaraj (Union External Affairs Ministers)
interests of women in governance and development paradigms. They have been kept aside from
political discourse since their childhood.

Men and women have always equally shared their dedication towards the development of
the nation. They have worked shoulder to shoulder with their male counterparts in pre
independent as well as post independent India. Contribution of Rani Laxmi Bai, Durga Bai
Deshmukh, Savitribai Phule, Sarojini Naidu, Annie Besant, Madam Bhikaji Cama, Begum
Hazrat Mahal, Aruna Asaf Ali, Kasturba Gandhi, Kamala Nehru, Vijaylaxmi Pandit, Sucheta
Kriplani. Padmaja Naidu , Kalpana Dutta, Raj Kumari Amrit Kaur, Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay,
Sister Nivedita, Margaret Nobel , Mira Alphonse, Meera Behn, Sarla Bhen, etc. in the Indian
freedom struggle is highly noticeable. But their work was always kept unnoticed.
Women’s participation in politics of any country gives a strong message globally not only in
terms of equality and freedom of liberty but also in the space provided for women in the
democratic framework of electoral politics. India has one of the strongest laws that provide
women a life with full honor and dignity. But the customs, patriarchal set ups and societal norms
have always treated them as subordinate to men. They are always taught to be submissive.
Because of unequal distribution of resources, women do not have adequate resources, be it
economic, material or human. Women are expected to work in private sphere only and are
generally barred from working outside their homes. Their financial dependence over men also
keeps them away from strong political affiliations.

The policies generally are made as gender blind because of male dominance over policy framing.
Keeping women away from public sphere brings lack of political will amongst themselves.
Because of patriarchal set up and male dominance over political parties, women do get chances
of contesting elections. The parties do not engage and encourage women in its decision making
policies while finalizing their contestants. Women coming from less privileged background,
without any political cleavage by virtue of birth, marriage or other close relative political
cleavage have to face molestation and sexual harassment like situations. Because of the fear of
harassment or violence, they do not show their full interest in political activities

Illiteracy is one of the main hurdles in making women as politically empowered. Because of
lack of understanding they do not know about their basic and political rights. The parties not
only discriminate in terms of seat allotments in the elections, but also in the party ranks.
Patriarchal context of India is also the reason for non-involvement of women in the political
arena. There are many reasons which are restricting women from being politically active. These
reasons include the existing societal value system, the private-public divide in terms of domain
identification and male preponderance in political institutions. Because of their low proportion in
inner political party structure of India, they are failed to gather resources and support for
nurturing their political constituencies. Women do not get adequate financial support from the
political parties to contest the elections. Traditional roles assigned to them are also major
constraints in women’s political participation. Because of unequal distribution of resources or
lack of resources and lack of education, they do not avail sufficient political training.

Poverty is also a great challenge in realizing women’s political participation. The girl child in a
poor family is the main victim and has to face many problems. The rate of school drop outs is
also found to be comparatively higher in case of women. Because of the social and cultural
norms, women’s mindset is developed in a sense to accept that they are of a lower class than men
because this has been the point of view of many in the society. On the one hand, women’s
literacy rate is improving. But on the other, rare women are found in higher studies because they
are made to leave the schools immediately after completing their basic studies. Caste system or
class structure prevalent in society is also a big hurdle. Women of lower caste could not attend
schools because of the low level of income of their families. These women got themselves
indulged in less paying work to take care of their families. Mostly women in India do not own
lands and properties. They even hardly get any share in their parent’s property.

Women not only have lack of awareness about their rights enshrined in India constitution but
also the lack of political will. Women’s low health status in the country is also a major
constraint in women’s participation. There is a bias in the access of healthcare facilities in the
country. Gender discrimination in case of health care facilities also begins before birth. Most of
the girl children are aborted because of son preference in the family. Once born, daughters are
deprived of getting those feeding services as boys do. Women are also viewed as less privileged
due to marriage obligations and dowry systems. Hospitals are also termed to be gender biased as
men are found more in visiting hospitals more frequently than women.

It is the need of the hour in a country like India to have equal participation of women in
mainstream political activity. Society needs to deconstruct the stereotype of women as limited
to household activities only. The nature of society has a crucial impact on the extent and
effectiveness of women’s political participation. Their low representation in decision making
institutions signifies deep flaws in the political structure of country. Historical, social and
cultural factors have restricted women from enjoying their rights of participation in political
processes.
CHAPTER 3
EVOLUTION IN INDIA

Women have been struggling for their rights since 1880s, but the evolution that we could say
have started in the war of independence they played a major role in struggle for Indian
independence.

The women's movement in India progressed during the period of high nationalism and the
freedom struggle, both of which shaped its contours. Among the movement's many
achievements, the most significant were the constitutional guarantees of equal rights for women
and universal adult suffrage. However, these guarantees did little to bring about social and
material change in the lives of most Indian women. A New Women's movement, articulated to
mass and popular politics, emerged in the 1970s. But, patriarchy remains deeply entrenched in
India, influencing the structure of its political and social institutions and determining the
opportunities open to women and men. The negotiation and conflict between patriarchy and the
women's movement are central to the constitution of the nation-state. This paper explores these
issues by examining two debates that have rocked the women's movement and Indian society:
over the Uniform Civil Code and the proposed reservation for women of seats in legislative
bodies. These controversies have contributed to and bear the mark of deep cleavages within the
women's movement-cleavages due to caste, class, and community. To understand the full
implications of these controversies and their divisive consequences, it is essential to understand
their long-term historical roots. The discussion here draws out various positions within the
women's movement and arguments advanced by the government, the media, and others.

Between 1977 and 1979 new women’s groups emerged in cities like Delhi, Bangalore,
Hyderabad, Bombay, Ahmedabad, Patna, and Madras. They organized protest actions against
dowry murders, beauty contests, sexist portrayal of women in the media, pornographic films and
literature imported from abroad, introduction of virginity tests by the U.K. immigration
authorities, custodial rapes and the pitiable condition of women in prisons. These groups were
multicultural in their composition and worldview. As a result, their political agenda reflected the
contemporaneous handling of the complex reality of women constructed by the interplay of
class, caste, religion, ethnicity and globalization. The spokespersons of these groups had an
advantage of high level of ideological investment and the experience of the radical movements of
the late Sixties. Their collective wisdom was the backbone of the movement. Their newsletters,
magazines and booklets in regional languages as well as in English provided creative ways of
handling Indian women’s problems. Launching of Manushi in January 1979 was a qualitative
leap in this direction. The need to study women’s issues in academic institutions and to conduct
research based on experiential material and affirmative action was beginning to be discussed
among Indian women’s studies scholars by the early Eighties. The discourse on this subject has
proved to be a fruitful exercise for activists, academics, researchers, policy planners and the
United Nations (UN) system. The apex body of higher learning, the University Grants
Commission (UGC) defined Women’s Studies (WS) as a discipline that involved research,
documentation, teaching, training and action. It is understood that women have a subordinate
status in our society so the knowledge base created by WS should be used for empowerment of
women.

On the one hand, India falls in the lowest quartile with respect to the number of women in
parliament (9.1%). Even the UAE, with 22.5%, has more women representatives, according to
the UN’s 2008 survey of women in politics. That said, the recently concluded 15th Lok Sabha
elections have delivered a record 59 women as members of Parliament, the highest since
independence, raising their parliamentary participation to 10.9%. Seventeen of these women are
under 40. And representation of women leaders at the grassroots level in India is nearly 50%,
especially since the passing of the 73rd amendment in 1992, which allotted one-third of all seats
to women. The panchayati raj, that bedrock of rural government, has fostered more and more
women participants and leaders. (A panchayat is a five-person elected village council.) Some
states, like Karnataka, had inducted women into rural politics even before it was mandated by the
constitution. Several states, including Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Bihar and most
recently, Uttarkhand, have allotted not just the required 33% of panchayat seats for women but
increased it to 50%.
CHAPTER 4
SOLUTIONS AND OPPORTUNITIES, RESULTS OF MANY
FEMINIST MOVEMENT

The last 50 years of feminist activism in India have managed to challenge the 5,000 years of
patriarchal order by striking at the root of exploitation and oppression, subjugation and
degradation of women by deconstructing covert and overt violence against women in personal
and public lives, to question pillars of male domination within the family, kinship networks,
organised religion, the media and the State. A series of legal reforms with respect to family laws
dealing with marriage, divorce, custody of child/children, maintenance, inheritance, domestic
violence, sexual violence, workplace harassment, maternity benefits and gender budgeting have
become the part of an official agenda due to the feminist movement. For this, pioneers of the
women’s rights movement and women’s studies scholars worked in unison.

There can be many ways to bring feminism in politics, but we say that education is the most
powerful tool as it not only provides the way on how to improve the oratory skills or the political
behaviorism but also creates awareness among the society how important is for a woman to be
part of politics.

Education is a key factor for women empowerment prosperity, development and welfare. The
status of women in a complex society like India is not uniform. The dynamics of the future call
for knowledge leadership. India today can boost of a large educated manpower, which is crucial
for the socio-economic growth of any nation. Education also brings a reduction in inequalities
and functions as a means of improving their status within the family. Women constitute almost
half the human race. Education has been recognized as an essential agent of social change and
development in any society and any country. Education considered as a potent instrument
through which processes modernization and social change come into existence. Education
exposes people to new thoughts and ideas and provides necessary skills hence, to think
harmonies development without educating women is impossibility. Moreover it is rightly said
that to educate the women is to educate the whole family. In the modern world, there are no
domains of work that women haven’t delved into. Words such as chairman and cameraman have
been rephrased as chairperson and cameraperson, to accommodate women. Many a male
dominated work place has crumbled under the power of the woman – her spirit and energy.
India is poised to emerge as one of the most developed nations by 2020, more literate,
knowledgeable and economically at the forefront. No doubt, women will play a vital role in
contributing to the country’s development. Women power is crucial to the economic growth of
any country. In India this is yet to meet the requirements despite reforms. Little has been
achieved in the area of women empowerment, but for this to happen, this sector must experience
a chain of reforms. Though India could well become one of the largest economies in the world, it
is being hindered due to a lack of women’s participation. However women’s education got a
fillip after the country got independence in 1947 and the government has taken various measures
to provide education to all Indian women.
As a result women’s literacy rate has grown over the three decades and the growth of female
literacy has in fact been higher than that of male literacy rate. While in 1971 only 22% of Indian
women were literate, by the end of 2001 54.16% female were literate. The growth of female
literacy rate is 14.87% as compared to 11.72 %10of that of male literacy rate.

Women education in India plays a very important role in the overall development of the country.
It not only helps in the development of half of the human resources, but in improving the quality
of life at home and outside. Educated women not only tend to promote education of their girl
children, but also can provide better guidance to all their children. Moreover educated women
can also help in the reduction of infant mortality rate and growth of the population.

Moreover, we can spread awareness among the rural, illiterate women to make them know their
rights against domestic violence and dowry deaths etc. by reaching to their level.
CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION

In today's era of modernization women have made their presence felt in almost every field. In
today's era of modernization women have made their presence felt in almost every field and
Politics is no exception. Although India is known for its male chauvinist since ages, the ice is
now gradually breaking. Indian politics is now defined and we can see many women politicians
now days. The current parliament has the highest number of females in the history. All the
major parties have many strong female personalities.

A lot of work needs to be done for making women as equal partners in the political processes.
Cultural and social barriers are to be looked open with serious concern. Communication is
equally essential like food, shelter and health for people. The media is privileged to democratize
the communication by providing a platform for public debate and reconstituting citizen as a
public body in the form of public opinion. For more impact, public communication should also
be made an integral part of democracy. It is the high time that media should highlight women’s
achievements with serious concern so that more women could get inspirations to be a part of
social change and democratic process. Media has to be proactive in this context and needs to
report in a positive manner that will bring out the fact that they are able and effective leaders.
There is a long association between media and politics. No country could be developed unless
the women are politically empowered. Media should recognize women politicians, their voices,
their contributions in decision- making and highlight women’s issues and also appreciate the
work done by women in order increase their inclination towards political system. During
electoral campaigns, media houses and publications should provide gender-sensitive coverage of
elections. These information tools should also avoid negative stereotypes of women rather
highlight women’s image as effective leaders of the country. These should not be any bias on the
grounds of sex during coverage of elections. Electronic media should specially broadcast such
programms that can educate women about their civic and political rights. Print media should also
cover such stories so that more women could be aware.

The rise of Indian women as panchayat leaders is a spectacular achievement given that India has
one of the worst records with respect to the way it treats the female sex. Malnourished,
suppressed, uneducated, violated and discriminated against, Indian women have the odds stacked
against them.

Despite the improving participation of women in Indian Politics, there are some bigger
challenges which still need to be worked upon. The pity state of women still lays unnoticed in
many areas and it has been often seen that the male candidates uses them as mere puppets and
the reservations in Panchayats are sometimes become camouflage and the women remain just the
face and power is enjoyed by their counterparts.
BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Dr. vibhuti Patel and Radhika Khajuria, Political Feminism in India- An analysis of
actors, debates and strategies
2. V. vijyalaxmi, Feminist Politics in India: Women and Civil Society Activism (Institute
for social and economic change) 2005
3. Shah Alam, Participation of Women in Indian Politics and The Role of Media, January
2015
4. Samita Sen, Towards a Feminist Politics? The Indian women movement in Historical
perspective (The World Bank) 2000
5. www.theguardian.com/global-development
6. www.unesco.org/education/pdf
7. Knowledge.warthon /upenn.edu/article: The Role of Women in Indian Poilitcs.
(University of Pinnsylvania)