News as a Form of Knowledge: A Chapter in the Sociology of Knowledge

Author(s): Robert E. Park

Source: The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 45, No. 5 (Mar., 1940), pp. 669-686
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2770043
Accessed: 18/10/2010 10:20

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless
you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you
may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucpress.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The
American Journal of Sociology.

http://www.jstor.org
 NEWS AS A FORM OF KNOWLEDGE: A CHAPTER
IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE
ROBERT E. PARK

ABSTRACT
FollowingJames's categories,"knowledgeabout" is formalknowledge;"acquain-
tancewith"is unsystematic, intuitiveknowledgeor "commonsense." When theabove
are regardedas beingpointson a continuum,newsalso has a pointcharacteristicof its
transientand ephemeralquality. The extentto whichnews circulatesdeterminesthe
extentto which the membersof a societyparticipatein its political action. News is
"somethingthat will make people talk," tendsto have the characterof a public docu-
ment,and is characteristically limitedto eventsthatbringabout suddenand decisive
changes. Exclusive attentionto some thingsinhibitsresponsesto othersresultingin a
limitationof the range and characterof the news to whicha societywill respondcol-
lectivelyor individually.The functionofnewsis to orientman and societyin an actual
world.

There are, as William James and certain others have observed,

two fundamentaltypes of knowledge,namely, (i) "acquaintance
with" and (2) "knowledgeabout." The distinctionsuggestedseems
fairlyobvious. Nevertheless,in seekingto make it a littlemore ex-
plicit,I am doubtlessdoing injusticeto the sense of the original. In
the distinction,I am merelymakingit my
that case, in interpreting
own. James's statementis, in part, as follows:
Thereare twokindsofknowledgebroadlyand practicallydistinguishable:we
may call themrespectively ofacquaintanceand knowledge-about.....
knowledge
In mindsable to speakat all thereis,it is true,someknowledge aboutevery-
thing.Thingscan at leastbe classed,and thetimesoftheirappearance told.
Butingeneral,thelessweanalyzea thing, andthefewer ofitsrelationsweper-
ceive,thelesswe knowaboutit and themoreourfamiliarity withit is ofthe
acquaintance-type.The twokindsofknowledge are,therefore,as thehuman
mindpracticallyexertsthem,relativeterms.That is, thesamethought ofa
thingmaybe calledknowledge-about it in comparison witha simpler thought,
oracquaintancewithit in comparison witha thought ofit thatis morearticu-
still.'
lateand explicit
At any rate, "acquaintance with," as I should like to use the ex-
pression,is the sort of knowledge one inevitably acquires in the
I William James, The Principles of Psychology(New York: Henry Holt & Co.,
I896), I, 22I-22.
669
 670 OF SOCIOLOGY
THE AMERICANJOURNAL

courseof one's personaland firsthand encounters withthe world

abouthim. It is theknowledge whichcomeswithuse andwontrath-
er than throughany sort of formalor systematicinvestigation.
Undersuchcircumstances we comefinally toknowthingsnotmerely
through themediumofourspecialsensesbut through theresponses
ofourwholeorganism.We knowthemin thelattercase as weknow
thingsto whichwe are accustomed,in a worldto whichwe are
adjusted.Such knowledge may,in fact,be conceivedas a formof
organicadjustmentor adaptation,representing an accumulation
and,so to speak,a funding ofa longseriesofexperiences. It is this
sortofpersonaland individual knowledge whichmakeseachofus at
homein theworldin whichhe electsor is condemned to live.
It is notoriousthathumanbeings,who are otherwisethe most
mobileoflivingcreatures, tendnevertheless to becomerooted,like
plants,in the placesand in the associationsto whichtheyare ac-
customed.If thisaccommodation oftheindividualto hishabitatis
tobe regarded as knowledge at all,itis probablyincludedinwhatwe
call tact or commonsense.These are characters whichindividuals
acquirein informal and unconscious ways;but,onceacquired,they
tendto becomeprivateand personalpossessions.One mightgo so
faras to describethemas personality traits-something, at anyrate,
whichcannotwellbe formulated or communicated fromone indi-
vidualto anotherby formalstatements.
Otherformsof "acquaintancewith"are: (i) clinicalknowledge,
in so farat leastas it is theproductofpersonalexperience; (2) skills
and technicalknowledge;and (3) anythingthatis learnedby the
undirectedand unconsciousexperimentation such as the contact
with,and handlingof,objectsinvolves.
Ourknowledge ofotherpersonsand of humannaturein general
seemsto be of thissort.We knowothermindsin muchthe same
waythatweknowourown,thatis,intuitively. Oftenweknowother
mindsbetterthanwe do our own. For the mindis not the mere
streamofconsciousness intowhicheachofus lookswhen,introspec-
tively,he turnshisattention to themovements ofhisownthoughts.
Mindis ratherthedivergent tendencies to act ofwhicheachofus is
moreorlesscompletely unconscious, including theabilityto control
and directthosetendencies in accordancewithsomemoreor less
 NEWSAS A FORMOF KNOWLEDGE 67I

consciousgoal. Human beingshave an extraordinary ability,by

whatevermechanism it operates,to sensethesetendencies in others
as inthemselves.It takesa longtime,however, tobecomethorough-
ly acquaintedwithany humanbeing,including ourselves,and the
kindofknowledge ofwhichthisacquaintanceconsistsis obviously
notthesortofknowledge we getofhumanbehaviorby experiments
in a psychological laboratory.It is rathermoreliketheknowledge
thata salesmanhas ofhiscustomers, a politicianofhisclients,or the
knowledge whicha psychiatrist gainsofhispatientsin hisefforts to
understand and curethem.It is evenmorethe sortof knowledge
whichgetsembodiedin habit,in custom,and,eventually-bysome
processof naturalselectionthat we do not fullyunderstand-in
instinct;a kindofracialmemory orhabit. Knowledgeofthissort,if
one maycall it knowledge, becomes,finally, a personalsecretofthe
individualman or the specialendowment of therace or stockthat
possessesit.2
Onemay,perhaps,venturethisstatement sincethetypeofintui-
tive or instinctive knowledgeheredescribedseemsto ariseout of
processessubstantially like the accommodations and adaptations
which,by somekindof naturalselection,have producedthe dif-
ferentracialvarietiesof mankindas well as the plantand animal
species.One mayobjectthatwhatone meansby knowledge is just
whatis notinherited and notheritable.On theotherhand,it is cer-
tain that some thingsare learnedmuchmoreeasilythan others.
What one inheritstherefore is, perhaps,not anythingthat could
properlybe calledknowledge.It is ratherthe inherited abilityto
acquirethosespecific forms ofknowledge wecallhabits.Thereseems
to be a verygreatdifference in individuals,families,and genetic
groupsas to theirabilityto learnspecific things.Nativeintelligence
is probablynot the standardizedthingthat the intelligence tests
mightlead one to believe.In so faras thisis truestudiesof intel-
2
"The biologistordinarilythinksof developmentas somethingverydifferent from
such modificationof behaviorby experience,but fromtime to time the idea that the
basis of heredityand developmentis fundamentallysimilarto memoryhas been ad-
vanced.. Viewedin thisway thewholecourseofdevelopmentis a processofphysio-
logical learning,beginningwith the simple experienceof differential exposureto an
externalfactor,and undergoingone modificationafteranother,as new experiencesin
the life of the organismor of its parts in relationto each otheroccur" (C. M. Child,
PhysiologicalFoundationsofBehavior,pp. 248-49; quoted by W. I. Thomas in Primi-
tiveBehavior[New York: McGraw-HillBook Co., I937], p. 25).
 672 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

ligenceinthefuture are,I suspect,morelikelytobe concerned within

theidiosyncrasies ofintelligence and thecuriousindividualwaysin
whichindividualmindsachieveessentially thesameresultsthanin
measuring and standardizing theseachievements.
It is obviousthatthis"synthetic"(i.e., theknowledge thatgets
itselfembodiedin habit and custom,as opposedto analyticand
formalknowledge) is notlikelyto be articulateand communicable.
If itgetsitselfcommunicated at all,it willbe intheformofpractical
maxims and wise saws ratherthanin theformofscientifchypoth-
eses. Nevertheless, a wideand intimateacquaintancewithmenand
thingsis likelytobe thebulwarkofmostsoundjudgment inpractical
mattersas wellas the sourceof thosehunchesuponwhichexperts
dependin perplexing situationsand ofthosesuddeninsights which,
in the evolutionof science,are so frequently the preludeto im-
portantdiscoveries.
In contrastwiththisis the kindof knowledgethat Jamesde-
scribesas "knowledge about." Suchknowledge is formal, rational,
and systematic. It is basedon observation and factbuton factthat
has beenchecked,tagged,regimented, and finallyrangedin thisand
thatperspective, accordingto thepurposeand pointofviewofthe
investigator.
"Knowledgeabout" is formalknowledge;thatis to say,knowl-
edgewhichhas achievedsomedegreeof exactnessand precision by
thesubstitution ofideasforconcrete realityand ofwordsforthings.
Not onlydo ideasconstitute thelogicalframework ofall systematic
knowledge but theyenterintotheverynatureof thethingsthem-
selveswithwhichscience-naturalas distinguished fromthe his-
toricalscience-is concerned.As a matteroffact,thereseemto be
threefundamental typesofscientific knowledge:(i) philosophy and
logic,whichareconcerned primarily withideas; (2) history, whichis
concerned primarily withevents;and (3) thenaturalor classifying
sciences,whichare concerned primarily withthings.
Conceptsand logicalartifacts, like the numbersystem,are not
involvedin thegeneralfluxofeventsand things.For precisely that
reasontheyserveadmirably thepurposeof tagsand counters with
whichto identify, to describe,and, eventually, to measurethings.
The ultimatepurposeofnaturalscienceseemsto be to substitute for
the fluxof eventsand the changingcharacterof things logical a
 NEWS AS A FORM OF KNOWLEDGE 673

formula in whichthegeneralcharacter ofthingsand thedirection of

changemaybe describedwithlogicaland mathematical precision.
The advantageofsubstituting words,concepts, and a logicalorder
fortheactualcourseofeventsis thattheconceptual ordermakesthe
actualorderintelligible, and, so faras the hypothetic formulations
we call laws conform to theactualcourseofevents,it becomespos-
sibleto predictfroma presenta futurecondition of things.It per-
mitsus to speculatewithsomeassurancehow,and to whatextent,
any specific interventionor interference in a presentsituationmay
determine thesituationthatis predestined to succeedit.
On theotherhand,thereis alwaysa temptation to makea com-
pletedivorcebetweenthelogicaland verbaldescription ofan object
ora situationand theempirical realityto which it refers.Thisseems
to have been the cardinalmistakeof scholasticism.Scholasticism
has invariablytendedto substitute logicalconsistency, whichis a
relationbetweenideas,fortherelationofcauseand effect, whichis a
relationbetweenthings.
An empiricaland experimental scienceavoids a purelylogical
solutionofitsproblems by checking up itscalculationat somepoint
withtheactualworld.A purelyintellectual scienceis alwaysin dan-
ger of becomingso completely out of touchwiththingsthat the
symbolswithwhichit operatescease to be anythingmorethan
mentaltoys.In thatcase sciencebecomesa kindofdialecticalgame.
Thisis a perilwhichthesocialsciences, to theextentthattheyhave
been disposedto formulate and investigate socialproblemsin the
formsin whichtheyhave been conventionally definedby somead-
ministrative agenciesor governmental institution, have not always
escaped.Thus investigation has invariably tendedto taketheform
offact-finding ratherthanofresearch.Havingfoundthefacts,the
agencieswere able to supplythe interpretations; but theywere
usuallyinterpretations whichwereimplicitin thepoliciesto which
theagenciesor institutions werealreadycommitted.
These are someof the generalcharacteristics of systematic and
scientific knowledge,"knowledgeabout," as contrastedwiththe
concrete knowledge,commonsenseand "acquaintancewith."What
is, however,the uniquecharacterof scientific knowledge, as con-
trastedwithotherforms ofknowledge, is thatit is communicable to
theextentthatcommonsenseor knowledge basedon practicaland
 674 THE AMERICANJOURNAL
OF SOCIOLOGY

clinicalexperience is not. It is communicable becauseits problems

and its solutionsare statednotmerelyin logicaland in intelligible
termsbutin suchformsthattheycan be checkedby experiment or
by reference to theempirical realityto whichthesetermsrefer.
In orderto makethispossible,it is necessary to describein detail
and in everyinstancethe sourceand mannerin whichfactsand
findings wereoriginally obtained.Knowledgeabout,so farat least
as it is scientific,
becomesin thiswaya partofthesocialheritage, a
bodyof testedand accreditedfactand theoryin whichnewincre-
ments,added to the originalfund,tend to checkup, affirm, or
qualify,firstofall, in each specialscienceand,finally, in all there-
latedsciences, all thathas beencontributed by earlierinvestigators.
On theotherhand,acquaintancewith,as I have soughtto char-
acterizeit,so faras itis basedon theslowaccumulation ofexperience
and thegradualaccommodation of theindividualto his individual
and personalworld,becomes,as I have said,moreand morecom-
pletelyidenticalwithinstinctand intuition.
Knowledgeabout is not merelyaccumulatedexperience but the
resultof systematic investigation of nature.It is based on the an-
swersgivento thedefinite questionswhichwe addressto theworld
aboutus. It is knowledge pursuedmethodically withall theformal
and logicalapparatuswhichscientific researchhas created.I might
add, parenthetically, thatthereis, generally speaking,no scientific
methodwhichis whollyindependent of the intuitionand insight
whichacquaintancewiththingsand eventsgivesus. Ratheris it
truethat,underordinary circumstances, themostthatformal meth-
ods can do forresearch is to assisttheinvestigator in obtaining facts
whichwillmakeit possibleto checkup suchinsightsand hunches
as theinvestigator alreadyhad at theoutsetorhasgainedlaterinthe
courseofhis researches.
Oneofthefunctions ofthismethodical procedure is to protectthe
investigator fromthe perilsof an interpretation to whicha too
ardentpursuitofknowledge is likelyto lead him. Thereis, on the
otherhand,no methodical procedure thatis a substitute forinsight.
II
What is heredescribedas "acquaintancewith"and "knowledge
about"areassumedtobe distinctformsofknowledge-formshaving
 NEWS AS A FORM OF KNOWLEDGE 675

different in thelivesofindividualsand of society-rather

functions
thanknowledge ofthesamekindbutofdifferent degreesofaccuracy
and validity.Theyare,nevertheless, notso different
in character or
function-sincetheyare, afterall, relativeterms-thattheymay
not be conceivedas constituting togethera continuum-a con-
tinuumwithinwhichall kindsand sortsofknowledge finda place.
In sucha continuum newshas a locationof its own. It is obvious
thatnewsis notsystematic knowledge likethatofthephysicalsci-
ences.It is rather,in so faras it is concerned withevents,likehis-
tory.Events,becausetheyare invariably fixedin timeand located
in space,areuniqueand cannot,therefore, be classified
as is thecase
withthings.Not onlydo thingsmoveabout in space and change
withtimebut, in respectto theirinternalorganization, theyare
alwaysin a condition ofmoreor lessstableequilibrium.
Newsis nothistory, however, and itsfactsarenothistorical facts.
Newsis nothistory because,foronethingamongothers,it deals,on
thewhole,withisolatedeventsand doesnotseekto relatethemto
oneanothereitherin theformofcausalorin theformofteleological
sequences.Historynotonlydescribeseventsbut seeksto put them
in theirproperplacein thehistorical and,by doingso,to
succession,
discovertheunderlying tendencies and forceswhichfindexpression
in them.In fact,one wouldnotbe farwrongin assumingthathis-
toryis quiteas muchconcerned withtheconnections ofevents-the
relationbetweentheincidents thatprecedeand thosethatfollow-
as it is withtheeventsthemselves. On theotherhand,a reporter, as
distinguished froma historian, seeksmerelyto recordeach single
eventas it occursand is concerned withthepast and future onlyin
so faras thesethrowlighton whatis actualand present.
The relationof an eventto thepast remainsthe taskofthehis-
torian,whileits significance
as a factordetermining thefuturemay
perhapsbe leftto thescienceofpolitics-whatFreemancalls"com-
parativepolitics"3-thatis to say, to sociologyor to someother
divisionofthesocialsciences,which,by comparative studies,seeks
to arriveat statementssufficientlygeneralto supporta hypothesis or
a prediction.4
3Edward A. Freeman,ComparativePolitics (London, I873).
4The sociologicalpoint of view makes its appearance in historicalinvestigationas
soon as thehistorianturnsfromthestudyof"periods" to the studyofinstitutions.The
 676 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

News,as a formof knowledge, is notprimarily concerned either

withthepast or withthefuturebut ratherwiththepresent-what
hasbeendescribed bypsychologists as "thespeciouspresent."News
maybe said to existonlyin sucha present.Whatis meanthereby
the"speciouspresent"is suggested bythefactthatnews,as thepub-
lishersof the commercial pressknow,is a veryperishablecom-
modity.Newsremains newsonlyuntilit has reachedthepersonsfor
whomit has "newsinterest."Once publishedand its significance
recognized, whatwas newsbecomeshistory.
Thistransientandephemeral qualityis oftheveryessenceofnews
and is intimately connectedwitheveryothercharacterthatit ex-
hibits.Different typesof newshave a different timespan. In its
mostelementary forma newsreportis a mere"flash,"announcing
thatan eventhas happened.If theeventprovesofrealimportance,
interestin it willlead to further inquiryand to a morecomplete
acquaintancewiththeattendantcircumstances. An eventceasesto
be news,however, as soonas the tensionit arousedhas ceasedand
public attentionhas been directedto some otheraspect of the
habitator to someotherincidentsufficiently or im-
novel,exciting,
portantto holdits attention.
The reasonthatnewscomesto us, underordinary circumstances,
notin theformof a continuedstorybut as a seriesofindependent
incidents becomesclearwhenonetakesaccountofthefactthatweare
hereconcernedwiththe publicmind-or withwhatis called the
publicmind.In its mostelementary formknowledgereachesthe
publicnot,as it doestheindividual, in theformofa perception but
in theformofa communication, thatis to say,news. Publicatten-
tion,however, undernormalconditions is wavering,unsteady,and
easily distracted.When the public mind wanders,the rapport,
grapevinetelegraph, orwhateverelseit is thatinsuresthetransmis-
sionofnewswithinthelimitsofthepublicceasesto function, tension
is relaxed,communication brokenoff,and whatwas live newsbe-
comescoldfact.
historyof institutions-thatis to say, the family,the church,economicinstitutions,
politicalinstitutions,
etc.-leads inevitablyto comparison,classification,the formation
of class names or concepts,and eventuallyto the formulationof law. In the process
historybecomesnaturalhistory,and naturalhistorypasses over into natural science.
In short,historybecomessociology(R. E. Park and E. W. Burgess,Introduction tothe
ScienceofSociology[Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press, I92I], p. i6).
 NEWSAS A FORMOF KNOWLEDGE 677

A newsitem,as everynewspaperman knows,is read in inverse

ratioto itslength.The ordinary readerwillreada columnand a half
of two-or three-line itemsaboutmenand thingsin thehometown
beforehe willreada columnarticle,no matterhowadvertised in the
headlines, unlessit turnsout to be notmerely newsbut a story,i.e.,
something thathas whatis calledtechnically "humaninterest."
News comesin the formof small,independent communications
thatcanbe easilyandrapidlycomprehended. In fact,newsperforms
somewhat thesamefunctions forthepublicthatperception doesfor
the individualman; thatis to say, it does not so muchinformas
orientthepublic,givingeach and all noticeas to whatis goingon.
It does this withoutany effortof the reporter to interpretthe
eventshe reports, exceptin so faras to makethemcomprehensible
and interesting.
The firsttypicalreactionof an individualto thenewsis likelyto
be a desiretorepeatitto someone.Thismakesconversation, arouses
further comment, and perhapsstartsa discussion.But thesingular
thingabout it is that,once discussionhas been started,the event
underdiscussion soonceasesto be news,and,as interpretations ofan
eventdiffer, discussionsturnfromthe newsto the issuesit raises.
The clash of opinionsand sentiments whichdiscussioninvariably
evokesusuallyterminates in some sortof consensusor collective
opinion-whatwe call publicopinion.It is upontheinterpretation
ofpresentevents,i.e.,news,thatpublicopinionrests.
The extentto whichnewscirculates, withina politicalunitor a
politicalsociety, determines theextenttowhichthemembers ofsuch
a societymaybe said to participate, notin itscollectivelife-which
is themoreinclusiveterm-butin itspoliticalacts. Politicalaction
and politicalpower,as one ordinarily understands theseterms,are
obviously based not merely on such concertand consensusas may
existin a herdor in a crowd.It restsultimately, it seems,on the
abilityofa politicalsociety,asidefromwhateverofmilitary or ma-
terialresourcesit possesses,to act not only concertedly but con-
sistently in accordance withsomeconsidered purposeand infurther-
anceofsomerationalend. The worldofpolitics,it seems,is based,
as Schopenhauer has said of the worldin general,on the organic
relationofwillandidea. Otherandmorematerialsourcesofpolitical
powerare obviouslymerelyinstrumental.
678 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

Freeman,thehistorian, has said thathistoryis past politicsand

politicsis presenthistory.Thisputsa greatdealoftruthintoa few
words,evenifthestatement inpracticeneedssomeenlargement and
somequalification. News,thoughintimately relatedto both,is nei-
therhistorynorpolitics.It is, nevertheless,the stuffwhichmakes
politicalaction,as distinguishedfromotherformsof collectivebe-
havior,possible.
Amongotherkindsof collectivebehaviorare the recognized and
conventional forms ofceremonial andreligious expression-etiquette
and religiousritual-which,in so faras theycreateunanimity and
maintainmorale,play directlyand indirectly an important rolein
politicsand in politicalaction.But religionhas no such intimate
connectionas politicswiththenews.News is a purelysecularphe-
nomenon.
III
Thereis a proverbial sayingto theeffect thatit is theunexpected
thathappens.Sincewhathappensmakesnews,it follows, or seems
to,thatnewsis alwaysormainlyconcerned withtheunusualandthe
unexpected.Even themosttrivialhappening, it seems,providedit
represents a departurefromthe customaryritualand routineof
dailylife,is likelyto be reportedin the press.This conception of
newshas been confirmed by thoseeditorswho,in the competition
forcirculation and foradvertising, havesoughtto maketheirpapers
smartand interesting, wheretheycould not be invariablyeither
informing or thrilling.In theireffortsto instilintothemindsofre-
portersand correspondents the importance of lookingeverywhere
and alwaysforsomething that wouldexcite,amuse,or shockits
readers,newseditorshaveput intocirculation someinteresting ex-
amplesofwhattheGermans, borrowing an expression fromHomer,
havecalledgeflulgelteWorter,"wingedwords."The epigramdescrib-
ing newswhichhas wingedits way overmoreterritory and is re-
peatedmoreoftenthananyotheris this: "Dog bitesman"-that is
not news.But "Man bitesdog"-that is. Nota bene!It is not the
intrinsicimportance of an eventthat makesit newsworthy. It is
ratherthefactthattheeventis so unusualthatifpublishedit will
eitherstartle,amuse,orotherwise excitethereaderso thatit willbe
remembered and repeated.For newsis alwaysfinally, whatCharles
 NEWSAS A FORMOF KNOWLEDGE 679

A. Dana described it to be, "something thatwillmakepeopletalk,"

evenwhenit doesnotmakethemact.
The factthatnewsordinarily circulatesspontaneously and with-
out any adventitious aids-as well as freelywithoutinhibitions or
censorship-seems to be responsible foranothercharacter whichat-
tachesto it, distinguishing it fromrelatedbut less authentictypes
ofknowledge-namely, rumorand gossip.In orderthata reportof
eventscurrentmayhave the qualityofnews,it shouldnotmerely
circulate-possibly in circuitous underground channels-butshould
be published, ifneedbe by thetowncrieror thepublicpress.Such
publication tendsto givenewssomething ofthecharacter ofa public
document.Newsis moreorlessauthenticated bythefactthatithas
beenexposedto thecriticalexamination ofthepublicto whichit is
addressedand withwhoseinterests it is concerned.
The publicwhichthus,by commonconsentor failureto protest,
putsthestampofitsapprovalon a publishedreportdoesnotgiveto
itsinterpretation theauthority ofstatement thathasbeensubjected
to experthistoricalcriticism. Everypublichas its local prejudices
and itsownlimitations. A moresearching examination ofthefacts
wouldquitepossiblyrevealto a morecriticaland enlightened mind
the naive credulity and bias of an unsophisticated publicopinion.
In fact,thenaiveteand credulity thusrevealedmaybecomean im-
portanthistoricalor sociologicaldatum.This, however,is merely
anotherand further illustration ofthefactthateverypublichas its
ownuniverse ofdiscourse and that,humanlyspeaking, a factis only
a factin someuniverseofdiscourse.5
An interesting lightis thrownon the natureof newsby a con-
siderationofthechangeswhichtakeplace in information thatgets
intocirculation withoutthesanctionwhichpublicitygivesto it. In
suchcase a report,emanatingfromsomesourcenot disclosedand
travelingto a destination thatis unknown, invariablyaccumulates
5 A universe
ofdiscourseis, as thetermis ordinarilyused,no morethana special
vocabulary whichis wellunderstood and appropriateto specific
situations.It may,
however, in thecase ofsomespecialscienceincludea bodyofmoreprecisely defined
termsorconcepts, whichin thatcasewilltendto havea moreorlesssystematic char-
acter.History,forexample, employs no,or almostno,specialconcepts.On theother
hand,sociology,and everysciencethatattempts to be systematic,
does. As concepts
assumethissystematic character,theytendto constitutea "frameofreference."
 68o THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

detailsfromthe innocentbut mainlyillicitcontributions of those

whoassistit on its travel.Underthesecircumstances whatwas at
first mererumortendsto assume,in time,thecharacter ofa legend,
thatis, something whicheveryonerepeatsbut no one believes.
When,on theotherhand,reportsofcurrent eventsarepublished
withthenames,dates,andplaceswhichmakeit possibleforanyone
concerned to checkthem,the atmosphere of legendwhichgathers
about and clotheswithfantasticdetailthe newsas originally re-
portedis presently dispelled,and whatis fact,or whatwillpass for
fact,untilcorrected by further and laternewsreports, is reducedto
something moreprosaicthanlegendandmoreauthenticthannews,
i.e., historical
fact.
If it is the unexpectedthat happens,it is the not whollyun-
expectedthatgetsintothenews.The eventsthathave madenews
in thepast,as in thepresent, areactuallytheexpectedthings.They
are characteristicallysimpleand commonplace matters,likebirths
and deaths,weddings and funerals,
theconditions ofthecropsandof
business,war, politics,and the weather.These are the expected
things, buttheyareat thesametimetheunpredictable things.They
are theincidents and the chancesthatturnup in the gameof life.
The factis thatthethingthatmakesnewsis newsinterest, and
that,as everycityeditorknows,is a variablequantity-onethathas
to be reckonedwithfromthe timethe cityeditorsitsdownat his
deskin themorning untilthenighteditorlocksup thelast format
night.The reasonforthisis thatthenewsvalueis relative,and an
eventthatcomeslatermay,andoftendoes,diminish thevalueofan
eventthatturnedup earlier.In thatcase the less important item
has to givewayto thelaterand moreimportant.
The anecdotesand "believeit or nots"whichturnup in thenews
arevaluableto theeditorbecausetheycanalwaysbe liftedoutofthe
printer's formto makeway forsomething hotterand moreurgent.
In anycase it is, on thewhole,theaccidentsand incidents thatthe
publicis preparedfor;thevictoriesand defeatson theball fieldor
on the battlefield; the thingsthat one fearsand thingsthat one
hopesfor-thatmakethenews.It is difficult to understand, never-
theless,considering thenumberofpeoplewhoarekilledandmaimed
annuallyby automobileaccidents(the numberkilledin I938 was
32,600) thatthesegreatlossesofliferarely makethefront page. The
 NEWS AS A FORM OF KNOWLEDGE 68i

differenceseemsto be thattheautomobile has cometo be accepted

as one of thepermanent featuresof civilizedlifeand war has not.
News,therefore, at least in the strictsenseof the term,is not a
storyor an anecdote.It is something thathas forthepersonwho
hearsor readsit an interest thatis pragmatic ratherthanapprecia-
tive. Newsis characteristically,ifnotalways,limitedto eventsthat
bringaboutsuddenand decisivechanges.It maybe an incident like
thatofthecoloredfamilyin Philadelphia, Francesand Ben Mason,
whowona fortune in theIrishsweepstakes recently.6It maybe a
tragicincidentlike the battleoffthe coast of Uruguaywhichre-
sultedin thedestruction oftheGermanbattleship, the"GrafSpee,"
and the suicideof its captain.These eventswerenot onlynews-
thatis,something thatbroughta suddendecisivechangein thepre-
viouslyexistingsituation-but,as theywererelatedin the news-
papersand as we reflected uponthem,theytendedto assumea new
andidealsignificance: theonea storyofgenuinehumaninterest, the
otherthatoftragedy, something, to useAristotle'sphrase,to inspire
"pity and terror."Events such as thesetend to be remembered.
Eventuallytheymaybecomelegendsor be recordedin popularbal-
lads. Legendsand balladsneedno datelineor thenamesofpersons
orplacesto authenticate them.Theyliveand survivein ourmemo-
riesand in thatof the publicbecauseof theirhumaninterest.As
eventstheyhave ceasedto exist.Theysurviveas a sortofghostly
symbolof something of universaland perennialinterest, an ideal
representation of whatis trueof lifeand of humannatureevery-
where.
Thusit seemsthatnews,as a formofknowlecdge, contributesfrom
itsrecordofeventsnotonlyto history and to sociologybut to folk-
loreand literature;it contributes something notmerelyto thesocial
sciencesbut to thehumanities.
IV
The sociologicalhorizonhas recentlytakenon new dimensions.
Socialanthropology,no longerinterested societymere-
in primitive
ly,has begunto studynotonlythehistory but thenaturalhistory
and functionof institutions.
In doingso it has appropriatedmore
and morethefieldofsociological and research.Psychiatry,
interest
6 See Time,December25, I939, p. I2.
682 OF SOCIOLOGY
THE AMERICANJOURNAL

likewise, has discoveredthatneurosesandpsychoses arediseasesofa

personality whichis itselfa productofa socialmilieucreatedby the
interaction of personalities.Meanwhiletherehas grownup in the
UnitedStatesand in Europea sociologyoflaw whichconceivesas
naturalproductsthenormswhichthecourtsare seekingto rational-
ize,systematize, andapplyinspecific cases. Finally,therehavebeen
someinteresting recentattemptsto bringthesubjectofknowledge
itselfwithinthelimitsofa sociological discipline.
Theoriesofknowledge have existedsincethedaysofParmenides.
They have,however,beenless interested in knowledge whichis a
datumthanin truthor valid knowledge whichis an idea and an
ideal. The questionwithwhichthe sociologyof knowledge is con-
cernedis notwhatconstitutes thevalidityofknowledge-ofa state-
mentof principleor of fact-but what are the conditionsunder
whichdifferent kindsofknowledge ariseand whatarethefunctions
ofeach.
Mostoftheforms ofknowledge thathaveachievedthedignity of
a scienceare,in thelonghistory ofmankind, ofveryrecentorigin.
Oneoftheearliestandmostelementary forms ofknowledge is news.
Therewas a period,and not so long ago, either,whentherewas
neitherphilosophy, history,nor rationalknowledgeof any sort.
Therewas onlymyth,legend,and magic.Whatwe nowdescribeas
theexactsciencesdidnotexistuntiltheRenaissance.The socialsci-
enceshave,roughlyspeaking,onlycomeintoexistencein thelast
fiftyyears.At leasttheyhave onlybegunwithinthelast half-cen-
turyto achieve,withthewideruse ofstatistics, anything likescien-
tificprecision.
News,so faras it is to be regardedas knowledge at all,is probably
as old as mankind, perhapsolder.The loweranimalswerenotwith-
out a kind of communication whichwas not unlikenews. The
"cluck"ofthemotherhenis understood by thechicksas signifying
eitherdangeror food,and thechicksrespondaccordingly.
Thisis notto suggestthateverykindofcommunication in a herd
or flockwillhave the characterof news.What is ordinarily com-
municatedis merelya kindof contagiousexcitement-sometimes
merelya senseofwell-being and security in thegregarious associa-
tionof theherd,at othersa senseof unrestor malaise,manifested
 NEWS AS A FORM OF KNOWLEDGE 683

and oftenintensified in themillingoftheherd.It seemslikelythat

thispervasivesocialexcitement, whichis essentialto theexistence of
theherdas a socialunit,serves,also,to facilitate thecommunication
ofnews,or whatcorresponds to it in theherd.
Thereis in naval parlancean expression, "the fleetin being,"
whichmeans,apparently, thattheshipswhichconstitute a fleetare
in communication and sufficiently mobilized, perhaps,to be capable
ofsomesortofconcerted action.The sameexpression mightbe ap-
pliedto a community, a society,or a herd.A societyis "in being"
whentheindividuals thatcomposeit areto suchan extentenrapport
that,whethercapableof unitedand collectiveactionor not,they
may be describedas participating in a commonor collectiveexist-
ence. In sucha societya diffuse socialexcitement tendsto envelope,
likean atmosphere, all participants in thecommonlifeand to givea
directionand tendency to theirinterests and attitudes.It is as ifthe
individuals ofsucha societyweredominated by a commonmoodor
stateofmindwhichdetermined forthemtherangeand character of
theirinterestsand theirattitudesor tendenciesto act. The most
obviousillustration ofthisobscuresocialtensionor stateofmindin
a community is thepersistent and pervasiveinfluence of fashion.
At certaintimesand undercertainconditions thiscollectiveex-
citement,so essentialto communication if not to understanding,
risesto a higherlevelofintensity and,as it doesso,tendstolimitthe
rangeof responsebut to increasethe intensity of impulsesnot so
inhibited.The effect ofthisis thesameas in thecase ofattention in
theindividual.Exclusiveattention to somethingsinhibits responses
to others.This meansin the case of a societya limitationof the
rangeand character ofthenewsto whichit willeithercollectively or
individually respond.
The riseofsocialtensionmaybe observedin themostelementary
formin theherdwhen,forsomereason,theherdis restlessand be-
ginsto mill.Tensionmountsas restlessness increases.The effect is
as ifthemillingproducedin theherda stateof expectancy which,
as it increasedinintensity, increasedalso thecertainty thatpresent-
ly someincident, a clap ofthunder or thecrackling ofa twig,would
plungetheherdintoa stampede.
Something similartakesplace in a public.As tensionarises,the
684 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

limitsofpublicinterestnarrows, and the rangeof eventsto which

thepublicwillrespondis limited.The circulation
ofnewsis limited;
ceases,and thecertainty
discussion ofactionofsomesortincreases.
This narrowingof the focusof public attentiontends to increasethe
ofthedominant
influence personorpersonsin thecommunity. But
the existenceof this dominancedependsupon the abilityof the
community, oritsleaders,to maintaintension.It is in thiswaythat
dictatorsarise and maintainthemselvesin power. It is this that ex-
plainslikewisethenecessity to a dictatorshipofsomesortofcensor-
ship.
Newscirculates, it seems,onlyin a societywherethereis a certain
degreeofrapportand a certaindegreeoftension.But the effect of
newsfromoutsidethecircleofpublicinterest is to disperseattention
and,by so doing,to encourage individualsto act ontheirowninitia-
tiveratherthanon thatofa dominant partyor personality.
Underordinary circumstances-in a timeofpeace ratherthanof
war or revolution-newstendsto circulateoveran everwidening
area,as meansofcommunication multiply.Changesin societyand
itsinstitutionsunderthesecircumstances continue to takeplace,but
theytake place piecemealand moreor less imperceptibly. Under
otherconditions-inwarorrevolution-changes takeplaceviolently
and visiblybut catastrophically.
The permanence of institutions underordinaryconditions is de-
pendentupontheirability,ortheabilityofthecommunity ofwhich
theyare a part,to adapt themselves to technological and otherless
obviouschanges.But thesechangesand theirconsequences mani-
festthemselves notonlydirectly but ratherindirectly in thenews.
InstitutionsliketheCatholicchurchortheJapanesestatehavebeen
able to survivethedrasticchangesoftimebecausetheyhave been
able to respondto changesin theconditions ofexistence, notmerely
thosephysically and obviouslyimposeduponthembut thosefore-
shadowedand reflected in thenews.
I haveindicatedtherolewhichnewsplaysin theworldofpolitics
in so faras it providesthebasis forthediscussions in whichpublic
opinionis formed.The newsplaysquiteas important a rolein the
worldofeconomic relations,sincethepriceofcommodities, including
 NEWS AS A FORM OF KNOWLEDGE 685

moneyand securities, intheworld-market

as registered andin every
localmarketdependent uponit,is basedon thenews.
So sensitive
aretheexchanges to eventsin everypartoftheworld
thateveryfluctuation in fashionor the weatheris likelyto be re-
flectedin the priceson the exchanges.I have said that newsis a
secularphenomenon. But therecome timeswhenchangesare so
greatand so catastrophic thatindividuals and peoplesareno longer
interested in worldlyaffairs.In suchcase men,frustrated in their
ambitionsand theirhopes,turnaway fromthe worldof secular
affairsand seek refugeand consolationin a flightfromthe great
worldintothe securityof the littleworldof the familyor of the
church.The function of newsis to orientman and societyin an
actualworld.In so faras it succeedsit tendsto preservethesanity
oftheindividualand thepermanence ofsociety.
Although newsis an earlierand moreelementary productofcom-
munication thanscience,newshas by no meansbeensuperseded by
it. On thecontrary, theimportance ofnewshas grownconsistently
withthe expansionof the meansof communication and withthe
growthofscience.
Improvedmeansof communication have co-operatedwiththe
vast accumulations of knowledge, in museums,and in
in libraries,
learnedsocieties,to make possiblea more rapid, accurate,and
thoroughgoing interpretationof eventsas theyoccur.The resultis
thatpersonsandplaces,onceremoteandlegendary, arenowfamiliar
to everyreaderofthedailypress.
In fact,the multiplication of the meansof communication has
broughtit aboutthatanyone,evenin themostdistantpartofthe
world,maynow actuallyparticipatein events-at least as listener
ifnotas spectator-astheyactuallytakeplacein someotherpartof
theworld.We haverecently listenedto Mussoliniaddresshisfascist
followers froma balconyof Rome; we have heardHitlerspeaking
overtheheadsofa devoutcongregation in theReichstag,in Berlin,
notmerelyto thePresident, butto thepeople,oftheUnitedStates.
We have even had an opportunity to hear the termsof the mo-
mentousMunichagreement tensecondsafterit had beensignedby
therepresentatives offouroftheleadingpowersin Europeand the
686 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

world.The factthatacts so momentous as thesecan be so quickly

and so publiclyconsummated has suddenlyand completely changed
thecharacter ofinternationalpolitics,so thatonecan nolongereven
guesswhatthefuture has in storeforEuropeand fortheworld.
In the modernworldthe role of news has assumedincreased
ratherthan diminished importance as comparedwithsomeother
formsof knowledge, history,forexample. The changesin recent
yearshavebeenso rapidand drasticthatthemodernworldseemsto
havelostitshistoricalperspective, and we appearto be livingfrom
day to day in whatI have described earlieras a "speciouspresent."
Underthecircumstances history seemsto be reador written mainly
to enableus, by comparison ofthepresentwiththepast,to under-
standwhatis goingon aboutus ratherthan,as thehistorians have
toldus, to know"whatactuallyhappened."
Thus ElmerDavis in a recentarticlein theSaturdayReviewan-
nouncesas "requiredreading"forI939 twovolumes:Hitler'sMein
KampfandThucydides' History ofthePeloponnesian War(43I B.C.).
He recommends thehistory ofthePeloponnesian Warbecause,as he
says,"Thucydideswas not only a brilliantanalystof humanbe-
haviorboth individualand collective"but was at the same time
"a greatreporter."7
Onenotes,also,as characteristic ofourtimes,thatsincenews,as
reportedin Americannewspapers, has tendedto assumethe char-
so fiction-after
acterofliterature, thenewspaper themostpopular
formof literature-hasassumedmoreand morethe characterof
news.8
Emile Zola's novelswereessentiallyreportsupon contemporary
manners inFrancejustas Steinbeck'sTheGrapesofWrathhas been
describedas an epoch-making reporton the share-cropper
in the
UnitedStates.
Ours,it seems,is an age ofnews,and one ofthemostimportant
eventsin American has beentheriseofthereporter.
civilization
UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

7 "Required Reading," SaturdayReviewofLiterature,

OctoberI4, I939.
8 See Helen MacGill Hughes,News and theHuman InterestStory(Chicago: Univer-
sityofChicagoPress,1940).