1

THE RGr1ANCE OF SASSI

- A critical and comparative study -

by

HARNAM SINGH SHAN

Panjab University, Chandigarh

Panjab, India

Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

(Indian Lore and Literature) in the Arts Faculty
of the University of London, through the
School of Oriental and African Studies,
London
October, 1 96LJ-
 2

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SASSI IN QUEST OF HER S~ffiETHEART

 2a

PRET., B1INARIES

1. Abstract

2. Blessings

3. Table 0f Contents

4. List of Illustrations

5. List of Abbreviations

6. A Note on Transl iteration

7. Preface
 :3
ABSTRACT

This thesis is an attempt at a critical and comparative study

of the tragic romance of Sassi-Punnun cherished both in
oral and literary traditions of the Indian sub-continent.
It has been divided into three parts, preceded by
some prefatory remarks on legends and romances in general.
The first part, an analytical study of the legend,
begins with an assessment of the various aspects of its
influence and significance. It leads to an enquiry into its
title, origin and period, which reveals that the romance is
deeply rooted in the composite culture of India and is based
on an actual event that seems to have occurred around the
advent of Islam in the regions of Sindh and Balochistan. A
detailed study of its topography, characters, motifs, super-
natural element and folk-lore are the subjects of the next
sections of this parto

The second part, a critical survey of its oral and

literary traditions, opens with some introductory remarks
about the migration and transmission of such popular
romances. It attem.pts a comprehensive study of numerous
bardic and literary versions procured from various regions
of a vast territory, and arranged here under separate
language-sections: Bahawalpuri, Sindhi, Balochi, Kachhi,
Panjabi, Rajasthani, Hindi, Urdu, Pashto, Persian, English,
French and Italian. Each section has been provided with a
brief account of the geographical and historical aspects,
and the cultural, linguistic and literary traditions of the
region concerned, to serve as a framework with reference and
relation to the romance under studyo
The third part aims at reviewing the manifestation
of the romance in popular forms§ Observing its ubiquitous
impact on hearts and homes, in open-air gatherings and on
the popular and professional stage, it leads to an assessment
of its success and popularity through the modern media of
the cinema and radio. The review concludes with a perusal of
the contribution made by painters towards its popularity
and preservation through pictorial art.
The Glossary explains some indigenous terms; and
the Bibliography contains a selection of the published and
unpublished material which forms the basis of the present
study and survey 0
 5

o Lord of the Universe!

May this couple live and love
For ages four and ever more.
(Guru Gobind Singh, Hindi)

o soul consumed! at the price of death

You pledged your love to P~Jlun.

The world reveres you, Sasui! says LatIf.

(Shah Abdul Latif -- Sindhi)

The loves of Sassi and Punnun, 0 Hashim,

From age to age shall live in constant song.

I swear by God, I swear by the Prophet,

Love is a thing both sweet and wonderful!
(Khwaja
-. Ghulam Farid -- Bahawalpuri)
-
 6
TABLE OF CONTENTS
--_._---_......-....... _---

_._'£.>_=. _---
PREL:'iJ1INARIES

1. Abstract 0 0 0 a 0 0 0 • 0 0 • coo 0 •• 0 0 • tj. 0 ••••••• 0 • " • 0 00-. 3

2. List of illustrations.~ .• o.. o.......•... o.D... 9
3. List of abbreviationso •.•••••••.•••.••••• ~.o.. 10
40 A Note on Transliteration ••.•••.•.•....••.•.• lOa
5 0' Pr ef ac e 0 0. 0 0 0 " 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Q 0 Q 0 •• 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Q 0 0 0 0 0 0 0' 11

PART I : LORE --- AN ANALYTICAL .A..ND CRITICAL STUDY

1. Significance, Prevalence and Popularity .•• 0... ~4

2. Title ... 0 •••••••• & 0 ••• 0 • 0 0 •• It • C ., Cr Ct '" 0 • 0 0 • C • 0 • • • 62

i Legendary sources 95
ii Historical references 99
iii Geographical indications 113
iv Ethnological evidence 119
5. Topa graphy ... 0 0 0 e 0 0 • 0 0 ... 0 •••• 0. 0 ••• 0 0 Q •••• ., •• 0 0 12.3

i SassI's place of birth 125

ii SassI's place of adoption 140
iii Punnun's native place 153
iv The river 157
v SassI's Dhaular 162
vi SassI's garden 166
vii The desert 167
viii The last abode 171
6. Characters 0 • 0 •• 0 •• 0 0 D •••• 0 Q 00'0 III •••• 0 0 •••• 0" DO. 182
i SassI 182
ii SassI's parentage 186
iii SassI's foster-father 194
iv P11.'flni:'ID 196
 7
Page
V Punnun!s parentage 204
vi Punnun's brothers 214
vii The merchants 216
viii The goatherd 219
ix The camel 224
70 Motifs," 0 0 0 • 0 0 • c •• 0 • 0 0 • 0 0 0' • 0 & 0 4- 0 e • -0 e .. CIo •• 0 • t;I .0 ". .. e 226

i Desire and anxiety for a child 231

ii Prophecy about the birth of a child 232
iii Abandonment or exposure of a child 235
iv Rescue and adoption of a child 242
v Meeting, recognition or identification
of an abandoned child or wife 243
vi Manifestation of love 247
vii Meeting of the lovers 257
viii Marriage of the lovers 262
ix Separation of the lovers 274
x Search and pursuit 280
xi The end 282
xii The sequel 300
8. Supernatural elemento ••••• ooo~ • • o • • • • • • • • o • • oo 309
9. Popular Notions and SuperstitionsQ ••.••••• o... 319

PART II : LITERATURE -- A CRITICAL AND COI1PARATIVE_~UR~X

I. Extent, impact and influence ••.•.• oo • • • • • oooo 329

2. Popular and Literary Versions found in various
language So e 0 ~• 0 j) e• 0 C CI .. 0 0 0 0 • 0 0. d .. 0 II') • Q Co • Q • 0 ... 0 .Q • -0 330
(a) INDO-ARY}~N Llu~GUAGES
--------------------
i Bahawalpurl 337
ii Sindhl 350
iii Kachhi 434
iv Panjabl 448
v RajasthanI 541
vi Hindi 554
 8
~Pa~
vii Urdu SF?

(a) Dakhanl School 570

(b) Lal:hna\ilrl School 571
(c) Dihlavl School 581
(d) Panjabi School 584
(b) INDO-IR1U~IAN LANGUAGES
viii Balochi 408
ix Pashto 596
x Persian 600

(c) INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

xi English 655
xii French 685
xiii Italian 692

PART III : MANIFESTATION -- A REVIEW OF POPULAR FORMS

1 .. In hearts and homes 695

2. In open-air gatherings 698

3. On the stage 704

40 On the screen 706

5. On the radio 712

6~ In pictorial representations 716

APPENDICES

1. G10 S S ary 0 .0 0 0 0 e 0 0- I) • 0 0 c· Cl $- e c • C {) 0 l' :- ~ • ('I 0 " •• ~ •• a C1 D II • . 728

(Explanation of some indigenous words & technical
terms)
2., Bib 1 i 0 gr a p hy " ~ ~ 0 Ii) • 0 0 • 0 • j) " .0 6 0 0 0 • .. 0 0 • Ct " • ¢' D t! (1 It 0 0 ... 7 31

i Books and manuscripts 731~

ii Periodicals 768
iii J,Xaps 771
iv Versions 772
 9

1. SassI in quest of her s\'''leetheart - frontispiece 2

2. Nap of the regions of the IncLian sub-continent

influenced by the romance 60-61

3. I1ap showing the sites of SassI's places of

birth and adoption 124

4. Map showing the site of Bhambhore 139

5. SassI's Dhaular 161

6. Specimen of pictorial re~resentations in

various albums and art collections 273

7. Sleep and abduction 328a

8. Search in the desert 393a

9. Facsimile of the oldest available manuscript

in Persian script (of Hashimts Sassi) 483

10. The poet and the romru~ce L~92

11. Facsimile of the oldest available manUSCrilJt

in Gurmukhl script (of Hashim's Sassi) - L~97

12. Specimen of pictorial representations in

manuscripts of the romance 694a

13. Specimen of pictorial representations on

title-covers of printed versions (in Persian
script) 715a

14. Specimen of pictorial representations on

title-covers of printed versions (in Gurmukhi
script) 722a
 LIST Oii1 ABBREVIATIONS 10
Anon. .Lmon;ymous.
B. Born.
BoL 000 Bodleian Library, Oxford.
B ell10 British Ivluseun1, London.
BoN.P. Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.
BeS.BoM. Bayerische Staats Bibliothek, Munchun
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and
African Studies, London.
D. Died.
Eo U oL. University Library, Edinburgh.
Fl.Motif-Index: Motif-Index of Folk-L i tera ture, Cope~C!"gen.
G.S. GurmukhI Script.
I eA. Indian Antiquary, Bombay.
I.O.L. India Office Library, London.
The Journal of American Folklore, Boston.
J.A.S.Be The Journal of the Asiatic Society -:f Bengal,
Calcuttao
J.An.S.By. The Journal of the Anthropological Society,
Bombay.
J.B.O.R.S. The J"ournal of the Bihar and Orissa Research
Society, Patna.
J.B.B.R.A.S. The J·ournal of the Bombay Branch of thA
Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay.
J.P.H.S. The Journal of the Panjab Historical Society,
Lahore.
J.R.A.So The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,
London.
J oSoHoSo The Journal of the Sindh Historical Society,
Karachi0

MS/s. Manuscr ip t/ so
P.P.L. Panjab Public Library, Lahore.
PeS. Persian Script.
PoUeC. : Panjab University Library, Chandigarh.
P. U.L. Panjab University Library, Lahore.
R .A. S. The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain
and Ireland.
School of Oriental and AfricillL Studies,
University of London.
S.R.L. SiYJl. Reference Library, Amri tsar.
T oIJ • S. Transactions of the Literary Society, Bombay.
 10 a

A NOTE ON TRANSLI'rERATION

l~ Well-known words and proper nouns have not generally been

accentedo Diacritical marks on some prominent Indian names
and frequently-used words have often been used on their
first appearance and have subsequently been omitted.
2. Long vowels have been indicated by the macron over the
letters concerned. ("' JI".....
\ -- .":"/ -' cf1-.1
e.g. a, 1, li. J~T,~)31;lYr;, . it.:,t"l
3. The following special Romanised equivalents have been used
in transcription of words from Indian and other languages
when necessary:

ch -a- ,-1'
;"' ..
\.~,;/
~.

'ij

-:s-
--
".y
chh 'T7
E9""- .,.......'
.~

"
gh -r
aT I ~j dl
t'
gh S1 v/ .~/

kh c1§[ '1
, /
..... '- #-
n --'"
(j .....,
~

no c{II
I
(d
-? -C-
b
. -c. ~~

--'.
r i ...-r.
"--,'!
. .J ,

.'.
sh ;£or;;
f) • (,r
~

'T.,,.T
th U- .4P 7;f
I:.'-'.f"
th 0 3 !P
_.'"'r'
c;,::;
 11
PREFACE

Tales, legends and romances constitute one of the richest

oral and literary traditions of the human race. As man is
man everywhere and human nature is everywhere the same, they
have a common source and a universal appeal. They have been
preserved either on the lips of people or in the annals of
the narrators.
In India we find both traditions working almost side
by side. The tales have been related and recited either by
the common people or by generations of professional bards
and minstrels.
Under the impact of European culture and the cultural
upsurge that followed, eminent scholars like Temple, Crook,
Sen and Swynnerton began their collection and preservation
for posterity.
Their collections and observations have revealed
that most of these tales seem to have originated from, or
been inspired by, the fascinating wealth of folklore India
has possessed from pre-historic timeso The extant annals,
chronicles and works, such as the Buddhist Jatakap, Kathako~~7
BEihatkatha, Kathasaritsaga~, £Eihatkathamanjarl, P~cha­

!~gtra, HitoEadesa, Puran~~, SukasaE1!, Mahabharata, Ramay?~

and Triya-Charitr, have long served as fountains of popular
imagination, drawn upon freely by successive narrators in
India l and its neighbouring countries.
-------------------------
1. See for !ns~anc~ the popular romances like Nala-Dama2[anJtI
and Madhu-Malatl which have been adopted from the epic
of r1ahabharata and the drama of MalatI Madhava (c 8th
0

cent.) respectively.
 12
The translation of the Pa~£hat~ntE~ into Pahlavi in
the sixth century, and into Italian and English in the 16th
century,l brought them to an even wider reading public and
channelled their flow to still farther lands. It is very
likely that they were transmitted to the West even earlier
than that. For instance, the popular Panjabi tale of the
Baneyrwal, whose shrewish and contrary wife was carried away
by the Indus in a sudden flood and who went searching for her
body upstream instead of down, is to be seen almost word for
word in a collection of amusing anecdotes compiled by an
Italian ecclesiastic in the 15th century.2 Confirming this
process of migration or transmission, MacDonell maintained
at the end of the last century that lI we know for certain that
the Indian tales in the Panchatantra and in the Hito~adesa

made a triumphant march to the West and exercised a very

great influence in shaping the literature of the middle ages
in Europe tt • 3 Tracing this impact and influence even in the
Middle and Far East, he proceeded to state that lithe style of

narration was borrowed from India by the neighbouring Orien-

tal peoples of Persia and Arabia who employed it in composing
independent works. The most notable instance is, of course,
the Arabian Nights. n4 Thus there is no denying the fact that

1. 1'1unshi, K.M., Guj~rat and its Literatu~, Bombay - 195LJ-,

p.201.
2. See Bracciolini, P., Libre Facetiarum, 1885;
Swynnerton, C., E£!.1lan:crc Tales from -She Panjab~ West-
minster - 1903, pp.xii, 34).
3. MacDonell, A.A., liistorx of Sanskrit Literature, London -
1899, p.369.
4. Ibid., p.421.
 13
some tales at least did indeed obtain world-wide celebrity
and circulation in various forms and under a variety of
names. Hence 1IIndia has long been recognised as a country of
particular importance for the study and understanding of the
histroy of the folktale in Asia and Europe. n l
These tales and legends are mostly heroic or romantic~

devotional or didactic. They are preserved mainly in the

Sanskrit and Prakrit of ancient and mediaeval India.
2.
Apart from these, each province, linguistic region or geo-
graphical unit has also fostered its. own particular local
tales and legends. They have for long been current among the
people, and have also been preserved in literary forms in
their respective vernaculars. They have been constant sources
of entertainment and enlightenment, fountains of pleasure
and sorrow.
Besides, they now serve not only as records of the
contemporary scene but also constitute the bulk of our medi-
aeval vernacular literature. This, according to Prof. Budh
Parkash, 1Ipre serves some [such] tales, ballads and romances
which give us an insight into the psychological mechanism
of the masses in the mediaeval period. 1I Realising its
importance, while commenting upon the second edition of my
SassI-Hashim in 1961, he maintained 2 that 1Iso far the culture
of mediaeval India has been studied from the standpoint of
1. Thompson, S., & Balys, J., The Oral Tales of India,
Bloomington - 1958, p.v.
2. In a letter dated 2.5.1961.
 14
the aristocratic and courtly circles through Persian chroni-
cles and epigraphs only. But a true appraisal of this culture
must start with the study of the mass mind as reflected in
vernacular literature •••• A comparative and critical study
of all these works in various vernaculars is bound to prove
of absorbing importance to the students of culture. You have
paved the way to this study by your penetrating study of
S~ssI-Hashim. "
But Hashim's SassI is only one, though the most pop-
ular, of the scores of SassIs in Panjabi alone. It is just
one flower, though one of the loveliest, in the vast and
varied gardens of Indian romances whose systematic and
scientific, critical and comparative study now seems to be
so necessary.l The editor of the Modern Review, Calcutta,
introducing the Folktales of Hindustan in 1907, said
emphatically that "it has since been found that the history
of a story is often more interesting and more instructive
than the history of a campaign. However puerile or absurd
a folktale may at first appear, it is really a fit subject
for scientific investigation and capable of yielding
1. It will not be out of place to agree here vIi th Clouston
that "it has been justly remarked that (the literature
of a nation furnished the best guide to researches into
its eharacter, manners, and opinions; and no department
of literature contains a more ample store of data in this
respect than the light and popular part conSisting of
tales, romances and dramatic pieces. 'II Proceeding further,
Clouston observed in 1889 that "the lighter literature of
mediaeval Europe affords us an insight into customs,
manners, and superstitions which have long passed away;
but in 'the unchanging East', the literature of the
Asiatic races, produced at the same period, continues to
reflect the sentiments and habits of the Hindus, Buddhists,
and Muslims at the present day. It (See Clouston, 1,] .A. ,
A Group of Eastern Romances and Stories, Glasgow - 1889,
p.v.). -
 15
,
scientific results. li...L My personal experience leao.s me to
believe that such a scientific study and survey of romantic
tales, particularly those which are so popular both in oral
and literary traditions, is rather more revealing and useful,
besides being more fascinating and absorbing, than that of
tales in general.
Garcin de Tassy, the eminent French Orientalist,
recognised this fact even earlier when he stated in 1834 that
IlHindustanl literature,2 unknown for a long time, today
appears rich in production of all kinds and is proud of its
present importance and brilliant future. Romances in verse
form an important part of the imposing mass of writings which,
for Europeans, constitute this new literature. One which I
have read with the greatest interest is that of the romantic
adventures of Kamrup and Kamlata. 1l3 Recounting some similar
romances - Nala-Dama1antl, Manohar-Madhumala, HIr-Ranjha and
Sassl-Punnun - he was one of the earliest, with Temple and
Grierson, to draw our attention to their intrinsic worth,
overwhelming popularity and lasting charm, both in the oral
and literary spheres.

The tragic romances, which are much more popular and important9
deserve even greater attention e This has not been given,
1. Shaikh ChillI, Folktales of Hindustan, Allahabad - 1907,
p.ii:-
2. By HindustanI literature',he as well as Sir George Grier-
son'l meant the early li teJ.:ature of both the Hindi ana. Urdu
languages of India.
3. Garcin de Tassy, M., Les Aiventures de Kamr~2 ]ar Tah~In­
QddIn, Paris - 1834, ppo i & II.
 16

however, in spite of the fact that people loved and cherished

them both orally and literally; and that scores of versions,
written by various persons belonging to various creeds,
regions and language-groups, have been available and have
multiplied from time to time. Crump's work in 1926 on the
tragic romance of Rupmatl-Bazbah~dur was a step in the right
direction, but it was nevertheless limited in scope and fell
short of becoming a really systematic, critical and comparat-
ive study of such a beautiful romance. It did mark a departure
from the earlier efforts made in this field by Franklin, de
Tassy, Ethe, Osborne, Temple, Penzer and others; but it also
contented itself, like them, mainly with the editing, repro-
duction or translation and illustration of a single text or
a single version.
Such pioneer efforts, however, did cause some interest
and succeeded in focussing attention upon these popular tales.
Great scholars and linguists, like Lietner and Grierson,
referred to them, and others like Temple and Shafi wrote
articles about them. But the subject does not appear to have
provoked anything more than annotated editions, appreciative
references and stray articles (which are good ~Dd useful in
their own way). The majority of tales have still not been
examined. I, at least, do not know of any romantic tale of
India which has been treated as a special and exclusive
subject for a thorough and all-embracing study and survey as
regards its historical, topographical, ethnological, literary
and legendary aspects.
 17
Every nation has its favourite tales of love, partic-
ularly of tragic love. Greece has her Hero and Leander;
France her Abelard and Heloise; Turkey her fu3ma and Zejan;
Italy her Petrarc~ and Laura; Japan her ITase and Aze;
Arabia her Laila and MajnU1l; Persia her Shlrln and Farhad,
and so on. The people cherish, recite and recount them. They
have been told and retold; written and rewritten innumerable
times. Various versions of some of them exist in different
lands and in various languages. But, unfortunately, I have
not so far been able to find a similar analytical~ critical,
comparative and scientific study and a thorough and up-to-date
survey of any of them to serve me as a model,t guide and help me
in such an undertaking.
4.
The material on which I have based my study and research
consists of manuscripts, printed and lithographed books,
periodicals, unpublished theses, official records, eye-
witness accounts, oral traditions, correspondence and personal
discussions with the people concerned. It has been noted or
procured from here and there during 1951-1964. Very little of
it is available or readily accessible either in India or
even in Pakistan, to which country its theme and locale
actually belong. It is gleaned mostly from the precious
treasures of the British libraries, particularly the London
repositories preserved in the British Museum, Commoll1rleal th
Relations Office, Royal Asiatic Society and School of
Oriental & African Studies, University of London. The bulk of
 18

their literary material, especially the indigenous Indian

literature, bearing on the subject, seems to have been brought
into use for the first time in this work. The rest of the
material comes from my extensive research-tou~s both in India
and in Pakistan. It is surprising, however, that I have been
unable to find all the relevant material in those regional
repositories which one would expect to contain at least all
material relating to their own region or language-group.
Research-tours to some prominent places (universities,
libraries, museums and art-galleries etc.) in Belgium,
Holland, Germany, Italy, Austria, Switzerland, France and
Scotland have also been beneficial and encouraging. This
material, besides serving me for the present work, has also
enabled me to contribute some new facts to the historical
study of the literatures of some Indian languages. It has
also gone a long way in clearing up certain confusions and
misunderstandings about some writers and their irlOrk.
5.
A few general remarks about the treatment of the material of
this work will not be out of place:
i. In view of the requirements of this study and survey,
the geographical descriptions and political demarcations of
the relevant areas or regions of the Indian SUb-continent
have been based on the situation as prevailing and the nomen-
clatures as current there before its partition and independ-
ence in 1947.
The terms "India" and ilIndian", therefore, stand for
 19
the entire 'Indian sub-continent', including both tBharat f and
'Pakistan'. Similarly by 'Indian languages/literatures/
culture /writers/writings and publications, etc. I mean
'Indo-Pakistani languages/literatures, etc. Similarly,
'Hindustani' means and includes both Hindi and Urdu languages
and their literatures.
ii. In order to avoid confusion and to maintain uniformity,
ilPunnilli" , lIS as sI", HKech" and IlBhambhore" have been used as
the name-forms of the hero, the heroine and the two places
most closely associated with them, throughout the general
discussion. These have been considered as the most common
and generally acceptable 'HindustanI' spellings of their names~

The regional or local forms of the names of the pro-

tagonists have, however, been mentioned at the beginning of
each regional version. Such names and forms of other persons
and places associated with the romance have also been used or
mentioned in the critical analysis, comparative studies,
original quotations and translations in order to present them
in their own settings.
iii. Most of the quotations from various languages have
been presented in English in order to facilitate reading.
Some renderings of the Sindhi verses are from the translations
of Goldsmid, Hart-Davies and Sorley. The remainder are almost
all my own. I have attempted in them only a free rendering
in order to convey the sense and context of the original.

Most of them are in verse, and some use images, metaphors and
expressions which have no exact equivalents in English~ It is
 20
very difficult, therefore, to transfer their emotional
atmosphere to a foreign language.
Some of the important quotations, used as evidence
or proof in support of certain statements or observations,
have, however, been given in their original language and
script form, accompanied at times with free rendering in
English.
iv. Diacritical marks from the proper names of prominent
persons and places as well as from some frequently-used words
have often been omitted after they have been introduced in
the beginning of a part or a section. Thus
Sassi is to be read as SassI
Punnun is to be read as Punnm
Kech-Makran is to be read as Kech-Makran
Bhambhore is to be read as Bhambhor
and so on.
v. No innovation in the case of abbreviations has been
attempted. Those used are generally obvious, as given, for
instance, in the List of Abbreviations.
vi. The sequence adopted for arranging various regional
versions in Part II, has been considered as the only reason-
able and practicable way to present them in a connected form.
Any attempt a"t an alphabetical, chronological or linguistic
order would neither be feasible nor beneficial for the
purpose.
6.
Much more than formal acknowledgement is due to the innumerabl:
 21
bards and minstrels; poets and narrators; geographers and
historians; critics and scholars; painters and cine-artists;
players and surveyors; linguists and ethnologists; librarians
and cataloguers; missionaries and folk-lorists; printers and
producers, on whose pioneer work in various fields and
various territories hangs the picture of this study and
survey. Inevitably my debts to them and their works are
enormous.
I am also much indebted to Professor C.R. Philips
for his encouragement; Prof. J. Brough for his great help;
Prof. A.L. Basham for his kindness and Capt. J.G.Burton-Page
for his advice, guidance, supervision and for much more
besides. During the latter's study-leave and research-tour
in India and Pakistan, Mr. R. Russell guided and helped me
much, for which I am deeply grateful to him.
I am also thankful to Prof. R.M. Dorson of Indiana
University; Prof •.E.C. Kirkland of the University of Florida;
Mr. S.F.Sanderson of the University of Leeds; Prof. N.B.
Baloch of the University of Sindh; the late Dr. A.A.Bake,
Prof. D.M.Lang, Mr. T.W.Clark, Mr. J.E.B.Gray, Dr. C.
Rooykaas, Mr. C.S.Mundy, Mr. J.e.Bottoms, Mr. E.R.S.
Simmonds and Mr. J.D.Pearson of the School of Oriental and
African Studies, University of London; Miss E. Dimes of the
India Office Library and Mr. J.R. Eisehegger of the British
Museum, London, for their help, suggestions and co-operationo
My thanks are due also to S.B. Chief Justice Teja
Singh and S.B. Dr. Bhai Jodh Singh whose great and benevolent
 22
personalities have all along been a source of inspiration
and encouragement for me even when abroad. I have no words
to express my gratitude to my wife and children whose
affection, devotion and co-operation have been of the great-
est help to me all through.
I am also indebted to the British Council, London;
Panjab University and Panjab Government, Chandigarh, and the
authorities of various universities, libraries, museums and
art-galleries of India, Pakistan, Great Britain and the
Continent, for their help and facilities.
Finally, I must thank my friends and fellow-residents
in the Commonwealth Hall, particularly Dr. C.R.Duckworth,
David, John, Tom, Martin, Valerie, Graham, Ali, Alan, Linda,
Derek and Phillip; and also Mr. Hardman, Mrs. Morris, Mrs.
Lubbock, Mrs. Garland, Se Wary am Singh and S.Surrinder
Singh for their help, affection and consideration.
Harnam Singh Shan
6.8, Commonwealth Hall,
(University of London) 18th July, 1964.
Cartwright Gardens
London,W.C.l.
 23

PART I

LORE

-- AN ANALYTICAL AND CRITICAL STUDY --

10 Significance, prevalence and popularity

2~ Title
30 Origin and source
4. Period and historicity
50 Topography
6. Charac.ters
7. Motifs
80 Supernatural element
9. Popular notions and superstitions
 24
~-

PREVALENCE~ POPULARITY AND SIGNIFICANCE

The romance of SassI-Punn~ is a well-known Indian legend

concerning the fatal conflicts involved in a love-affair
that cuts across social barriers, religious divisions and
regional loyalties.
It is the tragic tale of a beautiful but unfortunate
princess (or a Brahman girl) at whose birth it was
prophesied that she was destined to love and marry someone
outside her circle, and thus to bring evil and disgrace to
the dynasty; she would die of the grief of separation while
searching for him in a lonely desert. Terrified by the
prediction and in order to save the honour of the family and
combat her fate, she was shut in a box and floated down the
Indus. A childless washerman of Bhambhore (Sindh) found her
and brought her up as his own daughter.
In the prime of youth and height of beauty, she
chanced to fall in love with Punnun, a handsome Hot prince
of Kech-Makran (Balochistan)~ He too, attracted by the
report of her charm and her intense love for him, left his
home and his life of luxury. The lovers met and were
married by Sassi's foster-parents; but their union was
disapproved by Punnun's parents who could not tolerate the
idea of their son marrying a girl of another caste and
another country; so they treacherously caused him to be
removed from her side.
 25
Sassi, grief-stricken at her loss, followed him alone
on foot. The horrors of the desert, the rigo~~s of the
journey and the pangs of separation exhausted her. But they
could not shake her love and faith; and she continued her
search with undaunted devotion and determination. During
her wailings and wanderings, a shepherd tried to outrage her
modesty. Sassi prayed to Mother Earth for protection. The
Earth parted and she was instantly swallowed up in its
embrace. Punnun on regaining consciousness, managed to
escape and rushed back only to find that his beloved had
disappeared. He cried to the heavens for help; and the earth
parted again to unite the lovers, at last, in death.

2.

This simple and lovely legend is a tale of which ~ny nation

might well be proud. It embodies the expression of a people IS
genius, its emotions and its aspirations~

It has all the attributes of a sublime lyrical

tragedy; an archetypal tragedy in which the hero and heroine
are shown not to have died but disappeared beneath the earth;
and are considered to be still aliveo It arises from the
superstitious notions and social obligations of one pair of
highly-placed parents in their effort to escape from the
fulfilment of an ominous prophecy on the one hand, and on
the other from the caste-consciousness and misdirected action
of another pair of parents in their attempt to annul a love-
 26
marriage for the sake of their personal honour and social
dignity. Moreover, it expresses a noble and heroic
conception of love, a love that continues steadfast to the
end, and which is a theme rraiversal in its dimensions. It
thus possesses a moral and spiritual significance also. It
is also an expression of the composite culture of India, for
the story is of Hindu origin, but has developed into a tale
common to Hindus and Muslims alike, and dear to them both.
It brings forward, vividly and strikingly, the Indian
conception of ideal womanhood, illustrated by Sassi1s
adoration of and fidelity to her lord, with its absolute
indifference to even the extremes of physical hardships.
The story thus naturally appeals to man's iru~erent

human appreciation of the true and the beautiful, and to

that part of human nature which delights to hear the stories
of "star-crossed lovers" who brave all difficulties that
come in their way. The self-abnegation of Sassi, in
particular, inspires the imagination with all its pathos
and poetry ..
Hence, it captured the attention and won the affection
of the people far and wide, and has been told and retold
for generations. To this day it is still fresh in the
hearts of millions, particularly in the north-western
regions of the Indian sub-continent. It has exercised the
same sort of influence on the imagination of the poets and
people of these areas as, for instance, have the romances of
 27
~~suf-Zulaikha 1 and ±!.§.ila-Ma,tinUri. 2 in the East; and those of
-Hero-Leander
- 3 and Romeo-Juliet 4 in the West.
-..-...~.....;;...;..;;,.;.=

It is "remarkable II, says that rare combination of a

linguist and explorer, Sir R.F.Burton (1821-90), "as being

1. The Semitic legend of Yusuf and Zulaikha is the celebrated

romance of Joseph and Potiphar f s wife-.-It lIhas always been
a favourite subject with the romantic poets of Persia and
Turkey" (Browne, E.G_,:. A Literary History of Persia -
from Fir.dawsl to Sald~, London - 1915, p.146). See also
Ethe, H. Anecdota Oxoniensia, Vol.III, pt.vi, Oxford -
1908..1. p.369.
2. Majnun", "the possessed Qays a1-'Amirl" is supposed to have
died about 689 (Brockelmann, G~schichte der arabischen
~itteratur,.? Vol.1, p .. 48). His love for Laila, the Night-
black Beauty, has been sung by some of the most prominent
poets of Persia. Byron has called these Arabian10vers
"the Romeo and Juliet of the East.lI According to Browne,
their romance "has been, since Nidha:mi's time, one of the
most popular, if not the most popular, of all love-stories
in the East, not only in Persia but in Turkey," also.
eA Literary History of Persia, op.cit., p.L~07).
3. Hero and Leanaer-is a love-story of Greek legend. It is
parallel in its chief motifs to the Panjabi romance of
soh~i-Mehinwal. Leander of Abydos used to swim the
Re11espont at night to visit Hero, a priestess of Sestos.
One stormy night, Leander was drowned; Hero, seeing his
body, threw herself into the sea after him. In the Panjabi
legend, the hero followed the drowning heroine into the
river Chenab. It is neither a parallel to nor the original
of the famous P anjabi romance of Hir and Ranjha as Garcin
de Tassy and Mohan Singh have mistakenly maintained. (See
Garcin de Tassy, J.H.S.V., Les ~ventures de Kamrup, Paris
- 1834, p.ii, fn. ; Mohan Singh, An Introduction ~
rar:-jabj. Li~era,:ture, Amritsar.;.. 1951, po138) ..
Accoruing to Grant, liThe story of Hero and Leander is
found among the folk-tales of all Europe, including the
Ukraine". (See Grant, M., Myths of the Greeks and Romans,
London - 1962, p.427).
4. Juliet, a Capulet, loves and secretly marries Romeo, a
Montague. The lovers suffer a tragic death because of a feud
between their families. Their romance is beautifully
preserved in Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet. Goethe has
compared Ovid's tale of Pyramus and Thisbe to Romeo and
Juliet. (Myths of the Greeks and Romans, op • cit., P .381) •
Darmesteter has called Adam and Dlir anI lithe Romeo and
Juliet of Afghanistan. \I Darmesteter, J., Chants
Popula~res des Afghans, Paris - 1888-90, pol17).
 28
known througt.out the extensive tract of country lying between
Mekran and Afghanistan, Jesulmex'e and Eastern Persia. It exists
in the Persian, Ja takI and Belochi languages. ,,1 In 1851 he
added that "very few of the wild tribes ofSindh and Belochi-
stan are ignorant of the legend. The camel-man on his journey,
the herdsman tending his cattle and the peasant toiling at his
solitary labours, all while away their time by chanting in rude
and homely verse the romantic adventures of Sassui and Punhu. ,,2
Sir R.C.Temple (1850-1931) a uniQue authority on Indian folk-
lore, vouched for its prevalence and popularity in terms almost
similar when he acclaimed it, in 1886, as a "universally-known
tale in the Panjab, Sindh and Northern India.,,3 Norris, one of
our contemporaries, has found it "still eQually current all
over north-west India.,,4

3.
It is upon the former province of Sindh, however, that the
romance has had the greatest impacto "The very air of Sindh",
says Gidvani, a scholar of the land, "is full of echoes of
Sa¢suL and Punhu. 1I5 They are, indeed, household words; on
everybody's lips, of concern to every Sindhi. According to
Burton, again, liThe pair are now considered as saints or
holy characters, and are supposed to be still in existence
under ground. Their tombs are visited by many pilgrims, and

1. Burton, Sir R.F., Sindh and the Races that ilihabit the
Valley of the Indus, London - 185I, ppo56-?
2. Ibid., pp.57-8.
3. ~Folk-Lore Journal, VoloIV, pt.iv, London - 1886,po277.
4. Art and Letters, London - Vol.XXIII, No .i, 19L~9, po32o
5. Gidvani, 1'1.I1., Shah Abdul Latif, London - 1922, po28.
 29
stories are recorded of the preternatural appearance of the
lady to those whose faith or credulity have induced them to
visit her last abode. The Hindoos possess the story in the
Panjabi, and generally write it in the Gurumukhi (or Sikh)
character. Among them, Sassui is familiarly known by the name
of Rul Mui, or 'She that died wandering', to distinguish her
from another c,elebrated beauty, Sohni, who happened to perish
in the Indus, and is therefore called Bud Mui, 'She that died
by drowning t • The beautiful verses of Shah Abdel Latif upon
the subject of this tale have made it a favourite one among
the high order of Sindhis, and there are not many of them who
cannot cite passages from this work of their great country-
man. 1I1 But Latif's are not the only poems on the theme; the
legend has gone so deep into the heart and soul of Sindh that,
to quote Hart-Davies, Inspector of Education in the 1880s, it
IIforms the subject of innumerable poems in Sindh. n2
Most of the regions of the Indian SUb-continent
possess. their own traditional romances; and it usually
happens that one of them always towers over the others, both
in prevalence and popularity. Sindh, like the Pan jab , has
apart from Sassui-Punhu, a number of other romances too,
such as Umar-MaruI, Momul-Rano and Lilail -Chanesar.. But the
romance of Sassi-Punnun, in the words of Sir F.J. Goldsmid

10 Burton, Sindh, op.cit., p.570 See also Dilguda~, Lakhnow,

Vol.VI, No.9, 1898, pp.8-9; Urdu, Aurang ab ad , Vol.IX,
No.36, October - 1929, p.762.
2. Hart-Davies, T., L Sind Ballads, Bombay - 1881, p.v.
 30

(1818-1908) "stands first in populari t y l l . 1 It enjoys the

same place in its land and among its people as is reserved
for the romances of HIr-Rarijh~ 2 in the Panjab; Dhola-Maru 3

1. Goldsmid, Sir F.J., On the Preservation of National

Literature in the East, in J.R .A.S 0, Vol.l, N.S.,
London - 1865, p.36o
2. H!r was the beautiful daughter of Chuchak, the Sial Chief
of Jhang. Ranjha, the favourite son of Mauju, a Chief of
Takht Hazara, served as a cowherd of his beloved! s father.
But their clandestine love was soon discovered and HIr was
forcibly married to Saida, son of the Chief of Rangpuro
She, however, refused to associate with him, and managed
to run away from her hUSband's house, with her sweetheart
disguised asa YogI. The lovers were pursued and caught,
and their loves ended under ver'y tragic circums,tances.
Their romance is extremely popular in the Panjab and
their names are household words throughout the Land of the
Five Rivers. Their tragedy has been versified in various
~~"// / ~anguages, such as PanjabI, SindhI, HindI, Rajas,thani,
~nd also in Persian (SeelRa~i-,~*.1\it-. MasnaVi1.at i HIr-c:~-­
) /7,7 ffi.8.J.'1.jha, :eaidaraba4--~7', BaQir, M:-;°Panjabl Qisse
/Farasi Zaban Men, Lahore - 1957-60; Shan, H. S. t Hir
Li terature in Persian, in the, Summaries and Procee<1ings of
the All India Oriental Conference, Srinagar - 1961; Sital,
J. S., HIr V"aris-Bhilmika, Patiala - 1961).
3. Tod has described Dhc;>la Rae as the son of Sora Singh who
was thirty-third in descent from the celebrated Raja Nal,
and was expelled from his paternal abode. He, in 967, is
said to have laid the foundation of the state of Dhundhar.
Dhola subseQuently married Maroni, (also Maruv~a)r the
daughter of the prince of Ajmer. He was killed while
returning with her from visiting the shrine of Jamwatl::'
mata, in Jaipur State. (See Tod, J., Annals and Antiquities
of Ra -asthaIl or the Central and Western ~. -- States of
India, ed. by Crooke, W. , Vol.III, London - 1920,
pp .1329-31.
Dhola-Maru ra Duha is highly popular throughout
Rajasthan and is presented in various forms. (See Rama-
Simha, Surya-Karma Parika, & N. SwamI, Dhola-Maru-ra-DUha,
2nd ed., Benares - 1954~ C. Vaudeville in the introduction
to her French translation of the Dhola-lViarii ra DUha
(Pondicherry- 1962), has "endeavoured to show on the one
hand that the hypothesiS of the historical Dhola is base-
less, and on the other hand that the legend·of Dhola-Marii
in its present form is largely dependent on a pre-existing
lyrical element.!! (See Proceedings XXV. International
Oriental Congress:, Vol.IV, Moscow - 1963, p.175).
For a Panjabi version of this legend, see Temple) R.C.,
The Legends of the Panjab, Vol.II, Bombay - 1885,pp.27S-349.
 31

in Rajasthan; Chandar-Mahyar 1 in the Deccan; Madhavanala-

2 3_
Kamakandala in Bihar; Vidya-Sundar in Bengal; Adam-

1. Chandar-Mahyar is the tragic tale of Mahyar, the son of a

Muhammadan merchant who fall s in love with Chandarbadan,
the daughter of Rangrapati, King of Sundarpatan (South
India). The princess, considering him as belonging to a
different religion and a lower rank, 1"e jects hiS' offer of
marriage; and the lover dies of a broken heart. His tragic
death soon reacts on Chandarbadan who repents and also
dies clasping to her his dead body. The lovers are both
buried in the same grave.
This love-story has been versified a number of times
in Dakhnf and some of the versions (in MS.form) are
preserved in London libraries, as well. See, for instance,
Qissa i Chandarbadan 0 Mahyar by Aziz (dt.1746)-I. O.L.
MS. No.P.2787C.
2. This is a love-story of Madhavanal, a Brahman, and
Kamakandala, a dancing girl. It has also been versified
in various languages, such as Panjabi, Braj and HindustanI.
HindustanI translation of Motl Ram's Braj version by Mazhar
'All Khan Wila is preserved in the British Museum under
Qissa Madhonal Kamakanda1a (MS.No .Add.18894). A Gujarati
version composed by Kusa1alabha is preserved in the India~
Office Library, London under Madhavanala-Prabandha (MS.No.
S.1564k) •
3. The legend of Vidya and Sundar is highly popular in Bengal.
The story is that of a love-intrigue between a princess
named Vidya and a foreign prince in disguise named Sundar.
The lovers employ, as a go-between, a woman who supplies
flowers to the royal household, and they meet secretly in
Vidya's chamber until, she being with child, they are
discovered. Sundar is condemned to death, but is saved by
the goddess Kall whose votary he is. In the end Sundar's
identity is revealed, and Vidya's father happily accepts
him as his son-in-law.
This old story of romantic love owes its iwnortality
to the genius of Bha1"at Chandra Ray (1712-60) who c.ompleted
it around 17520 (See Sen, D.C., Eastern Bengal Ballads,
Vol.I, pt.i, Calcutta - 1923, pp<>211-12; Ghosh\ J.C .. ,
Bengali Literature, Calcutta - 1948, pp.88-90).
DurkhanIl in the Frontier; and ~upmati-Baz bahadur 2 in Malwa,
etc ••
'Ali Sher QanI, a 17th-century historian of Sindh,
tells us that this legend has been on the lips of all sorts
of people ever since the events it describes took place. The

1. The romance of Adam Khan and DurkhanI is very popular

amongst the Yiisufzai --:rribes and IFihabi tants of Swat.
According to Maul vI .Ahmed of 'I'anqi (the author of a popular
prose-version of the story, lithographed at Peshwar in
1872), the legend is based on actual facts.
DurkhanI was the daughter of an Afghan yeoman of the
village of Bazdarra Payan on the Swat border; while Adam
Khan was a young chief of the neighbouring village of
Bazdarra Bala. The main events of the narrative take place
in these villages, but the scene closes in the village of
Misri Banda on the banks of the Kabul river near Akora.
The graves of the two lovers may still be seen near the
village of Tulandai not far from Misri Banda (See Elphin-
stone, H.Mo, An Account of the Kingdom of Caubul and a
History of the Dooraunee Monarchy, London - 1839, p.244;
Raverty, H.G., A Grammar of the Pukhto, Pushto or Language
of the Afghans, London - 1860, Intro, p.33; Blumhardt, J.F.,
Catalogue of the Marathi, GUjarati, Bengali, Assamese,
Ori a Pushtu and Sindhi Manuscri ts in the Librar of
the British Museum, London - 1905, pp.2 -9 •
2. The love of Bazbahadur and RiipmatI is still commemorated in
popular tales, songs and paintings of Malwa. Bazbahadur,
originally Mulla BayezId, was the son of Shujal Khan, who
was appointed in 1524 as the Governor of Malwa. He succeeded
his father, assumed the above title and established an
independent power for some time. His love for Riipmati, a
beautiful and accomplished Hindu dancing-girl and an
eminent songstress of Saharanpur, was carried to great
excess.
The remains of a splendid palace built by the lover for
his beloved in Mandii are still intact "She still makes
0

musicians lisp her songs and makes artists of them.1! (See

Melcolm, Sil'"' j . , A Memoir of Central India, Vol.I, London -
1823, po40; Crump, LoM., The Lady of the Lotus, Rilp Mati
Queen of Mandii, Oxford - 1926).
 33
common folk as well as the love-lorn still sing it as if from
the mouth of the lovers (who are both lover and beloved at
the same time) in Sindhi verses set to the musical mode,
named Sur Husaini 0 They thus seek al'ld find a means by which
they may exalt from worldly affection into spiritual love. In
short, they become so much enthralled with its charm that they
feel as i f transported to a wonderful ecstasy. Qani's own
l
words read as under:

.J.J} ~ ~L.. I..;-\:!,J ~ t Io.....!) ~ ~~) J...o\ .J!)) ~

4.
Besides being so famous and so loved in the land of its
origin, the romance has crossed its native borders and spread
widely all around. The place and popularity it has gained
in neighbouring regions is remarkable. It is no less famous
in the Panjab, Balochistan, Bahawalpur, Kachh and Rajasthan.
It has even extended its influence as far as Afghanistan and
Iran to the west; and to the present state of Uttar Pradesh
to the east, where in 1783 Nawwab Mahabbat Khan (1750-1808),
an eminent and versatile prince-poet of Bareilly, versified
it in Hindustani while stationed at Lrumnow. He tells us in
the opening verses of his Asrar i Mahabbat that in the course
of a usually warm meeting with his kind and scholarly friend,

1. Qani, A.S., Tuhfat al-Kiram (dt.1767), B.IvLMS.No.21589/Add.,

f.261/a; Litho Vol.III, LaY~now - 1886-7, p.25.
 34
Mr. Johnson, lithis strange legend, a wonderful story on
hearing which even steel would melt", chanced to be mentioned.
Mro Johnson urged him to undertake the versification of "this
very interesting and well-known tale of Sassi-Punnun", and he
1
did so at his re.quest:

This clearly testifies to the fame and popularity of the

romance in the princely states of present-day UoP. (formerly
known as. United Provinces, too) during the eighteenth century.
But as far as the Panjab is concerned, it appears to
have a.cquired a firm hold on its people much earl ier --- so
much so that the Pan jab can be said to have 1 more or less.,
acclimatized, or rather appropriated, it as its own. It is
highly popular throughout the length and breadth of the Land
of the Five Rivers. "Sinlli'1 is the locale of this tragedy.
The position of sanctity achieved by it in that land",
observed NUr Illahi and Muhammad Umar in 1929, II is not so
surprising. But the place and popularity achieved by it in
the Panjab is astonishing, really. It is so popular there
that young and old alike feel equally elated to hear 10t • ,,2

I. Mahabbat, M.K., Asrar i Mahabbat, Lakhnow - 1850(?),

(I.O.L. Ver.Traco Urdu No.160), p.4o
2. Urdu, Aurangabad, Vol o IX, No.36, October - 1929, p.762.
 It has become a part of the I ife and lore of the Panjab, so
much so that I have collected more versions and references
of the Sassi-literature from this province than from any
other region. Sassi, the heroine, has, in fact, become as
dear to the hearts of Panjabls, as their own Hir, Soh~i I
Sahj.ban 2 -- the products of their own land and waters.
Hen~e said PUran Singh, the beloved bard of the Panjab:
uIn Trinjans of the P'ffiljab still pass. the
camels of Punun laden with the treasure of
Sasi I s heart, and behind them c,omes Sasi,
Princess of the Panjab, bewailing herself.
One single night of joy they had together,
and before the moon had opened her eyes, the
camel drivers from Punun's home came and stole
the sleeping Punun from Sasi's arms and drove
the camels across the sands of Sasi's lands.
O! Why did the lovers drink the draughts of
sleep? Sasi's Prince of men was gone! Sasi
comes seeking still her Prince of Love and
there searching the sands she dies still
love -athirst~

1. Soh~l, the beautiful daughter of a potter of Gujrat and

the beloved of Mehiriwal, the handsome pr ince of Bukhara.
Their perfect love and sacrifice, as noted earlier, has
also inspired much poetry not only in Panjabi, but also in
Sindhi, Pashto, Persian, Hindi and Kashmiri. See ShruL, H.S.,
Soh~i-Sahitya, Prltam, New Delhi - 1955; Panjabi, Lahore -
1956.
2. Sah ilJ an , the pretty daughter of Raja KhIwa of Jhang and
the beloved of Jlilirza of Danabad, is also a famous heroine
of popular poetry. The lovers Imew and loved each other
from childhood but they were not allowed to marry and were
pursued and killed by their own kin.
Their tragedy has also been versified in PruLjabi, Hindi
and Persian. A shrine commemorating the place of Mirza 1 s
vow is said to be extant on the west of the village KhIwa.
(See Temple, R.C., The Legends of the Pan jab , Bombay - 1886,
pp.1-23; Swynnerton, C., Romantic Tales from the Panjab,
Westminster - 1903, pp .36 (-408; Pun:ab District Gazetteers,
Vol.Xy,xII - Ao Jnan District 1908, Lahore - 1910, p.3 0
 36
The Maidens of' the Spinning Wheel sing the
tragedy in a choric song, and bury Sasi in
the dust of' songs. From that dust maider~ood
blooms up anew, and Sasi's sisters wish again
to love No death can kill Sasi, nor camels.
0

take away PUnun from the Panjab, for we daily

see them pass in visions of love; the camels
pas.s before the half-closed eyes of love-lorn
dreamy girl s! 11 (1)

And it is not only the Panjab or its PUran Singh who

have asserted their claim in so many wordsA Kachh, Bahawalpur
and Balochistan have also claimed it. Leaving at present the
question of these claims for a subsequent discussion, it will
be enough to say that the memory of this romantic tale is
still fresh and its grip still strong on the hearts of the
millions of Sindh and its contiguous areas.
And that is not all. The stirring theme of this
beautiful tale of grief, sorrow and :faithfulness has inspired
generations of poets of many regions to versify it time and
again - almo st each in hi s 0\IiJ11 way, in hi s own words and from
his own view-point.
In order to gauge the extent of its appeal and
importance, one has only to look at some of the compositions
of the many folk-singers and popular poets who though
professing a variety of creeds, belonging to various levels
of society and hailing from widely-separated plac.es? resorted
to it intentionally to express their emotions, eA~eriences

and sp ir i tual yearning s 0

1. F«van Singh (Profo), Sisters of the Spinning ~hee1, London -

1921, pp.l1-12.
 37

The mystics appear to have taken the lead. For them Sassi
symbolizes the human soul and Punnun the Divine Beloved.
liThe scene in the burning desert where the rose-footed Sassi
wanders in search of her Beloved il , says Satyarthi, lIexpres.ses
metaphorically the human soul's tireless striving after union
with God. lIl The following folk-song,l for instance, expresses
not only this theme, but also exemplif'ies those. feelings of
the mystics which have all along been haunting their hearts
and souls. Addressing the desert on the one hand, and death
and the grave on the other, says Sassi:
UWhat do you see, 0 pitiless desert?
My rosy feet have been all sc.orched
At last I shall meet Punnun, the moon;
At a slow pace or in haste.
Here stands Death; She winks at me~
Immoderately she laughs
Death is false, the grave is false,
Who is it that will kill Sassi?
Punnun lives in my eyes!
It is all His illumination!
Wait a while, 0 grave!
Behold Love! s miracle! 11

This is the symbolical language of human love which

Rab T ia (714-801), the famous woman mystic of Basra, used in
her verses lito describe the relation between the mystic and
his Divine Beloved, a practice which became popular in the
later centuries both in Arabic and Persian languages. \1 2

10 The Aryan Path, Bombay, October - 1942, p~458. See also

lkram, S.M & Spear, Po, The Cul tural Heritage of Pakistan,
0

Karachi - 1955 t p~153.

2. Husain, Y., Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, Bombay -
1959, p.34.
 38
This is the theme which inspired some of the great God-fearing
souls of Sindh and the Panjab, who found in it an ideal medium
for explaining their mystic experiences~ It was through SUfi
poets, like Latif ru~d Hashim, Rasul and Farid, that the
spirit of the story achieved its full realization, and was
communicated to the people at large.
Moreover, lithe tie that drew Hindu and Muslim together",
according to Sir ToW. Arnold, IIwas generally mysticism; and
among the many Muhammadan mystics that India has produced
none has made so successful an appeal to the Hindus among
whom they have lived than the Muslim saints of western and
north-west India. 1l1 Shah .Abdul La,tif (1689-1752) 1 the most
respected Muslim divine of Sindh, is one of those Sufi poets
whose appeal carries almost the same weight, even centuries.
after it was first made through his immortal verseso In them,
says Arnold, "the readiest lines of approximation are by way
of Sufiism and of the adaptation of Hindu stories for the

1. Gidvani, Shah Abdul Latif, op.cit., foreword, p.8.

 39

inculcation of such mystical doctrine l as is common to

Hinduism and to Islo.m. 1I2
And the s,tOl"y which Latif adopted and utilized the
most for the purpose was that of Sassi and Punnun. He
perc.eptively recognized its inherent value, popular appeal
and great po saibil i ties. He interpreted it allegorically,
brought out its spiritual significance and used it as the
kernel of his poems instinct with the Sufi thought. Sassi
stood for the seeker and Punnun, the Beloved sought-after,
for God. Thus he tells the love-lost Sassi, roaming in the
desert in search of her sweetheart:
"Wi th clo sed eyes search and see wi thin
Thyself how doth thy love appear.
False are the womenfolk, who ask
For Kech, but not for Punhu here.

1. We find similar trenus in the domain of Awadhi also.

O.C. Gangoli tells us that from the 15th century Sufis in
Northern India popularised the iI' mission through romantic
narrative poems, written mostly in A~dhi dialect of their
time. The SUbject-matter of these poems was generally
taken from stories already current and passing among the
country foDe.
Tracing the source of this kind of medium for spreading
their doctrine among the people, he says that it II seems to
have been borrowed from the Jains who al so had been dis-
seminating their message for a. few centuries back by an
identical method. 1I "The composition of such poems by many
skilful hands was continued", he says, IItill the beginning
of the last century; but among them only one, the Padmavati
of Malik Mohammad Jayasl. (circa 1548) is recognised by
general assent as a master-piece and is admired, appreciated
and studied by 8cholars interested in poetry as well as
comparative philology.1I (See Rupam, Nos. 33-34, January-
April, 1928, p.9. See also Bhagwat, D., An Outline of Indian
Folklore,Bombay -_1958, pp.16-18)
2. Gidvani, Shah Latif, op.cit., p"lO.
 40
.. . ..
Go with thine heart towards thy love.
Cease, Sasu'i 1 wanderings of' thy f'eet.
Ask not the sand how lies the path
To travel soul-:fully is meet. II 1
Sassi thus symbolised and still symbolises in the
Sufi poetry of the Panjab, Sindh and Bahawalpur, the searcher
for God, and his craving fOl. . union with him. HAs the true
loverl!, says Nicholson, Uthinks only of his beloved, 80 the
true mystic thinks of nothing but God.,,2 For him, likewise,
"there is no :garadise except union with the Beloved, and no
hell except separation from Him. 113
Similarly Kha~aja Ghulam Farld (1845-1901), the most
celebrated divine of the former state of Bahawalpur, sang of
his own search for truth and the pangs of his soul's
separation from the SUpreme Soul, mostly through this tale
of love and longings. The following verses in which Sassi
gives utterance to her agony, are in fact Farld's own lyrical
cries which are still sung both in secular and in
religious gatherings allover the territory:

C:!'~ 0-";""" <.:):;)~ ~ ~

:J ..::,...vc7
". I.:;>..D ~.j
~ - ~

) ~ ~ <.:):Y" <.:)J'> t.S .J ..s-- ~ Co...J <.:) 6i <.:) \,?J-! <.:) ~.J J.J

1. Latif, S .A., Risalo-Sur Sasui-from Borley, H. T., Shah

Abdul Latif of Bhit, London - 1940, p.371o
2. Hastings, J., Encyclopaedia of' Religion and Ethics,
Edinburgh - 1915, Vol.VIII, p.177.
3. ibid., p.177.
 41

This allegorical interpretation appears in most of

the Sindhi poetry relating to the romance of Sassi. Burton
rightly urged his I'eaders to IIbear in mind that these verses
are all susceptible of a SUfi, or mystic interpretation and
must be understood metaphorically as well as literally. A
Sindhi would consider Punhu as a type of the immortal spark
in the breast of man, which by the influence of some exciting
cause, is suddenly inflamed and burns to unite itself with
the source of light. Thus the Beloch becomes a kind of
pilgrim who in his progress towards eternity leaves behind him
the world and its connections, its pleasures and its pains.
The classical scholar will recollect the speech of the
'philosophic goddess' of Boethius, in which the legend of
Orpheus and Eurydice is, with some little ingenuity, made to
convey a. similar moral lesson. "I
This moral lesson is best conveyed by Sayyid Mir
Husain of the Punjab in his version known as Bagh i Mahabbat
i.e. the Garden of Love (dt. 1911). Husain read in it a deep
spiritual meaning, and invested it completely with a spiritual
. 2
co 1 ourlng.

1. Burton, Sindh and the Races, opecit., p.390.

2. Mir Husain, Bagh i Mahabb12-JL, Amritsar - 1912, (loO.Lo
No. Panj. D. 573), p.138.
 42
Hence he also cautioned his readers not to consider this tale
as vague and his verses as meaningless. These are perfectly
mystical and meaningful. They describe the domain of true
love and show the righteous path leading to it;l

I'

~~ rf ;~ ~ .J,x,1 c..,J.,v I 0..;. C -- ~~ "'&..).0 1)~ J..i-='o '-:-'- 1.5.J ~ P

He interpreted almost all the characters, motifs, sites and

situations of the tale in metaphorical and metaphysical
terms. For him Sassi, instead of being the daughter of some-
one named Adam Jram was, in fact, the human soul itself: 2
#FIt ftgdt, ;r ~ ~ ~ ;
~fe"l})1~'
~~h-r ~ :a!dw ~ ~ zq Vtf,xw;ib
The river is this world in which the soul has. been -
set adrift to attain divine knowledge and to obtain union
wi th the Beloved who is personified 3 in the form of Punnun.

1. Mlr Hu~ain, B8. h i Mahat?3.t, Amri tsar - 1912, (I.O.L.

No.PanJ. D.573 , p.88.
2. ibid.
1
3. It reminds one of the Persian masnawl, Husn 0 Dil, by
Muhammad Da'ud Amlahl. It is a very elaborate allegory of
the human soul exerting itself in search of beauty. The
hero is named 'Dil' (i.e. heart) who is a prince of the
West, and the son of 'AQal' (wisdom) and ruler of the
realm of 'Badan' (body). The heroine is called 'Husn'
(beauty) who is a princess of the East and daughter of
ffIshQ' (love) who lives in the city of 'Dldar' (sight)
- [See Bombay Univ. MSc No.74 (dt. 1644)].
 43
In a similar way, he allegorised the desert as worldly
desires; Punnun's abductors as lust and Satan. We find, for
I
instance, herdsman as a mediator from the unseen, and so on.
Husain himself makes his purpose clear at the very outset: III
have nothing to do with Sassi and Punnun as such. I will por-
tray in it [my poem] the pain of my own heart, treading over
)
the path of love:" &..

1. Thus Husain seems to have followed an old practice of

spiritual interpretation which we findjfor instance, in
the cuse of the Adhyatma-R5mQy~~n in India, Yusuf-Zulaikha
in Arabia and Laila-Majnun in Persia. .Among the regional
literatures of India, we notice it, for instance, in an
allied romance, that of Hir-Ranjha, as versified by
Sayyids VVaris Sha.1. (dt. 1766) and Miran Shah (dt.1889).
(Miran Shah similarly explains his object at the end of
his Qissa Hir-Ra~jha, See Shan, H.S., Sufi-Kavya Sangreh,
Chandigarh - 1962, p.29). rhe underlying idea is the same
as the one found in Shah ju Risalo in Sindhi which
similarly aims at the expression of the passions of the
soul in its progress to et'"'lcnity "in the form of the
amatory or metaphysical sen'Liments H pervading its ~
on Sasui, Suhini, Marui and Lilan, etc. Hence Sir William
Jones, commenting on Nizami IS Laila-Majnun, found the
treatment "avowedly allegorical and mysteriousH ; and
rightly observed that lithe introduction to it is a
continued rapture on Divine Love; and the name of Laili
seems to be used in the Masnawi and the odes of Hafiz, for
the omnipresent spir'i t orGod. II (See Atkinson, J .A.,
The Loves of Laili and lila 'nun, London - 1894, preface,
p.vi • See also Tasadduc Husain, Nawwab Mirza, Ma~~awi
Bahar i Ishg, Lakhnow - 1869, pp.23-4.
2. Husain, 13a[2;h i Ii!ahabbat, op.cit., p.lO.
 44
Similarly, in the conclusion, he states "l picked
up L1Y pen in order to write the saga of' love. I have poured
in it the entire being of' lay own heart: lil
I~ I"
~L:1J1 ('~ !S.:! ¢ C).)\s':;~ ~ Jb

Sain Yatim Shah, another popular Suf'i of' the Panjab,

claims to have versif'ied the rOBance (some time bef'ore 1938)
"in order to Bake it intelligible in the language of' Hind and
also to convey its purport to the lovers by presenting in it
the struggle between the body and the soul. 1I2 He says:

t~ C) \!)) ,,) ~,-b i: r.r-- a...a9

f~ C)~,) \,) ,)~ W ~

1;[aulawi Nur Din, a devout MusliB of' Mu1 tan, on the

other hand, interpreted, in 1895, the characters, actions
and places of the romance in more orthodox religious and
Islamic terms. For him Punnun stood f'or the Prophet Muhammad
and Kech f'or the holy city of' Madina: 3

10 Husain, Baah i Mahabbat, op.cito, p.88.

2. Yatim Shah, Qissa Sassi Punnun, 2nd ed., Bata1a - 1938,
p.2.
3. Nur Din, Qissa Sassi wa Pu~~un, Mu1tan - 1921 (IoO.L.
Panj of .485) •
 45
He did the same, in 1898, in the case of the romance of Hir.
There too he interpreted Ranjha as the Prophet, Hir as his
people (Umr,lat), Qaido as Satan and Jhang as Madinao 1 This,
however, is a somewhat exceptional interpretation. 2

6.
Other relationships of devotion have also been expressed
through this tale. Thus Bhai Gurdas (1551-1630);, the scribe
of the Guru Granth S8.hib 3 and the firs·t interpreter of the
Sikh faith, illustrating the affection and relation between
the Mas,ter and disciple by referring to the true love,
devotion and self-sacrifice of these ideal lovers, says:

iWf 7ft ~-d. ~ i/'3 d1rJi(3~~.,~~

?/f;r -jj.-JJ~~, ~1!.l8- ¢ /
Similarly Maulawi Ghulam Rasul (1813-74), an eminent
Sufi and Musl im missionary of the Pan jab , expresses his
longings for the didar (holy sight) of Hazrat sahib Ko~ha

1. Nur Din, Qissa Hir wa Ranjha, Multan - 1921, pp o 8-9.

2. But in spite of that, it is not that sort of religious
frru~e-work which had inevitably to be imposed on even a
secular theme like that of the secret love of Vidya-
Sundar,on account of the deep religious obsession
prevalent ::..n the versification of such legends in the
Bengal of pre-nineteenth century. (See Ghosh, J.G.,
Bengali LiteraturEl, Calcutta - 1948, p.ll~\
3. Guru Granth S8.hib 1 the holy book of the Sikhs which is for
them the supreme object of religious reverence. It was
compiled in 1604 at Amritsar by Guru Arjan, the Fifth
Master (1563-1606). It contains the verses of some Sikh
Gurus as well as some Muslim and Hindu Saints.
 46

through this very tale, identifying his PIr (spiritual guide)

with Punnun and himself with Sassi. At the beginning of his
version he franl:ly says: I have, in fact, sung in the garb of
this tale the story of my ovvn agony:1!

Guru Gobind Singh (1666-1708), the Tenth Master of

the Sikhs and the founder of the Khalsa, utilised it to
illustrate and eulogise the chastity and fidelity of married
life. Its significance can be judged from the fact that a
stanza from it is invariably recited during the Sikh ceremony
of marriage. The version, in Hindi, as given in the Dasaro
Granth l ends with the following moral: 2
, ftr<:f -FQcr ~:2 cror-f aG:t ~fZr,
~ rITifi l-mrt ~ "Tftr.
0fCft ~i1 err ~'F'l ~~ cfr1t.,
qTfcT qTIcr ~ 0TTC11 Cifr-;ft· .' ?S ~ •

Dharam Singh, a devoted Sikh (disciple) of the Guru,

m,.
has also concluded his Panjabi version (dt. 1912) with a

similar moral: '};r3 (?if t?! -"d'WY 0«d3 l (J

zr!ff~ ~ ;ff1fI~,wffl-1
1. Dasam Grantb, the book of the Tenth Master, is a huge
verse-anthology, compiled by Bhai Manl Singh, a learned
disciple of Guru Gobind Singh. A nice manuscript c,opy is
preserved in John Rylands Library) Manchester (,5'/J/Vs, /I/o· /0).
2. ibid., Tirya Charitr, Charitr No: 108.
 47
The anonyrnous Sikh writer of Sassi Sain Lokan DI
(dt. 1893), published by a leading Sikh organisation (The
Khalsa Tract Society, An1ritsar) in 1913, used it to persuade
his friend, once a great ascetic, to get rid of newly-
contracted worldly ties and revert to his previous state of
devotion to God. It was written to him in the form of a
letter and it centred around the last phase of the romance. 1
The moral derived ther&from emphasises the necessity of
leading a pure married life, yet one detached from worldly
allurements and devoted to GOd. 2 The text reads as under:
~l! ,? ~ J 3~l w ;r7f~,
?i'I'~ JtI, ~ ~rr ?k<r J
~ t1-r ?:7 flf qc(1 f71e ~) .L¥-." \
fri~ Ji'~f'f JrM.r tiff':; ~I
. , , , ... ... ." .' "" .. I

Sadhu Sada Ram, a Panjabi Saint, and lUim, a Sindhi

bard of the last century, used it as a mouthpiece for their
philosophical broodings on the trEll!lsi torine,ss of the world,
the negligence of the human soul, and the object of our
existence. Thus wrote Alim:
HAlas! I slept in peace while they,
Thee on the ir camel s bore away.
'This world is only for a day',
Thus lliim sings, 'the world forsake,
The holy path to Heaven take.
This is for man the only treasure 3
Leave - leave the world and its pleasure r • II
1. See Sassi Sain Lokan DI, .Amritsar, tract No.458, October -
1913, preface,pp.i-ii.
2. i bid., p. 31 •
3. Hart-Davies, Sind Ballads, op.cito, p.ll.
 48

In purely secular spheres, the rowru~ce of Sassi has

likewise been pressed into service for the expression of
personal feelings. Karim Bakhsh, a MullS. of a mosQue in
Gujranwala sang his grief, perhaps in the 19th century, at
the sudden bereavement of his only son, in the prime of his
youth, through the tragic frame-work of this story:

Thus his dead son is identified with the departed

Punnun, and he himself with the bereaved Sassi. His verses
are said to have become extremely popular in the locality.l
Bhai Mit Singh of the former state of Patiala himself
stated in 1912, that he versified it only to voice his own
experience of love: 2

Pt7f;ft..r.-f
Z(i{
cd ~ *
f;rnf -H-t:fr * ;,it ~ ~
J
\

~; W<t ~
I
-- ;j-i, f~, 8.
But the appeal of the story itself is such that it has
repeatedly inspired poets to retell it ac,cording to their
own inspiration. Some of them have hinted at their motives
bu t have not found it proper to reveal or explain them.
Hafiz Fazal Illahi, for instance, tells us in his
Panjabi version (dt. 1932) that Uthree persons had already

1. Panjabi Dunya, Patiala, August - 1953, p~3l.

2 • Mit Singh, Bhai, Q,issa Sassi Punnun, AmrJ. ts'ar - 1912,
pp.2-3.
 49
versified this romance and have also published their
respective versions. Renco, obviously, there was no further
need of any fresh attempt at its versification. But the
IIcompulsion which urged me to versify it myself is known
either to me or to God. Others know nothing about it. 1I Ris
own statement reads: l .;~ ~ ..s-- 11
.f t.:J~..I:&:' t.:Jb:.i

.;W &. ;"J ~ j~ ~.r' \,;J'!!~ ~

------ .;~ ~ c ~ 1.9~ ~ ~
Some others, like Muhammad Rizai of Sindh and Pir
Muhammad of Avvadh versified it because, according to them,
it far excelled all other romances in form and charm. It
captured their attention and haunted their imagination till
they were able to clothe i t 2 in the form of Pers,ian masn~ - -00 .k

entitled Ziba Nigar (dt. 1643) and Mehr 0 Mah (dt. 1862)
respectively .. Rizai himself tells us: 3
f~ o-.J) ~ ~.J t.:JJI>...a, \,;J'!! I t.:J~
f~.:.o &.j;\ ~ I:J~ \,;J'!!I rd
Similarly Awadhi says:4

1. Illahl, RoF., Qissa Sassi wa

Punnun, Lahore - 1932, p.40.
2. We have a beautiful parallel for
such an urge and its accomplish- J.,ob J,..i ~ 0~1 ~ t='~)
ment in Tl~rkman v s version of the
romance of RupmatI. Ris imagina- J.J.;.J .Jt.91 ,?-)J~ IS.t
tion, according to him, was similarly .
captured by that fascinating story so that he felt relleved
only after versifying it and concluding his version !ith a
noble panegyric on the faithfulness of woman. (See Rupam,
Calcutta, No.30, April - 1927, p.62.)
30 RizaI,M., ZIba lUgar, BoM.MScNo.337/0r.(dt.1684), f.30/b.
40 AwadhI,P.M., Mehr 0 Mah, Lakhnow - 1878, p.38.
 50
Still others, particularly of the Panjab, versi~ied

it, as stated by them llL the preliminaries of their

compositions, at the instance of their friends or at the
command of their patrons. Nawwab Mahabba.t Khan Mahabbat, for
instance, composed his Urdu version in 1783, as hinted
earlier, at the wish of Mr. R. Johnson, a learned scholar and
banker to the Governor-General Warren Hastings. Mahabbat
himself says: 1

C r.:? ~ I"J~ I.:) ~ ~ ~,

C ~~,;..-, ~1 I" I:. ...rr-

I"~ t.f J.)~.J J 1.:)' !)-'

I"~.:.o ~ c:::'WI u.. 1 c:::' I.:.l*' ~

This has been so in a. fairly large number o~ cases. The fact

is that the story in itself is absorbing and full of grace,
and has been loved by the people mostly for itS' ovm sake.
It contains a number of such fascinating motifs which have
kept its undiminished hold on the affection and imagination
of the poets and narrators through the ages. The moral and
mystic overtones imparted to it by holy men, have added to
its significance. Thus the tale, while still remaining a
2
1ifolk-legendi! has also assumed, to use Dorson T s terms,

I. Mahabbat,M.K., Asrar i Mahal)bat, (dt.1783), op.cit., p.4.

2. Dorson, RoM., Folk-Legends of Japan, rrokyo - 1962, p.20.
 51
the form of a "literary legend", and in addition to its
recognition in mystic circles and its contribution to
spiritual thinking, it has contributed no less to the literary
and cultural heritage of its domain.
Sindh, the land of its origi~ has naturally benefited
the most. It has given to Sindhi lore and literature something
of the same spirit and strength which the romantic cycle of
Radha-Krishna has bestowed on that of Braji; and both in
Sindh and in the Panjab, it has been among the forerunners
of the secul ar 1 i terature of the region.
The legend, in its literary form, seems to have
developed along familiar lines. Starting as a favourite theme
of folk-songs and popular ballads, celebrating their love-
adventures in hearts, homes and folk-gatherings, it H grew like
a snowball Ii attracting he~terogeneous elements to it. More
sophisticated poets then took it up and versified it, one
after the other in various forms, from various angles and on
various :gatterns. Their compositions constitute an important
and appreciabl e part of the national 1 i tera ture q Some of them
are truly valuable and show considerable poetical re.finement ~
They also stand to testify that literature respects no
regional boundaries and recognises no sectarian barriers.
The framework of the story, as we have seen, is short
and simple. But as it has time after time inspired fresh
creative efforts, renewals and adaptations have naturally
introduced many changes into it. Moreover, as it has been
 52
handled so variously -by a large variety of people and so many
details have so effectively been added to its texture, it has.
transcended the limits of an ordinary folk-tale and reached
the domain of true literature, both in prose and poetry.
Thus we find it much expanded from its original form. The
usual long descriptions of persons and places have been added,
and new episodes have been introduced to enhance the interest
of the new narrative.

Many poets have not aimed at telling the story in

full or in padding out its fabric with greater detail. They
have conc.erned themselves mostly with the emotions of the
hero and the heroine, and absorbed themselves in exploring
the psychology of their minds. There are others who, pre-
supposing that the incidents of the tale were commonly known,
aimed only at bringing out their effects. Still others
concerned themselves only with the climax of the story.
Their interest centred mostly around Sassi's realization of
her tragic loss and her determination to make it good, come
what may. Even those who have related the tale in full, have
dwelt on this part and spent much of their effort in
describing Sassi1s repentance over her heedless sleep, her
lamentations at her loss of Punnun, and her adventures in
pursuit of him. Some, like Latif and Hashim, have poured all
their feelings into it, losing no opportunity for pathos.
Hashim, for instance, while portraying the climax of her
 53

struggle in the desolate desert, v~ote in Panjabi:

"Life ! S last moments ~ crie s of agony! hearing which
even stone would melt.
rrhe camel vvho has borne my Punnun away, please God;
may she go to hell~
Or may she also fall a prey to love and be burnt
like Sassi, with pangs of separation!
May death fall upon the camels, Hashim, may even their
genus be wiped off the earth~1I 1
LatIf, in airing her dying message to the Sun, wrote in
Sindhi:
III have not met my love but thou are sinking to
thy rest, 0 Sun!
The messages I give thee, take and tell my beloved
one.
To kech go, say: 'The sad one died upon the path. 2
It was not for me to meet my love: death supervened.
The portrayal of the most dramatic situations by some
has also enhanced the value of these literary versions. The
dialogues between the ruler and the astrologer; Sassi and
Punnun; Sassi and the Qazi; Sassi and her girl-friends; Sassi
and her foster-mother, and above all, Sassi's soliloquies and
apostrophes have produced some beautiful passages in various
languages. Surprisingly enough, some versions consist
entirely of one such dialogue and are devoted to the
narration of that alone.
10.
Apart from their interest as literature, the many versions
of the tale are full of material for the student of
sociology, interested in the study of numerous beliefs,

1. Hashim Shah, Qissa Sassi wa PUYlllUn, Stanza No.109.

2. Shah Abdul LatIf, Risalo, Sur Maizurl.
 54
traditions, manners and superstitions. At the hands of
Muslim, Hindu and SiY~ writers of various regions, the story
has naturally undergone all sorts of changes in emphasis and
treatment; and thus it provides a wealth of information about
history, sociology, religion, ethics and folk-lore,bearing on
the whole fabric of the private as well as the public life of
the Indian people. They present, also, an indelible picture
of our culture, society and mental outlook in a very popular
form and in an informal but reliable way.
A striking feature of this picture is the deep sense
of dignity and sublimity that pervades it. There is no
description of mere sensual enjoyment, no portrayal of full-
blooded carnality such as we often find in the narration of
such-like tales of love. The lore and literature woven around
the romance of Sassi seems to me to express, to borrow
Plowden's words, Ita pure spiritual affection subsisting
between the sexes unmixed with carnal desires. 111 There is none
of the indelicacy which we find, for instance, in some versions

of the romantic tales of Hir-Ranjha of the Pan jab and Vidya-

Sundar of Bengal. On the other hand, verses of poets like
Latif, Hashim and Farid, for instance, elevate us by their
severely pure moral tone and high ethical dignity.
These compositions offer also rich material for the
student of languages. One could compile from them a

1. Plowden, T.O., Translation of the Kalid-i-Afghanl,

Lahore - 1893, pp.277.
 55
comprehensive thesaurus of the words and phrases, idioms and
proverbs of various lruiguages, dialects and sub-dialects.
Dr. E. Trurnpp, the celebrated linguist and scholar, found in
only a few of them "a basis for further philological
researches", because he felt convinced that"a deeper study
of the language of the country could only be based upon such
materials, as were most familiar to the people themselves. III
With the deepening of the influence of modern trends
the vogue of writing such compositions has of late been
dwindling in the urban areas, but the metaphoric.al use of
the romance has been gaining strength day by day. I do not
know any eminent secular poet of Panjabi, at least, who has
not at some time referred to it or drawn upon it in his verse
in one way or another. 2

11.
Besides this overwhelming attention which it has received
from the people and poets, the romance has not ~ailed to
captivate the imagination of visual artists, who, however,
have been inclined to portray only the tragic scenes of the
story.
Actors, popular and professional, have played it both

1. iI'rumpp, E., §..:h!}dhi Literature -- The DIvan of Abdul-LatIf

Shah, Leipzig - 1866, p.iv.
2. See Sassi de Havale in Shan, H.S., Sassi-Hashim, 2nd ed.,
Delhi - 1959, pp.192-207, 763. It contains specimens
from 106 old and new poets of Panjabi alone.
 56

in the open, under' the starry sky, and in the halls o:f
cultural and educational institutions.
The cinema has also dra~L upon it and :films o:f three-
hours duration have been shown to packed houses.
The broadcasting companies o:f India and Pakistan not
in:freguently present it in various :forms •
.Among the common :folk, the residents o:f Mul tan are
said to be still celebrating its anniversary in the :form o:f
annual Sangs. (i. e. publ ic and process.ional per:formances).

12.
All this has resulted in the tale's becoming so popular that
its hero and heroine are household words, part o:f the common
heritage o:f the people, irrespective o:f their caste, creed
and colour. In Sindh they are missed in the same way as Hlr
and Ranjha are missed in the Panjab o:f Puran Singh who;
epi tomising the sentiments o:f his peopleJhas addressed them
thus:
"Come, brother Ranjha!
Come, sister Hlr!
Pray do not leave us alone
We :feel empty without you. II 1
Sassi and Punnun, like them, are even today, among the
well-beloved characters o:f the :folk-mind, and have become
names to conjure with as proverbial symbols :for romantic
ideal love; so much so that while in the spiritual domain

1. Shan, H.S., Puran Singh di Cha~wln Kavita, Chandigarh -

1962., p.555.
 57
they are taken to mean the soul and God, in the romantic
sphere they stand, like Romeo al'1:d Juli~_.:t, f'or the lover and
the beloved. In domestic circles, they are used as aff'ection-
ate appellations for loving couples; and in literary works,
they have developed into synonyms f'or the hero and the
heroine themselveso l Thus they have infused a serene and
soothing spirit into our literary tradition and cultural
inheritance. They have exercised a. noble but invisible
inf'luence on the mass mind too, encouraging the same
qualities of unflinching devotion, fidelity, courage and
sacrif'ice as they themselves typif'y.

Here lies the special value, the signif'icance of' a

"word-of-mouth" occ.urrence which, having developed into a
f'olk legend and having enjoyed the status of' a literary story
and also a spiritual saga, has always remained "in the
process of' returning to the peoPle ll ,2 in one f'orm or the
other. And then besides being a charming, pure and popular
story in its own right, it has evolved into an excellent
specimen of' a tragic love-legend, presenting in a short
compass almost all the characteristic f'eatures of the genre
-- viz. the basic love-tale, the description of' physical
charms, the romantic atmosphere, the record of' misf'ortunes,

1. Like Dhola and Ma;rvani in Rajasthan. See Gauri Shankar

Ojha's Pref'ace to Ram Simha, Dhola-Maru-ra-DUha, op.cit.,
p.i.
2. Temple, RoC., The Legends of' the Panjab, Vol. III,
Bombay - 1886, p.24.
 58

the intervention or the love-god, the pangs or separation,

the mystical COlour, the supernatural element, the improvised
scenes, the pity-evoking Situations, the enlivening escape
from everyday life, the wide scope and diversity of treatment,
and the long oral and literary tradition.
It has withstood the severest test to which any art
can be subjected by the passage of time. Oral tradition
tends to perpetuate and expand what experience proves to be
most popular, and to relegate less acceptable elements to
the
oblivion •. Whatsoever pleases/human mind is repeated, varied
and fostered by generation after generation. This repeated
telling over generations has ensured the folk-lore quality
of the romance of SaSSi, too. The printing press has furthel"
stabilised it, and it still haunts the imagination of millions
in the SUb-continent of India. As it deals with love, true
love, the "harmonizing and unifying element tha.t transcends
sectarian differences"; it is equally loved and cherished by
Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs as a. common heritage of them all,
testifying thus to the homogeneity of their thought and out-
look in spite of their varying religious, regional and
linguistic loya~ties.

It was this universal appeal and intrinsic worth of the

romance that induced me in 1952 to embark upon the present

1. Erc,clopaedia of Religion and EthiQ'§, op.cit., Vol.VIII,

p.l 7.
 59

study.

Like most popular legends, the rom811.ce of Sassi has

lost its original indigenous form in the complicated play of
historical forces and local loyal ties. The course of its
evolution and transmission in different regions, has brought
about so many changes that it has become very difficult to
arrive at any quick, clear-cut conclusions. The historical
and topographical material is either scanty or confusing.
The following pages deal first with an analytical and
cri tical study of the lore; and then with a comparative and
comprehensive survey of the relevant literature found in many
places during the last thirteen years.
 60
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 62
-2-
TITLE
---

The romance derives its title, like most romances of this

kind,l from the names of its hero and heroine; and is
popularly known as "Sassl-Punntiri""

2.
The order of the names in the title is also in accordance
wi th the,. general practice followed in other lands and lares:
that is, the name of the heroine precedes that of the hero, as
we find in some well-known Eastern and Wester.n romances,
like those of Laila-Majnu.n of Arabia, Shlr'in-Farhad of Persia,
Hero-Leander of Greece and Hlr-Ranjha of India. This is so
even in the case of the celebrated religious romances of
Indian epics (i.e. MahcThharata and Ramayana) viz. Radha-
Krishna and Slta-RamafIn a very few cases, however, the
reverse order is also used, as we notice in some similar
famous romances like those of YUsuf-Zulaitha of Semetic,
Romeo-JUliet of Italian and Nala-~amayantI3 of Indian origin.
But this order is Quite rare - as rare as, for instance, the
1. For example, Thisbe-pyramus of Babylon; Kamrlip-Kamlatta of
India; Esma-Zeyjan of Turkey; and Abelard-Heloise of France.
2. Thus it contradicts Swynnerton's observation, which asserted
that "it is a most uncommon thing for the name of the heroine
to take precedence over that of the hero, as it does in Hir
and Rarijha. I know of no other case in India like itoH
(See Romantic Tales from the Panjab, Westminster - 1903,
po 25) ..
3. The romantic story of Nala and Damayantl, according to
Penzer, "is without doubt one of the most beautiful love-
stories of the worldo [It is] known and loved throughout
India. II See Penzer, NoM., Nala and Damayanti, London -
1926, pp. v & vii.
 63

rendering of' Laila-Ma..,;inUf!. as Ma jnun-Laila. l I have, so f'ar,

noticed only two versions of' the romance of' Sassi, bearing
the title in this order, viz. Nuskha i Punnun wa Sasui in
Persian (dt. 1817, appr.) and Pannu-Sassuri in Balochi
(recorded in 1903).2
There are still a f'ew other versions whose title bears
the name of' the hero or heroine alone. Waga.i Punniin (i.e.
Punnun's Chronicle, in Persian, dt. 1835) by Muhammad Husain-
Shahbaz Khan and Faghan i Sassi (i.e. Sassi's Outcry, in
Panjabi, dt. 1882) by Faz,al Din, belong to this category.3
This too is rare. Mo st of' the versions that have
hitherto been eXfu~ined, in their various languages and
scripts, bear the names of' both, given in the heroine-hero
order. The f'our mentioned above are in fact the only
exceptions.

However, the wording and the spelling of' the names in the
title have varied ~uite of'ten. It is almost invariably 'Sassi-
PunnM' in the BAHAWALPURI, PAN JAB I , URDU and most of' the
PERSDU~ versions. 4 The hero, however, is af'f'ectionately

1. See, f'or example~ Majnuii l,aila al-'Amiriyyah, (E.U.L.

Arabic MS. No.57) written probably by Habib b. Rabhoh.
20 See under Pe~sian Version and under Balochi Version in
Pt.II.
3. See under Persian Version and Panjabi Version in Pt.II.
4. See, f'or example, Barat tAli's in Bahawalpuri, Hashim Shah's
in Panjabi, Salig Ram's in Urdu, and Farhat Bakhsh's
in Persian.
 64
addressed and named as 'Punnal' and 'Punan' in the Dholas
•
(ballads) of Bar and the versions of Bahawalpuri. l
In SINDHI, it is almost universally known as and
entitled 'Sasui-Punhun,;2 but in BALOGHI, three different
forms have been noticed, viz. 'Panu-Sasuri' or 'Panu-Sasuen',
, Sassli-Funnu f , and 'Sassui-Punnu'. 3
In KAGHHI, it has been recorded as 'Soosie-Punoon'
and ' Sassai-Punnuha ' • 4 In HINDI and RAJAS THAN I it has taken
the :forms of 'Saseya-Panntln,5 and 'Sassi-Panna ,6 respectively.
European writers and scholars have used mostly the
oral or written form which they heard or found in the regions
where they happened to be living. Mrs. Postans, residing in
Kachh, recorded it, in 1839, as 'Soosie-Punoon'7 while her
husband, living in Sindh described it, in the same year, as"

1. See Harjit Singh, Nain Jhanan, 2nd ed., Amritsar - 1949,

pp.113-25; Panj Darya, Amritsar - November, 1951, pp.30-1;
; l;>ReJaman, M.A., Diwani Farid , Bahawalpur - 1944.
2. For instance, Nabbi Bakhsh Lagari' s, dt. 1838, and Abdul
Rahim's dt. 1870.
3. See Mayer, T.J.L., Balochi Classics, pt.iv, Agra - 1903,
pp.4l-4; Hittu Ram, Tari~ i Balochistan, Lahore - 1907,
pp.36-45; Baloch, N.B., Belayan-ja-Bola, Karachi, 1951.
4. Postans, Mrs., Cutch or Random Sketches taken during a
residence in one of the Northern Provinces of Wes,tern
India, London - 1838, p.199. Karani, D.R., Kachh-Kaladhar,
Sorigarji - 1950, pp.280-1.
5. See Dasaro Gran"th, Tr.iya Charitr (dt.1696, appr.), Charitr
No.108.
6. See Prohit Khetsi's version (dt.1731) under Rajasthani
version.
7. See Gutch and Random Sketches, op.~it., p.199.
 5
tSusI-Panlin,;l and Garcin de Tassy, from abroad, noticed it
as 'Saci 0 Panli ou Panun,.2 Burton, in 1851;3 Goldsmid in
1863;4 Trumpp in 1866;5 Elliot in 1867;6 and Hart-Davies in
1881,7 almost all living in Sindh, referred to it as 'SassuI-
Punhu'; 'SaswI-Punhu'; 'SasuI-Punhun'; 'SassI-Pannlin' and
'Suswee-Punhoo~ respectively. Kincaid8 and Sorley9 later,
working in the same region, spelt it as 'Punho-SaswI' and
'SasuI-Punhun' in 1922 and 1940 respectively. Norris J probably
the latest to visit the s.i te of the romance and to tell its
story in 1949, has used 'SassI-Punnun' ,10
This is the form which has already been used by Sir
R.C. Temple in all his writings, dating back to the early
eighties of the la.st century.ll Generally speaking, most of

1. See J.A.S.Bo, Calcutta, Vol.VII, No.74, February - 1838,

p.99. YSusi-Pannu acc. to McMurdo (See J.R.A.S.1834,pp.25-6).
2. Garcin de Tassy, Histoire de la Li tterature Hindoue.£t~?'?~,:(::c;,
Tome I, Paris, 1839, pp.355-8.
3. Burton, Sir R.F., Scinde or the Unhappy Valley, Vol.I,
London - 1851, pp.82-9; Sindh and the Races that Inhabit
the Valley of the Indus, London - 1851, pp.92-l06; Sind
Revisited, Vol.I, 1877, pp.127-33.
4. Goldsmid, Sir ~.Jo, SaswI and Punhu, London - 1863;
J.R.A.S., NoS., Vol.I, London - l8b5, pp.25 & 36.
5. Trumpp, E., Sindhi Literature; The DIvan of Abd-ul-LatIf
Shah, Leipzig - 1866, preface, pp.v-vi.
6. Elliot, Sir H.M.,and Dowson, J., The History of India,
as told by its ovm Historians, Vol.I, London - 1867,
p.332.
7. Hart-Davies, T., L~ Sind Ballad~, Bombay, 1881, pp.29-3l.
8. Kincaid, CoA., Tales of Old Sind, Madras - 1922, p.l.
9. Sorley, HoT., Shah Abdul LatIf of Bhit, London - 1940,
P .361.
10.See Art and Letters, London Vol.XXIII, No.1, 1949, p.32.
11.Temple, Sir RoC., Roman Urdu Journal, Lahore - Vol.IV,
No.38, 1881, p.19ff.; The Indian Antiquary, Bombay -
Vol.X, December, 1881, p.372; ibid., Val.XI, October,1882,
p.29l; Panjab Notes and Queries, .Allahabad -Vol.I, No.11,
August, 1884, po132; The Legends of the Panjab, Vol.III,
Bombay, 1886, p.24ff.; The Folk-Lore Journal, London -
1886, pp.277-8.
 66

the other writers and scholars, working on Panjabi and

Hindustani sources, have used the same form. l
European cataloguers of various manusc.ripts and books
have, however, introduced some variant forms. Sprenger in
1853 used three different forms in the same catalogue, viz.
'Sirsy-Bannu', 'Sysy-Panhun' and 'Sysy-Panu,.2 Rieu referred
to it in 1881 as 'Sisi-Panun,.3 Blumhardt recorded it in 1893
as 'Sasu'i Punnun' in the case of Sindhi, and 'Sassi-PunnUil'
in the case of Panjabi 4 Ethe has almost been consistent
0

in using this spelling, though in 1896 he called it 'Panun

Coder Panu) und Sisi', and in 1903 and 1930 as 'Sisi and
Panu~ 5 Ivanow has used it only as 'Panun-Sisi I in 19240 6
1. Such as Leitner, G.W., History of the Indigenous Education
in the Panjab since Aru!exation and in 1882, Calcutta -
1882, p.30; Talbot, W.S.,in JoRoA.S., London - 1903,p.337;
Bawa, B.S., in J.PoHoS., Lahore, Vol.IX, pt.i - October,
1923; Mohan Singh, Dr., A H.istory of Panjabi Literature,
Lahore, 1933,pp.19, 70 etco;~ama Krishna, L., Panjabi
Sufi Poets, Calcutta - 1938, p.93 etc •• It has been used
as I Sassi f\ and Punnu' in a recent Pakistan Government
publication published from Karachi CSindh). See Zainab,
GoA., Folk Tales of Pakistan, Karachi - 1957, pp.58 ff.
2. Sprenger, A., A Catalogue of the Arabic, Persian and
Hindustany Manuscripts of the Libraries of the King of
Oudh, Vol.I, Calcutta - 1854, ppo251, 544, 620.
3. Rieu, C., Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the
British Museum, London, Vol.II, 1881, p.684a.
4. Blumhardt, J.Fo, Catalogge of the Hindi, Panjabi, Sindhi
and Pushtu. Printed Books in the Library of the British
Museum, London - 1893, P .12 (Panjabi) ~ 13 ( Sindhi ).
5. Eth4, H. Grundriss der Tranischen Philologie, Stras;s:burg,
Vol.II, 1896-1904, p.253; Catalogue of the Persian,
Turkish, Hindustani and Pushtu Manuscripts in the Bodleian
Librar.x, Pt. II, Oxford - 1930, p 01297; Catalogue of
Persian Manuscripts in the Liorary of the India Office,
Vol.I, Oxford - 1903, p.1320.
6. Ivanow, W., Concise Descriptive Catalogue of the Persian
Manuscri ts in the Collection of the Asiatic Societ of
Bengal, Calcutta - 192 , p.33 •
 67

But in spite of all these variations in the spelling

'of the names of the hero and heroine, there is no variation
in their forms comparable with that which we notice in the
Sindhi version of the Panjabi romance of Soh~i-Mehinwa1. They
have, more or less, been transformed into 'SUhnI-Mehar/Sahar',
and 'Todi-Dam,.l Even the alleged Greek form, according to
Karamat Ul1ah, used the form 'SasI-Punwan',2 another slight
variation, but not a serious one.

4.
Muhammad Rizai, a Persian poet of Sindh, was the first and
probably the only writer who actually departed from the usual
form while narrating the romance in his Ma~nawi Ziba Nigar 3
in 1643.
"From fear of offending Persian ears by outlandish
name Sll, as he himself tell s us, he. co ined new name s, , ZIba '
for Sassi and 'Nigar' for Punnun, and used them as such in
the title of his version. However, the heading of the
expl ana to ry p as sage wr it ten in pro se (in red ink in the
British Museum MS.) contains their original names in the
popular form, as 'Sassi-Punniiri I . The original passage 4 reads

1. Lalwani, LoW., The Life, Religion, and Poetry of Shah

Latif, Karachi - 1890, p.72. .
2. See Tarjuman, Lahore, February - 1917, pp.93-8; Orlental
College Ma.gazine, Lahore - November, 1930, p.l. . .
3. Irhe fly-leaf of the B.M. IVIS.No. Or.337 bears the tlt~e ln
this form but the text begins in the reverse order, 1.e.
Nuskha i Nigar-Ziba. It is so even at the end on f.142b.
4. Rizai, HaM., Ziba Nigar, B.IvI. MS. No.Or.337, p.30b.
 68
as under:

5.
There is a further group o~ native writers who pre~erred to
use ~igurative or metaphorical titles ~or their compositions.
Dastur i 'Ishg (i.e. The Law o~ Love, in Persian, dt.1723)
by Munshi JOt Parkash; Asrar i Mahabbat (i.e. The Secrets o~

Love, in Urdu, dt. 1783) by Navvwab Mahabbat Khan; and Bag,h

i Mahabbat (i.e. The Garden o~ Love, in Panjabi, dt.1911),1
~or instance~ belong to this category.
We ~ind this practice ~ollowed mostly by the Persian
writers o~ the romance, but in the headings and the verses
o~ the text, they have used 'Sassi I and tPunnun f throughout.

6.
Keeping all this in view and also the indigenous ~orm used in
Rizai's masnaw'i (which is at the present time the oldest
-0-
available complete vers.ion), and considering the literal
meaning o~ the names of the hero and heroine, as well as the
source and origin of the tale (to be discussed presently),
I have preferred to use the popular and more prevalent form
of its title and of the names of its protagonists.

1. See respective regional versions in Part II.

 69

IndicQtions of the variant forms, however, have been

given, in footnotes, at the beginning of each account of the
respective regional versions.
 70
-3-
ORIGIN AND SOURCE
-----~.-

This romance is an indigenous Indi~ tale, having originated

in the Valley of the Indus some time after the advent of
Islam to India 0 It is, in fact, a common legend of the
Sindhi-Balochi-speaking region of the sub-continent; and is
lljust as well known in Beyla as in Sind_"l It is almost
equally popular in the territories of Bahawalpur,
Balochistan, Sindh, Kachh and the Panjab .. It has, therefore,
been duly claimed as their own by the respective people of
these states or provinces;2 so much so that they have changed
it here and there to their choice and given it local colour,
so that it might seem to be a product of their own region.
This, after all, was to be expected. The tale was
pathetic, attractive and interesting. It travelled far and
wide. These territories, quite vast in extent and some even
larger than some of the countries of Europe, have always
been not only geographically contiguous but well-linked and
inter-related linguistically, historically, culturally and

1. According to Sir F.J. Goldsmid in J.R~AQS~, N.S., Vol.I,

London - 1865, pa41.
20 It is some~hat like the KesaE-Saga of T~be~, which,
according to Bake, !lis sung from l"Iongolla In the north
all the way down to Ladakh in the south but seems to
have had its birth in Eastern Tibete~. The M~~gols
regard Kesar as a native of their land, but the Khambas
can be said to have a better claim on him. 11 (See Bake, A.,
The Epic in Asia, MS. of a B.B.C. Talk, London - 8.6.196~fo
 71
administratively.l The discovery of similar ruins at Moh~njo
daro in Sindh and at Harappa (1,400 miles away) in the
Panjab confirms the cultural unity and contiguity of both
Sindh and the Panjab. Moreover, the Chachnamah (c. dt. 1216)
tells us that lIin the 7th century, Sindh and Panjab formed
a single kingdom. lI2 Ross says on the authority of Abul Fazl
that in 1592, during the reign of Akbar, "Sindh was
incorporated in the Subah of Multan",3 a Division of the
Panjab even now. Nadvi maintains that lias the territory of
Makran has often been under the ruler of Sindh~ therefore
certain historians have included Makran in the land of Sindh.
Thus some Arabian geographers have stated that the frontier
of Sindh begins at Kech-Makran. 1l4 According to Cunningham,
"the fourth province of Sindh, in the 7th century, was
Kachh,5 and it was still attached to Sindh in the time of
Akbar. 1l6 And lastly Hunter adds that the ancestors of the

1. See Pottinger, Sir H., Travels in Belochistan and Sinde,

London - 1816, p~250; Iooetson, D.CoJ., outlines of
Panjab Ethnography, Calcutta - 1883, po155; Rushbrook-
Williams, L.F., The Black Hills - Kutch in history and
legenq, London - 1958, ppo57-8, 147; Grierson, Sir G~A.,
The Linguistic Survey of India, Vols. VIII, pt&i,
Calcutta - 1919, pp.l & 5; ibid. ,VoloX, Calcutta - 1921,
pp~327-29; Ikram, S.M. & Spear, Po, !he Cultural
Heritage of Pakistan, Karachi -1955, ppov, 95 and 121.
2. Mirza, K.B., The Chachnamah,l an Ancient Histor..x of Sindh,
Karachi, 1900, poviiio
3. Ross, D., The Land of the Five Rivers and Sindh,London -
1883. po25:- -
4. Nadvt, A.Z., Tafrikh i Sindh, Azimgarh - 1947, p.198.
See also Hughes-BUller, R~, Baluchistan District
~~~et~eer Series, Vo~oVII -, M~kr~~ Bombay - 1~6, pp.4l-5.
5. Kachh has been variously s~e1t in English, e.g., Cutch,
Kacch, Kachch, Kutch.
6. Majumdar, S.N., Cunninghfu~'s Ancient Geography of India
Calcutta - 1929, p.346.
 2

ruling family of Bahawalpl..1.r lI originally came from Sindh and

assumed independence during the dismemberment of the Durrani
Empire. III In short, the lrvhole of this extensive area has
been correlated in one vvay or another at various times. The
effect of this physical, social, cultural and political
relation would naturally have been to link together the
respective claims of all concerned to the romance, thus
making it a common heritage of all the people, irrespective
of their caste, or colour, region or religion.

2.
Thus the heroine is claimed to have been born in Bahawalpur
and to have been set afloat from its Lurhwanio 2 She is
.
stated to have been brought up in Sindh whose Sassui-jo-
Takkar still preserves the memory of her forlorn love~3
Her Dhaular (palace) commemorates her association with the
Panjab,4 and Kachh lays claim to her ever-flowing spring and
ever-green shrub. 5 Her Qab'r (grave) is situated in the

1. Hunter, W.W., The I~erial Gazetteer of India, VoloI,

London - 1881, p.295;
2. Pa~ab State Gazetteers, Vol.XXXITI~Bahawalpur State,
1904, Lahore - 1908, p.359~
3. Cousens, H~, The Anti~uities of .Sindh with Historical
Outline, Calcutta - 1 29, pp o 80-8l.
4~ J.R.A.S~, London - 1903, pp.335-8; Panjab Stat~ Gazetteers,
vor:XXXIX-A, Attock District, Pt.A., Lahore - rg),o,
ppo322-4.
5. Postans, Mrs., Cutch or Random Sketches, London - 1839,
p.,200.
 3

territory of Ba10chistan 1 whose Kech-Makran still preserves

the Mlri of Punnun. 2 So also these lands have, in one way
or another, laid their claims to the tale and indicated
their close association with its locale, on one plea or
another.
Since the ramifications of the tale are so widespread,
it is not easy to locate its origin and source in a definite
formo But an analysis of the tale and an identification of
its various elements, with reference to its socio-cultural
and geographical situation, can help us to put to the test
these many claims.
(i) THE CLAIM OF THE PANJAB, to begin with, cannot hold good
though it has been quite frequently asserted. 3 Sassits
father (Azam or Adam Jam or Saspal or Parwez by name) has
been depicted by some as a king of the Panjab with Bhambhore
as his capital. 4
In view of the material so far procured or noticed,
there is no denying the fact that the Panjab has contributed

IG Hittu Ram, Tarikh i Balochistan, Lahore - 1907, pp tlL!-9,

587.
20 Balochistan District Gazetteers, Vol~VIII, Las Bel~,
Allahabad --rgQ7, pp~35, 1850
3. It has been given and accepted as such by Teja Singh and
AIDol, S.S., in Panjabi Bhaure, Lahore - 1932; Kohli,S.S.,
in Panjab Dian~eetkaGan~aq, Lahore - 1944; Khurshid,
A.S., in Panjab_ke Ruman, Lahore - 1950; _~o~ymous,
Panjab ke Rumani Afsane, Lahore - 1951; Baq~r, M.,
Panjabi 9isse Farasi Zaban men, 2 vols., Lahore - 1957-60.
4. Harjit Slngh, NalI1Jhanati, 2nQ ed .. , AIDritsar - 1949,
p.114; Sher, S.B., Bar de Dhole, JUllundur - 1954, p.186;
Salik, S.R., -Masnawi
--;"T
Sassi-Punnun, MS. dt. 1890.
 74

most to the versification and literary dissemination of the

romance. But Bhambhore~ situated in Sindh on the Arabian
Sea, has never been a capital of the Panjab. Moreover, no
king or ruler bearing any of those names and descriptions
has ever ruled over that land. And if by Saspal, Salik
meant Jaipal or Anandpal who fell to the onslaughts of Mahmud
Ghaznavi in the first quarter of the 11th century, we do not
find any reference-to the romance in any of the accounts
relating to their reigns.
In fact, this is not an indigenous tale of the Panjab,
which has appropriated it in exactly the same way as Sindh
has appropriated the Panjabi romance of soh~i-Mehinwal and
claimed it as the product of its own soil and waters. l
Sindhis have changed even the name of its hero and we are
told by GidvanI that lIof the popular tales of Sind , that of
Suhnl. and Mehar is perhaps the most romantic. ,,2
This kind of appropriation and naturalisation is,
however, neither new nor strange in the realm of popular
lore. The Arabian romance of Laila-Majnun,
for instance, has been adopted by Baloches and given lIa
thoroughly Balochi settingll and lIa strong local colouring ll •
The hero, Majnun, has become tMajna', and Laila, pronounced

1. Sindhfs have adoEted even the most celebrated Panjabi

romance of HIr R~jha. They have versified it not only
in Sindhi and Siraiki, but also in Persian. tAli Sher
QanI has mentioned five such versions as far back as in
1760 in his Magalatal-Shu'ra (See B.M. MS.No:21589/Add.,
pt.ii).
2. GidvanI, M.M., Shah Abdul LatIf, London - 1922, p.25.
 75
as lLela', "is converted into a Baloch maiden dwelling on
th e s 1 opes 0f nOun t Bamb
M
or ·In the country of Marls.t!
-,.. 1

Similarly, a spring called Kumbh Shlrln and three graves,

alleged to be of Shirin, Farhad ru~d the villainous crone,
situated on the western slopes of Hala Hills of Balochistan
are associated 2 with the famous Persian romance of Shirin-
Farhad"( which is known there as Shiren-Parat. 4
(ii) THE CLAIM OF KACHH is also inadmissible. Mrs. Postans
acclaimed it as "a very favourite tale related as a Bhat both
in Cutch and Bind.,,5 But Sorley, after quoting her, went to
the extent of stating that "it appears to be originally a
tale of CutCh",6 because, according to him, "in the Cutch
form the topography plainly is that of Cutch. In Sind the
tale has become confused and the topography is mixed.,,7 As

1. L.Dames,.M., Popular Poetry of the Baloches, Vol.I,

London - 1907, pp.xxvi, 11~.
2. Tarikh i Balochistan, op.cit., p.587; Las Bela Gazetteer,
op. cit 0, 43-44.
3. Shirin was the beautiful wife of Khusrau Parviz, king of
Persia; and Farhad was a famous sculptor. He became much
enamoured of her. King Parviz, in order to get rid of him,
promised to give Shlrin to him as a reward if by outting
through the rock he could bring a stream into the valley.
'When he was on the point of completing his task, the king,
fearing to lose Shirin, deputed a crone to inform him
about the false death of Shirin. Farhad threw himself
down headlong and was dashed to pieces. When Shirin heard
about his tragic end, she followed soon to unite with him
at least in death.
This romance has also been a favourite subject of
several (often mystical) poems not only in Persian,
Turkish and Balochi but also in various Indian languages.
Hashim was the first to versify it in Panjabi but his
version differs, in some details, from the traditional
outline.
4. Popular Poetry of the Beloche~, op.cit., p.117.
5. Cutch or Random Sketches ••• , op.cit., p.199.
6. Borley, H.T., Shah Abdul Latif of Bhit, London - 1940,
p.248.
7. Ibid o , po261.
 6
we shall see presently, this assertion is in itself both
wrong and confusingo Neither of the available versions
associate it with any site in Kachh, nor has Sorley himself
proved his case or provided any topographical evidence to
establish it as a Kachh tale.
Moreover.~if Sorley has based his conclusion (and most
probably he has) on the Kachhi version of Mrs. Postans, who
had not challenged its topography or commented upon it,
then he seems to have been misled by the variant forms of
certain place-names. These had either undergone some
alteration due to local influences and regional pronunciation
or had been misheard by Mrs. Postans, foreign to the land and
the language. Furthermore, these are given there in English
and thus might not have been transcribed exactly. Still
further, Mrs. Postans had been a resident of Kachh itself,
~~d would therefore be familiar with the name; this
familiarity may have led her to take it for the Kech of the
story. Otherwise, as Temple observed, her version !lis on
the same lines as told in Sindh and the panjabo lll Added to
this, Sorley, in his brief summary of the story, has himself
accepted that the heroine belonged to 'Bhambhor' and the
hero hailed from 'Kech,.2
Even if by following Mrs. Postans' version, we
accept, for argument's sake, Burhamanabad as Sassi's birth-

1. Temple, Sir, R.C., paniab Notes and Queries, Allahabad,

Vol.I, No.ll, ~ugust, 884, p;}32.
2. Shah Abdul Latif of Bhit, op~cit., p.361.
 7

place,l we find that it forms a part of Sindh ru~d lies in

the very heart of it. Similarly vdth the other site,
Burumpore, mentioned in her version as the place of Sassi's
adoption,2 I have not been able, so far, to trace any place
bearing this name in the territory of Kachh. The relevant
official Statement,3 Cunningham's Geography,4 and Dey's
Dictionary5 are also silen"t; about it. But if it is a
localised form, viz. Bhoimpur or Bhuinpur, of a Balochi town,
named Bompur or Bampur, as suggested by Longworth-Dames (and
accepted by Sorley himself)6 in connection with a Balochi
war-ballad, 7 it ought to belong to· Persian Balochistan, and
not to Kachh; and would thus have not the remotest connection
with the romance. This also disposes of Karamat Ullah's
conjectures about Bhambhore being the mutilated form of this
Bampur or Banpur. 8

In another war-ballad of the Baloches, we find these names

grouped in a single verse which reads:
tiThe well-born Rinds were
at Bompur, in Ke ch and
the groves of Makran •• ~ 11 9
1. Cutch or Random Sketches, op.cit~, po199.
2. Ibid., p.199.
3. Malet, A., Statement containing information relative to
the Names of the towns and villages in the Province of
KUt~submItted to the Government on 1st November,TB42.
4. Cunningham, Sir A., The Anc~ent Geography of India,
London - 1871.
5. Dey, N.L., The GeograEhical DictionarJ of Ancient and
Medieval India,2nd ed., London - 1927.
6. Shah Abdul Latif of Bhit, opocit., p.248.
7. POEular PoetrJ of the Beloches, op.ci~., Vol.I, p.94~
8. Tarjuman, Lahore - February, 1917, pp.93-~d; uriental
College Magazine, Lahore, pt.ii, November, 1930, pp.2-3.
9. POEular PoetrJ of the Beloches, opocit., Vol.I, p.15.
 8
The third and the last place-name mentioned therein is Cutch
and Punnun is mentioned as the son of its governor. l This
obviously has been confused i'V"ith Kech for the reasons given
above.
Moreover, there is no such river as Indus (no channel,
no branch of it); and no such place as Bhambhore in the
territory of Kachh or Balochistan. 2They have always been in
Sindh. Even if Sorley was misled by another geographical
name, viz. Kachhi, we cannot find him justified in locating
that too in the state of Kachh, as it was the most easterly
Division of the former state of Qalat in Balochistan. 3 I do
not, therefore, find any evidence that Sorley was right
when he spoke of a IIconfusion •• between Sind and Baluchi
0

4
place-names. l1 · The confusion, if there is any, is due,
probably, to his own conjectures and undocumented speculat-
ions. I therefore find no reason to agree with his
injudicious statements that the romance originated from the
region of Kachh, and that it "wandered from Cutch over Lower
Sind to Kech Makran. II 5
(iii) BALOCHISTAN HAS, HOWEVER, A GENUINE CLAIM, because
Punnun, the hero, hailed from its Kech-Makran, and also
because the lest abode of the lovers is claimed to be

1. Cutch or Random Sketches, op.cit., p.199.

2. McIvIurdo says that lifor the princ ipal part of the romance,
the river in its actual situation, if Bhambor was not
mentioned would have done eClually well. 11 (See McMurdo, J.,
Dissertation on the Indus in J.R .A. So, 1834, p. 26) •
30 Minchin, C.F., Balochistan District Gazetteers Series,
Vol.VI-A, Kachhi, Bombay - 1907, p.4.
4. Shah Abdul LatIf of Bhit, opocit., p.248.
5. ~q p&2blD
 9
preserved in its state of Las Bela. l
(iv) Similarly BAP~WALPUR MAY ALSO HAVE GENUINE CLAIM in
taking its tlBhutta WahaB as the birth-place of Sassi ll , and
pointing out even today the spot in the Lu!hwani (also called
the Tirmuhin) whence "the box containing Sassi was launched
on the river.,,2
Local tradition claims it, the Gazetteer corroborates
it and the poets and minstrels assert it. But that is all;
and there is nothing more to compel us to agree with Mohan
Singh that lithe romantic tragedy of Sassi and Pun."Ylun belongs
originally to the area now covered by the Bahawalpur state. n3
(v) On the other hand, it is generally believed that it
actually BELONGS TO SINDH, where the box containing the
infant Sassi is said to have been caught up at Bhambhore,4
and the child to have been reared by the washerman. It was
there at Bhambhore that she grew up into a legendary beauty
and, on the arrival of Punnun, developed into a heroine of
immortal fame. It was there again that, on his sudden and

10 Balochistan Di.strict Gazetteer: Series Vol .. VII-Makran,

op"cit., pp.93-4; Vol .. VIII-Las Bela, opoci~', PPo)5'iI85;
Baloch, N.B., Belayan-Ja Bora, Karachi - 1951, p.15.
2. pangab Stat~s Gazebteers VoI~36-A, B~awal£ur State,
190 ~ Lahore - 1908, po3 98 5
3. Mohan Singh, Dr., An Introduction to Panjabi Literature,
Amritsar - 1951, p:45o
4. Even if we agree with some Sindhi and Bahawalpuri writers
that she was actually born at Thatta or Bhutta Wahan, we
cannot escape the fact that her place of adoption as
Bhambhore has been mentioned by almost all of them.
Moreover, Thatta in itself is an old and famous town of
Sindh.
 80

treacherous abduction, her destiny took its final shape and

culminated in her search of the adjacent desert for her
lost love. It is there in fact, that her memory is most
reverently and prominently cherished. Bhambhore is the
place to which some of the significant accounts of the land
have attributed the romance. An eminent local historian,
'Ali Sher Qani, observed as long ago as 1767 that it occurred
there during the reigns of Dalu Rai and Bhambho Rai (8th
century).l Another historian, Kalich Beg, supporting him,
maintained f'irmly that nit was in the reign of this Bhambho
Rai that Sasui was born, who is the heroine of many Sindhi
poems and whose love for Punhun is still sung everywhere in
Sind. ,,2
Foreign observers, officials, travellers and histor-
ians have also vouched for its having originated in Sindh.
Burton, who noticed that it was "known throughout the
extensive tract of country lying between Mekran and
Afghanistan, Jesalmere and Eastern persia",3 associated its
origin with Sindh alone and mentioned it in each of his
three works on Sindh. 4 Goldsmid not only acclaimed it as
"first in popularity!! among Sindhi legends,5 but also
----------,------------------------ ,----------------------------
1. Qani~ A.S., Tuhfat al-kiram (dt.1767), Vol~III, B~M. MS.
No.21589,/Add., f,260(b).
20 KaIicn-beg, Mirza FoB., History of Sind, Vol.II,
Karachi - 1902, p.28 f.ng
3. Burton, Sir R.F., Sindh and the Races that Inhabit the
Valley of the Indus, London - 1851, p.56o .
4. Ibid., pp.92:106; Scinde or the Unha£BY Valle1, Vol.2,
London - 1851; Sind Revisited, 2 vols.,London - 1877.
5. J.R.A.S., Vol.I, N.S., London - 1865, p.36.
 81
translated one of its basic versions 1 and illustrated,
through it, his plea for "the preservation of National
Literature in the East.,,2 Rieu mentioned it as "a story
of two Sindhian lovers tl ,3 and Cousens found it "a favourite
story still in the homes of Sind. n4 And above all, Temple,
the doyen of Indian fOlk-lore, proclaimed it repeatedly as
the "far renowned Sindhi storY",5 and lithe very old
Sindhi story.1I 6 In a subsequent monumental work, he clarified
the matter even further by stating that "the story is
naturalised in the Panjab and Kachh, besides being
indigenous to Sindh,ll and that it "may be referred to an
early period in Sindh historYI:>I1?
Other prominent Oriental-
ists, like Sprenger,8 Ethe,9 AitkenlO and Kincaid ll have
also confirmed this viewc Jain has rather emphatically

1. Goldsmid, Sir FoJ., Saswi and Plli~hu, London - 1863.

2. J.R.A.,S., VoL,I, op.cit", pp(l25041.
3~ Rieu, Co, CataloE&e of the Persian Manuscripts in the
British Museum, ondon, Vol.II, 1881, p~6B4=a.
4. Cousens, H., The Antiquities of Sind with Histori~al
Outline, Calcutta - 1924, p.810
5. The Indian Antiquar~, Bombay, Vol.XI, October, 1882,
p,.290.
60 ibid~, Vol.XXIX, April, 1900, p0890
7. TheLegends of the Panjab, Vol.III, Bombay - 1886, :p~30~
8~ Sprenger, A., Catalo~_e of the Arabic, Persian and
Hindus~ny ~anuscri~~ of the Libraries of ~he King of
Oudh, Calcuuta - 1~4, PQ544.
9. Effie, H., Neu~ersische Litteratur in ~rundriss der
Iranischen Phllologie, Vol o"J=r, Strassburg t 1896-1904,
P9253; Shafaq, RoZ., Tarikh i Adabiyyat i Farasi,
Tehran - 1958~ p.94.
lO.Aitken, A.H., Gazetteer of the Province of S.ind, Vol.A,
Karachi - 1907. p.484.
11.Kincaid, C.A., Tales of Old Sindh, Madras - 1922, p.l;
Tales of Old Ind, Bombay - 19?~ p.ix.
 82
asserted that it is "pure Sindhi tl • l Nur Illahi and Muhammad
Umar have also stated with equal vehemence that tlSindh is
the locale of this tragedy.n 2

While all the above have accepted it as Indian by 1 origin!

and Sindhi by 'descent', Karamat Ullah has associated it with
Greek mythology. He stated in 1917 that "the Greek ruler,
Eucratides~ defeated Demetrius, the son and heir-apparent
of his enemy, Euthydemus~ and annexed his territories,
including Sindh and the Panjab. In order to commemorate this
victory, he ordered festivities and rejoicings. During one
such function, some royal players presented a masque related
to the Greek mythology. Its plot is almost similar to that
of Sassi-Punnun, and the names of the hero ~Dd the heroine,
.-
given also as 'Punwan' and 'Sasil. The tale of Sassi-Punnun
is thus a relic of that occasion and is a copy of their
masque. 113 Karamat Ullah has further observed that tlthis
masque later became so popular that the marriages and other
festive occasions of the rich or the poor began to be
considered dull and colourless without its performance."
IIIt also reminds us 11 , continues Karamat, "of that period of
our history when a part of India was under Greek influence.
----------------------------------------------------------------
1. Jain, B.D., Panjabl Zaban te Uhda Literature, Lahore -
1941, p .. 146o
2. Urdu, Aur an gab ad , Vol.IX, October - 1929, pp.762 & 786.
3. Tarjuman, Lahore, February, 1917, pp.93-8, as quoted in
the Oriental College Magazine, Vol.VII, pt.ii, November,
1930, p.l.
 83
I do not know whether our native poets have adopted the
story of the masque in their own colour or whether both the
stories have coincided just by chance."l
Karamat has neither indicated any source of this
information nor given any proof about its authenticity.
Hence Nohan Singh, quoting and commenting on it in 1931,
pointed out that "unless we can find a story of Sasi and
Punwan in the Greek mythology, it is not fair to say anything
about this theory. I have seen some books on Greek mythology
but I have not found in them any story similar to that of
Sassi-Punnun. 1I2 But, unfortunately, Mol"lan Singh has not
been consistent in his position. In the same year, he also
observed that "this romance is either of Greek origin or is
a part of Rajpiit bardic chronicle. n3 Ten years later, in
1941, he stated firmly that "Sassi Punnun is of Hindu
origin" and further, that "Sassi belonged to a Brahman family
4
whose Brahmans [descendants] are still living in Bahawalpur."
But, after another ten years, in 1951, while discussing the
sources of the "popular romances of the Panjab Jats and
Rajputs", he maintained that these "are really garbled
versions of Greek and Jewish originals, which took root in
our land under Greek occupation. II Proceeding further, he

, pp.93-8 as quoted in ~hulw~!

1. Tarjuman, Lahore, op.cit o
tahore-= May, 1931, pp.539-40.
2. fhulwarI, Lahore, op.cit., p.540.
3. ibido, p.537. _
4. Mohan Singh, Dr. , Adhunik Panjabi Kavita, Lahore - 1941,
p.291.
 84
asserted that "Gassi-Punmm is also Greek in origin, as
Yiisu:f-Zulaikha is of Jewish descent o ll l But on that occasion
also~ he gave no proof or reference in support o:f assertions
which have changed their form every decade, like the changing
:figures of successive census years in India1
I mysel:f have not so :far been able to :find any such
complete story in Greek mythology.2 The persons associated
with it by Karamat are, however, well-known in Greek myths
and legends. Euthydemus (II) of Magnesia :flourished during the
3rd-2nd centuries B.C •• He made Bactria into a strong and
quasi-national state be:fore he died in about 1900 His eldest
son, Demetrius (VII) invaded India (soon after 184) in order
to restore the native Mauryan Empire to his own rule. He
began to rebuild Taxila as his Indian capital and consciously
imitated Alexa.J.1.der the Great. Meanwhile, Eucratides, a cousin
o:f Antiochus (IV), invaded Bactria in 168 and raised a revolt
against him. Demetrius was killed in 167 and Bactria, with
its Iranian provinces, fell to Eucratides. He also made
great conquests in Northern India, so that he was said to

10 Mohan Singh, An Introduction to Panjabi Literature,

op.,citc, p.13S.
2. I have consulted the following works for the purpose:
Harvey, Sir P., The Oxford Companion to Classical Litera-
ture, Oxford - 1951; Rose, H~J., A Handbook of Greek
Mjthologz, London - 1958; Whibley, t., A 9~~panion ~o .
Greek Studies9 4th ed., London - 1931; sm~~n, W., TIICt~ona~
of the Greek and Roman Bio ra h and M. thol0 . , London -
_; ary, Mn e a !3e Ox ord
0 ass~ca Dictionarz,
Oxford - 1961; Grant, M., M;y:iQ~._~f the Greeks (3.nd Romans,
London -1962.
 85
l
have been lord of a thousand cities. Thus there can be no
doubt about the genuineness of these names and their
association with Northern India. It is unfortunate, however,
that because of the lack of any reference, it has not been
possible to prove their association with the aforesaid
occasion on which a story bearing an almost exact similarity
to the romance of Sassi is said to have been presented.
Some similarity in some motifs bearing on the first
part of the romance has, however, been noticed in the legend
of Danae,daughter of Acrisius, King of Argos. It was
prophesied that should Danae have a son he would kill her
father, the King. She was, therefore, shut in a bronze
chamber and when a son, named Perseus, was born to her,
Acrisius put both in a chest and set it afloat. But they
drifted safely to land with the help of a fishermruL, called
Dictys.2
The similarity that we find in it ends at this point.
Thus it cannot be taken as a parallel to our tale, though
they both have a few motifs in common. Popular tales are
always on the move; their motifs, being shorter and more
independent, are more mobile in the continuous process
of migration and transmission. As Crooke, another doyen of

1. See Cary, M. et al., The Oxford Classical Dictionary,

Oxford - 1961, pp.264, 352.
2. Bridgwater, W. & Kurtz, S., The Columbia Encyclopedia,
3rd ed., New York - 1963, p.536, 1637; Cary, M., The
Oxford Classical Dictionary, op.cit., p.667.
 86
Indian folk-lore, tells us~ HThere has been a constant
interchange of tales between India and other countries within
historical timesoe. The Aryans, Scythic, Turanian t Turk or
other races which have at one time or another, entered India
••• brought with them a store of legends •• 0 [Similarly]
some authorities have suggested that a large number of the
III
current European folk-tales have been derived from India •••
Illustrating this point, Crooke has observed that lI one famous
medieval romance, that of Barlaam and Josaphat, for instance,
is merely a Christianised version o~ the li~e o~ Buddhaoeo
The resemblances between some Indian ~olk-tales and those o~

Europe are startling~. Cinderella and Bethgelert, Moorachug

and Meenachug, The Giant Who Had No Heart in His Body,
are all well represented in Indian versions. 1I2 Viewing
this interchange ~rom the other side, he added, llBut
here caution is required, for such tales once told in India
by a European rapidly pass into Oriental tradition, and
equipped with fresh characters and new incidents, may soon
become naturalised, and may be supposed to be of indigenous
origino Thus, Sir R. Temple has recently shown h01tJ the tale
of Shoan, who married a sea-maiden, told to the Nicobarese by
a European, has been adopted by them, and now forms part of
the island folk-lore .. 113

1. Crooke, W., Things Indian, London - 1906, pp.223-4.

2. ibide, p&224.
3. ibid., ppo224-5.
 87
Thus the possibility of the alleged adoption or
transmission in full or in part1 cannot be ruled out in the
case of this romance also. The existence of some sort of
relation or some kind of mixture can also not be precluded.
But so far there is no evidence to confirm this possibility
or indicate the actual nature of the situation. Hence to
ascribe (like Karamat and Mohan Singh) its origin to some
Greek source is as unrealistic as to describe it (like Bed!)
as "having been inspired by the entire Greek lore, recast in
a region of Panjab contiguous to Sindh. 1,l

4.
On the other hand, there is sufficient evidence to enable us
to maintain that it is an Indian tale through and through.
There is no denying the fact that during the course of its
oral transmission and migration to the adjacent regions, its
basic structure has received various alterations and modifi-
cations. On attaining a literary status, with each writer
presenting it according to his own understanding, spontaneous
variations have arisen and different versions have developed
in different places o Through regional loyalties and local
influences,its topographical details and overall emphasis
have also been subject to change. Nonetheless the tale has
remained essentially Indian in body and soul; in approach
and atmosphere, in site and setting, in content and context.

1. Bedi, V., in Panjabi D~ya, Patiala - April, 1957, p.62.

 88
The names of the persons and places are also Indian. l
Moreover, to quote Sen, "the idea of Sakhya, of
dedicating oneself to the service of his friend, at all costs
and sacrifices, ••• this ideal friendship in a folk-story
marks it out as pre-eminently Indian.,,2 Even the idea
pertaining to the "manifestation of love springing from the
-
side of woman", according to Nilr Illahi and Muhammad
Umar, "is a pure Indian feature. In Arabia and Persia, on
the contrary, it is initiated from the side of man. Hence
this legend seems to have originated from some Indian source."
Proceeding further they maintain that l1it pertains to that
period of Indian history when the custom of inter-marriage
between a Hindu woman ~~d a Muslim man had not set in; and
the Hindus did not consider such a relationship as proper.,,3

5.

Likewise, we can dismiss a similarly strange observation of

R.K. who in 1927 indicated it as Persian in origin. In
giving a summary of the tale, he maintained that "as the
many details of the story show, it must have been translated
from Persia; but the fact that it may have come from afar
does not discount its popularity.11
4

1. Stewart and Ethe have also maintained it to be Indian.

See Stewart, C., A Descriptive Catalogue of the O~ien~
Library of the late Ti 00 SUltan of 1:1 sore, Camor~dge -
1 ° ~ p.73; Ethe, H., Neu~e=fs;-s~he L~ttera~ur in_G .. I.P • .
op.c~t., p.251; Shafaq, Tar~kn ~ Adb~Jxat ~ Farsl . op.c~t.,
p.91.
2. Sen, D.C., The Folk-Literature of Bengal, Calcutta - 1920,
p.14. -
3. Urdu, Aur angab ad , Vol.X, op.cit., p.787.
4. ~am, Calcutta, No.30, April - 1927, p.70.
 89
Traffic and exchange between Indian and Persian tales,
as indicated in the subsequent sections,l also can similarly
not be denied. But there is no proof, no evidence to ascribe
this, the tale of Sassi, to any such source or origin. The
so-called "many details of the story" which have induced R.. K.
to put forward this absurd assertion, have themselves, at
least in his own summary, nothing to warrant or support it.
They are essentially the same as we find in almost all other
oral and literary versions.

6 ..
This now leads us to consider whether the tale is Hindu or
Muslim in origin and character~ On the basis of the material
before us, we can say with confidence that it originated in
a Hindu home and developed soon into a composite Hindu-
Muslim story. Generations of people speaking different
languages, professing various faiths and belonging to various
regions have, of course, changed its content and modified its
emphasis according to their own tastes, levels, interests and
inclinations. The majority of ~he versifiers have been
Muslims, and most of the remaining have been fed either on
Muslim thought or Persian lore, or both. Hence the overlay of
Islamic ideas and Islamic colour, as we find for inst~nce in
the versions of Nlir DIn and Fazal Shah, was merely naturalo

1. See under Extent and Influence and Persian Version in

Part II.
 90
A similar overlay of Hindu-Sikh colour is evident in the
versions written by some devout Hindus and Sikhs, like Sadhu
Sad Ram and Dharam Singh ~halsa. In the main, however,
this kind of overlay has affected only the outer shell of the
story; the basic elements seem to have remained integral in
spirit and composite in character.
There is no doubt that, by birth, the hero was a
Huslim and the heroine a Hindu. Her name in itself is
sufficient proof. "Sassi ll in Sanskrit means Il moon tr, so
called from the marks on the moon being considered to
resemble a hare. III As explained by a fairly large number of
versions,2 she was given this name because of her moon-like
beauty. For instance, according to Salik:

same
The word is still in use in thEY form and context
among the Hindus. Some versions say that she was a Hindu
princess, others maintain that she was a Brahmin girl,3

1. Dewson, J., A Classical Dictionar of-Bindu ~hOlOgy and

R~ligion, t
Geo:graphy, History anditerature, ljh ed.,
London - 1928, p~285.
2. See, for examEle, Dasam Granth's version in Hindi,
Kincaid;sano. Iaz IS versions in Sindhi. (Kincaid, C.A.,
Tales of Old Sindhii Pakistan ki AwamI K~~ni~, Lahore -
19~1, pc77. See also Garclll de Tassy, Histoire de la
Li tterature Hindo.uie et Hindoustanee, Paris - ~nd ed.,
lB70, p.352.
3. For instance, see Sindhi versions of LatIf, Qani and
Kincaid, op.cit.; B~hawalpur versions of the ~azetteer,
op.cit.; and of Barat Ali.
 91
and still others assert that she came of Ilthe Rajput races
of Sindh ll • l These are, after all, no more than different
denominations of the Hindu communityo Had she been other
than a Hindu, certainly had she been a Muslim,2 there would
have been nothing to set o.-f':f the tragedy of love at odds with
religion and marriage at variance with castes, to avoid
which she was set afloat soon after her birth by her own
father and deprived of her beloved husband by her father-in-
law. The earliest available dated references, noticed in
the versions of Bhai Gurdas (1551-1630) of the Panjab,3
and Shah Latif (1689-1752) of Sindh,4 lead us safely to this
conclusion.
Moreover, if we agree with Kalich Beg to associate her
with the time of Bhamoho Rai (a Hindu ruler of a part of Sindh
during the first part of the 8th century)~ or with Hittu Ram
to accept her as the daughter of Kina Rai(a Hindu ruler of
Sehwan in old Sindh) , 6 the Hindu origin and indigenous
character of the tale are further established, as this
pertains to the period just before or soon after the advent

1. Aitken, EoHo, Gazetteer of the Province of Sind, Karachi -

1907, p .. 484.
2. As is indicated in certain Panjabi versions (like those
of Hafiz, Hashim and Rasul etc~), claiming her to be the
daughter of Adam Jam (the ruler of Bhambhore) which looks
a combination of a Muslim name and a Muslim title.
3. Gurdas, Bhai, V-aran, Ode No.27, stanza No.1.
4. Latif, S.A., Risalo, Sorleyts translation, opocita,
pp.384, 3890
5. History of Sind, Vol.2, op.cite, p.28.
6. Tarikh i Balochistan, opocit., p.45.
 92
of Islam in Sindh .. Aitken and Sorley have related it Tlto the
1
pre-Islam days!! and consider it older than their [the
Hindus r] conversion to Mohammedanism" 112
The oldest available Sindhi, Hindi and Panjabi
versions also support the view that its origin was Hindu.
Its existence in an old and m~~hological form, suffused with
Hindu colour,3 provides similar support for the theory.
Moreover, some popular beliefs, superstitions and
traditional lore, constituting the fabric of the basic tale
as well as of the later versions,4 are equally illustrative.
The astrologer's prophecy, for instance 3 which is a basic
motif and a Hindu belief, given at the beginning of all
versions)invariably reminds us of its Hindu origin and
character. But it goes hand-in-hand with the Muslim belief
of the Recording Angels (Munkar and NakIr) visiting and
interrogating the dead Sassi in her grave.

This pleasant mixture of Hindu and Muslim lore, couched in a

language developed with borrowings from both Sanskrit-Prakrit
and Arabic-Persian sources~ has also gone a long way in
shaping the composite nature, pop~lar appeal and national

1. Shah Abdul Latif of Bhit, opecito, 1' .. 260 ..

2. Sindh Gazetteer, opocite, 1' 0 4840
3. Dasam Granth, Charitr, No e l08 (dt"around 1696).
4. See ptOoI, Section No .. 9 Popular Notions an<1 Superstitions.
 93
character of the romance of Sassi3 Indian by origin, Sindhi
by descent, Hindu-Muslim by birth -- it is a part of the
common cultural heritage of the sub-continent.
 94
-4--

PERIOD AND EIiSTORICITY

The romance, even in its present modified form, is not

entirely a creation of fancyo It is a story deeply rooted in
tradition, having some historical links and geographical
associations. It seems to have developed around the nucleus
of an actual event to which it is faithful both in spirit
and in substance. In any case, it is not a myth, though

even "myths are not created out of nothing", and are llalways
the covering, the shell, to a kernel of the truth contained
inside. It Euhemerus (4th century B. C.) has even maintained
that all myth was of historical origin. n l If 1rJe take it as a
legend, it is decidedly a Tlliving legend" which, according
to Dorson's definition, belongs to literary as well as to
oral tradition and is Tldistinguished by describing an extra-
ordinary event.,,2 In that sense it is to be regarded as fla
true story in the minds of the folk who retain it in their
memory and pass it along to the next generation. u3 It is
that kind of legend which according to Halliday's definition
I1belongs to the somewhat elastic category of stories founded
upon fact. It has its root in some actual personality, place

1. Sadhu, S.Lo, Folk Tales from Kashmir, London - 1962, poviii;

Hastings, J., Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics,
Vol.IX, Edinburgh - 1917, p.120.
2. Dorson, RoM., Folk Legends of Japan, T0kyo - 1962, :p:p .17-
18.
3 • Ib id., :p .18 •
 95
or institution or 'rite which has stimulated popular
imagination. In proportion as it has stimulated the
imagination, it is likely to attract to itself picturesque
additions from the stock of myth and fairy-tale. 111 Even if
we consider it just as a folk-tale or as a mere fable of
which the value is not dependent upon written record, we
cannot ignore the fact that it is associated with some
definite names of persons and places of a particular part of
the world. It is based on a definite, actual and stirring
occurrence which, having a universal and ever-fresh theme,
and an inter-regional and inter-religious bearing, moved
millions to repeat and record it in numerous languages of a
very vast and varied area of a sub-continent.
This repeated narration, singing and re-writing in
various moods and modes over the generations, has naturally
changed its external features during the course of centuries o
"For even if a story begins immediately after some remarkable
happening, in a form fairly close to the facts, it will
assume even more fantastic hues over the years. 1l2 The
common tendency to mix mystery with history and the equally
common practice of exchanging motifs among popular lore, has
also been responsible for transforming or reshaping it, in
the past and even at the present time. But the core of the

1. Rall iday, Sir W.R., Indo-European Folk-tales and Greek

Legends, Cambridge - 1933, p.10.
2. Dorson, Folk Legends of Japan, op.cit., p.20o
 96
story, the portion describing the devotion and sufferings of
the lovers, cannot be dismissed as a mere figment of fancy
or fiction.
Its antiquity, at least, is well nigh indisputable.
During its wanderings through the centuries, it has assumed
various local forms which vouch for the fact that it is a
fairly old story. But as far as its historicity is concerned,
we have no real historical evidence to prove or disprove it.
Indeed, we cannot reasonably expect to find such a proof, so
completely is its origin veiled by the mists of antiquity.
The tellers, singers or writers have treated it as a ~issa

(legendary ballad) rather than a historical record or a source

book. They have, obviously~ concerned themselves mostly with
the human element and the intrinsic interest of the story.
history
There is no indigenous contemporary/of the land; and the
contemporary or the near-contemporary Arab historians or
later Persian chroniclers 1 have not mentioned it. This is
understandable since the histories or chronicles of those
days generally contained only biographies of rulers, accounts
of battles and so on.

1. For instance, Chachnamah or Fateh Namah i Sindh (an

ancient Arabic history of Sindh , giving tne tiindu period
do~ to the_Arab C£nsuest, ~ranslated into Pers~~ by.
'Al~ b. Hamid al-Kuf~ somet~me after 1216-7); Tarlkh ~
Sindh (a Persian history of Sindh from its Arab ~onquest
d01rll to its annexation by Akbar , written in 1600 by l1!r
Muhammad Ma!sUm Shah NamI, and acclaimed by Elliot as
"the most copious history of Sindh, we possess ll • - -
(See Elliot, Sir H.M. & Dowson, J., Historx of India as
told by its own Historia~, Vol.I, London -~BE)1, p.212).
 97
But being a pop~ar and well-established legend, it
has also its own legs to stand on; because such a legend,
according to Halliday is in itself popular history.lIlts
distinguishing characteristic is that it contains an element
of historical fact for its core. Round the historical nucleus
mythical and folk-tale elements have collected and to a
greater or lesser degree have obscured for us the accuracy of
the information which it contains. But in so far as it is a
legend, it is connected with a specific country and with
particular, if dimly remembered, persons or events. 1I
Proceeding further, he observes that "the historiants
difficulty in handling it is that, though he is well aware
that there is in tradition a substratum of truth, unless
there exists some external and independent evidence to act
as a touchstone, there is often no means of deciding what
part of it is true and what is fiction. lll

Nevertheless, Maulana Sharar, the founder-editor of

Dilgudaz, says that the romance of Sassi-Punnun is "an
historical event ll • He further asserts that Ilthere is no
doubt about the fact that stories like this are the rusty
mirrors of historical events. The entire history of the
Hindus has been culled from such hazy and scattered mirrors

1. Halliday, W.R., Greek and Roman Folklore, Norwood - 1927,

p.77.
 98
of the bygone ages. lI Proceeding further, he adds that "it is
not, in reality, a mere legend. It is an actual event whose
authenticity becomes doubtlessly evident by peeling off its
incredible superstructure. 1l1
Justice Kincaid, a former Judicial officer of Sindh
and a judge of the Bombay High Court, held an almost similar
view, while discussing this and other such tales of Sindh.
liThe stories which have passed on from generation to
generation!l, he observed in 1925, !I are , like the legends of
the West, to some extent mythical, but no doubt based on
actual incidents in the past which, in the repeated telling
have been added to and embroidered in a way calculated to
impress the minds of the simple folk who heard them; and
thus their remembrance and transmission to later generations
has been assuredo ll2
Sir R.F. Burton, while concluding the story of the
oldest available Sindhi version made this claim even earlier,
when he said in 1851 with ample emphasis that lIit is no less
true than discreditable to human nature that these miraculous
events are rejected by certain sceptical Sindhiso •• We must
rank these unbelievers with those doubters who have not
scrupled to treat as myths such veritable stories as the
A
Siege of Troy, and the Wanderings of Aeneas. tl '? He also
----------------------,-----------------------------------------------
1. Sharar, A.H., ])ilgudaz, Lakhno"tv - 1893, Vol. VI, No.9 ,p .13.
2. Kincaid, C.A., Folk Tales of Sind. and Gujarat, Karachi -
1925, pp .. ii-iii.
3. Burton, R.F., Sindh and the races that inhabit the Valle4
of the Indus, London - 1851, pp.106-7o
 99
observed then that "the pair are now considered as saints or
holy oharacters 9 and are supposed to be still in existence
under groundo"l
Such high reverence and regard presupposes some basic
truth, some actual event containing at its core something
remarkable and memorable G Hence says Ethe also that this tale
is based on events which actually took place in the land of
Sindh. 2

But, as is usual in such cases, there is nothing on contempor-

ary record or in the above high-sounding statements, to
substantiate the alleged historicity of this "actual event ll ,
which seems to have occurred some time after the advent of
Islam in the regions of Sindh and Balochistan. The local
histories and chronicles do not carry us back to that time o
Then, there is a strange phenomenon to be taken into account
in the recording of the history of Sindh, bearing on thie
particular period. The record is said to be almost clear up
to the lOth and after the 13th century. The intervening
period, beginning with the decline of the Arabs and the rise
of the Sumras (viz. the 11th and 12th centuries) is hazy and
is hence called the "romantic period ll of Sindh history. This

1. Burton, R.F., Sindh and the Races that inhabit the Vallex
of the Indus, , London - 1851 7 p.S7.
2. Ethe, H., Neu~er;sische Litteratur in Grundris? der
Iranischen Phllologie, VoloII, Strassburg, 1896-1904,
p.253.
 100
is the period, particularly the one approximately between
1050 to 1150, when parts of Sindh were ruled by local chiefs,
both Hindus and Muslims o
This is the period which is said to have generated
much interest in such romantic themes. Assessing the origin
of some popular Sindhi tales, N.B. Baloch tells us that
"these romances originated during the early period of the
Sumras (1050-1350). The earliest one of all is the story of
Sasul and Punhu, the foundations of which lie in the era of
trade between Sindh and Balochistan which was carried on by
the highway established or popularised by the Arabs. Therefore
it can be said that this roman0e belongs to the very last
period of the Arab rule in Sindh. 1I1
But the only available "historical II reference, dati~g

back to 1767, leads us to believe that it originated some

time during the advent of the Arab rule in that territory~

'Ali Sher Qanl (1727-1789), an eminent Sindhi author and

historian, has unequivocally claimed it as the account of an
astonishing historical event which took place in Sindh during
the 8th century. Just before giving a summary of the story in
his history of Sindh,2 he states:

1. Baloch, N.B., Sindhi Bollji M~~htsr Tarlkh, Haidarabad -

1962, po57~
2. Qanl, A.B., Tuhfat al-Kiram (dt.1767),B.M. YS. No:21589/
Add., Pt.iii, f. 260/b; Lakhnow edition, 1887, Pt.ii:i.,
p.23.
 101

~t:. -d ,)~.J ~ ,)..1 c>~~ .J~)I ~~ f)!..J ~ _l:>.J~ I..~t.. ~ ~G ~t.b, &'..1 .;-Dlli

'-;-U.,j ~~t, r~I c> ~.J - ..I};' c>,.,..u d'~ ~ ~ J' >:$,)~,).J ~~ ~ J 1$.J~ l:.'~_" ~

That is, "Let it not remain concealed that when the Represen-
tatives of the Omayyed dynasty occupied Sindh, there were
still a few Hindu princes holding their so-called sway in
some parts of Sindh. For instance, one of them was Dalu Rai
at Dalore, so called after his own name. Another was Bhambho
Rai 1 at Bhambhore which having been founded by him was known
after his name. During those days a strange event took place,
which is described below in brief. 1I This statement is then
followed by a full summary of the story of Sassi-Punnun t
under the title: Keifiyat Sarguzashat i Sasui wa PunnUn.
Concluding the story, Qani adds that Hit has been on the lips
of all sorts of people ever since it occurred iID. their land. 1I2
Qani has thus claimed it as an historical event and we have
nothing historical by which to discredit him or to verify
his claim. Moreover, he has been acclaimed as a poet~ a
critic and a historian of high status and great repute. His
thistory' has been considered as "the most succinct,

1. According to Cunningham, "about the tenth century

Bhumbhlira was the capital of a chief namect Bhambo Raja."
See The Ancient Geography of India, Vol.l London - 1871,
p.294. See also McMurdo's D1SSer1:;a1:;lOn in ~.RoA.S.,1834,p.25o
2. Qanl, Tuhfat al-Kiram, op.cit., fo261/a; edo, op.cit.,
p.25.
 102
consistent and continued history of Sindh .. 1T The local
tradition and topographical data also support his assertion;
so much so that a good number of the Sindhi versions of the
romance associate it with the reign and the realm of the
said Dalu Rai.
Furthermore, by linking it with the ruling dynasty of
the Umayyad Caliphs (whose reign corresponds with the dates
661-750 A.D. ) 1 Qanl
- ...
has suggested a definite period for its
occurrence. Thus, according to him, it happened sometime
during the second half of the 7th or the first half of the
8th century -- this means that it occurred definitely and
soon after the advent of Islam in Sindh. Mirza Kalich Beg,
the English translator of Chachnamah (in his translation of
the relevant chapter from Qanl's history) has made the
following already mentioned observation regarding Bhambho
Rai, a contemporary prince of the aforesaid Dalu Rai:
lilt was in the reign of this Bhanbhorai that
Sasui was born who is the heroine of many
Sindhi poems and whose love for Punhun is
still sung everywhere in Sindh. 1l 2
Burton has also placed it around that time. According to him,
lIS a ss u i and Punnun ••• are supposed to have lived nearly nine
hundred years ago [i.e. lOth century], or about the time when
Islam was first introduced into Sindh,,,3 [ioe. during the 8th
century] •

1. Lane-Poole, S., The Mohammadan Dynasti~, Paris - 1925,

p.9. .
2. Mirza, K., A History of Sindh, Vol.II, Karachl - 1902,
po28, fn ..
3. Burton, Sindh and the Races, op.cit., p.56.
 103
FIr Muhammad hradhi, '/'Tho claims to have made
thorough and consistent enquiries about the details of the
romance from the people of .8indh, Surat and Kech-T1akran
before embarking upon its versification in Persian, in 1862,1
has also confirmed the above observations in the introductory
verses to his version. hI adh"i tells us that tlwhen in the 80th
year of Hijri [699 A.D.], Walld [705-715 A.D.] ascended to
the throne, he appointed Hajjaj son of Yusuf [d .. in 714-] ~
as the governor of Kirman, and handed over Sindh and Hind
also to him so that he could invade and annex new territories
in that direction. During those days, some Muslims left
Ceylon for Kirman in a boat. The boat, by chance, drifted
towards Bera near the port of Debal. The pirates of that
place robbed its passengers. They went to Dalore, the capital
of Sindh and approached Dahir, the then Brahman ruler of
Sindh. But he did not pay any heed to them. When Hajjaj
came to knovl of this high-handedness, he despatched troops
towards Debal under the command of Imad al-DIn. They
ransacked Debal, punished its residents, arrested the family
of Dahir and asked them either to embrace Islam or pay Jizya
(poll tax). Dalu Rai, a minister of Dahir, accepted their
terms and was appointed ruler in place of Dahir. A Brahman

1. Avadhi, F.i1., MasnawI Mehr 0 Mah, LakhnovoJ - 1878, pp.38-9.

2. Muir, Sir \J. &Weir, T.R., The Caliphate: its Ris.e,
Decline, and Fall, Edinburgh - 1924-, p.34-8.
minister of this Dalu Rai., named Nabha Rai, was the governor
of Bhambarwa. A girl named Sassi was born to him" She later
fell in love with the son of the ruler of Kech and gave her
life in the fulfilment of her love o ll l The original text

urf>.) ~ d-L_~ (jfi> j \~;

/~~l >/J-~":";:I r. \~.:>,
-l~'; l>~ lIJ..r.I~; lr-'
:>y'u~~~I> lJ J.r.
Avadhi has also, thus, associated the romance with
the reign of Dalu Rai and has linked him with the time of
Hajjaj and Imad aI-DIn, two historical personages of the 8th
century. They belonged to the same Umayyad dynasty of Arabia
whose lieutenants ruled over Sindh for 40 years from 93 to
133 A.Ho/7ll to 750 A.D. 2 Norris has, similarly, associated it
with the same period by entitling his versified version of
the story as:
,~
.t-)/ , A .J) I tbA.:.-. ' 'E-'.J f ' - :> r1 :> 3'! .rv \ (,J \: 'r' )'
!?L ..--.
J. .....JJ,V.i£) tL> / ' ,S,l '.>.r-: J ~ "J.> ~~ I.: Q~.J ~ ~
/r::--'l ~,..r.> l?: ~ L,::'- -->;-u 1..,;.: .-J r
r~ I
I,A :>/ ~ ~/, z...~::; Y;

J) 'IJ1-:; I 0.> j' 0.1:>..r: .2.~)-> 4J ~ 1; J ~~? \s: 1/)

1 .. AVadhi, Met.ro Mah, optlcit., pp.50-53.

2. Mirza, ! History of SiP-d~ oprtcit., VoleII, ChJV, p.28.
 105

"P1L"Ylnun and Sassi

A Legend of Sincl m1.der the Kilafate .. n l

It will not be out of place to say something here about the

aforesaid Dalu Rai with whose name and reign the romance has
been duly associated by some important indigenous versions of
Sindh. 2 The second stanza in the version found and used by
Goldsmid, reads as under:
"How many beat the kettle-drums, and prate of
pomp and glory,
Like Dilu Ra, who reigned in Sind, when 3
happened this our story.lI
Describing the ruined site of 'Bhambora i , just before
giving the bardic version of the story as found associated
with it, Burton stated first in 18514 and then in 1877 that
the local tradition "asserts that the city and its citizens
were swallowed up in one night because of the prodigious
wickedness of its ruler, Dalura .. This ungodly king, who is
also called Dilora, Dilu Rahi, and Dalu Rahi, claimed a
certain feudal right from the daughter of a Moslem Shaykh,

1. See Art and Letters, London, Vol.XXIII, No.1, 1949, p032.

His version begins from p. 33 with a description of the
place and the period as under:
IIAges ago, 1flhen streets of far Ba~daa_
Rang with the clash of steel and horses t hooves. 1I
2. See, for example, QanI, A.S. 9 Tuhfat al-Kiram, B.M. MS.
No: 21589/Add., op.cit., f.260(b); Goldsmid, F.J., Saswi
and Punhu, London - 1863, p.l; Lalwani, L.W., The Life,
Reli5ion and Pgetry of S~atif, Karachi - 1890~ p.75,etc&
3. SaSWl and Punhu, op.cit., p.l.
4. Burton, R.F., Scinde or th~_Unhappy Valley, Vol.I, London -
1851, pp.81-2.
 106
and the prayers of the father caused a tempest and an earth-
quake "lhich demolished the city ~ II He further added that the
"written history in Sind mentions no Dalura; but the same
tale is told, with a slight variant, both at Aror, the old
capital of Sind, where the same king's 'impropert conduct
caused Mehran, the Indus, to leave its bed, and at Brahmanabad,
near Hala town, where 9 at last, he, his courtiers, and his
unbelieving subjects, all perished amidst the ruins of that
young Egyptian Canopus. ,,1
In a subsequent account, Burton ascribed the above
happenings to a time, "about three centuries and a half
afterwards ll of Muhammad Qasimts capture of Aror -in 711. He
described him as lIa Hindu prince, known to every Sindi as
Dalura. 1t2
A,F. Bellasicl, to whose zeal and energy we are indebted
for exploring the site and reviving the ancient glory of
Brahmanabad, told the world in 1857 that "about seven or
eight centuries ago, Brahminabad was a rich and flourishing
city [and] that in those days a very wicked king, named
Dolora, reigned in these parts .. " ItBesides Brahminabad," he
added, Ilat a distance of about a mile and a half is the
distinct and ruined city of Dolora, the residence of its king
and five miles in another direction is the ruined city of
Depur, the residence of his Prime Minister. 1l3

1. Burton, R.F., Sind Revisited, Vol.I, London - 1877, p.127.

2. ibido, Vol.II, p.2'13.
3. Bellasis, A.F., =An~~A~c~c~o~un~t~o~f~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
of Brahminabad in ~nd~ ••• ,
 107
Abbot in 1924, calling him a "semi-mythical Dilu Rao",
also supposed him to have "brought about the ruin of Alor
and Brahmanabad." According to him also, "The legend of
Dilli Rao is attached to many a ruined site in Sind. Mounds
of this king are common around MansUra. III
But Goldsmid in his Memorandum on the subject
maintained in the early 1870 1 s that tlthere are two Dilu Rais
in early Sindhian history, and the dominion ascribed to each
proves that the Moslem conquest of Sindh was far from complete
for the first three or four generations after the invasion of
Muhammad Kasim in A.D. 711. The first bearing the name is met
with in the account of the Lieutenants of the Bani Umayyad.
This period is from 93 to 133 Hijri [711-750 A.D.], during
which there appears to have been also in Sindh a king named
Dilu Rai, of the race formerly dominant, who lived in DilUr,
so called after his name.l! He further added that "during the
same period of forty years, there is mention made of a second
Hindu king, named Bhambu Rai, the founder of Bambur, in
connection with whose reign is introduced the tale of Sasui
and Punhu. Now, if the locality given to the legend be that
of the city in question, the Hindus must at the time of its
foundations have repossessed nearly the whole country.1l 2

1. Abbott, J ., Sind: A Reinter~retation of the Unhapp:y:

VaIle y , London - 1924, pp. 8 & 81 fn. _
2. Go dsmid, Sir F.J., (then Capt.), Memorandum on Dilu Ra~
and Bhambr0 2 or Brahminabad, in A Gazetteer of the
£E£Yince of Sind, tondon - 1874, p.140o
 108
As far as his association with the tale is concerned,
Goldsmid observed earlier in 1863: "That he is the ruler of
Sind at the time of the events narrated in the romance of
Saswi and Punhu, must be attributed to the natural desire of
the narrator to introduce a well-known name to the spirit,
in fact, which would cause an English writer to commence:
'In good King Arthur's days'. At all events, he exercises no
perceptible influence on the Dramatis Persona~.ltl We are,
however, not concerned here with any such impact or influence;
and the story as it is, does not claim it so. It has only
been associated with his reign; and if vIe go by tradition,
legend or fable, which also have their value, wanting proper
historical records, we cannot deny his existence without any
definite proof or evidence to the contrary.
On the other hand, Sir A~ Cunningham, discussing the
time of Dilu Rai's reign, stated in 1871 that lithe date of
this prince [Dilu RaiJ is doubtful. McMurdo has assigned
A.H. 140 or A.D. 757, as the year in which Chota, the brother
of Dilu, returned from his pilgrimage to Mekka; but as
Mansura was still a flourishing city in the beginning of the
tenth century, it is clear that the earthquake [which
destroyed BrahmananbadJ cannot have happened earlier than
A.D. 950. Dilu and Chota are said to have been the sons of
Amlr, the REi'i or ruler of Brahmanabad, but it is difficult
to believe that there were ~ny Hindu chiefs in Brahamana

1. Goldsmid, Sir F.J., Saswi and Punhu, London - 1863, p.26.

 109
during the rule of the Arabs in MansUra. II1 Proceeding with
his argument, Cunningham concluded that the earthquake
lIhappened sometime before the beginning of the eleventh
century. ,,2

General Haig has also mentioned Dalu Rai in this

connection though not in this context. He maintained in 1834
that 11the abandonment of the ancient capital, Aror, was
certainly due to the riverts course having changed to one
4~ miles to the west, [which] took place about 950 - perhaps
a year or two earlier. 113
According to Baloch, as he told me on 20th March, 19~},

there is no mention of any Dilu Rai in the old his~ories4

and records of Sindh, covering almost entirely the Arab
period in Sindh up to the lOth century. This must mean that
he flourished sometime after that.

Consequently, he and some other modern Sindhi, Panjabi and

English writers have placed the romance in a still later
period. 1J1lh.ile Baloch relates it to the 11th century;5 Teja

1. C~~ingham, The Ancient Geography of India, op.cit., p.274.

20 ibid., ppo276-7o ..
3. Haig, M.R., The Indus Delta Country, London - 1894,
pp.133 & 134. 0 • •

4. Burton had already said so III 1851. But we flnd hlm

mentioned in Qani's Tuhfat al-Kiram, particularly in the
context of the romance of Sassi. (See B.M. MS. No.21589/
Add., op.cit., f260/b and 261/a.)
5. Baloch, Sindhi Boliji Tari~~, opocit., 1'.57.
 itO
l
Singh-Amol and KohlI 2 assoociate it with the 12th century;
Goldsmid places it in the 14th century;3 and Man Singh
stretches it to the 16th-17th centuries. 4 Except for Baloch
and Goldsmid, none of the others have indicated any reference
or given any reason or proof in support of their observations~

The conjecture of Man Singh is quite incredible in view of

the presence of a clear reference to the romance in the
verses of Bhai Gurdas (1551-1630) of Panjab and also the
availability of a full-fledged masnawi (ZIba Nigar, dt.1643)
by Muhammad Rizai of Sindh. These could be possible only
after the romance had become highly popular;, not only in
Sindh but also in the Panjab.
There are still others like Aitken,5 Hittu Ram~6
7 ... 8
Sorley,Khurshld and Mohan Singh 9who maintain that this
romance relates to the Sindh of pre-Islam days. According to
the latter it "goes back to the time when Baluchistan was
still Hindu and called Sevistad?lO But no one, Mo.han Singh
included, has given any proof, indicated any source or

1. Teja Singh and Amol, S.S., PanjabI Bh~, Amrit.sar -

1932, p.8l ..
2 ..
Kohli, S.S., Panjab dian Preet-kahanlyan,Lahore - 1944,po93.
3. J.R.A.S., Vol.l, N.So, London - 1865, pe38.
4. The Pritam, New Delhi, July - 195 0 ,.po27. .
5. A""itken, E.H., Gazetteer of the Provlnce of Slnd,
Kara£hi_- 19Q7+ p.~84. .
6. Hittu Ram, Tarlkh l Balochistan, Lahore - 1907, p.45.
7. Sor1ey, H.T., Shah AbdUl Latif of Bhit, London - 1940,p.2606
8. Knurshid, A.S., Panjab ke Ruman, Lahore - 1950, p.11.
9. Mohan Singh, An Introduction to Panjabi Literature,
Amritsar - 19~ p.45.
10.ibid.
 111

marshalled any evidence or argument in support of such

definite observations.

6.
And truly speaking, historical evidence regarding the period
and historicity of such popular subjects, is not so easy to
findo In India, history has generally not been pursued for
its own sake. TtOften one has to peel out historical data
from under layer upon layer of mythological and other more
or less fantastic disguises. ltl This is even more applicable
in the case of popular themes and events e The historical and
legendary references already marshalled above are, in fact,
neither contemporary nor sufficient for the purpose. Talking
about the legendary material as evidence of historical facts,
Halliday remarked in 1933 that Ilsome fact there always is but
it is exceedingly difficult to know where to look for it
and how to test it. Legendary evidence cannot be treated for
logical purposes as of one date or of one kind. n2 Hence, in
order to estimate their value, to assess the divergence of
views and also to arrive at some reasonable conclusion, we
have no other course but to resort to internal and
circumstantial evidence based on the theme of the story and
the names of the persons and places associated with its
kernel.

1. Bake, Ao, Epic in ASia, B.B.C. talk, London - 8.6.1963.

2. Halliday, Indo-European Folk-tales and Greek Legends,
op.cit., p.56.
 112
The core of the romance, as evident from a study of
its various versions prevalent in different regions, is a
love-affair defying religious and regional barriers. A
Brahman girl's love or marriage to a Muslim youth cannot be
swallowed easily in the sub-continent even in this age when
barriers of caste, creed and colour are breaking down so
rapidly. Therein lies the crux of the tragedy_ The story, in
fact, loses its tragic element, its charm and force as soon
as it is bereft of this basic ingredient. So, by associating
it with a period of "pre-Islamic daysn l or placing it llbefore
the Baluch invasionn2 or linking it with an era "when
Baluchistan was still Hindu n ,3 we deprive it of its keynote,
the focal point without which the story as it is, has no
clear significance¢ We may doubt its historicity, we
may differ in associating it with this or that century; but
we cannot afford to differ in this respecto We cannot have
the story in its tragic and stirring form without first
accepting its association with the advent of the Muslim
period in those regions. Moreover, the tragic element in
Indian stories originates from Muslim contact and influence.
Early Indian tales invariably end in marriage, union,
reconciliation or happiness o Furthermore, it is only in Islam
that the mystics think that perfect union between two lovers
is not possible during their life. And Sufi influence began
1. Khurshid,_Panjab ke RUman, op.cit~, pe11; Sorley, Shah
Abdul Latif, op.citQ, 1'.260.
2. ibid., 1'.260.
30 Mohan Singh, Panjabi Literature, op.cit., 1'.45.
 113

to be felt in India only after the advent of Islamo

Finally, the orientation of the story is definitely
Islamic; and it has imbibed enough influence from the
Semitic romances of Yusuf-Zulaikha and Laila-Majnun. Hence
we can safely conclude that the story, in all probability
relates to a period when Islam had already stepped in, with
the arrival of the Arabs first in Balochistan and then in
Sindh; and this happened during the eighth century under the
Caliphate of the Umayyed dynasty.

Similarly, the geographical details of the romance also

help us to some extent in fixing its timeQ
The Bahawalpuri tradition about Sassi I s birth-place
also points us to that period. "\tIe are told that its present
name, viz. Bhutta Wahan~ came into existence tt1;vhen it was
wrested by the Bhuttas from the Dahars about one thousand
years ago .. ,,1
A studj- of the history and topography of Bhambhore,
Sassifs adoptive home and the real axis of the romance, also
leads us to almost the same periodo As will be discussed
presently~ this town has been variously identified and
described by a fairly large number of scholars, geographers,
historians and archaeologists. But none has, so far,

1. Panjab States Gazetteer~Vol&36-A, Bahawalpur State (1904),

Lahore - 190~p.359.
 114
'disagreed about its antiquity, which also speaks for the
antiquity of this romance .. NOiri a ruined site, representing
the remains of a flourishing city on the Gharo Creek of the
Arabian Sea, Bhambhore was an important port, "once connected
with the interior of the country by a branch of river Indus.
It came under Muslim occupation with the invasion in 7l10~

the Arab general Muhmmad b. Qasim. "I According to QanI,

llin the reign of Harlin aI-RashId [786-809] ,2 a Caliph of the
Abbasid dynasty, this same Banbhore and some other old
towns of Sind were destroyed by a convulsion of the earth,
which necessitated the removal of the people, in large
bodies, to the interior of Hindustan. n3 This destruction
and immigration also pertains to the 8th century. The
District Gazetteer also tells us that "Bhambhor is said to
have been destroyed by an earthquake at the same time as
Brahmanabad, i.e. about the middle of the eighth century.n 4
In the light of the latest excavations carried out at the
site, Khan tells us that the t01rffi "appears to have come to
a sudden end following a violent disturbance in the twelth
to thirteenth century.,,5 Besides, the story of its

1. Khan, F.A., Preliminary Rej?ort ~~~~~~Q~~~!~~~,

Karachi - 1950, p.6.
2. Houtsma, M. The, etc., The Enczclopaedia of Islam, Vol.II,
Leyden - 1927, p027l.
3. A History of Si~~, op.cit., Vol.II, ChoIV, p.28.
4. See Smyth, J.W. Gazetteer of the Province of Sind, B.
VoloI, Karachi District, Bombay - 1919, p.53.
5. Khan, Banbhore Excavations, op.cit., p.27. According to
Mcmurdo, it was situated on a branch o~ the Indus, and was
deserted in consequence of a ~ailure in the stream about
the middle of the 7th century A.H.(See McMurdo, J., An
Account o~ the Country o~ Sindho •• in J.R.A.S.,Vol.I,
1834, p.232).
 115
destruction, according to Burton and Cousens, "is mixed up
with the story of [the same] King Dalu. Rai."l Cousens also
maintains that this town IIhas been connected vd th the loves
of Sassi and Punun -- a favourite story still in the homes
of Sind. It is thus also called SassuI jo-TakkSl....r. 1I2 Then,
according to QanI again, the tomb of Sheikh Abu-Trab was
built in 171 A.H./787 A.D. He had conquered some of the
towns of the southern Sindh during the governorship of Ali
b. Isa b. Mahan, who was appointed there in place of Musa
MakI during the Caliphate of Caliph Harlin (786-809 A.D.)
Bhambhore was also dwindling then. 3 In any case, Bhambhore
ceased to flourish, at the latest, by the 12th to 13th
century when the Gharo Creek became dry with the change in
the course of the river Induso CUILningham also supports this
view when he tells us that owing to the failure of the
channel of the Ghara !lin the beginning of the 8th century,
when the Arabs invaded Sindh, Debal had become the chief
port of the Indus, and altogether supplanted Bhambura, on
the ancient Barbarike. But though the Ghara river was no
longer a navigable channel, its water still continued to
flow past the old town down to the thirteenth century, about
which time it would appear to have been finally deserted. 1I4

1. Burton, Sindh and the races, op3cit., p.389; Cousens,H.,

The Antiquities of Sind with Historical outline,
Calcutta - 1929, pp.80-81.
2. ibid., p.81.
3. Qani, Tuhfat a1-Kiram, Sindhi trans., Karachi - 1957,
Pt. I I I, p. 69 •
4. Cunningham, .Ancient Geography of India, op.cit., p.296o
 Thus, there can be no doubt also that the Indus
flowed beside Bhambhore during that very period. An
inscription upon a slab set in the wall above the niche of
the Zinda PIr Shrine(situated immediately north of Bakhar) ,
indicating that the shrine dates back to 341 A.H./952 A.D.,
also helps us in this connection. According to Lieut.
Eastwick, "this inscription commemorated a great change in
the course of the river from the Alor to the Rohfi side. al
The inscription and its position has been a subject of long
discussion between such authorities as General Haig,2
Major Raverty,3 Lt. Eastwick, r~. YazdruLi and rIT. Cousens. 4
The latter summing it up in 1929, observed that !tout of all
this jumble of facts and fancies, it is almost hopeless to
arrive at any satisfactory conclusion. The Delphian ohscurity
of the inscription will remain a puzzle for all time, I
fear. 1I5 It mayor may not remain a fpuzzle 1, but as far as
we are concerned, the date given on it has proved very
useful for our purpose here .. It is I1perhaps the oldest
Muhammedan production of this kind in Indiao ll6 True, it
does not claim this date to be that of the change in the
course of the river; but it does indicate that the river was

1. J.B.B.R.AoS&, Vol.l, Bombay - 1843, p.203.

2. Haig, M.R., The Indus Delta Country, op.cit$, pp.133-35.
3. Raverty, H.G., The Mihran of Sind and its Tributaries
in J.A.Sr.B.., Calcutta, VolQLXI, Pt .. i, 1892, p.155ff.
4. Antiquities of Sind, op.cit., pp. 145-7.
5. ibidQ, p.147.
6. Haig, The Indus Delta Country, opocito, po133.
7. See McMurdo, J o , Dissertation on the River Indus in
J.R.A.So, London, Vol.I, l834, ppv24-6.
 117
then flowing by Naro 1 because irvater existed there at the
time of the construction of the shrine. As this universally
accepted change in the course of the Indus is vitally
related to the basic topographical need of our romance, it
has thus a direct bearing on its period too; which can also
be fixed at some time around the date viz. 952, of this
inscription.

This leads us to another piece of internal evidence

from which it appears that the story goes back to the time
when the trade and traffic route between Sindh and
Balochistan was flourishing. This was the same route which
was established or popularised and used by the .Arabs during
that very period, and which remained in active use till the
Arab supremacy was liquidated around the 11th century. It is

1. we learn from the Bahawalpur Gazetteer that the Gurhila

Tlwas flowing as an independent stream while the Narra or
the eastern branch of the Indus still ran, for in the
legend of Sohni and Mehinwal it is stated: In former days
there was a habitation named Tarot. (Tarot is a fort and
town in Jaisalmer State). It was then that a well named
Khara of bitter water was dug. Besides, there was a fort
of Dethari ( Dethari is said to be near Haidarabad and a
town called Bhingara near Shikarpur in Sindh)~ Except these
there were no other habitations. Juna, Jokhia, Dhakkar and
Kho hamr a , sons of Pahara by Datar his wife, were released
by KIlan Samma as soon as the latter had ascended the throne.
In ~ose days the GurhIla, of which the water was sweet as
sugar, and the Naro (The Narra - Sindhi. Naro does not run
in Bahawalpur, but further south in Sindh) streams were
floitling So bni too and Mah.iriliar, the famous pair of lovers,
&

lived theU':n-(See panjab States Gazetteer, Vol.XJDrvI-A~

Bahawalpur State (lgb4 , Lahore - 1908, PPe?-8J
 118
corroborated further by lithe old pilgrim route from India
via Las Bela to the west [which] crosses the Jaulak and
traverses the whole length of the Kech valley, leading into
Persian Makran"lll Colo Holdich and Major Minchin tell us
that Alexander, who appears to have passed through Las Bela
on his way back from India in 326 B.C., followed the same
old route which connected Makran with Sindh in the days of
Arab ascendency; and which has been in active use as a high-
way into India for nearly eight centuries. 2 Holdich and Haig
have named it the llMakran-Sindh route ll • Bhambore, situated on
the Gharo Creek, must have been" according to Haig, non the
road from it to Makran. n3 It will not be out of place to
mention here that the Arab incursions d.nto Makran began in
659. TlMakran and its capital [Kech] were conquered by an
officer of the Khalifa Muiawiya about 666 ••• It was
certainly taken by Muhammad b. Kasim in 710, on his vlay to
the conquest of Sind. It was, in fact, a place commercially
and strategically important as a centre at which routes
converged from Karman, perhaps S1stan, Kuzdar, Dewal in the
Indus delta, and Tiz (no1N Tes), the great port of Makran. t1 4-

1. Hugh-Buller, R., Baluchistan District Gazetteer Series,

VoloVII, Makran, Allahabad - 1906, po29sc -
2& Holdich, T~H., A Retreat from Indi~, in the Journal of
the U.S. of India, April to June, 1894-, poll); Minchen,
C.Fo~ Baluchistan District Gazetteer Series, Vol. VIII -
Las ~eIa, Allahabad - 1907~ ppoi9-20.
3. Haig, The Indus Delta Countr~, op~cit~, p.133o
4-. Holdich, T.H., Notes on Ancient and Medieval 11akran in:
The GeOgra~hiCaI Journal, Vol.VII, London - April, Ib~6,
pp.395 & 4 0; See also June - 1896, pp.670 & 673.
 119
Thus, this being the common route, Punnun would have come by
it to Bhambhore. Sassi would also have followed him along
it, as is indicated by the spots, associated vath her journey
and the last abode in Las Bela. l Even this Bela has been
important for its situation on the Makran coastal trade-
route between Sindh and Persia e IlWi th the influx of Arabs
into Makran, Bela, under the name of .Armel (Armabel), rose
to importance as a link in the great chain of trading towns
between Persia and Sind. n2
Hence,commenting on the relation of Sassi1s romance
with this territory, Minchin observes th.at l1the story is
interesting as showing that the ancient road from Sind to
Bela and Makran layover the Pabunl Pass)and it seems
probable that it was by this pass that Alexander must have
crossed.t1 3

8.
There is also the repeated mention of Hot, a main section
of the Baloch race and a famous stock of the ~aloches of
Kech-Makran. 4

1. Makran District Gazetteer~ op1tcit .. , pp .. 93-4.i. Las Bela

;QJstrict Gazetteer, opocito, pp.35 & 185; Tarllh i
Ba1ochistan, op.cit., pp.49, 587.
2. En-cyclopaej.ia Britann~, Vol.13, London - 1963, p.732.
38 Las Bela District Gazetteer, opocit., p.43.
4. See Rose, H:7~., A Glossary of the T~ibes and Castes of
the Panjab and North-West Frontier Province, Vol.II,
Lahore - 1911, p.334.
 120
Punnun, the hero, is shown as a prince of that tribe
and territory.
As far as the historical and ethnological evidence
goes, the Baloches entered and settled in Kech-Makran during
the same period. "This territory", says the Gazetteer, llwas
in the possession of the Arabs during the 7th century A.D.
After their exit, the local chiefs, Hots and Maliks etc~,
have been ruling over it since the 13th centurYc Hl But
according to Baloch who claims to have a copy of the
geneal.ogy of the Hots of Kech-Makran, Punnun~
the Hot,
flourished during the middle of the 11th century. 2

9"
Lastly, a particular title, viz~ JAM, meaning a chief or a
ruler attached to the name of Punnun's father in the Sindhi
version and to that of Sassi in the Panjabi version, can
also throw some light on the period of the romance.
The Sammas who displaced the Sumras in the middle of
the 14th century, took the title of the Jam., 'which 1'ITas

already in use among them as the title of the chief of their

stock.
According to Goldsmid, this "title was probably
assumed by the first Samma converts to Mahamedanislli from

1. Gazettieer of Balochistan, Bom.bay - 1907, p .. 261 ..

2. As told to--me during a personal discussion in London on
14.9.1963.
 121

their supposed ancestor Jamshed. lI He further adds that it

llwas peculiar to the 'Ehattah sovereigns of lower Sind in the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, as it is now heriditory
with the chief of the Jakyas and the ruler of (Las) Beyla. tl
Proceeding further, Goldsmid observes that the fact that
TlKedje Mekran, the neighbouring country to Sind, was ruled
by a chief designated (Jam', proves the power of Sammas to
the west-ward, tv.IO centuries before they became the sovereigns
of Sind itself."l By following up this data, we can go back
almost to the 12th century, though the possibility of this
appellation being an earlier addition with the name of the
chief or chiefs concerned can not be ruled out.

10.
Thus, this enquiry into the available legendary, historical,
geographical and ethnological material, leads us to conclude
that the romance of Sassi is not a mere invented concoction.
It is a fairly old love-legend whose period can be fixed app-
roximatelybetween the 8th and 12th centuries A~D. I am
inclined to the earlier rather than the later end of this
time-limit in the history of the area comprising the present
territories of Sindh, Bahawalpur and Balochistan.
It was popularised of course by the bards and
minstrels mostly during the thirteenth century of Sindh
history when such themes captured the spirit of the age and

1. J.R.A.S., London, Vol.I, N.B., 1865, p.38.

 122
people became conscious about the preservation of the memory
of these ideal lovers in sites and writings. It is quite
another thing that as far as the latter medium is concerned,
we find it first referred to in the 16th century (in the
Panjabi ballads of Bhai Gurdas); and the first available
complete version of the romance (in the Persian ~~~awi of
Muhammad Rizai)l comes to our hands in the first half of the
17th century. There may be some earlier versions too, but
the availability of even these is enough to assure us that
the romance originated much, very much, earlier than its
finding such a complete and meaningful expression, both in
the secular as well as the religiolm literature of not only
Sindh but also the Panjab.

1. Entitled Ziba Nigar, dt. 1643.

Even in this its first-known appearance in literature,
it gives no clue to its period, though it claims Sindh
to be the land of its origin.
RizaI, in a sequel, has described the lblissful
experience' of Sayyid IAli, a holy man of Thatta (see
B.M. MS. No: 337/0r., ff.139/b.-140/a.), who has been
supposed by Rieu as "a contemporary of the heroes of the
tale." (see Rieu, C., Catalogue of ~he PerSian Manuscri~ts
in the British Museum, London - Vol.II, 1881, p.684).
But as we shall see under the Persian Version in Ft.II,
this supposition does not hold good; and throws no
authentic light on the period or historicity of the
romance.
 123
-5-
TOPOGRAPHY

Unlike other such romances of Sindh and the Panjab, the

topography of the romance of Sassi is varied and widely
distributed. I
The main reason for this diversity is ~erent in the
nature of the romance itself. Its overwhelming popularity and
prevalence has also been responsible for introducing
variations in its topographical datao Perhaps no other
romantic tale of Indian origin, none at least to my knowledge,
has spread its charm over such a vast area and overflowed in
to so many regions. None other seems to have been related in
such a variety of languages, and to have succeeded in stirring
the imagination of so many people of all castes and creeds.
Henc~ the inhabitants of various regions have asserted their
claim to it; and in order to justify it, they have also
changed the names of the persons and places originally
associated with ito So much so, that even the places of
Sassi's birth and adoption have been differently given and
claimed.
This is understandable in another way, too. Popular
tales do not involve any copyright; hence they keep on
undergoing changes during the course of their transmission

1. But it is not !lmost confused ll

, as Sorley has considered
it.l. owing to some misunderstanding. See Sorley, H.T.,
Shah Abdul LatIf of Bhit, London - 1940, p.248.
 1
:I. ' . ~,..-
- .... J- .
: .,......",.
. J
l
i
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_.-.........r· ..",...-- -
~
~

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.
...
.'

~. BMIAWALPUR./
~.'
~

. ( .
• ;$NII'r;t
. h+411'IfN/'
i
r.\. _.
, r"";- .
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\.. ..
, I .... ~ ..

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HYDERABAD
THATTA
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ARA'BIAN SEA ...... ..

- .----:--.- '

SKETCH SHOWING THE SITES OF SASSI'S PLACES OF BIRTH

.....
N
AND ADOPTION .....
and migration into various regional or literary formso The
locale of the story of r-1anu, for example, is not mentioned
in its earliest version of the tSatapatha-Brahm~~. In the
Mahabharata it is the forest region of Visala where the fish
forewarns Manu of the coming flood. In the Bhagavata Pura~~

however, the river is the Krtamala and the incidents of the

tale occur in the Malaya mountain in the south. The Visnu
-0-
1
Pur~~ also supports this viewo A topographical study of
the romance of Sassi also reveals some similar variations.

I. SASSI'S PLACE OF BIRTH

To begin with, we find that various accounts and claims have
been made with regard to Sassi 1 s place of birth~

The tradition and versions of Bahawa1pur maintain

that she was born at Bhutta \.Janan, an ancient town founded
by Dahars. 2 It is situated on a high mound, about 10 miles
north of Rahlmyar Khan in Tehsil Sadiqabad of the former
state of Bahawalpur. According to the Gazetteer, it was

1. Bhagwat, D., An Outline of Indian Folk-lore, Bombay -

1958, ppo39-40 ..
20 The Dahars trace their descent from Raja Rawan, the ruler
of Mlrpur Mathila. Once rulers of a part of Sindh, the
Dahar power decreased in the time of the Langah supremacy.
They still hold an important position in Bahawalpur and
are closely connected with the Gilanr MakhdUms of Uch.
(See Rose, H.A., A G1ossarJ: of the TribeS-and Castes of
the Panjab and North vJest Frontier Province, Voi"II,
Lahore - 1911, p.219)G They are prominent in Sindh, too,
and their chief, JamAbdul Razaq, has his headquarters at
Ubaoro, district Sakhar.
 126
- 1 -
wrested by the Bhuttas from the Dahars, and so named about
1000 years agoe The Inc.us then :flowed at a distance of
hardly a mile from Bhutta Wahan. Its deserted bed, called
L~hwanI,2 is also known as the TrimUhin,3 because about
700 years ago two branches of the Indus joined at a point
quite close to Bhutta Wahan and thus formed three streams.
tlHere the box containing Sassi n , tells the Gazetteer, Il was
launched on the river ••• The point in the TrimUhin where
Sassi was thrown is still shoWIl&lT It further adds, tlThere
are three families of the ThanI Pushkarnas at Bhutta Wahan
of which one, represented by I-'f..isrs Kahn Ghand and Wasil. Ram,
is believed to be directly descended from Sassi's parents.ttl}
The tradition is fully corroborated by the Lurrh, the
camel-driver I s songs 5 and also by the literary versions of
Bahawalpuri poets, such as Munshi Barat Alio 6 An incomplete
manuscript, procured from Bahawalpur, containing almost a
complete version of the r0mance:l also takes Bhutta \vahan as
Sass;i 's birth-place; 7

1. The Bhuttas claim to be descended from Solar Rajputs.

They are said to have held Uch (Bahawalpur) before the
SayyIds came there. According to the Bahawalpur tradition,
they are of the same stock as Bhatia, a branch of the
Bhattls. (See Rose, Glossar~~ oPecito, p.l09).
2. That is, 'a stream on which a boat can be launched'.
3. Lit .. ' the three-mouthed I •
4. Panjab State Gazetteers, Vol .. 36-A .. Bahawa1.l?ur State ~ (1904),
Lahore - 1908, pa3590
5. Shah, N.A., Sadiqnamah: the History of Bahawal~ur State,
Lahore - 1959, p.24.
6. Barat, B.A~, Qissa Sassi wa Punnun, Feroza, Preface - p.3.
7. Anonymous MS. - Dar biyan rawana shudan sandiik dar darya,
p.lO.
Bar~t also asserts: ,
• ~ \ ---, 1 '"
~~
~
" l .> W ...J?, .:=:~
C-:/ / '
,I
LI: .? .=-.A.{',',
{ ' I..
r-
\ \ / -;,
1,' ""-'
,) \ \ :----
Y\->, -" ~ --- C.-· ." / --"~, '" ~1
IvIuh8lllillr d .. ~ . - ~ , - - .\'o/ (:!'.:3
The late Mau~1/Shafi also vouched for it, in a
letter to me, stating, aI have visited a place in south-
western Bahawalpur, called Bhutta Wahan, and was s~ITprised

to find that the local people were showing to the visitors

of the place the site of the home of Sassi; as also the
point on the bank of the river from where the mother of Sassi
sent her baby down the river in a box. From all the published
versions of the story which I have seen, the town has no
connection \'1[ith the legend of Sassi. Still the people t s claim
is there for all that i-t is worth .. ;l2 But, strangely enough,
the only two versions of the romance which I happened to
find in his perBonal collection,3 and "tvas permitted to use
with his usual magnanimity, a few months after the receipt
of the above letter, assert that claim unequivocally.
My present inform~~t, rtr~ AZlZ ur Rehman, who hails
from the same area and is at present a post-graduate student

Ie f A former principal of the Oriental College, illLd the

f01LDder-chairman of the Editorial Board of the Urdu
Encyclopaedia of Islam, Panjab University, Lahor~e:--
2. pe.rsonal--communication from Lfu~ore, dated 24 February,
1960,.
30 For fUTther details fu~d descriptions, see BahawalpUF~
Version in Pt"II.
 128

of the University of Lcndon~ holds this claim equally

,
emphaticallyo . . . He has told me that this is a universally-
knO'Wll fact and is on the lips of almost everyone in the
territory of Bahawalpur. The people still cherish with pride
and pleasure the memory of that lovely, brave and self-
sacrificing daughter of their soil~ in so many ways and forms.

2.
The residents of Sindh also claim her birth-place, just as
emphatically, in their own lando But as far as its exact site
is concerned, their opinions and observations differ quite
widely 0

(1) The bardic yersion , as recorded by Sir R.F.Burton in

1851, mentions llTattah, on the Indus n ,2 as its name.

THATTA 3 (or 'Thattah I or 'Tatta I as it has often been
spel t in English) is an ancient and important to'Wll of Sindh.
It is situated some 55 miles east of Karachi on the apex of
the delta of the Indus and within 3 miles of its western bank.
It lies on a slight elevation at the foot of the Makli hills,
exposed to inundation from the Indus.

1. For his statement and story~ see Baha~uri Version

in Pt .. II ..
2. Bllrton, RuF., ScinQe or the Unhappy Valley, Vol~I,
London - 1851,~2~
3. The Rajasthani Bat by Prohit IGletsI has mentioned Thatta
as the place of-~ssils residenceo See Rajasthani Version
in PtoIIo
 129

According to Sir Ao Cunningham, nit is highly probable

that the town originally stood on the bank of the river,
which has been gradually receding from it. lIl It !lis supposed
to have been llsays Ross, If the Patala of the historians of
Alexander the Great. 1I2 Cousens has associated it with the
site of the more ancient tOI~ of Debal,3 but Haig has
considered his observation as lIout of the question ll • 4
However, it has certainly been "once the capital of Sindh
and the residence of its imperial governors. n5
Hart-Davies has, consequently, claimed it as the birth-
place of Sassi,6 but Thatta being a site of much later growth,
cannot credibly be expected to be DO. Cunningham tells us
tll_at flits date is not c-ertainly known; but MtMurdo who is
generally very accurate, states that it was founded in the
year A.H.900, or A.D.1493 by Nizam-ud-dln-Nanda, the Jam, or
ruler of Sindh. n7 Rccording to Baloch, however, it was
flfounded during the thirties of the fourteenth century.TlB
Thus, we can easily rule it out as a probable place of
Sassi f s birth.

10 Cunningham, Sir Ro, The Ancient GeoK~hy of India~ Vol.I,

London - 1871~ p~288o
2. Ross~ D~, The Land of the Five Rivers and Sindh, London -
1883, po2)-
3. Cousens, H~, The j~ti9uities of Sind with Historical
Outline, Calcutta - i 29, p~i23~
4. Haig, M"Ro, The Indus Delta Country, Calcutta - 1894-~p.47.
5. Ross, Lfu~d of-the Five Rivers, op.cito, p.24.
6. Hart-Davies, T., -L Sind Ballads, Bombay - 1881, pc42.
7. Cunningham, lDacien~ GeO~raphY, opocitQ, pp.288-9o
8. Islamic Culture, Hydera ad, Vol.XXVI, No~3, July, 1952,
p.45. -
 130

(2) Some later native narrators~ like Nabi Bakhsh and

Muhammad Wasil, in their Si:u.dhi versions 1 (dated 1839 and
1914, respectively) have mentioned Sehwan as the birth-place
of Sassi.
SE~dAN,now well-known for the shrine of Lal Shahbaz,
is also a very ancient site 2 in the central Sindh. IIThere is
no town in Sind, still survivingll, says Smyth, "which can be
traced back so far as Sehwan. n3 It has been referred to in
· t-
o ld account s as S eW1S an, 4 t 00. It"1S a b out 80 ml"I es f rom
Haidarabad and is situated within a mile or so of the Indus
on a hill 117 feet above "its surroundings. "It was the
capital of one of the five provinces of the Hindu kingdom of
Stndh in the seventh century.n5 It maintained, according to
Ross, none of the six fortresses of Rii Sahasi II, who died
in 630. [It] was captured by Muhammad [bin] Kasim Sakift in
the first .Arab Invasion of Sindh~ 11 6 It was again captured by
Mahmud of GhaznI at the beginning of the eleventh century.
Speaking about its antiquity and proximity to the river,
Cunningham tells us that "it was then on the main stream of
the Indus; but the river is constantly changing its channel,
--~--,-----

1. Nabi, Bakhsh, isso Sasui Punhun °a, Shikarpur - 1912

(I.O.L. SInd. D. . ; "VlaS1 'J M.vl .. , GuIzar i Wasil,
Thatta - 1914, (I.O.L. SindhI. H.I.)o
2. According to M'Hurdo, more ancient than tlj;'lor or Bahamana t' ,
See J.RoA.S., London, Vol.I, 1834, p.30.
3. Smyth, J.W., Gazetteers of the Province of Sind, B.,
Vol.IV, Larkana District, Bombay - 1919, p.L~7.
4. Cousens, i~tiguities of Sindh, op~cit~, p.139.
5. Smyth, Larkana District Gazettee£, op.cit., p.47.
6. Ross, Land of -iJhe Five Rivers, op.cit., p.48.
 131
and in all the old maps it ~s placed on a western branch of
Indus. rrl
Hittu Ram, beginning his Urdu version of the story,
based on some unnamed Sindhi and/or Panjabi version, says
that "in old times when Sindh and Panjab were under the sway
of Hindu rulers, perhaps the time when Qalat, Balo chi stan ,
Sevi and Sehw8.n (Situated in Sindh) formed a state of the
dynasty of Raja Seva, •• 0 Sassi was born to a Hindu ruler
(belonging possibly to the Se,,'Ta dynasty) who lived in the
su.t:'roundings of Sehwan, situated in Sindh near Larf8:nae ll2
But it is surprising to see that -::;he District
Gazetteer concerned,3 describing the sitie and history of
Schwan in detail, does not mention anything to indicate its
connection with the romance of Sassi or its alleged associat-
ion with her birth·~place <> We feel the significance of this
silence even more when we .:find that its sister-volume,
bearing on the District of Karachi, describing similarly the
site and his-(jory of Bhambhore, mentions also its having been
the place of Sassi's adoption and residence .. Beyond this,
I have not, so far, been able to find any such reference in
any other journal, travelogue~ history or geography of Sindh,
including even Cousen's £Ultiquities of Sindh. Therefore, in
the absence of any strong tradition or established association,

I. Cunningham, Ancient Geogra~hy, opocito, pp.267 & 264.

2. Hittu Ram, Tarikh :i. Baloch~stan9 Lahore - 1907, :p~35 ..
3. Smyth, Larkana District Gazetteer, orQcit4, PPo46-52.
It is now situated in the area of Dadu District.
 132

I cannot see my way to accepting Sehwan as the birth-place

of Sassi.
(3) There are still some other important versions, which,
even more surprisingly, give no name for her birth-place.
Shah LatIf's Risalo;l Kalhora' s Qisso SasuI Punhurf and !9:uda
Bakhsh's Qisso Sasu:L ain Jam Punhun jo 3 in Sindhi; and
LalwanI's4 and GidvanI's5 summaries in English belong to
this category.

The indigenous Balochi versions are also silent in this

respect. 6 Minchin, however, has begun his summary of the
romance by stating that "Sassi was born of Brahman parents at
BHf.J'1PUR or BHAMBTIru.. in Lower Sind .. n7 But it is strange that
he has not given the name of the place of her adoption and
for that reason the pivot of her romance.

1. Risalo is a celebrated collection of mystical poems of

Shah Abdul LatIf (1689-1752), containing 5 surs bearing
on the romance of Sassi. ----
2~ See B.M. NOe14164.b.lO(2), Karachi - 1867.
3. See IoO.L~ Vera 1:rac. Sindhi, No~3764-6, Sakhar Nau - 1903.
4. Lal;::ani, LoW., The Life, Religion, and Poetry ot Shah
Lat~f, Karachi - 1890, po75o
5. Gidvani, M.M" Shah Abdul LatIf~ London - 1922, pp.,27-8 ..
6. See Mayer, T.J.L.~ Ba10ch Classics, PtoIV, Agra - 1903,
p,40~ Hittu Ram,Tarikh i Balochistan, op.cit .. , pp.36-8.
7. Minchin, C.F., Balochistan District Gazetteer Series,
VoloVlIl Las B~, Allahabad - 1907, po43.
q
 133

The Panjabi legend asscciated with an ancient building,

popularly known as SASSI-D)>--DIlAt,1LAR or Sassi-da-Kallara
(situated near Shah Muhammad Wali in the Attock District of
the West Panjab)l claims that she was set afloat on the
Sawan, a tributary of the Indus, from that site. The
Sawah is rather notorious for its sudden and cruel floods.
It is said that a local bard, on his rescue from the clutches
of one such flood, composed a long poem in condemnation of
its fury, tyranny and undependability. Referring to the
harsh and unjust treatment meted out by it to Sassi, it
said:
~, t!..J e.-.)t> j$ t!5 v- ~;.,J U" ( ~, ,r>j'> ~
~

~t 'yll ~..J.J;t .)10 &~ ..r' LU:l-=:""" JJ ~~ ~ ~

~'-...:.o (;) ~ ~~ ",",Us lS ~ ~ .J_-cl1 J;d 0 ~ U" t

<I~ cr--t='
That is, !fIt swept away Sassi who happened to fall into its
cruel clutches. \~en she floated down for 640[?] miles, the
washerman caught hold of her box with the help of a rope and
brought her out. The stream of Sm-J"an is, indeed, cruel and
unreliable. It is sinful to depend upon it. tt2 But this claim~
too, on the very face of it, is out of the ques.tion.

1.
2. Lahore - 1950, pp.195-6.
The Kachhi version, however} has claimed it for BUR:'UIHAN.ABAD 2-
It is interesting to n.ote that there is no such tovvn bearing
this name in Kachh; while Sindh has had one in its very
heart for centuriesp Jairamdas Daulatram, a well-knovvn
scholar and public figure of Sindh, has also told me that
Sassi was actually born in this town, known both as Brahmana
and Brahmanabad ..
This was also a very ancient and prosperous city, now
a mass of ruins - lIa quasi Eastern Pompeii ll , according to
Colonel Sykes. 2 It is situated on the dry bed of the Indus
at about 44 miles north-east of Haidarabad, non the banks of
what was evidently a very large branch, if not the main
channel, of the Indus, but which is now perfectly dry.n3 It
is locally known as Dulorani-jo-got and B1Iffibra-ke-Theol&4
It was destroyed by some natural calamity, most probably ~~

earthquake which also resulted in the change of the course

of the Indus, "in about 1020,5 probably earlier" 11 6 It was

1. Postans, Mrs .. , putch or Random Sketches •• 0 , London - 1839,

p,,199o
20 Relics from the Buried City-of Brahmun~'pad in Sind, in
the .Illustrated London NelrfS, London - Feb.2lst, 1"857,p .. 166.
3 .. Frere, H~B.E:-~ Notes on the Runn of Cutch and Neighbourin"g
Reg~on, London - 1870~ p&13c
4& For~arious other names of this town, see Elliot &
Dowson~ History of India, oPecit~, Vol.I, po369.
5. Frere, C1.'ltCfl-ru-ldNeigh'50urinF; Rel2:2P, op.cit .. , pe14 ..
6. Ross, Land of the Five Rivers, op.cit., p.35. See also
Belasis, A':'F .. , The Ancient ~~d R1..qned Cit,;z of
Brahmunabad in Sind) in the lIlustrated London Ne~s,
Feb. 28, 1857, p~1~7&
supplanted by ~Ians-Ll£_~' shortly after the I"Iul'laIrlIJ1adan conquest. l
But Brahmanabad does not seem to have any such
association with the birth--place of Sassi either<) As she is
said to have been a Brahman, she seems to have been linl~ed

with this old ~Dd famous city of Brahmans. Even i~ by

follQi,ving I1rs" Postans f version~ iJlTe accept it for the sake
of argument as a town of Kachh and also as Sassits birth-
place 2 we do not find the Indus or any other river in that
territory on which Sassi could have been set afloat and
brought out down .~ stream at Bhambhore, the commonly
accepted place of her adoptiono The only brru'lch of the Indus
having any connection with Kachh, viz .. Uhharando Naro, has
long gone ~J, centuries ago during the Sumra period. On the
other hand, the one passing by Brahmanabad in Sindh has never
had any connection vJi th Kachho So the case for Brahmanabad
also falls short of being a genuine claimc

Thus all available evidence points to either the territory

of Bahawalpur or that of Sindh as containing the birth-place
of Sassi" i,-Jhile the tradition of BahawalplJx, claiming it at
BHUTTA W~~N, is old, consistent and unanimous; that of
Sindh seems to be recent in the case of Sehwan and diverse
-
in the case of o·ther sites, such as Thatta, !3Jlambuna, 2

----------------------"-----------------------------
l~ CunrDngham~ .Anci~}I~££raphL, opocit., p~271Q
2. Sassi has been d8f3cribed as -{:jhe daughter of lla Brahman of
Bhamb1ina ll in Burton T s Sindhi-manuscript stor;YG (See ,Sindh
~nd~tq.~;R~ce~ thSl:tlE}J.abit the Vall:..~_ of the Indus,
Dondon - Id5~1 PQ92)~
Bilampu:;:' , BhambUra 8....-rJ.d :Sr~.:I!~bad ..
The oldest available Persian versions of Sindh have
still other places to tell of: Rizai's piba Nigar (dt.1643)1
has fixed Husnabad (an imaginary Persian name given to the
original site "from fear of offending Persian ears by out-
landish names ll ) both as the place of her birth as well as
her adoption. QanI's Tuhfat al-Kiram (dt. 1767)2 has
mentioned Bhambharawah for the former and Bhanbhor for the
latter, which appear to be variants of the name of one and
the same place. This is confusing and improbable.

vIe find a similar confusion and improbability in some famous

versions from the Panjab. Hafiz Bar!hurdar (around 1679),

Sundar Das (around 1758) and Hashim Shah (1735-1843) - the
earliest and also the most prominent - have mentioned only
the latter, BHA~mHORE, as the place of her birth as well as
of adoptions This is impossible, at least in the case of the
Indus which is known for its swift and furious flmv. A small
box set adrift on its waves in the middle of the night calli~ot

remain floating in the same surroundings even till the next

morning. Salamat Ali in his Persian ~~:r:tawi 3 has ricliculously
reduced the distance between Sassi's place of birth and of

1. B.M.1:1S.• No.339/0r. (dt.1684), f.31/a.

2. B.M MS. No.21589/Addp (dt.1830), f.260/b.
p

3. S~lami, M.B .. A., 'I'u.r i Ishq (dt.189§), Kapurthala - 1901;

Baqir, M., Panjabi Qisse Farsi Zabau men, Vol.II,
Lahore - 1960, p.22.
 13'7
adoption to about 60 yards G Sassi, born in Bhambhor and set
adrift from there, 1I\TaS bI'ought ashore, according to him, at
a place about 60 yards avvay dOvID-stream! Teja Singh-.Amol;l
Sada Ram2 and Mit Singh3 have fixed this distance at lIabout
a mile lt which is equally ridiculous.
This confusion or blunder is tldue to the ignorance l1 ,
says Ba:rat, !lof earlier writers who,knowing not the name of
the capital of Sassi's father, have mentioned only one site,
Bhambhore,as the place from where she was set afloat by her
father and brought ashore by the man who was to adopt her,,1t
Barat, who describes himself as a native of that vicinity and
also claims full knowledge of its topography, maintains that
TIthe name of that capital was Bhutta Wahan which was
situated then on the bank of the Indus. The actual position
of the ruler and -the situation of the site c~~ even now be
ascertained by paying a v-lsit to Bhutta Wahan o The place
from where Sassi was brought ashore was, of course, Bhambhore
which is situated down the river on the mouth of the Indus,
near Karachi. The river has been changing its course for m8~

centuries. Though it flows nO~T a few miles away from Bhutta

Wahan, yet old tide-marks and traditions indicate that at
that time it certainly used to pass by this tovm~ The signs

1. Teja Singh &, Amol, S .. S." Panjabi B}].aure, Lahore - 1932,

p,,84.
2. Sadhu Saaa Ram.; Sassi PurmUI?:, Lahore - undated, Stanza
NOo16o
3. Mit Singh, Nawari Q.issa Sassi Punnun, Amritsar - 1912,
Stanza NOe8:
of this old course of the river still exist at the site~

Particularly, the site L~h..~janl from 1,vhere the box containing

Sassi vms set adrift is in everybody's knoitJledge. II Barat
further adds, "This may be noted that I Lurh1tvanI 1 is a
specific term used there only for such a place from where a
thing is set afloat for the set purpose of drowning or
floating. Because Sassits box was set afloat from that very
place, about 3-4 karams away from Bhutta Wahan, it is called
'Lurhwani,."l
The aforesaid anonymous manuscript of another Bahmval-
puri version also corroborates these statements. It reads:
~ crD~ ~ t5~ J~ ~:.ll....,3 ~ crD~ ~ ~j L...,( u;r

That is, llHer native-place was in Bhutta Wahan. Some say

that it was in Leti Wahan ••• It is well-known allover the
country that in the bed of L~hwanl, the river used to flow
in full swing. From that place the innocent (baby Sassi) was
set afloat,,11 It similarly vouches for the place of her
adoption as Bhambhore.. According to it, TlA l,rasherman,
named :J:1alik of the city of Bhambhore, while standing on the
bank of the river, noticed the box [containing Sassi] and
decided to bring it ashoreo ll

1. Barat, BoAo, Qissa Sassi wa Prranun, undated, Dibacha

(preface), pp.3 & 19.
 , ..... ~."...-~ e _ 'C • ..-:... 'A:r,I'-:-r-r-" ,... ;

.'.

M\' E\t'O&

..
c:
q,

.."
t
q, c.

.!:.i'l
, .'

INDUS
,. OF . THE .~:':'1
DELT .... ('
. "''' ~.:.
· ~;:rr~;:.:::S:_t:::ii~i,~~;hi~~;:&; ~~,~~/t·75:J.:/ri:ft;~~~~·2J..Cl:;r~? il"'{j ~~.·9ftt;1~:=r .o:'1!~:tE~-:~1r1d~f!t~:(.};:.~:i'.":.'~';.J.~; ~::...z..'\~ ·!r\~·t'l.~. ·; ·~·~m~~.;.'\~-n~'-mT.""T,"'I i'~,-·"",_, 'W.'.r- ..~,~'_-"-'L._'_~ .~_~ .'

SKETCH SHOWING THE SITE OF BHAMBHORE ~

~
CC
 8 ..

Thus,following the legendary, historical and topographical

evidence (all that is available, so far), I feel inclined
to think that Sassi was born in the said tOvill of Bhutta
Wahan (in Bahawalpur), floated on the Indus from LurhwanI
-I>

(ghat) and brought ashore at Bhambhore (in Sindh). All these

places were, indeed, situated on the Indus of those days.l
But considering the length of the course of the river in
between Bhutta Wahan and Bhambhore, it might be considered
improbable that an encased child could survive the
tribulations of such a long and rough journey. But some
degree of improbability, if it amounts to that, is often an
essential ingredient of a legend.

II. SASSI'S PLACE OF ADOPTION

This naturally leads to an investigation of the location of
the next site, viz. Sassits place of adoption. It is
heartening to note that in this respect almost all
authorities, popular or otherwise, and important versions,
bardic or literary,2 associate it with BHAMBHORE,3 ru~ equally,

1. See Haig, M.R., The Indus Delta Countrl' A Memoir chieflz

on its Ancient Geogra~hz and Historl, ~ondon - IS g4;
pp.127-36o
2. The Rajasthani verSion, viz~ Panne-Sassi-ri Bat (dt.173l)
by Prohit Khetsi, ho\,vever, asSociated it 1I..d-th Thatta (in
Sindh); while an Urdu version, viz. Asrar i Mahabbat
(dto1783) by NawvJab Mahabhat Khan, links it "lith Jhang-
Siyal (in Panjab). These are nothing more than conjecturese
3. Mrs. Postans has, however, named it Burumpore (Cutch or
Random Sketches, op.cit., p.199). But because she lias
given Burhamanabad as the name of her birth-place, which
cont. on following page.
 141

ancient site in Sindh. They are also unanimous about its

antiquity; "but they differ much regarding its exact location
or identification, and maintain various forms of its name.
Their observations, set in chronological order, reveal an
interesting story of the site itself.
ttBhambUra or Bhambiir tt , says H.M. Elliot, "is not
named in our oldest works on Sind; but it is mentioned in
a modern native historian as having been captured during the
Khilafat of - - ...
Harun-r-Rash~d.n
I Elliot has himself named
neither the alleged historian nor the work concerned. But in
all probability, he was referring to 'Ali Sher QanI and his
Tuhfat al-Kiram (dt.1767) which contains not only a form of
the name of this town but also a summary of the romance
associated with it. C It is true that the early Arab
historians and geographers have not mentioned this town. But
we have some earlier references, in a similar context., in
the Risalo of Shah Abdul Latif (1689-1752).3

fn. 3 continued from previous page:

as noticed earlier is an ancient town of Sindh, this also
can be none other than the down-stream tovm of Bhambhore.
There may be a mistake in its pronunciation on the part
of the bard or Mrs. Postans might have misheard or mis-
recorded it. It could also be a printing error as there
seems to be no such site, bearing this name, either in
Sindh or in Kachh.
1. Elliot & Dowson, The Histor~ of India, op.cit., p.368.
2. B"M. MS. No~21589/Addo, ff. 60/b-261/a.
3. For instance, expressing Sassi's agony, the poet says:
"Buro ho Bambhor, XryanI uj ariyo 11, that is, Bambhor was
bad, but Aryani (Punnun, the son of ArI) has enlightened
it.
 It was Sir He Pottinger, however, who probably told
us first, in 1816, that !lthe ruL.."ls of Bumbhore, I-vhich was
formerly a very large city, lie within four miles of the
village of Gahrah, in latitude 24 0 46' longitude 67 0 50'
(in the intermediate country between Kurachee and Tattah ••• )
on the southern side of a very large hollow,,1T It was again
he who contradicting its identification with Brahffianabad,
added that Itfrom the situation in which the latter is spoken
of I have no doubt but that conjecture is erroneous. tTl
Sir R.F. Burton was probably the next to observe, in
1851, that Ilthe ruins of Bambhora lie on a hill almost
surrounded by a plain of sand a little to the right of the
road from Wattajee to Gharra in Lower Sindh. The town is
supposed to have been built upon the plain and was destroyed
by divine wrath in one night in consequence of its ruler's
sins. n 2
Coupling the signs of antiquity, as indicated by
Burton, with the local tradition of considering Bhambhore
as the oldest port in Sindh and of associating it with the
legend of Sassi which proves its connection with the main
stream of the Indus, Elliot guessed in 1867 that !lit may
possibly represent the Barbarike Em~o~um of the Periplus,
and the Barbari of Ptolemy.n3

1. Pottinger, Sir Ho, Travels in Beloochistan and Sinde,

accompanied by a Geo~raphical ~d Historical Account of
those Countries, Lonaon - 1816, p.346.
2. Burton, Sindh and the Races, op.cite, po38ge
3. Elliot &-Dowson, History of India, op.cit., p~368o
 143
General Sir Ary Cunningham followed in 1871, placing
the Il r uined tOlm of J3ambh£ra, or BhambUra at the head of the
Ghara creek .. nl He concurred 1,nth East1'ITick's observation,
saying that it was Ilsupposed by the natives to be the site
of the most ancient sea-port in Sindh. n2 Describing the
site itself, Cunningham stated that t'nothing now remains but
the foundations of houses, bastions, and walls, but about
the tenth century BhambUra was the capital of a chief named
Bhambo Raja. According to the traditions of the people, the
most westerly branch of the Indus once flowed past Bhambhlira.
It is said to have separated from the main river just above
Thatta, and McMurdo quotes the Tabkat-i-Akbari for the fact
that in the reign of Akbar it ran to the westvTard of Thatta. n3
To the same effect Sir H. Elliot 4 quotes Mr. N. Crow, vTho
was for many years the British resident at Thatta. Writing
in 1800 A.D., Crow says, 'By a strange turn that the river
has taken within these five-and-twenty years just above
Thatta, the city is flung out of the angle of the inferior
Delta, in which it formerly stood on the mainland towards
the hills of Biluchistan~,5 Assessing from the above
statements, Cunningham felt that "the Ghara river vlaS the

1. Cunningham, The Ancient Geography of India, op..,cit. ,p.29LJ-.

2. Eastwick, E.B., Handbook of Bombay, London - llli80, p.481.
3. See J.R.A.S., London, Vol.I, 1834, p.25.
4. See Elliot & Dowson, History of India 2 op.cit., p.399 ..
5. Crow, N., Account of Sind, 1799,in Bombay Government
Records MSS. Selections - No.93 of 1802; Comp.No.55
of 1802.
 44
most westerly branch of the Indus down to the later half
of the century~ But long before that time, according to
McMurdo, it had ceased to be a navigable stream, as both
BhambUra and Debal were deserted about A.D. 1250, on account
of the failure of the river,.1t
Captain 11cMurdo also spoke of it in another place 1
in this way: llBhambor the ruins of which city are to be
seen about tw'enty miles 2 on the road from Thatta to Kara tchi,
or Bhambora - I believe that this city did not exist until
the first Dl.bal was deserted." Cunningham's Hown enquiries
give the same date, as Debal was still occupied when
Jala1addin of Khwarzam invaded Sindh in A.D.1221, and was in
ruins in AoD.1333, when Ibn Batuta visited Lahari Bandar,
which had succeeded Debal as the great port of the Indus. n3
From a study of its present surroundings and Elliotts afore-
said observations (though not mentioning them), he felt
l1inclined to identify BhambUra not only with the town of
Barke, which Alexander built on his return up the river, as
stated by Justin, but also with the Barbarike EmporiUIl! of
the author of the Concluding the discussion,

1. McMurdo, J e, Dissertation on the River Indup, in J .. R.A.S. ,

London, VoloI, 1834, p&25.
2. Sir F.J. Goldsmid in 1863 and T. Hart-Davies in 1881
have given the same distance .. See SasvV'I and Punhu,
London - 1863~ p.26; L Sind Ballads, London - I881,
po 28 fn. respectively.
3. Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, op.cit o , p.295.
Cunningham. stated that oilling to the failure of the channel
of the Ghara l1 , in the begin:rling of the eighth century, when
the llrabs invaded Sindh, ~9pl had become the chief port of
the Indus, and altogether supplanted Bhambura, or the ancient
Barbarike. But though the Ghara river was no longer a
navigable channel, its waters still continued to flovv past
the old town to the thirteenth century, about which time it
would appear to have been finally deserted. Ttl
Hughes in his Gazetteer of Sindh published in 1874,
described it as "Bambura, a ruined city near the town of
Gharo, in the Mlrpur Sakro taluka of the ~ district .. IT
He also added that nit was known as the Kafir or infidel
city, and is presumed to have been in existence before the
first Muhammadan invasion of Sindh in A.D. 711-712 .. It is
stated that there are reasons for supposing that this
ancient place was known during the eighth century under the
names of Deoal, Dewal or Daw~l, and that it was the first
town that was stormed by the Muslim invader, Muhammad Kas~
Sakifio The catapults used by this general are said to have
been brought by sea to this place, which is thought to have
been at that time the principal port in Sin~h on the western
side of the Indus delta.1! Proceeding further, Hughes
observed that tlat the time of its destruction there was a
temple renowned for its sanctity in the fort, vlhence the

1. Cunningham.,~incient Geogra£hy of I~ia, op.cit., pp.295-6.

See also McMurdo, J., .An Account of the Country of Sindh,
in J.RoAoSo, London, Vol.I, 1834, p.232o
town is supposed to have been called by Muslim historians,
Dewal, or the templeo rtl
David Ross in 1883 also indicated that ttsix miles
from Dabheji on the Ghara creek is the ruined city of
Bambura. This 'llJaS the landing -place of the first I'lussalman
expedition to Sindh, 1rJ"hich took place in the time of the
Khalif of Baghdad, Abdul r1alik. 1I2 (i.e. 724-743) ..
Sir R.C.Temple mentioned it as TlBhambhor or BhambUr Tl ;
and lIancient Bhambharawa, or Barbarike in Sindhe .. t13 He
stated in 1886 that it nis a ruined site on the road between
Karachi and Ghara, and was probably on an old mouth of the
Indus. It is one of the places fixed on as the Barbarike
Emporium of the Greeks. Tl4
H.E.James also placed it in 1893 lion the Ghara Greek rt
[should be CreekJ, but he expressed his doubts about its
being identical with lithe celebrated Dewal, the first town
taken by Mahomed Kasim .. 115
But General Haig was quite assertive when in 1894,
discussing the site of Barbarikon, mentioned as the Indus
Delta seaport by the author of the Periplus, he stated:

1. Hughes, A.W., A Gazetteer of the Province of Sindh,

London - 1874, p.120.
2. Ross, The Land of the Five Rivers, opecit., p.21.
3. Folklor~, London, VoleIV, Ptoiv, 1886, p.,278 0

4. Temple, Sir RoC., Legends of the Panjab, Vol.III,

Bombay - 1886, p.30:
5. James, H.E~Mo, Sind as a Field for the Naturalist and
Antiguarian, KaraChi - 1893, polO.
ilBeing somewhere about the middle of the lower Delta, [it]
was perhaps not far from the position of the modern Shah
Bandar; and, contrary to the opinion of Sir H~ Elliot and
General Cunningham, must certai~ly not be identified with
Bhambhor on the Gharo, a place on the north-western border
of the Delta."l
Smyth, the Editor of the Karachi Gazetteer described
it in 1919 under Bhambor as rtthe local name of a mound of
ruins on a low rocky elevation situated on the north bank of
the Gharo creek, three and a half miles westvrards from the
village of Gharo in the taluka of Mirpur Sakro, and about
a quarter of a mile to the left of the road to Karachia •••
As the Gharo Creek is the most westerly channel of the Indus,
it is probably the oldest and seems more likely than any
other to have been the one down which Nearchus sailed. 1T He
further stated that "Bhambor is said to have been destroyed
by an earthquake at the same time as Brahmanabad, i.e. about
the middle of the 8th century according to the Tuhfat-al-
Kiramo Sassi, the heroine of the romance of Sassui and
Punh1in was the adopted daughter of a washerman of Bhamborflo" 2
G.E. Carter while identifying various sites mentioned
by ptolemy, told us in 1920 that IlBhambhor was the island
of Killoutisll, and that "Kolaka is Bhambhor hill near Gharo~

1. Haig, The Indus Delta Count~, opocito, p.3l.

2. Smyth, J. vI., Gaz~tteer of the Provi~ce of Sino::;... B.,
VoloI, Karachi District, Bombay - 1919, p.53.
 1

the old Killoutis.:r l

This was followed in 1929 by the somewhat detailed
account of Henry Cousens. Concu~ring with most of his
illustrious predecessors, he maintained rather more precisely
that "the ruined site of Bhambhor 2 lies upon the right bank
of the Gharo Creek, about 3 miles west of the village of
Gharo." Contradicting the theory of associating it with the
site of Debal, he added, "some writers have supposed these
ruins to be those of the ancient delta city of Debal or Deval,
about the location of which there has been more discussion
than about any other site in Sind. But the most casual
inspection of the place is sufficient to dispel this idea,
for it is too insignificant a site to have been that of a
city which for some time defied the forces of the ilrab
invaders in the eighth century.n3 Summing up by quoting the
above-mentioned opinions of Elliot, Cunningham and Haig about
its antiquity and prosperity, Cousens concluded that tlthe
story of its destruction is mixed up with the story of King
Dalu Rai.l1 T1aintaining its association with the romance of
Sassi, he rounded off his observations by stating that flit

1. Carter, G.E.L., ptolemy's Map of Sind in Journal of the

~lnthropological Society of Bengal, Calcutta, Vol.XII, 1920,
pp.554,557.
2. The name is spelt in many ways such as Bhambora, Bhambu.r,
Bhambu.ra, Bhambhu.ra and Bhambharawa. Shri Jairamdas
Daulatram told me on the 30th August, 1958, that it is
given in about 20 different spelling-forms. R.K. who
claims it as Sassi's birth-place, has spelt it as Bimbor
(See B-~, Calcutta - -,',-pril - 1927, p.70).
3. Cousens, The ..:~tiguities of Sind, op.cit., pp.80-8l.
has been connected with the loves of Sasui and Punhun - a
favourite story still told in the homes of Sind, which has
been vvell recounted by Burton in his Sind Revisited. It is
thus also called Sassui-jo-Takar. nl
Baloch, on the other hand, identified, in 1952, lithe
mines of Banbhore with the remains of old Debal. rT According
to him, "in the name of tBanbhore 1, there appears to be a
convincing philological clue to the name of the old Buddhist
temple at Debal, namely, (Banbhore - Ban - Bahor - Ban -
Bahar) 'Vana-Vihara' which probably may have been the name
of the temple that stood at this site which should be Debal. tt2
During a personal discussion here on 22 March 1964, he
further asserted that both these names belong to one and the
same site - "Bhambhore being the indigenous and Debal the
international name. The Sindhis called it Bhambhore but the
Arabs renamed it as Debal after the name of its big temple. 1I
We have, of course, a close parallel to this situation in
the case of a like ancient town of Brahmanabad which was
similarly renamed as MansUra. The Indus is still called
Sindh (previously Sindhu) by the natives, while the Persians
renamed it Mehran. 3 But the question is whether Bhambhore

1. Cousens, The Antiguities of Sind, op.cit., p.ST.

2. Baloch, N.B., The Most Probable Site of Debal, in
Islamic Cultur~, Hyderabad, Vol.XXVI, No.3, July, 1952,
pp.48-9.
3. See Heddle, J.F., Memoir on the River Indus, (submitted
to the Government in May, 1836 and reproduced in
Selections from the Records of the Bombay Government,
No.XVII, N.S., Ft.ii, Bombay - 1855).
and Debal are really t1rJ"O such names of one and the same
ancient city of Sindho
The 1958-9 excavations of the site, conducted by the
Pakistan iU?chaeology Department, have revealed the following
facts. According to the Preliminary Report,lUthe Banbhore
site is situated on the northern bank of the Gharo Creek of
the Arabian Sea, about 40 miles east of Karachi on the high
way to Hyderabad in Thatta District •••• The site which
conceals the remains of a considerable settlement ••• is
ideally situated to have been a port of some importance once
connected with the interior of the country by a branch of the
river Indus. Some scholars and historians have suggested its
identification with Debal, the famous port which fell to the
young Arab General MOhammad-bin-Qasim in 712 1I..D. n2
Speaking about its antiquity, it states that tton the
basis of the material recovered, it has been clearly
established for the first time that this site uncovers two
distinct periods of history - the Muslim and the pre-Muslim".~

The Muslim occupation of Banbhore appears to have lasted from

the 8th to the 13th century A.D. The first Muslims to appear
on the scene were Arabs and as evidence of that vie have
recovered from the lower levels of the Muslim period a number
of copper coins of the tenth Umayyad Caliph Hisham bin Abdul

1. Published in 1960 in Karachi.

2. Khan, F.Ao, Preliminary Report on Banbhore Excavations,
Karachi - 1960, PPo5-6.
 151

Malik, who ruled from 105 to 125 Hijra, that is from 724 to
743 A.D .... These coins come v-ery close to the date when the
port of Debal fell to Mohammad bin Qasim ••• Immediately below
the Muslim period occupation levels, the present excavations
have revealed unmistakable cultural material of non-Muslim
origin. This material includes fragments of plain and painted
pottery storage jars bearing short inscriptions L~ the Proto-
Nagri style of the 8th century A.D~ •• A major development
in search of the origin of Banbhore settlement is the
unexpected discovery of Scytho-Parthian cultural material
which takes the history of the settlement to the beginning of
the Christian era and beyond.c~ And, who knows~that below
the Scytho-Parthian levels at Banbhore may not be hidden the
remains of 'Alexander Harbour! itself, where he split his
forces into two for the final homeward journey,,11 1
Summing up these observations, Khan proceeds to tell
us that "from the progress so far made)it can be said that
the Banbhore site represents the remains of a city in no way
less important than the famous port of Debalo The excavations
have already laid bare the remains of a big port establishment~

with finds of a distinct defensive system~ It is evident that

the city was well-planned~oo[andJ LUldoubtedly suggests a
period of prosperity"n 2

I. Khan, FoAo, Preliminary Report on Banbhore Excavations,

op.cit .. , ppo,--17.
2. Ibid~, pp.17 & 180
 Maintaining its link with the Indus, he says, tiThe
most interesting struc~ural remains in the southern part of
the citadel are in an imposing gateway between semi-circular
towers •••• The staircase of this gateway leads down to the
present creek, which was once a branch of the Indus. tll The
report concludes with the "end of Banbhore", observing that
"the settlement appears to have come to a sudden end following
a violent disturbance in the 12th to 13th century A.D.rt 2
All these findings and observations are now enough to
prove the exact location and antiquity of the site, which is
none other than BHAMBHORE. So, we can safely conclude that
it is situated on the old abandoned bed of the Indus, known
as Gharo Creek, in the Taluqa Mirpur Sakro District Thatta of
the Lower Sindh. As is apparent from the map given on
page /.2 it is about 30 miles from the Arabian Sea and
receives sea-water when the tide rises. It is located on the
highway, the trade-route from Sindh to Kech-Makran.
This is the place where Sassi is said to have been
brought out of the stream. This is the site where she was
brought up in the home of a washerman. This is the town which
fulfils the essential demands of the story. And, finally,
this is the city~ though now ruined, which answers the
descriptions imagined by bards and story-tellers. Incidentally;_
a large number of Kunses, indicating the existence of big

1. Khan, Report on Banbhore Excavations 1 op.cit., p.2lo

2 • ibid Q, p .. 27 •
 153
washing--platforms, vvhich are said to have belonged to Sassi t s
foster--parents, can still be seen there ~ It mayor may not
be true; its old glory mayor may not revive; but the fact
is that as long as the romance of Sassi survives, the name
of Bhambhore will live0 1 The homes and streets of the Panjab,
at least, are still ringing with the highly pathetic folk-
ditty:

\
nyour Bhambhore stands robbed~ 0 heedless Sassi!rt

III. P~TtS NATIVE PLACE.

Luckily there is not a similar controversy about the name and

the location of the hero's native place" He hailed from Kech-
Makran in Balochistan.
liThe term kech tl , says Hughes-Buller, t1is applied in
its widest sense not only to the great central valley of
Makran but also to various localities lying to the north and
south of the valley.!! Kech valley between Kolwa and Mand,
according to him, is the Kech-MaYu~an of history, so called
to distinguish it from Persian I'lakrano Kech-Makran, the tract
between Afghanistan and the coast of the Arabian sea, is
bounded on the north side by the central Makran range; on the

10 It is like Mandu associated with the tragic romance of

Rupma!i whose fame has similarly set it for ~ll time among
the high places of romance and whose memory lS yet green
in the heart of Malwa. (See Crump, L.M., The Lady of the
Lotus, Rup Mati Queen of Mandu, Oxford - I926, p.4).
east by Kolwai Garr; on the south by the Makran coast range;
and on the irJest by the boundary line between Qalat and
Persian Makran. The history of Makran is the history of Kech.
Kech proper is the narrow tract of country bet,,'veen Sami and
Nasirabad, lying on both sides of the Kech Kaur,l the
principal river of the valleyo Kech is regarded as trthe heart
of Makran lf2 and also the native land of the sweetheart of
Sassi.
Bellow suggests that it was after the tlvarious Kush-
Kash-Kach - KUjar-Kaj tribes, that certain districts of
Balochistan are named 'Kach Gandara and 'Kach Makran'; and
the Chiefs of these tribes were the Gandara, after whom the
country was called Garosia by the Greeks.,,3
In tracing the early history of this land, Hughes-
Buller tells us that it remained in the possession of the
Greeks till 305 B.C. It became an Indian possession when
Shermah, Malik of Hind, gave his daughter in marriage to
Bahram i Gor (404-427 A.D.), the 14th sovereign of the
Sassanian dynasty; and, as a portion of her dOirrer conferred

1. Kech Kaur is a tributary of the Dasht river, the largest

river in Makran. Its course lies in the centre of the Kech
Valley. The river is subject to deep floods. About
1870, it almost destroyed the populous town of Mlri, then
the capital of Kecho (See Makran District Gazetteer, opo
cito, p .. 18).
2. Hughes-Buller, R.. , Baluchistan District Gazetteer Series,
VoloVII, Makran, Bombay, 1906, pp.29~-30I.
3. Holdich, Sir T.H., Notes on the Antiquities, Ethnography
and History of Las Bela and P~~ran, Calcutta - 1894,
p.2.
on her the country of Sindh and the territory of tlakran.
Presumably, it remained in the hands of Sassanians for the
next two centuries. With the rise of the Brahman dynasty in
Sindh, it came about 636 A.D., under the sway of Rai Chach.
It must, therefore, have been in the possession of Sindh when
the Arab invasion took place in about 664 A.D~ The Arabs
directed their attention upon tlakran soon after the death of
the Prophet. After Qasim1s conquest of Sindh, in 711, tlakran
appears to have been amalgamated with Sindh for administrative
purposes. The Hots are alleged to have succeeded the Arab
Governors in Kech-tlakran, some time in the 13th century.l
Punnun, the hero of the romance, was descended from
this stock of Baloches, and the ruins of his castle, lithe
tlirI of Punnun to • • are still to be seen ll , according to
Hughes-Buller, the Superintendent of Census Operations (1901)
in Balochistan, l1opposite Turbat~ on the right bank of the
Kech Kauro 1l2

2.
The name "Kech ll has been variously spelt or identified as
Kej, Kedge, Kich, Kiraj, Khem and Kacho 3 The latter, as
I. See Smith, V., The Early History of India, 4th ed.,
Oxford - 1924, polll; Elliot &~ Dowson, The History of
India, op.cit., Vol.I, pp.157, 407; ~tl~a~kr~an~~G~a~z~et~t~e~er~,
op .. cit., pp.Lq-45~ Longworth-Dames, tl., in The Encyclo-
paedia of Islam, London - 1913-34, p.636?
2. tlakran Gazetteer~ opocit., ppo93-94.
3 .. See Nadvi, S., Tarikh i Sindh, Azamgarh - 1947~ pp.220,
226; Panjab ke Rumani Afsane, Lahore, p.34; The Preet-
Lari, Preetnagar, June - 1956, pp.11-22; The Folklore,
London, Vol.IV, Pt.iv, 1886 2 po277; Pottinger, !raveis in
Belochistan and Sinde,. op.cit., p.304; Indian Antig~ary,
opocit., Vol.XI, po291o
discussed earlier, appears to have confused Sorley;who,at
one place, stated that lIKach :i.s taken to mean Kach on the
borders of Upper Sind, near Sibi, or Kech of Kech I1ekran ll ;l
and at another, by confusing it with the name of the state of
Kachh, proclaimed that lithe story of Sasui and Punhu appears
to have come originally from Cutch.,,2 In an effort to justify
this obvious confusion, Ahuja has curiously stated that
"Kachh (Kathiawar)
• • is called Kech in Hindi. 'When the dates of
Basra used to come to India through Kachh, it was known as
'Keth (Kech) di pind. ,,,3 But it has been described as "Kech-
Makran, situated in Balochistan tt , even by Karam, a native and
author of Kachh Kaladhar. 4

Some prominent P~~jabi versions have used it not only in its

original form, ~~zo Kech, but also in a compound form, that
is 'Klcham' or 'Kecham'? While Hafiz Barkhurdar"
- in his
-'

Panjabi ~issa~and Jot Parkash,in his Persian ~~~awIJhave

used only 'Klcham I or JKecham l ; Hashim Shah, Ghulam RasUl and
Mit Singh have used both 'Kech t as well as tKecham 1 • For

1. Sorley, Shah Abdul Latif of Bhit, op.cit., p~248o

2$ ibid9, pp.260-61.
3. The Prltam, New Delhi, July - 1957, p.43.
40 Karani, D.R., Kachh Kaladhar, Pt.I, SDngarh - 1950, p.282.
5. R.K. has used it as 'Kucham' in Bukhara (See Rupam,
Calcutta, April - 1927, p.70) whic~is obviously wrong.
example, writes Hashim:

...sJl.,...;;. 0.:.1 t!:! ~.9'

j~ vZ ~ o~
__________________~1
- -
~I
J'.) cJ~.9
<;
-#~
'Kecham' appears to me to be an abbreviated form of 1Kech-
Makran', coined by suffixing tMt of Makran 1,vith TKech t .

IV. THE RIVER

All regional versions, except Khetsi's Rajasthani Bat, have
described Sassi as having been set afloat on a river soon
after her birth. Some of their narrators or versifiers (like
Hashim Shah, Mrs. Postans and Ghulam. Rasiil) have not named
that river, while others have given it different names.

2.

Some Panjabi versifiers (viz. Hafiz Bar~urdar, Sundar Das

and Ahmad Yar) have called i~ PANJNAD, that is a junction
of five united rivers of the Panjab which join the Indus at
Mithankot, about 500 miles from the Arabian Sea. Salig Ram
Salik in his Urdu ma~~awi has named it RAvI, a famous river
of the Panjab which passes by Lahore, the capital of West
Pakistan. Sadda Ram and Channan Singh-Jaswant Singh have
•
claimed it as JHANAn (i.e. the Chenab), the most romantic
river of the Panjab with which the Panjabi romances of Hir-
Ranjha and SQ~I-Meh~~wal are justly associated. Illahi Bakhsh
a poet from the Dhani tract of West Panjab 7 has given this
 158

credit to a local stream, known as Sawan; and Faqir Nuhammad,

a folk poet from its Bar tract has mentioned it as Lamme di
vahnI.
- .-
These associations are due obviously to the local
regional loyalties of the writers concerned. We find a similar
situation even in Sindh where ~I, the heroine of a pure
Panjabi romance (viz. -
SohnI-Nahinwal).
. :I
is claimed to have lived
in Sindh instead of the Panjab "in a forest near Hajipur
[instead of GujratJ which is on the bank of the Indus [instead
of the ChenabJ, about 14 miles from Hyderabad. There is still

.
a small forest there known as "SuhnI's forest. nl

The Balochi versions are quite silent about the riverts name.
The Bahawalpuri and the Sindhi versions, as well as the
Dasaro Granth's version in Hindi, have called it SINDH i.e.
the Indus. Some of the Sindhi versions have mentioned it
simply as Darya (lit. River) meaning the same thing in Sindhi."
Heddle tells us that "in talking of the Indus, in general,
the Sindians employ the term Durya - following in this
respect the practice of the inhabitants of most countries
through whose territories one large river flows, which, being
to them an unique object of interest and attention, requires no
more than a general appELlative to distinguish it. 1I2

1. LalwanI, Shah LatIf, op.cit., p.72~

20 Heddle, J.F., Nemoir on the River Indus, 1836, in The
Bombay Selections, NOol?, p.427.
 The different names given to the river by Panjabi
writers in their Urdu or P~~jabi versions, obviously arise
from their desire to claim the origin of the romance for the
Panjab. Regional loyalties and past associations are other
reasons for their naming it differently. As the romance
originated from Sindh, and as the sites associated with the
birth and adoption of the heroine have been situated on the
banks of Sindh, the Indus, there should be hence no further
doubt about its being the Indus or some former channel of
the same.
This river, popularly known as Sindh,l is one of the
longest rivers of the Asian continent and one of the mightiest
of the Indian sub-continento It rises in Tibet from the
Kailash Parbat and absorbs the accumulated waters of the five
rivers of the Panjab c After forming a vast delta in Sindh and
covering a distance of about 1800 miles altogether, it flows
into the Arabian Seao 2 Above Attock it is called Aba Sind
(i.eo the Fa-ther Indus, or the Father of the Rivers) by the
Afghans ,,3 Below Bakhar, it is familiarly known as DarE

10 Derived from the Sanskrit word Sindhu, meaning the sea or

collection of waters~
2. Schomberg, R~C.F., Between the Oxus and the Indus, London -
1935, poll; Ross, The Land of the Five Rivers and Sindh,
op.cit., ppo37-8.
3. Raverty, H.Go, Selections from the Poetry of the Afghans
from the 16th to the 19th Century, London - 1862, p.24.
There:rs-a beautiful folk-ditty, cherishing this
appellation in Pashto as under:
no flower of Father Indus's banks,
Either I will pluck thee or fling to thee my life. 1I
(See JoRoAoS., London - Volo1907, Ft.ii, p.813).
(i.e. Big River) or Darya Shah (ioea King River)l in Sindh.
It has been personified under the name of Kh~aja Khizr,
represented in Balochi poetry as an old man clothed in
green. 2
The river is actually held in much veneration by the
people. We are told that it "was elevated into godhood" and
became the object of devout worship; and its help and
ministration [were] sought in all concerns, social, personal,
economic, and materialo Even now there are more devout Hindu
votaries of this manifestation of nature's spirit in Sindh
than of almost every other form of the Hindu faith. A great
deal of poetry and legend is woven round this River God. His
shrines draw larger crowds in Sindh than any other place of
worship. In proof of this, one has only to witness the annual
religious celebrations at the shrines of Uderolal of Sadh
Belo and Zindaplr at Sukhur. n3
But it is equally known and dreaded for its waywardnesso
"No other river", says Cousens, II had , perhaps through the
ages, shifted its course more as it cut its erratic way through
the level plains of Sinda There is hardly a tract between
the confines of the Rajputana desert on the east, and the
rocky barriers on the west - a width of at least a hundred

1. Abbott, J., Sind: a Re-interpretation of the Unhappy

Valley, LondOn - 1924, p.26.
2. Longworth--Dames, M., Popular Poetry of the Baloches,
London - 1907, p.73o
3. Heddle, Memoir on the River Indus, 1836, op.cit.
See also Temple, Sir RGC., Zinda Pm, S.OoAoSo MSoNo .. 96088,
Book IV, Ch.25; Ibbetson, Sir D., G.J., An Outlin~'of
Panjab Ethnography, Calcutta - 1883, i;\p.2l9~~ ~'; 14,,',
 161

SASI ' S DHAULAR

miles, through which, at one time or another, it has not
passed; and not always as a single great stream as now, but,
at times, as two or more primary streams with their minor
channels which were ever cha.1'lging their unstable beds. Hl
Formerly it flowed down the middle of the ThaI. The shift
of the river led to the desertion or disappearance of many
old towns on its banks. The ruins of some of the sites
associated with the romance of Sassi also testify, tn
part, to its shifting and wayr.....rard nature.

v. SASSltS DRAULAR
An ancient building, popularly known as Kalar or Sassi-da-

Dhaular or Sassi-da-Kallar or Sassi da Ka1la~ is still to be

seen at Shah Muhammad Wali in the Attock District of West
Pakistan.
It is, aGcording to Talbot who first described it in
1903, "some twelve miles east of -the junction of the Sawan
with the Indus, between Makhad and Kalabaf5h~ and about three
miles due south of the village of Shah Muhammad vlali in the
north-west corner of the Jhelum (Jehlam district). It is
situated at a height of about 1,100 feet above sea-level, on
the edge of a hillock, rising steeply from the bank of the
Kas Leti, one of the torrents f tributary to the Sawall

1. Cous ens, Ho, Antiqui tie s 0 f .8in,,£, op .. cit .. , pp .1-2 ..

See also Raverty, H.G., The Mihran of Sind and its
Tributaries in J.A.S"B., Vo L. LXI , Pt"i, 1892, pp.309ff.
P,ettinger-;-1V., On-:r'l1e Present State of' the River Indus,
in JoRoA.So, London, Vol.I, 1834, pp.199f'f'.
 163
stream."l As is evident from the picture reproduced
on page it is now in a ruinous condition, due largely
to the gradual wearing away of the soft sandstone hillside
on the edge of which it stands. Close to the walls of the
building, Talbot found a coin of Venka Deva who, according to
Cunningham, reigned during the last part of the eighth century
A.D. 2 The whole of the flat top of the hill on which it
stands, about an acre in extent, is covered with the ruins of
houses. "This site, called Kalrill, adds Talbot, ltis certainly
a very old one. n3
Describing this building as an ancient Hindu temple,
Talbot observed in 1903 that tlof the origin of these places
nothing is known locally. In the popular mind the Kalar
temple, otherwise Sassi da Kallara or Sassi di Dhaular, is
connected with the well-known folk-tale of Sassi, the kingfs
daughter, and Punnun, the camel-driver of Mekran. 1I4 He
maintained further that nit may safely be said that the
building has nothing to do with this popular story, and that
the connection was suggested merely by its name .. "
After studying photographs of it, Dr. Stein remarked
that in style it resembled two small shrines standing amidst

1. Talbot, W.S., An iUlcient Hindu Temple in the Panjab, in

J .. R.A .. S., London - 1903, 1'.33'5.. . -
2. Cunningham, Sir A., Coins of Medieval India, from the 7th
century down to the Muhammadan Conguest, London - 1894, -
1'1'.55-65.
3. J.R.A.SQ, o1'.cit., p.337e
4. Ibido
the ruins of Amb, Shahpur Districto Regarding its time, he
expressed the opinion that the ftseventh to ninth century of
our era would probably be an approximate date.!t He also added
that "it is evident from the general look of the structure
that it was a Hindu templea"l The Amb temples lie about
fifty miles due south from Kalar. The temple at Kafir-Kot of
Til Raja, lying about sixty miles south-east of Kalar , also
much resembles it in style as well as in general arrangement. 2
The District Gazetteer of Attock and ~helam have also
mentioned both the building and the legend of Sassi as
associated with it. But instead of throwing any new light on
it, the Editors have only reproduced the findings and
observations of Talbot, without due acknowledgement. 3 vIe

also find it included in 1.ffieeler t s List of Monuments

scheduled under the Ancient Monuments Preservation Act, No:8
of Pakistan, under I1Temple called Kallar or Sassi-da-Kallar
at Shah Mahammad Wali, Attock District, N.W.F.p.n 4
The archaeological and historical study of the buildLng
has thus refuted its connection with Sassi and her romance.
But the tradition persists even now in that region of West

Ie JoRpA.S~, op~cit~, ppe337-38e

2. Cunningham, Sir A&, f~chaeol£gical surve~ of India,
Report of A Tour in the Punjab in 1878-7 , Vol~XIV,
Calcutta - 1882, pp.26-28; plate NOeXllo
30 Punjab Distric·t Gazetteeri3' Vol o 27-A: . Jhelum ~ist:vict,
Lahore - 1904, pp.48-49; Vol.XXIX-A, AttoCK D~str~ct,
Pt.A, 1907, Lahore - 1909~ pp.31-33.
4. 'ltmeeler, RoEoM., Five Thousand Years of Pakistan, London -
1950, appendix.
 n .
\.!~ ;)

Pakistan 0 As stated earlier, Sassi is said to have been set

afloat in the Sawan from this very place. Local poets and
story-tellers have from time to time told the story in these
terms. l \-Je find the 'Dhaular I mentioned in the versions of
Faqir Raj Mumammad and Bhiii Mit Singh. In Raj 11uhammad r s
Dholas (folk-songs) of Bar this tDhaular' is said to have
been built by Atta the washerman for his adopted child, Sassi
at Bhambho~ onthe bank of TLamme di Va~i,,2 referring to a
stream flowing towards the west.
But in view of the evidence already presented for
locating the river and also the sites of Sassifs place of
birth and of adoption, we can dispense with this cOIllLection,
considering it a matter of local loyalties and regional
associations, based on eager but unfounded claims to monopo-
lise such popular heroes and heroines. Illustrating his
point from the ruins of a palace almost similarly ascribed
to Princess Sakhiso~a, the heroine of a Bengali folk-tale,
Sen remarks that llmany places of our country are associated
in this way with our legendary heroes and PaGITruLic characters.
But unless we have clear evidence, we cannot accept such
accounts as historically true. 113

1. See KhurshId, Panjab ke RUm2Jl, Lahore - 1950, pp.195-6.

2. See Sher, S.S., Bar de Dhoie, Jullundur - 1954, p.188;
see also HarjIt Singh, Nain ~Lanah, 2nd ed., l~itsar -
1949, pp.113-125.
3. Sen, D.Co, The Folk-Literature of Bengal, Calcutta -
1920, p.219.
 156

A garden, known as fSasui-Jo-Bag£', has been mentioned or

described by almost all versions of the romance o \~le some
of the versifiers (like Hafiz, Kram, Salami and Jot Parkash)
have figured it as having been laid out by Sassifs royal
father, others (like Hashim, Kincaid and Iaz) ascribe its
laying out to her foster-father, the washerman. The author
of Panjab ke RUmani .A.fsane has, on the other hand, mentioned
an adventurous merchant of Ghazni as its founder.
Some of the writers have even given it a proper name
and have called it 'Lakhi Bagg', because, according to them,
its construction cost a lakh i.e. one hundred thousand
rupees. l
All but Salik2 have located this garden at Bhambhor
and it is still associated with the site of Sassits garden
in that locality. Dr. Shamsher Sll~gh of the Raja Hospital,
Jallundur,told me on 4th October, 1957, that he himself
visited it during World War II. It is situated near a
channel of the river, about 25 miles away from Thatta.
There is also a pond and a washing ghat (platform)
quite close to it. Dr~ N.B. Baloch, Director, Institute of
Education, Sindh University, Haidrabad also vouched for its
existence during my conversation with him on 14 September,

1. Panjab ke RUmani Afsane, op.cito, po36~

2. Pandit Salig Ram Salik in his Urdu masnmvI has located
it on the bank of the river Rav!, wEIch is obviously
wrong ..
1963 in London. According to him it stands at about 6-7 miles,
as the crow flies, from Bhambhore. It is situated on a pre-
British route from Bhambhore to Karachi and owes its
existence to the v.raters and alluvium brought dovvn by a local
seasonal stream, called Ghaghar. The site is kno,tn there
as Wateji. The garden is very old and is associated with
Sehjan (Sassi's rich rival) as well as Sassi.
This was Punnun t s first camping place in Sindh on his
way to meet Sassi, his dream-beloved.
The garden belongs now to the Bhawa Baloches who
descend from the Kalmatl stock and hail from Makran, but now
reside in and around it.

VII. THE DESERT

The desert in which Sassi is said to have wandered in search
of her lover, until death overtook her, has been named Thall
in a number of versions.
There are two such deserts bearing this name in that
part of the sub-continent. A tract of the District of Muzaff-
argarh is kn01N.Q by this name. It is a sandy desert which
separates the two river valleys of the Sindh and Chenab and
occupies a very large area of the Sindh Sagar DOMe TIThe
local legend about the formation of [this] Thall tl , according
to the Gazetteer, His that formerly the Indus flovred do~ the
centre of it and deposited the sand. Then the Indus changed
its course to the west and the viTind blew the sand into the
heaps we now see. There is no doubt that the Indus did flow
down the Thall at one time" III By follOlving the claim of some
Panjabi versions, we can link this desert with the legends
associated with the Sawall and Sassi-da-Dhollar.
- .
But as there is no truth in these legends 2 we shall
have to look for the desert in question in some other region:
it can be none other than Sindh from irJ"here the romance did
actually originate. The area that lay between Bhambhore (i.e.
Sassi's adoptive place in Sindh) and Kech (i.e. Punnun's
native place in Balochistan) is barren with its sandy deserts
and bare gaunt mountain ranges. Nadvi tells us: :t.L'l...round the
year 280 A.H./893 A.D. the caravans bound from Khurasan to
Makran and Sindh used to cross a sixty-miles-long desert,
stretching from Makran to Debal (Sindh).,,3
In considering the topography of this romance, we are

1. Panjab District Gazetteer, Muzaffargarh District,

Lahore - 1883-a4, pp,,2-3.
2. Neither can Karamat Ullahts claim about its location
"around the city of Bam-pur or Banpur or p¥:<;t in the
province of Gadreshia hold water. He main a~ns that
Bhambhou;' is a later mutilated form of this tov'ffi 'V'lhich
derived its name from the forest in which it was situated.
The sandy desert encircling this town is called Thall.
Kech, the famous city of the Makran province)is s~~uated
close to it. (See Tarjuman, Lahore - Feb. 1917, pp.93-8;
Oriental College Magazin~, Lahore - Nov., 1930, pp.2-3)e
As already noticed under thetlOrigin of the romance tl ,
this site is obviously connected with the Persian
Balochistan and has nothing to do with the locale of the
romance of Sassi.
3. NadvI, Tarikh i Sindh, op"cit., p~198.
 I1aru Thall l
-
concerned with this Thall which has been called
by Hashim of the Panjab and Farid of Bahawalpur, in their
respective verses. Goldsmid has explained its direction
wrongly by stating "the Thur, the so-called desert, bordering
on Lower Sind, to the eastward .. 112
He seems to have been misled by the word Thur which
in Sindhi means 'desert' and also signifies the name of a
district in Eastern Sindh, bordering on Rajasthan. But
Sassi's journey and destination lay towards the western Sindh.
She took the direction of Balochistan, the homeland of her
Baloch lover. She thus traversed through the desert bordering
on the western Sindh and eastern Ealochistan.
The desert has its 01~ wilderness, its o~ fascination.
It was this desert element, says Norris, which influenced him
the most and made him think of setting 'Punnun and Sassi' in
verse. "The wilderness is beyond description. It is at once
peaceful yet terrifying, soft yet cruel, repelling yet
irresistible. It is infinitely barren and sterile, pervaded
by a hot atmosphere and layers of dust. One strip of green
flows down the middle - the Indus. rr3
It was through this desert that Punnun rushed to meet

1. Maru Thal in Panjabi also means the fatal desert. It might

have been used here for Uthal in an abbreviated Panjabi
form. Uthal~ a sub-division of Las Bela, lies south of
Welpat, east of Sheh-Liari~ north of Miani and west of
Karachi. (See Minchin, C.F., Baluchistan District Gazetteer
Series, Vol.VIII, Las Bela, Allahabad - 19~7, p.199.
2. Goldsmid, Saswi and Punhu~ op.cit., po27.
3. Art and Letters, Vol.XXIII, NOol, London - 1949, p.33 ..
 ?

the beauty of Bhambhore; it was through this wilderness that

he was carried off towards Kech; and again it was this cruel,
terrifying, bare sandy land which Sassi traversed in search
of her belovedg
Tracing Sassi's journey through its arduous stretches
of wilderness, Hittu Ram, a former E.AoC. and Chief Native
Assistant of the region tells us that !!Sassi seems to have
- 1
started on her search-expedition from somewhere near Kotri.
After crossing the Habb,2 she entered a sandy plain,
stretching between Uthal and Shah Bilawal in the territory
of Las Bela. The grave of Sassi and PUIh~un stands there in
those surroundings. She traversed a distance of about one
hundred miles on foot. The way is so rough and hard that even
until now it is difficult for men to travel along it all
alone. n3 The writer claims to be a native of the territory,
having toured and seen the entire country of Balochistan
with his own eyes, having met personally almost all stocks
of the Baloches and having obtained personal knowledge of
their affairs. 4 Sir R~F. Burton, on the other hand~ tells

-
1. Kotri is situated on the right bank of the Indus and has
been the terminus of the Sindh, Panjab and Delhi railway~
It is about 105 miles from Karachi.
2. The Habb river rises in the eastern slopes of the Joi
hill~the northern end of the Pab range~ It has a total
length of about 240 miles and forms the boundary between
Sindh and Balochistan. (See Minchin, C.F~, Balochistan
District Gazetteer Series, Vol.VI-B, Jhalawan, Eombay -
1907, p.22).
3. Tarlkh i Balochistan, op.cit., ppo47-8o
4. Ibido, po2.
us in the bardic version recorded by him in 1851 that tlshe
set out on foot, alone 9 without kit or provender, for a two-
hundred-mile march across a dreadful desert and still more
dreadful hills~1I According to this version, Sassi is said to
have reached the Pabb Mountains and l1sunk bodily beneath the
yawning ground l1 ,l for the protection of her chastity.

VIII. THE LAST ABODE

This now leads us to a search for the location of her last
abode!>
Various views have been expressed about its site; and
Sindh and Balochistan have equally claimed its location in
their respective domains.

2.
The earliest reference is from as far back as Ziba Nigar
(dt. 1643) by Muhammad Rizai. According to him, Sayyid Ali of
Thatta visited the graves of Sassi-Punnun and related his
experience on return. 2 A similar experience has been ascribed
to Ismai'l by Murtza Sorthi 3 (flc during 1719-48) and Pir
Muhammad Av19..dhi (in 1862),, 4 None of them, hoitJever, has made
any mention of the name of the placeG 'Ali Sher Qanl (1727-89),

1. Burton, Sir ReFo, Scinde or the ynhapRY Vall~, Vo16I,

London - 1851, pp.E6-7; Sind Revisite , Vo~o~ London -
1877, pp .. 131-2.
2. B.M. MS, No: Or/337, ffo139/b-141/a.
3. B.M. MS. No: Addo/21589 , ff.260/b-261/a.
4. Avadhi, P.M., Mehr 0 11M., Lakhnow - 1878, pp.38-9.
 1 2

sumning up Sorthi's version of Ismai'l's experience, tells us:

That is, "None can pass that road., riding on a camel • .Anyone
who visits the place and observes a vigil, is served with
eatables by some invisible h~nd, in spite of the fact that
the place is a desolate desert. 1I1 But, curiously enough,
Qani is also silent about the name of the alleged holy place
of the lovers in this desolate desert.

Burton in 1851, is the first to tell us that Sassits 1I1ast

abode is among the Pubb Hillse 2 The popular belief is that
no camel can approach the tomb ~ as the lady ~iTill not forgive
the animal for carrying away her husbanda A pilgrimage to the
holy spot secures great happiness for the visitor~ and many

I .. QanI, A"S9, Tuhfat al=Kiram, LakhnolrJ - 1886-7, Pt e iii,)p.26&

2. Pabb is a chafl~ills, west of Karachi; (see Goldsmid,
saswI and PUJ).hu, opo cit" ~ p .. 27) '" It is applied particularly
to thehlgti-rldge which runs from near Kappar in the Sima:l
valley west of Zidi to the mouth of Habb river. (See
11inchin, CoF., .Jhala~van District Gazetteer, olJ<>cit~, p01L~) 0

Among the valleys and ravInes of~this range flolrJ"S the

Habb, the only permanent river in the province except the
Illdus; and which, for a considerable distance, forms the
western frontier of Sinde (See'I Hughes, A~H.~ ••The Gazetteer
of Sindh, -Dondon <.
c.
1870, p .. 3 .. )
a devout believer has been fed ltdth bread and milk by a hand
stretched out of the tombQ These tales are considered
sufficiently established to be chronicled in the historical
works of Sindh, and we find in them, moreover, the physiolo-
gical peculiarity common to visions in general, that the
beautiful lady saint usually appears to the male and her
husband to the female pilgrims .. rr1 Burton observed further,
as stated earlier, that "The pair are now considered as
saints or holy characters, and are supposed to be still in
existence underground. Their tombs are visited by many
pilgrims and stories are recorded of the preternatural
appearance of the lady to those whose faith or credulity have
induced them to visit her last abode.,,2

Hart-Davies also pointed it out at the Pubb Hills

when, in 1881, he observed: flOpinions among Sindis differ at
present as to whether the reunited lovers are still living
beneath the earth, or whether they have adjourned to a more
pleasing home than the interior of the Pubb Hills. n3
Aitken also stated it to be there by observing in 1907
that Sassi followed Punnun Ilinconsolable till she came to the
Pabb hills where falling into danger and growing desperate,
she prayed to the Heavens to shield her and was forthwith
swallowed up by the kindly earth. Punnun followed her tracks

1. Sindh and the Races, op.cit o , p.383.

2. illQ. .. , :p" 57 •
3. Hart-Davies, L Sind Ballads, op&cit~, p.44.
until he reached the spot and mevJ by subterranean voices
what had happened. Then he cried to the earth to swallow
him and it did""l
Temple in 1886 also stated this to have happened Hin
the Pabb Mountains in Sindho lf2

But in another statement, published in the same year, he

observed that ttPunnun .... at last died at her [Sassi's]
grave ••• The place (i.eo their joint burial-place) is
commonly shown on the road between Quetta (Kotta) and Khilat. 1I3
Thus Temple shifted the locale from Sindh to Balochistan,
which has already been assertive in claiming the location to
- 4-
be on its own soil, in the former state of Las B ela.

1. Aitken, A.H., Gazetteer of the Province of Sind, Vol.A,

Karachi - 1907, p.483e
2. Temple, Sir R.C., The Legends of the Panjab, Vol.III,
Bombay - 1886, p.24 fne
3. Folklore, London, VoloIV, Pt.iv, 1886, po278 fn.
4. Las Bela is situated in the south-east coastal area of the
Balochistan region.. It is bounded on the north by the
Jhalawan Division of the former Qalat state, on the east
by the Kirthar Range which separates it from Sindh, on
the south by the Arabian Sea and on the west by the Hala
off-shoot of the Pabb range .. The country along the coast
is mostly an uninhabited desert, presenting a wilderness
of hills and cliffs with swampy or arid clay plains. Its
importance lay mostly on its having been on the ancient
route between the East and West; and on the Makran coastal
trade-route between Persia and Sindh which was used not
only by Alexander in 325 B.C~, but also by Qasim in 711
A.D. Its capital, Bela, is about 103 miles from Karachio
(See Minchin, Las Bela Gazetteer, op.cit., p.2; Field, H.. ,
An Anthro 010 lcal Reconnaissance in West Pakistan (1955),
Cambr~dge - 1 5 ,p. •
 According to Hittu Ram, a former Administrator (1888-9)
of this state, "the g:vave of the lovers is situated in a
sandy desert, stretching between Bilawal and Uthal, towards
the Habb stream in the eastern part of Las Bela. It is still
visited by the devotees who go there on a pilgrimage and pray
for the fulfilment of their clesires. ,,1
Minchin in his Gazetteer published almost simultan-
eously with Hittu Ram's History, stated, in 1907, that
Itduring Sassi's wanderings in Las Bela in search of her
beloved, overwhelmed with despair, she turned back to the
Mohbar river~2 A rock is shown in the middle of the bed
which emits a peculiarly metallic sound when struck, and is
said to repeat the voice of Sassi crying for her lover. It is
known as SassI-Waro-Watto (Sassits Bowl) .. ,,3 Repeating his
statement, Minchin asserted again that "the shrine of Sassi
and Punnun is situated in the Miani or Sonmi8:ni Niabat of
Las Bela. 114
According to Allol also, "Sassi's tomb is situated on
a spot between Kech and La~k8:na, in the Maru Thall, on the
border of Balochistan. People make an annual pilgrimage to
it. A small structure with four or five palm trees is
standing there in her memory. A fair is held there and people
visit it for observing Chilla. n5 Amol based these observations
& 587.
1. Tarlkh i Balochistan, op.cit o , pp.49
2. It is a local stream in the Miani or Sonmi8:ni Niabat of
Las Bela.
3. Las Bela Gazetteer, opocit., p.43.
4. Ibido, ppe35 & 185.
5. Teja Singh & Allol, 8.8., Panjabi Bhaure, iunritsar - 1932,
pp.98 and 105.
on a probable eye-witness account of Bhai Ganga Singh of
Chabba who is thanked in the preface for providing this
information in 1932.1 Amol has reiterated it, only recently,
asserting that "this tomb is still situated there, between
Kech and Larkana, on the border of Balochistan.,,2
This description appears to be quite interesting, if
somewhat absurd. Kech is in the far south-west of Balochistan;
La~kana is quite in the north of Sindh, while Bhambhore, the
starting point of Sassi's journey, as admitted by Amol
himself, is situated far in the south-west of Sindh. Then
the reference to the "border of Balochistan" requires
elucidation as to its side, direction or location. As it
stands Amol's statement has a similar value to me as saying
that Mr. A's grave is situated between Moscow ru~d London on
the border of the English Ch~Dnel and was reached from
Lahore!

The Kachhi verSion, as recorded by Mrs. Postans, alludes to

the lovers' end in the hills,3 but no name of the site or
spot is mentioned. KaranI in his Kachhi story has, however,
stated that IItheir graves are still extant on the route
leading from Sindh towards Kech-:l:lakran .. The way-farers pause

1. Teja Singh & Amol, S.S., Panjabi Bhaure, op.cit., p.6.

2. Amol, S.S., Hasham Shah te Qissa Sassi Punnun, Ludhiana
1956, po81.
3. Mrs. Fostans, Cutch or Random Sketches, op.cit., p.202.
 1.7'7
and pay regards to their souls before passing that spot."l
Thus he is also silent about the name and exact location of
the spoto

6 ..
A few versions like that of Mahabbat I s Urdu ~~~awi 2 (dt ..
1783), have mentioned Sassi 1 s arrival and instantaneous death
in Kech, followed soon by that of her lover. In that case
their tomb should have been somewhere in Kech.. But this has
neither been claimed nor can possibly be asserted as Sassi
could not reach Kech and died or disappeared 'l,'lhile on her way
?

to Kech-Makran/

But the Balochi tradition and evidence is too strong for such
a silence. We find it asserted again in the vvords of a famous
administrator, scholar and explorer, Sir FcJ. Goldsmid.
Speaking on 30th November, 1863 in the Royal Asiatic Society,
London, he stated, I1A recent exploration on the Mekran coast
caused me to make enquiries on the scenery of the little drama
of Sas·w): and. Punhu. By one I was informed that the lovers t
resting place is in the 'Pubbiini Pass' of the hills dividing
Sind from Beyla; by another that it is at Mount Phir, some
miles to the w8stward~ The former notion is that commonly

1. Karani, Kachh-Kaladhar, opocit.

20 Mahabbat, M.K., Asrar i Mahabbat, Lakhnow - 1850(?)o
3. Khetsi tells us that lithe papla of Punnun IS mare and the
corner of Sassi! s scarf are still visible there and people
still visit the place with reverence. (See'under Rajasthani
Version) •
receivedo The pass is now little frequented, oHing to its
many difficulties, and the vicinity, both north and south,
of simple routes.,,,l
Baloch has also maintained this view. Mentioning the
importance of the territory of Las Bela, he stated in 1951
that nit has been the resting-place of saints, crusaders and
lovers •••• The sites and signs relating to Sassits journey
[in search of PunnunJ, for instance, the Habb and Winder, the
PubbUnI Pass and Sanghar, are also situated in ito The region
of the: Winder preserves the graves of Sasui and Punhiln. n2
During a personal discussion here in London on the 13th
September, 1963, he expressed his agreement with the afore-
said observations of Minchin and Hittu Ram regarding the
location of the lovers' grave o According to him, it is
situated in the tract of SANGHAR. about 40 miles north-west of
Karachi. He further told me that he himself visited the site
with some friends in the winter of 1962. Describing the
journey, he added that they started by bus from Karachi and
travelled in it up to Mango Pir. From there, they crossed the
Habb stream by jeep. Then passing through the Pabbuni pass,
situated in the southern lower slopes of the Kirthar range,
and walking about seven miles further, they reached the tract
of SangharG There in a pasture they were shown round a kacha

I. Goldsmid, Sir F.J., On the Preservation of National

Literature in the East, in JoR.A.S., London, N.S., Vol.I,
1865, p.41 ..
2. Baloch, N.B., Be layan-Ja-Bola, Karachi - 1951, p.15.
structure, locally called Sasul jo Qabr, surrouncLed by a
bOlli""ldary wall, containing the lovers' grave in a space of
about 12' x 16' with a roof of straw$ The outer structure,
according to him seemed to have been pu.t up about a hundred
years ago. An annual fair is held there by the people living
around that area.
Preservation and adoration of such lovers' graves is
not a new or strange thing in the north-western part of the
-
sUb-continent. The tomb of Hir is still intact in Jhang (West
Panjab) and every year a folk-festival is held there.lSher
'All Afsos observes that this tomb is on the banks of the
Chenab, 4 kilometres from Hazara. The Panjabis tell a
thousand poems about their loves and sing elegies in their
honour which bring tears to the eyes of sensitive audiences. 2
The Gazetteer tells us: "The fair held at the tomb on
theIst Magh is exceedingly popular with the women folk ll ,3
who according to Swynnerton, "find in the story of Hir and
Ranjha an expression of that reasonable liberty of action to
which they vainly aspire, and a triumphant vindication of the
inalienable rights of their sex of which centuries of wrong

1. Punjab District Gazetteers Vol~XXXII-~, Jh~an£ ~is4rict

11908), Lahore - 1910, p.3 i ; Ikram, S.M. & Spear, ~. Tne
Cultural Heritage of Pakist~, Karachi - 1955, po151.
2. Court, M.H., The Araish i Mahfil, or the Ornament of the
Assembly, Allahabad - 1871, p.191; Garcin de Tassy,
J.H.S.V., Les Adventures de Kamru£, Paris - 1834, pp.ii-
iii fn.
3. Jhang District Gazetteer, op.cit., p.31.
and oppression have deprived them." l
The graves of SOhnl-Mehinwal in Sindh are also held
_ _ rcrI" - _ _ _ __

in a somewhat similar veneration. These have recently been

rebuilt with white marble at Shadadpur (Sindh) by Abdulla
Channa, now a retired District Magistrate of Sindh. The
tradition claims it to be the original site of their burial,
about which we find Lalwanr also saying that Ilthey still show
her tomb somewhere near Shadadpur. n 2
Thus we can safely conclude that the last abode of
Sassi and Punnun is preserved in the former state of Las Bela.
Other claims can be considered as like l'a favourite form of
American local legend in which death or suicide for love
lends romantic associations to a rock or cliff, often
accounting for some unusual or unnatural feature of it. 1l3

8.
The popular poets of Las Bela still cherish this memorable
spot4 in their verses. Shei~ IbrahIm, for instance, says from
Sassi's mouth in his Sur Sasui:

1. Swynnerton, Co Romantic Tales from the Panjab, London -

1908, Jntr. pGxxiyo
2. Lalwani, Shah Latif, op.cito, pe720
34 Leach, M., Dictionar of Folklore M holo
Vol.I, New Yor ,1 ,p. •
4. Qadri (of the Sindh University) has told me (in London
on 20th July, 1964) that the well situated beside the
tomb is believed to dry up soon after the approach of
any camelo It, however, serves water to all other persons
and animals.
 llGod, the sustainer 1 guarded my honour
and maintained my chastity till
Jam P~YL~un reachei §~~gEa~ and
adorned me with the laurels of
eternal uniono"
Ahmad Shah, writing similarly on behalf of Sassi~ says that
tiThe man I have been looking and longing for
met me at last at Sanp;har. 1I
• Io)c

Another poet, Yusuf Faqlr, describing the last stage of her

journey, tells us:
IITaking fresh courage, she advanced
tovJards Sanp;har. On seeing the goatherd, she
prayed for protection. The earth opened and she
entered into its fold. Thus she could uphold
her chastity. The fate also enabled her to
reunite there with her lover II 1·
0

The text in
original reads
as:

-------------------------------------------------------
 -6-
CHlLRACTERS

Sassi and Punnun are the chief ~~d most prominent characters
of the romance. Their fathers also have names and
"'-
definite roles to play, but their mothers have very little
to do in directing or moulding the course of action; they
have not even been named. I
Sassi's foster-mother, of course, has been brought
into prominence by some versifiers, on the eve of Sassi1s
departure for the fatal search for her beloved. Her
entreaties and arguments, alternating with Sassits replies
and insistence, form the fabric of some pathetic and
"'-
absorbing dialogues in various versions. The role of the
goatherd has been described both as that of a villain as
well as of an honest citizen.
A comparative study of various versions has revealed
many such variations in respect of the names~ places,
parentage, status and respective roles of all the important
characters.
2.
I. SASSI
_.).!'.55"~:~ .S//:!
To begin with/i woo is the heroine, the central figure of the
romanceyand the pivot around which the entire tale revolves.
She was so named and known because of her moon-like beauty,
2
'Sasi, in Sanskrit, as stated earlier, means the moon. The

1. Except by KhetsI who has given 'Ranta' as the name of

Punnun's mother and 'Dhadha' as that of Sassi's foster-
mother. The latter is 'Zainub' according to Go1dsmid's
version. (See under Rajasthani and Sindhi Versions in Pt.II).
2. Kahan Singh, Gurshabad Ratnakar Mahan~Ke!fsh, Patia1a-
1930, Vo1.I, pp.405 & 407.
Hindi version in Dasam G2:anth (dt. circa 1696); the Persian
masnawl
--.-- of Jot Parkash (dt. 1723) and of Indarjlt (dt.1727);
the Urdu version of Salik (dt.1890) and a host of other
writers and versifiers of various language-versions are of
the same opinion. For instance, Indarjit says:

nShe displayed a degree of personal beautyll,

around
observed McMurdo / 1820, lIfar beyond the common standard,
and received in consequence, the name of Susi, or tthe
Moon t • TTl Elliot,2 Temple,3 and Kincaid4 have also held the
same view. But Burton observed in 1851 that lithe name
(lSassui', as he wrote it) is supposed to be ll~ full ISunsar
men SUl! which would mean 'the heard of in the world t , the
famous. n5 Goldsmid, following him, though not acknowledging
him and writing it as 'Sasw1 , or Sar-Sui', maintained in
1863 that tithe notion supposes the name as abbreviation from
'Saswl, I Su.nsar men SUl', or 'heard in the world I-famous 11. 6
Hart-Davies followed him in 1881, using these very words,
though without mentioning either Burton or Goldsmid. 7

1. See McMurdo, Capt.J., Dissertation on the River Indus,

in J.R.A.S., London, Vol.I, 1834, p.25o
2. Elliot, Sir H.N. & Dowson, J., History of India as told
by its own Historiruls, London - 1767, Vol.I, p.332.
3. Temple, Sir R.C., The Indian Antiquary, Bombay, Vol.XI,
1882, p.291.
4. Kincaid, CoAo, Tales of Old Sindh, London - 1922, p.2.
5. Burton, Sir R.F., Sind Revisited, Vol.I, London - 1877,
p.128.
6. Goldsmid, Sir F.J., saswi and Punhu, London - 1863,p.26.
7. Hart-Davies, T., L Sind Ballads, Bombay - 1881, p.8 fn.
 184
Thus Temple, not; knov.Jing the source of this queer interpre-
tation 1 attributed it to Hart-Davies and proclaimed it as
lIsheer nonsenseo lll As the word~ its form, meaning and
context are quite clear 9 there is hardly any need for so far-
fetched derivations.
Even more is this point evident, because, in spite of
its having travelled far and wide and also having assumed
various spelling-forms during the long course of transmission
and repetition in various regions and languages, it has
remained essentially the same Q Except for Rizai, who in his
ZIba Nigar (dtc1643) changed it, intentionally, to 'ZIba'
to
in order to make it pleasant/and convenient for Pe::::,sian ears
and tongues,2 we find it prevale!lt mostly as 1Sassi! or
'Sasui' - both meaning the same thing. Moreover, it is still
a common name for girls (though in a slightly changed accent,
form, i.e. 'SashI' or 'ShashI', but having the same meaning
as that of 'Sassi') in the Hindu homes of north India. The
art-critic R .. Ko, for instance, has used it in this form, viz ..
3
'Sashi' throughout his summary of the story. Furthermore,
just as 'Hlr' is a household word in the Panjab, so is 1Sassi'
in Sindh. She is named day in and day out, particularly as
a symbol or simile, among high and low.

1. Temple, Indian Antiquary-, Vol.XI, op cit., p.2914 Of

9

course, If the name really does occur as tlSarsuilT this

could o~~y be SarasvatI, nothing else.
2. The original lines justifying this change read, as under:
B.M.MS. No.Or.337/f. 31/a.
3. See Rupam, Calcutta, April -
1927, p.70.
 Finally, it also accords with the practice observed
in the case of other romantic heroines bearing such
significant or symbolic names o For instance, KamIata of the
famous romance, Kamrup-Kamlata, means the 'creeper of love l •

tpadmawati t similarly means tlike a lotus flower'. Franklin,

recognising this significance, observed in 1793, "This
alludes to the name of a princess in Hindu story~ who is said
to have had the scent or fragrance of the lotus flower to
distil from her body, in consequence of which she received
the appellation of Pudmawati. 111 We similarly learn from
Katha sarit sagara that King Susena of Chitrakuta named his
pretty daughter (born of the fairy Rambha) 'Sulochna l on
account of the marvellous beauty of her eyes. 2

Sassi's beauty lies not only in her peerless physical

charms but also in the tender qualities of her heart and
noble virtues of her soul.
As already stated, Sassi was born in Bhutta Wahan
(Bahawalpur) brought up in Bhambhore (Sindh) and died or
disappeared in Las Bela (Balochistan). Various other sites
have also been indicated and claimed, which have been
discussed and dealt with earlier. 3

10 Franklin, ~o, The Loves of Camarupa ~~d Camalata, London -

1793, po277.
2. See Soma deva, Katha sarit sa~ara, Ad. 28, Verses50-730
3. See Sec.5 - Topography under Sassi's place of birth'
and 'place of adoptiont~
 II. SASSItS PARENTAGE
There are also counter-claims and divergences of view about
Sassi's birth and parentage. In the Hindi version she is
shown to have been born to the fairy Rambha who conceived
her through the sudden fall of the enamoured Kapil Muni'sl
semen on the earth. l
A Persian version of Sindh has another story to tell~

According to this, Dilu Rai, the r~er of Sindh, became once

;1(( ?v~,,~s
very thirsty during hunting. While~drinking water from a
-/:0;'77':/"
f~~f cottage, a germ of a frog crept into his brain and
settled itself there. It grew up gradually and caught hold
of his nerves, so much so that the ruler became restless with
a severe and constant headache. All medicines and measures
failed to cure him. In despair, at last)it was publicly
announced that whosoever could come forward to relieve the
king of this malady would be awarded the reins of half of the
state and the hand of the princess~ A Brahman physician
offered his services and began his diagnosis. He felt some
disturbance in Dilu Rails brain and when he opened it a
little, he found its nerves tightly held in the clutches of
a frog. But it was very difficult to dislodge him from that
delicate place and any attempt could involve more tightening
and result in the immediate death of the ruler. At last, after
long and anxious deliberations, he placed a pot of water

1. Dasam Granth, Triya Charitr, No.lOSe

 187
below his head and touched the frog with a hot iron rod. The
frog immediately dropped dOI~ in the pot and the ruler was
at once relieved of his maddening pains. He felt greatly
pleased with the cleverness of the Brahman physician and
awarded him the promised share of his state and married his
beautiful daughter to him. In the course of time, the
princess gave birth to Sassi,l the heroine of our romance.
The former version may be called mythical and the
latter legendary. But the fact is that almost all the
indigenous Sindhi and Bahawalpuri versions have also claimed
her to be the daughter of a Brahman.
According to the tradition prevalent at her alleged
birth-place (viz. Bhutta Wahan, in Bahawalpur), she was the
daughter of a ThanI Brahman. 2 Barat All, a prominent
versifier of the Bahawalpuri version, has claimed him as
Ktam Ram, the then Hindu ruler of Bahawalpur.
The Sindhi bardic version3 and the oldest available
verse-version, as recorded and presented by Burton, the Surs
of LatIf as found in his Risal~, and also the summaries of
the story as given by Hart-Davies and Sorley, similarly
-
mention her as the daughter of a Sindhi Brahman. 4 The former

1. It is related in the introduction of an anonymous version,

entitled issa Punnun vva Sassi, written in Persian prose
and transcribed In 1 . It lS now with Shri Jairamdas
Daulatram at New Delhi.
2. fanjab States Gazetteer, Vol.36-A, Bahawalpur Stat~ (1904)
Lahore - 1908, po359.
3. Burton,R.F., Sindh and the Races that inhabit the Valley
of the Indus, London - 1851, p.92.
4. Hart-Davies, T., 'L Sind Ballads, opftcit., p.42; Sorley,
H.T., Shah .Abdul Latif of Bhit, London - 1940, p.25l.
 188

has even given 'Nao' as his name. l The Sindhi qissa translated
by Goldsmid and the sllilli~ary
(in English) given by Lalwani
also describe him with the SaTIe name and status. 2 GidVani,3
Advanl.A and Gulraj anl 5 also have the same to relate, though
they have given his name as tNaoon'. Kincaid has also so
,/r.:,;s
named him)(though with a little change, as 1Noan!), but he
has mentioned him as a governor of Dilu Rai, the king of
Sindh. 6
The Persian writers of Sindh have also described her
as a Brahman girl. Rizai has depicted her father as a rich
and accomplished Brahman known as Zamakshish(?). Qani has
given his name as tTanya' Brahman .. He has also given the name
of her mother, viz. 'Mandhar,.7 In later accounts she has
been described as the daughter of a blind Brahman by Ayyaz in
Urdu,8 and by Zainab in English. 9
~~s. Postans' Kachhi;lO and Mayer's ll and Minchin f s 12
1. Burton~ Sind Revisited, op9cit., Vol.I, p.128. _ _
2. Lalwani, L.W., The Life, Religion and PoetrJ of Shah Latif,
Karachi - 1890, p.75.
3. Gidvani, M.M., Shah Abdul Latif, London - 1922, p.28.
4. Adwani 2 B.M., Latifi Sair, Haidarabad - 1926, p.2.
5. Gulrajani, J.P., Shah jun .i.lkhaniun, Pt.II, Haidarabad -
p.46.
6. Kincaid, C.A., Tales of Old Sindh, Madras - 1922.
7. QanI, A.S., Tuhfat al-Kiram, BoM. MS. No.Add.21589,f.260/b ..
8. Pakistan ki Awami Kahaniyan,Karachi - 1951, p.77.
9. Zainab, G.A., Folk Tales of Pakistan, Karachi - 1957,p.55.
10.Postans, Mrs., Cutch or Random Sketches, London - 1838,
p.199.
11.Mayer, T.J.L., Baloch Classics, Pt.iv, Agra - 1903, p.40
12.Minchin, C.F., Balochistan District Gazettee~, Vol.VIII,
Las Bela, Allahabad - 1907, p.42.
 189
Balochi versions, also reco~d her birth in a Hindu family.
Awadhi, in his Persian ~§~awi, has mentioned him as tNabha
Rail, a Brahman minister of Dalu Rai, the then ruler of
Sindh. l Hittu Ram, in his Urdu narrative, has named him
Kinna Rai, a Hindu ruler of the country around Sehwan. 2

2.
But it is surprising to note that on its transmission and
acclimatization in the Panjab, most of the Panjabi poets,
particularly the Muslims, have described her as the daughter
of Adam Jam, the ruler of Bhambhore. 3 Hafiz (1657-1707),
Kram (around 1758), Hashim (1735-1843) and RasUl (1813-1874),
to mention only the first and the most prominent, have named
and mentioned him thus in Panjabi 4 and Shahbaz and Salamat
Ali in Persian1 For instance, according to Sundar Das Aram:

Salig Ram in Urdu has described Sassi as having been born to

Saspal~a Chandarbansi Rajput Raja of the Panjab. 6 Mit Singh
)

1. Awadhi, P.M., Mehr 0 Mah, Lakhnow - 1878, pp.53.57.

2. Hittu Ram, Tarikh i Balochistan, Lahore - 1907, p.45.
3. Sada Nand, however, has described him as the ruler of
Basra. But, curiously enough, he has given Bhambhore as
the name of the place where Sassi was brought up (See
Sassi-Punnun, Lahore - 1899, pp.4 & 9, B.M. NOe14162.
ee.1.2).
4. In their respective issas Sassi Punnun in P~njabi. See
I.O.L .. Ver.Tr.Pb.No. 4 ]; BoM. No.141 2 f. 10(6),Shan,
H.S., Sassi-Hashim, Delhi - 1959~ p.560. '
5. Shahbaz Khan, Waga i Punnun (dt.1835), Lahore - 1876, p.11;
Salami, 8.A., .~~TUr i Ishg, (dt.1895), Kapurtha1a - 1901.
6. Sa1ik, S.R., Ma§~awi Sassi Punnun, dt. 1890, p.15.
 190

in Panjabi has mentioned her as the daughter of a DIp Pal,

a Rajput ruler of Bhambho~e.l To cap all this, Jot Parkash
and IndarjIt, in their Persian ~$~awIs, have named Sassi1s
father. as king Parwez of Bhambhore;2 and Sadhu Sada Ram in
his Panjabi version has called him 'Aziz,.3 Thus she no
longer remains a Brahman girl in the bulk of the versions
written by the Panjabls in Urdu, Panjabi or Persian. She is
described as either a Muslim or as a Rajput by birth. 4
3.
This change in the caste, creed and stature of Sassits birth
and parentage is obviously a result of the social or
religious leanings and regional associations of the writers
or versifiers concerned. It is in contradiction to the spirit
of the romance as well as to their own creed. The entire story
revolves around the totally unacceptable (at both ends) inter-
religious relation of the hero and the heroine. The hero has
universally been accepted as a Muslim Baloch whose romantic
association with a Hindu Brahman girl was predicted before or
soon after her birth. There began the round of all the tragic
events that followed and culminated in their death. As noted
1. Mit Singh, Qissa Sassi Punnun, dt. 1912, Stanza No.3.
2. See Jot Parkash, Dastur i Ishq (dt.17g3), Calcutta - 1812,
(~.M~ 14787.c.8); Inuarjit, Munshi, Nama i Ish~ (dt.1727).
3. Sadhu, S.R., Qissa Sassi Punnun, funbala, Stanza No e 8.
4. She has been mentioned as the lldaughter of the king of
Egyptll in the heading of a Balochi version. (See Mayer,
T.J.L., Balochi Classics, Ft.IV, Agra - 1903, p.40) which
is absolutely wrong. Purl has described her as a famous
Balochi girl, named Laily, who fell in_love with Punnun.
(See Puri, B.D., Panjabi Shabad Bhandar, Lahore - 1922,
p.125), which is equally wrong and grotesque.
 181

earlier, the heroine's name has some changes only

Lh~dergone

in its spelling; but it remains intrinsically the same l

throughout generations. This then is definitely a Hindu name
which has not been changed or challenged so far by anyone.
The point gains further importance when we notice
changes in the names of some other characters of the story.
Moreover, the inviting of astrologers, casting of horoscopes
and the like at the birth of a child, as well as disposing
of it, particularly ~f a female one, is also a Hindu practice
and has no part in orthodox Islam.
That is why we find the earliest available references
in Panjabi and the most prominent in Sindhi (viz. those in
the Varan of Bhai Gurdas (1558-1637) and the Risalo of Shah
LatIf (1689-1752) emphasising ~ the purity and permanency
of their love-affair, in spite of their having belonged to
2
different castes and creeds.. 7

Says Shah Latif, for instance:

If Baloch talks to you avoid caste-consciousness;
Because whosoever has seen the Baloch,
He has said good-bye to all castes and creeds.
And there lies one of the most prominent reasons for the

10 Teja Singh-liillol have asserted (in Panjabi Bhaure -

Lahore - 1932, ppo8l-82) that T1her name in places is
written also as JLKhtar Badan or Chandar Badan~ That also
means tMoonlike~ mat is Sassio tl The authors have not
quoted any reference in support of this assertion. I
myself have not, so far, come across ~ any such thing.,
They might have confused her with the heroine of a famous
Hind~stani_romanc~" vi~. Chandarbadan-Mehy~. _
2. Gurdas, Bhai, Varan, Var No.2?, Stanza. No.1; Shah, li..L.,
Risalo in Sorley, Shah Lbdul Latif, opocit.
popularity and importance of their romance. Thus we are safe
in concluding that Sassi was definitely the daughter of a
Hindu, most probably a Brahman, whose name has been given
differently by various writers and versifiers.
This in itself is neither a new nor a startling thing
in the realm of such popular romances of India. For instance,
in some Persian versions of the romance of Manohar and
-
MadhilmaltJ:, we find the name of the herd.si.e. Manoharts
father described as Raja Dharas, an Indian ruler, by Kqil Khan
~ ~_ _ _ _ _
RazI (in his _ _ .o ____
masnawi __
Mehr 0 Mah,l dt.1654) and as Raja Sliraj
Bhan, ruler of Kankar, in a prose narrative entitled Madhu-
matit. 2 In a DakhanJ: Urdu verse version (viz. Gulshan i tIShg~
dt.1657, by Muhammad Nusrat NusartI), he has been named as
Raja Bikram with his capital at Kanakgir.
In the nengali romance of Vidya-Sundar, we find the
same thing at work, Bharat Chandra in his version (entitled
Vidya Sundar) describes Vidya, the heroine, as the princess
of Burdwan and the hero, Sundar, as the prince of Kanchl.
Kavi Kanka, on the other hand, in his version (entitled
Pirer Katha) mentions her as the daughter of the Raja
Champaka and him as the son of Raja Malyhan of eastern
Bengal. 4 Tod has shown PadmavatJ:, the heroine of the legend

1. See RazI, A.K., NasnawI Mehr aMah, BaMo Persian MS.No.

247 jOrA and I. 0 oL~ 'Persian I18. No .1634.
0

2. See Madhumalit, I.OnLQ Persian liS. NOo80 0

3. See Nusarti, M.N., Gu shan i shq, B.M. Hindustani MS.

No.1059jOr .;I.O.L. Hindustani MSS.Nos.104-107.
4. See Ghosh, J.C., Bengali Literature, Calcutta - 1948,
p.89; Sen, D.C., Eastern Bengal Ballads, Vol.I, Pt.i,
Calcutta - 1923, p.211.
 193
Padmini-Rattru~ Sen,l as the daughter of Hamir Sank (Chauhan),
the ruler of Ceylon;2 while according to Jayasi he was
GandharabsenJthe king of Sinhaldip ao 3 Ghulam Lli, on the
other hand, has named him as Raja Kandrap of Lanka. 4
There is thus no end to such divergences in different
hands and mouths in respect of such popular legends.

1. Padmini or Padmavati hailed from Ceylon while Raja Ratna

Sinh or Rattan Se n belonged to Chitaur (r1arwar). Their
love-story dates back to the early 14th century, around
the capture of Chitaur by Sultan 11.1au-d-din Khalji in
1303.. .t.. ccording to Col. Tod, "Her beauty, accomplishments,
exaltation, and destruction, vr.lth other incidental
cir~umstances, constitute the subject of one of the most
popular traditions of Rajwara. tI Malik Muhammad Jayasi
versified their loves in AwadhI in his Padmavat in 15400
(See Man, New York, whole No.299, p.267); .L.garwal, V"S.,
Padmav~, Chirgaon - 1955, pp.33-34; Tod, Jo, ~als and
.tlntiquities of Rajasthan or the Central and_Wes17ern
~t States of India, Vol.I~ London - 1~0, PG~07.
2. Tod, Annals of Rajasthan, oP&cit.,_p~307~
3. Shukal, R.C., Jaisi Granthavali, Kashi, 5th ed., 1951,
Padmavat - polO.
4. See Ghulam Ali, Qissah i Padmavat, I.O.L. Hindustani MS.
No. P/2727a.IIIe
 194

III. eil.SSI 'S FOS'TER-F'::..THER

There is a similar difference of opinion about the name,
place and status of the foster-father of Sassi.
The Hindi version mentions him as Raja Brahmdat of
. 1 - .... ,
S 1ndh. Lalwan1 s and Sorley's summaries of the story
describe him as the Chief of Bhambhore (Sindh).2
2 ..
But almost all other versions, holreve~ written in various
languages and in different regions by a wide variety of
authors, have described him as an issueless washerman of
Bhambhore (Sindh).
They differ, however, from each other in respect of
his name. For example, in the Persian versions of Sindh, Qani
has mentioned him as "Manhya, also called Lara. 1l3 Among the
indigenous Sindhi versions, the scripts found and used by
Burton4 and Goldsmid 5 name him 'Mahmud'; while those used by
LalwanI,6 Kincaid,7 Ayyaz S and Zainab 9 call~ him tMahmed l
or 'Muhammad'o Norris's word-of-mouth version, however,
names him 'Atta'olO

1. See Dasam Granth, Triya( Charitr, (dt .• circa 1696),

Charitr NoolOS.
2. Lal~anl, Shah Lat:r~J op .. cit .. , p., 75; Sorley, Shah Abdul
Latif, opocit., p~3bl,.
3. Qani, Tuhfat al Kiram, opocit., fe260(b).
4. Burton, Siudh and the Races., •• , op.cit., p.93.
5. Goldsmid, Saswi and Punhu, opccit., p03.
6. LahvanI, Shah Latif, op.cit., po76 ..
7. Kincaid, Tales of Sindh, opocito, p~2.
S. Pakistan ki .Awami KahaniYan, op.cit., p.76.
9. Zainab ~ Folk-Tales of Pakist~n, op.cit., p.5S.
10.See Art and Letters, London, Vol.23, 1949 - No .. l, p .. 34.
 q r-'
1. cd

In most of the Panjabi, Persian and Urdu versions of the

Panjab also, he has been given as rAtta t • l Munshi Jot Parkash,
for instance, says in Persian: 2

Indarjitrs Persian ~~~awI, however, mentiowhim as fMa1ik l • 3

Pir Muhammad of Awadhts Persian ~~~awI, on the other
hand, has named him as 'Lala t; 4- vJhile in an indigenous
Balochi version, he is mentioned as 'Babul t • 5 Uosb o£ the

4.
Most of the Sindhi versions of the story have described him as
a man of considerable wealth. He is said to have had a great
number of workmen in his service, who, when employed on the
river, found the box or the basket containing the infant
6
Sassi, and carried it to him, their master.

1. FOE instance, see Jot Parkash's Dastlir i ISh~, p.17;

Shahbazts Waga i Punnun (p.35) in Persian; Raj Muhammad's
Hafiz Bar~hurdaris Hashim Shah's, Sada Ram1s, Fazal Shah's
Qissa in Eanjabi;_Salig Ram's ~~~awI in Urdu.
2. Jot Pa~kash, IJastur. i IshQ.2. ?alcutta - 1812, p.14 ..
3. Qureshl, w., Indarjlt~ Nruna l'Ishq, Lahore - 1959, p.ll.
4. AwadhI, Mehr 0 Mah, op.cit., p.59.
5. Mayer, T.J.L., Baloch Classics, op.cit., p.42.
6. See, for instance, Qanifs version in Tuhfat al-Kitam
(dt.1767) B.M. MS.21589/Addc, op.cit., f.2E;Ojb; McMurdots
version in J.R.11mS., 1834, op.cit., p.26 and ZainaA1s
version in the Folk-Tales of Pakistan, op.cit., 1957,
p.56.
 1 q 0'.'-'
. L

IV. PUNNUN
As Sassi has universally oeen accepted as the heroine or the
romance, so Punnun, the Bal.och prince or Kech, has similarly
been acclaimed as its hero.
o
Except Sorley, nqne has Questioned his domicile,
either; and strangely enough Sorley has also in the end
depic.ted him as belonging to Kech-Makrano 1

2.

But there is appreciable difrerence in the form or his name

and social status. He has been variously called as 'Punnfui',
'Punnua' in Balochi; 'Pannfui', 'Punhu' in Sindhi;
'Punna', 'Punno', in Rajasthani; 'Punoon' in Kachhi; 'Punnun'
'Punn8.:Q. t, Punn8.:Q. lilian T, 'Khan Punnan', 'Punnal , 'Punnal
Khan in Panjabi, SiraikI,2 Bahawalpuri; and 'Punnun' in Hindi,
etc. 3 Thus, in spite or the regional spelling variations,
his basic name has remained the same.
,,cd(

It has been changed basically only by Rizai, in his

Persian masnawI, substituting it by!'Nigar-"ror a set purpose,4
-00--

as noticed earlier in the case or SassI.

1nen on Sassi's advice, when he posed as a laundry-
man to obtain her hfu~d, he gave himselr out (according to
Shahbaz's Persian version) as 'Ghulam Islam', a washerman or
the 'Sappal' caste. 5 But in the Panjabi version (dt.1863) of

1. Borley, Shah Abdul LatIf, op.cit., pp.248,261.

2. Munshl Khuda Bakhsh of the Khairpur state has also used
'Punnalr-in his Siraiki version, viz. issa Sasul ain Jam
Punhu jo, 2nd ed. Sakhar NaR - 1915 (I.O.L. Sind.B.2 5 •
3. See Title and regional versions in Part II.
4. Rizai, Ziba Nigar, op.cit., f.31/a.
5. Sh8hoaz, Waqa i Punnun, op.cit., pp.33-34.
Sayyid Faza1 Shah (1827-90) and others we find him mentioned
by his original name, place and parentage, though in the
improvised garb of a washerman. Says Fazal Shah: l

, J
:;Y<~ 1!

Y 9'
1 ,
?;,:J77f718(1 JJd~\;? ,<

1. Fazal Shah, Qissa Sassi wa Punnun, Lahore - 1873,

(BMo 14l62.f.ll.1), po38.
 l qnC
L

PIr Farah Bakhsh Farhat has explained this name in two ways:

:ful:filment o:f desil"e and the :full moon. As P1L."lllun fS birth

:ful:filled his mother I s long-cherished desire, he was named
as: such:

oJ '-r-
cJ~ \lJ V ~ (' \;.
Moreover, as he was as handsome as the fUll moon, this name
suited him all the more, says the poet: 1
cJ'-t.i ~.;:..!:b.)oJ ~; cJ~ * cJ\e~ cJ~ 'oJ ~ ~ t\;.
~

cJ,:.s j,j ~, cJ~ ~ ~ ~ * c#?;!! ~ \oJ.> ~ cJ~ J;' .)oJ

Thi.s name has been in use not only in Balochistan,

but also in Sindh, Bahawalpur, Panjab and Rajputana. For
inst~~ce, 'Punhun' has been mentioned in the line o:f chie:fs
who succeeded Sumra (who ruled over Sindh and died in 1054).
'Punhun' is stated to be the 8th in the line, having succeeded
2
Doda and having died in 122 6 a:fter a reign o:f 33 years.
According to Bahawalpuri chronicles, Firoz Khan, a chie:f o:f
Sindh, is said to ,have had :five sons, the descendants o:f whom
are traced out in the :following table:
Firoz Khan
1-
I I
Vadeereh J-odeh Khan

Punnoo Jam Hoat 3

1. Farhat, F.B~, MasnawI Sassi-Punnun, MS.:f:f • 437/b - 38/a.

2. Mirza, K.F 0, Aliistory o:f Sindh, Vol. II, Karachi, 1902,
p.36.
30 Shahamat .Ali, The History o:f Bahawalpur, London 1848,
p.13.
Bhai Kahan Singh tells us that IIPUIL.'l.Un is a Jat sub-caste,
having originated from the Surajwansi Rajputs; and is written
as 'Punnun' and 'Pmmun, both ll • l We still have a number of
'Pannuri! families in the Panjab and also a town, 'Naushehra

PunnUnan I , is named after them. According to Ibbetson also,

they "are a J8.t tribe, claiming Solar Rajput ancestry [and]
are chiefly found in .Amritsar and Gurdaspur. They also own
five villages in Sialkot. They say that their ancestors came
from Ghazni; or according to another story from Hindus tan. 112
Rose adds, "The Punnuris founded -.
Bara Punnfifui in .Amritsar.
The PunnUns are also found in Montgomery as a Hindu J8.t clan

(agricul tural). They are found too in Ludhiana. ,,3

4.
He has also been named, particularly by LatIf in Sindhi,
nashim in Panjabi and FarId in Babawalpuri, as 'Hot t (or
'Rotal') because he is believed to have belonged to the Hot

sub-stock of the Baloches. Says NUr DIn of Muza:Earga:rh(dt.1895):

10 b *J,~ -:;. ~
~ ~~..J...., o~ ••••••••••• J;. ~ ~ ~ (' b ~

Shah LatIf, Shah Inayat and various other Sindhi poets have
used 'Baloch r , 'Jat' , 'KechI' and 'ArIyanI also as his
appellations or metaphorical attributes~ He has been called
'Baloch' because he belonged to that race ;-~

1. Kahan Singh, Gurshabad Ratn8..kar Maban~Kosh, Patiala - 1930,

pp.2223, 2326, 2378.
2. Ibbetson, Sir D.G.J., ~ OutlineJof Panjab Ethnography,
Calcutta - 1883, p. 230.
3. Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of Panjab and
N.W.F.Po, Vol. III, Lahore - ~914, pp.238-39.
40 See, for instance, Shah IS R~salo in Sorley I s pp .372, 384,
389.
 'Jat' because he was also a camelman;
'Kechi' because he hailed ~rom
Kech; and Ariyani because he
was the son of hi, the chief of Kech-Makran. l In Sindhi
k8.:rls, he is often addressed by the distressed Sassi,
with the last appellation, such as:
"0 son o~ lU'I! hear my moan,
To me, thy poor slave,ifturn, II (Abdulla)
ilThou wilt, 0 son o~ ArI,
Come to those who ~or thee yearn,,"'U (Sachoo) • 2-
Some say that he was his father f s only son, while others
maintain otherwise. 3 Thus he is mostly known as a Prince o~
Kech. But the Hindi version o~ Triya Charitr 4 and Persian
versions o~ Munshl Indar jlt5 and Shahbaz Khan 6 describe him
as the king of Kech. For instance, the Charitr telI.s us:

'C1 I enl" Cf}T7j foi Cjlc ~ 0mrf

~-'""I .. mQ f)lcpl { ~.' ~<d.
5.
The above-Quoted Hindi version, Burton's Sindhi Manuscript
and Goldsmid' s Sindhi text, Lakh Shilll' s Panjabi Qissa and
Khetsl 's. Rajasthani _Bat have described him as. already married
to one or more than one w~e. In the Hindi version, the
jealousy of his ~irst wi~e results in his death through an

1. See under the next sub-sec., viz. 'Punnun's Parentage'.

2. Hart-Davies, Sind Ballads, op.cito, pp.27 & 21.
3 .. See under sub-sec., 'Punnun' s Brothers'.
4. Dasaro Granth, Charitr No.108, verse No.6.
5. Indarjlt, traroa i 'Ishg, op~cit., p.15.
6. Shahbaz-Husain, Waga i Punnun, op.cit., po17.
 201

intrigue, planned by herself. l In the Sindhi version, when

Avisa, his younger wife, learns about his proposed departure
for Bhambhore, she seizes his camelIs nose-string, and says:
"Husband, leave me not thus, for the sake of the Lord!
Either pass this night with me, or send me home to
my father f shouse. II
The elder wife, being more practised in such matters, requests
the junior to desist, as someone must have charmed away their
husband's affections. 2
The Rajasthani version has mentioned four wives, one
of whom, named Saran, is directed by lianta, her mother-in-law,
to go after Punnun and bring him back home. 3 The Panjabi
version of Lakh Shah has named her Gundai and shown her very
much upset at hearing the news of Punnun!s marriage with Sassi
at Bhambhoreo
Some Sindhi versions describe him as having been
entranced or entrapped by a celebr~ted beauty on his way to
meet Sassi, his dream-beloved. BurtonTs !literary version!
has named her Sehjan who struck by Punnun! s handsomeness,
joined his caravan in the guise of a man; charmed him at Loe
to such an extent that Punnun IIdelayed the caravan three whole:
days in order to enjoy her company , and could get away from
her only on receipt of Sassi's message and the use of the
expedient of dropping opium into the lady T s cups. 1I 4 A

1. Dasam Granth, op.cit., Charitr No.108.

2. Burton, Sindh and the Races ••• , op.cit., p.97.
3. See under Rajasthani Version in Pt.II.
4. Burton, Sindh and the Races, op.cit., pp.98-9.
goldsmi th T s wife named Bhagula at Bhambhore is also said to
have seduced his affection from Sassi, his wife, and tried to
persuade him that the latter was unfaithful to him. Sassi had
to undergo the trial of Tire in order to ]prove her chastity
l
and faithf'ulness. Goldsmid's version has also mentioned his
meetings with Sehjiin, a wise and wary woman, at Kaher Bela.
But Babiho, the Diwan, did not let Punnun respond to her
approaches or ac,cept any comforts and services from that
"wicked, wanton thing". 2 JVIunshi Khuda Bakhsh has also
mentioned this character and episode,3 which appears to have
been introduced as a precursor to the main event and also in
order to heighten its effect and to bring out the true love
and devotion of' the lovers.
6.
Punnun is held in almo st the same esteem fu'1.d affection in
Bahawalpuri homes as we find Sassi in Sindhi homes. He is
affectionately called 'Punnal'; and one can often notice
elderly ladies addressing the juveniles with this delightful
appellation. When forbidding a youth from doing something
undesirable, they will tell him HNS.:rTh. Punnal een narTh. karl!
i.e. No, darling do not do that. When one finds the need of
ingratiating oneself with someone, one will address him with
the S~le appellation and win his ready affection and consent.

1. Burton, Sindh ~'1.d the Races, op.cit., pp.lOO-lOl.

2. Goldsmid, Sas-wi and Punhu, op.cit., p.8.
3. Khuda Bakhsh, Qisso Sasui ain Jam Punhu jo, op.cit.
 2 3

It is quite a popular name in that territory, even in its

• f - • T
basic form, 1 .. e • .Punnun 0

In the Panjab, it is used as an apostrophe by a wife

for her husbcmd in various forms; such as, TPunnu.n!,

.
'Punnan I , 'Punna
o
I, IPunnua T , 'Punnal!, 'Punnu.n meria!,
'Balochaji!' It has also tended, like the word 'Dhola T in the
Rajaathani folk-songs,l to become a kind of traditional
epithet for the husband in the mouth of the wife who, in folk-
songs jis conceived as a Virfu"linI (the separated soul), and is
described as calling herself TSassi'. Thus it se'rves as a
synonym for a beloved husband, particularly in relation to his
imminent departure for a far-oi'f place, or during se:paration
from him owing to his being away.2

1. See Proceedings of t...he XJ0! International Oriental Congress.,

Vol.IV, Moscow - 1963, po176.
2. See Sec.3 in Pt.II.
 v. PUmWN f S PARENTAGE
Punnun was a Hot by tribe. It is wrong to say that nEot was
[just] a title of Punnu...'1. II , 1 or that he "was not at all likely
to have been a Hot by tribe. ,,2
((Hot is a noble tribe of the Balochs.3 and it is the
most nu.rnerous. iI , says Hughes, "in all Makran and is held in
high consideration. ,,4 They are said to have originated from a
great chief' of Makran, named Jalal Khan. He had one daughter
and four sonsJwho still remain associated with the names of
the five principal divisions of the Baloch race. Rind was the
eldest while Hot was the second son. 5 ArI, Punnunfs father,
was a direct descendant from the la.tter whose genealogy has
recently been procured by N.B. Baloch. 6 Local history relates
the supersession of the rule of the Rinds by that of the Hots
and tithe ruins of the MIrI of Punnun, the Hot, the story of
whose love-affair with Sassi is so popular in upper India il ,
asserts Hughes-Buller, "are still to be seen opposite Turbat
on the right bank of the Kech Kaur marking their ancient
power. The Hots were, in their turn, ousted by the Maliks,,7
1. Lajwanti, R.K., Punjabi SUfi Poets, Calcutta - 1938, p.93.
2. Temple, Sir RoC., Legends of the Panjab, Vol.III, London -
1886, p.30 fno
3. Raverty, Major H.G., Notes on Afghanistan and Part of
Balochistan-Geographical, Ethnographical and Historical,
London - 1888, po5.
4. Hughes, A.W., The Country of Baluchistan, London-1877,p.164.
5. Longworth-Dames,M., Folklore, London,Vol .. XIII,p.257.
Ibbetson, Panjab Ethnography,op.cit.,p.194. See also
Hughes-Buller, R., Census of India 1901, Vols.V & V~A,
Balochistan, Pts. I & II, Bombay - 1902, p.95.
6. As he told me twice in London during a :personal discuss,ion
on the subject on 14.9.1963 and 22.3.1964. He also promised
to send me a copy of the same which is still awaited.
7. Hughes-Buller, R., Balochistan District Gazetteer Series,
Vol. VII-Makran, Bombay - 1906, p. 94.
 205
Hittu Ram, in his History of Balochistan after giving
details of the Baloch tribes, tells us that when the Baloches
migrated from Kirman to Malrr'a.n. (while others of their stock
made their way towards Qalat), the Hots became the masters of
l
Kech-Makran. Quoting further from Akhwand Muhammad SadiCl' s
account, he :groceeds to relate that lIabout their sovereignty
in Kech-Makran,2 a very old and famous legend about the romance
of Sassi is still current on everybody's lips not only in
Balochistan but also in Sindh and the Panjab. It is a very
interesting legend. The poets of the Panjab and Sindh$ have
/

poetised it into Panjabi and Sindhi, while the poets of

Balochistan have it in Balochi poetry. The people Sing it with
great joy",,3
This)' and another such indigenous Balochi legend, do
associate Punnun with the Hot tribe. 4 But it is not so only
in Balochi or Balochistan. Scores of versions, ballads and
folk-songs, procured from various other regions and languages
are unanimous that Punnun was a Hot-Baloch prince of Kech-
Makran. That being so, one fails to understand Sir R.C.
Temple's assertion (made in the course of his comment on
Hashim f s use of 'HOt Ali' as Punnun r s father), that tithe tribe
1. Hittu Ram, TarIkh i Balochistan, Lahore-1907, pp.34-35.
2. It will not be out of place to mention here, in Raverty's
words, that an appreciable number of the Hot tribe, tlleft
their old country in Kichh and Mukran about 874 A.H.(A.D.
1459), and migrated to Upper Sind and Mul tan. II
Rose also considers them as Hone of the original moon
sections of the Baloch and very widespread. They still form
a powerful tribe in Mekran and ruled at Dera Ismail Khan
for 200 years. I! (See Rose, H.A., A Glossary of the Tribes
and Castes of the Pan"ab and North-West Frontier Provinces,
Vol.II, Lahore - 1911, p.33 ).
3. TarIkh i Balochis,tan, op.cit., p.35.
4. See under Balochi Version in Pt.II.
 206
of' the Hots can have had no connection with the tale and the
name is a modern interpolation. HI The earliest available poems
and ballads not only in Balochi but also in Sindhi and Panjabi
have likewise li~~ed the word Hot, both as the name of' PLLnnuntS
tribe as well as his associational name, for many generation~c
So the Question of' its being "a modern interpolation" does not
arise at allo Commenting similarly on Hashim's usual use of'
the word 'Hot' as synonymous for Punnun at the end of his poem:

'j~~ ':;:5' \~"w

< "'0 \~~3 "=I'W: -ad,';;" -a' I 2.. iJ" I~,>'l
Temple has appended another f'ootnote declaring it "probably
an error. Punnun was not at all likely to have been a Hot by
tribe." 3 We have .Ahmad Tar (1768-1845) too, to support us.
He has used the word 'Hot! clearly in both contexts - figura-
tive single verse which reads:

'b\-\~.,"Q~. {\
-rrfi 'l0r\:'
Sorley also appears to have misunderstood and confused it. When
explaining the term 'Hot!, he stated, IIHCSt: Literally means
'friend', used by StL.1-J.inl of PunhUn, her lover. 1I4 As stated
above, it is neither an attribute nor a title. It is a proper

1. Temple, Legends of' the Panjab] opocrc., p~24.

20 See, f'or instance, Latlf'ls Ri?alo, in Sorley's ~atlf',
op~cit., pp.372,373,378, etc; ffiid Hashim's Sassi-Puruiun in
Shfui'S Sassi-Hashim, pp&596, 606, 615~ 671.
3. Temple, Legends of' tpe P~njab, op.cit., p.30; Shan, Sassl-
Hashim, op~cito, p.b71.
4. Sorley, Shah Abdul Latif, op.cit p.421.
0 ,
name of a particular tribe and literally, according to Long-
worth-Dames, it means hero or warI'ior. 111 MOl"eover , it has been
used by Sassi, and not 'Suhini', for her lover, Punnun.
Sorley was also mistaken in stating that lithe tribe to
which the, hero belongs is the Arl" 01' the Arianll!, 2 fu""ld that
liAriyani [is the] name of a Baluchl tribeo" There is no s,uc,h
tribe bearing this name, as far as I know, either in Kech or in
Sinclh or in Balochistan. Moreover, as he has made this state-
ment in the context of LatIf's Risalo, we need not seek it
elsewhere. In Risalo and also in many other Sinclhi poems and
ballads, Arl has usually been given as the name of Punnun t s.
father, the Chief of Kech-Makran. And strangely enough, Sorley
has himself mentioned him, in his summary of the s.tory as; such,
viz. 11 Punhun , the son of' .Arl Jam, the Chie:f of Kech. 1I3
ilArIyanlli being an adjective, stands :for either the men or the
sons of' ].rl. LatIf has, however, used even 'Ar!' as another
name or a surname :for Punnun. To quote instances :from Sorley's
own English rendering, we :find:
i. "From every bond and tie Of Arl thou art free;
ii. She cried, 'Come, 'Ariyanl: worn am I
And deep in love with thee.'
iii. '0 Arl, Husband, :for the sake of God
Forget not me. 1I 4

1. See The Encyclopaedia o:f Islam, 1st ed., London-1913,p.630.

2. Sorley, Shar~ Abdul LatIf, op.cit., p.248. See also, p.421.
3. ibid., p .. 361.
4. ibid., ppo366, 374-75.
Shah Inayat (co 1616-98) has also described Punnun as
the son of Arl.
 Many more instances CffiL be added to prove that 'ArY' and
Ar±yanY' do not stand here or elsewhere in this context as the
name o~ any particular tribe, other than the Hot to which they
actually belonged.
We can similarly contradict McMurdo's assertion who
also described him, in 1833, as iia Muhammedan o~ the tribe o~

AIrY" and observed that "this tribe is still numerous in

Sindh. lil My learned informants ~rom Sindh (viz. Mr. A.H.Jatoi
and Mr. M.A.Qadri o~ the University o~ Sindh) have categorically
denied the exi.atence o~ any such tribe either in Sindh or in
Balochistan. 2

In some other Sindhi poems, we also ~ind some re~erences to

'Jutts' or 'Jatts'. They are also a sUb-stock o~ Balochis and
are ~ound not only in Balochistan but also in Sindh and Kachh,
According to Bray, lithe Jatts are settlers ~rom Sind, and work
as cultivators. II He ~urther adds that lithe Jats are camelmen. u3
Rose also tells us that "Jat (with the so~t 't') is used to
denote a camel-driver, as in upper Sindh where Jat now means
a rearer o~ camels or a shepherd as opposed to a husband-
man.,,4 Hence they do also seem to have been associated with
the story, but rarely and mostly in a ~igurative ~orm, as an
alternative to Hot-Baloch.
1. See J~R&A.S., Vol.I, op.cito, p.26 ~n.
2. During a personal discussion on 10.9.1964 in London.
3. Bray, Denys, Ethnographical Survey o~ Baluchistan, Vol.I,
Bombay - 1913, pe13.
4. See Rose, Glossary o~ the Tribes and Castes o~ Panjab and
NoW.F.P., Vol.II, op.cit., p.357 ..
Having settled thus the question of PillL~un's tribe, when we
come to consider the nfu~e and status of his father, we are
confronted with another confusion of names.
The indigenous Baloch~ versions have named him as
'iQiyah', 'lUiya', and '.Ali I . The Sindhi versions, both
legendary ~~d literary, have called him 'Arl', 'Jlam Arl' or
'Arl Jlam' ~ In Kachhi, he has been given as 'Arl Ja,'n', while in
Ra,jasthani as 'Arl BaloGh. The :English versions from Sindh
have also mentioned him as 'Arl', 'Jlam Arl' or'Arl Jlam'. But
the Persian versions of Rizai and Qanl, both from Sindh, have
referred to him only as the chief or ruler of Kech.
IvIost of the versions from the Panjab in Panjabi,
Persian or Urdu - have recorded him as 'HOt.Ali,.l Raj
Muhammad and Fazal Shah have called him '1-uI Khan.' In the

Dholas of Bar and Farhat's Persian -.e_

masnawI, he is mentioned
also as '.Akbar Ali'. 2

Then it is in this region alone that some of its prominent

versions, like those of Triya Charitr(dt.1696) in Hindi; and
Nama i 'Ishg (dt.1729), Waqa ~ Punnun (dt.1835) and fur i
'Ishg (dt.1895) in Persian have mentioned his son, Punnun, as,
himself being the chief, ruler or king of Kech. For instance,

1. Such as those by Hafiz Barkhurdar, Hashim Shah and Ghulam

Rasul in Pan..jaRt; and JOt Parkash in P~.r.l1:L~o In the Ur..@
narrative of Panjab ke RUman! l~sane, he is mentioned as
'Sul tan .lUI lilian'.
2. Farhat,F.B.,-WasnawI Sassi PillL~un, dt. before 1840, MS.
f .436/b.
 2tu
says Indarjlt: 1

.JJo:' 15L.J~ 1,;)* -e;f.rA ---------- .J~ i:..o !$~b I,;)~ I"~t I,;)~.J
6.
By taking these differences as regional deviations, and con-
sidering '.AlI' of Balochi-Panjaoi and fArI' of Sindhi-Kachhi
as pronuncial or morphological variations of one and the same
name; and by following also the direction of the Balochi
versions (as the hero and his parents hail from that region),
we can conclude that Punnun's father 2 was a 'Hot' oy tribe,
t.AlI' oy name and a 'chief' oy status.

This leads us now to the proolem regarding his title. Whereas

the Balochi versions are silent aoout it, the Sindhi versions
are quite vociferous in entitling him 'Jam', viz. '~am ArI,
or 'ArI ~am', the ruler of Kech (Balochistan). The Panjaoi
tradi tion, on the other hand, has oeen equally vociferous. in
entitling the father of Sassi, the ruler of Bhamohore (Sindh)
as such, viz. rAdam Jlam' or 'Jam Adam t ;3 for example, according
to Shahbaz (0.1796) in Persian: 4
~~ ..jl b ~ ,-:-,-""G ~ .)~,..r:..: ,n.};,' '\.t C>.,.., t .J~

r:$? ~ 3,;:...:J '-t. ~ ~""': f L:- r..J .J~~ i I.:. ~ 2< I..

1. IndarjIt~ l.iunsnl, Nama i Ishq, opacit., :polS.

2. Only the Rajasthani version of Prohit IChetsi has given
'Ranta' as the name of Punnun's mother. See Rajasthani
Version in Pt.II.
3. Norris t s Sindhi version; also descrioes him as lI~am Adam,
king of BhCmoer ll • (See Art and Letters, Vol.23, op.cit.,
p.33). It gives liKing l.:u>il! as the name and status of
Punnun's father. (See ibid., pp.36 & 38).
4. See Shahhaz-Rusain, Wa~ Punnun, op.cit., p.ll.
 211
and according to Ghulfrm RasUl (1813-74) in Panjabi: l

~'j.) ~ (;)Y-.J-! ~ e,...J (;) ~ .8i****** ~4-~ F~ f..J \ f \:. ~ cr-o

t Jam';' is a very old 8.l'1d hereditary title still in vogue

in Las Bela, Sindh, Derajat and Kachh-Kathiawar.

.. Several .
derivations of' this title have been suggested. iiMaharnmedans
who possess it derive it f'rom Jamshede and Hindoos f'rom the
word ' Jam I , 'f'ixed r or tf'irm'. 2 It was assumed by the Sammas
(of' the Rajput descent) on their clearing out the Summrahs
f'rom their supremacy in lower Sindh and then setting up one of'
their number, Unar, as ruling chief, with the title of' Jam,
(dt.1351).3 It remained the "title of' the chief's of' the Jadeja
tribe both of' the elder branch in Kachh and of' the younger
branch in Navanagar, or Little Kachh in Kathiawar. 1I4 They
obviously IIderived it f'rom their ScindifuJ. ancestors. II The

1. See Ghul5.m RasUl, Sassi Punnun, Lahore - 1880,p .4.

2. McMurdo, J., Remarks on the Province of' Ka thiawar : its
Inhabitants, their Manners ond Customs, in the' Transactions
of' the Literary Society of' Bombay, Vol.I, 1819, p.261.
See also Gol dsmid , F.J., On the Preservation of' National
Literature in the East in J .. RoAoS., Vol.I, NoS., London -
1865, p.38.
3. Cousens, H., The Antiguities of' Sind, Calcutta - 1929,p.31;
See also Raverty, H.G., The Mihran of' Sind and its
Tributaries in J.A.S.B., Vol.LXI, p.502.
4. See Gazetteer of' the Bombay Presidency, Vol.I, Pt.i;
Haig, Indus Delta Country, pp .. 72-3; LalwanI, L.W. The Lif'e,
Religion and Poetry of' Shah LatIf; Karachi - 1890, pp.88-9;
History of' Gujarat, Bombay - 1896, PQ215; Kincaid, C.A.,
The Land of' Ranji and Duleep, Edinburgh - 1931, p.l09;
Raikes, S.N., Memoir on the Kutchh State (dt.1855), in the
Selections f'rom the Records of' the Bombay Govto, No.XV,
N~S., Bombay - 1855, p.8; Forbes, A.K., Ras Mala, or
Hindoo Annals of' the Province of' Goozerat in Western
India, London - 1856, Vol II, p. 277 • 0
 .r-ams I
chiefs of Las Bela have till recently been l~~own as t r•

Longvvorth-Dames tells us that"i t is one of those several

titles of Hindu origin which is even up to now borne by
Musalman Jats and Rajputs in the Lower Derajat~2

So it appears to have remained quite a popular title

for local chiefs of the entire territory. Shahamat Ali says
that "Shahzada Morad, the son of ...l\kbar the Great, on his
arrival at Multan not only granted him [i.e. Cheennee Khan] a
JagIr, but conferred on him the title of '.r-am', which in Sindh
dialect means Chief. 113 .According to Rose also "i t is a Sindhi
title, meaning chief or headman.!! He further adds, IIWhen borne
by the headmen of a Punjab tribe it usually points to a Sindhi
origin, i.e. to its migration from Sindh or the valley of the
Indus. 114
As such, it could equally be associated with the names
of the royal fathers of both the hero and the heroine. As
some of the Panjabi versifiers considered Sassi to be the
daughter of a ruling chief of Bhambhore (Sindh), they seem to
have thought it wise to ascribe this local and popular title
to him and thus describe him as 'Adam .r-am I . But as Sassi is

1. See Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1st ed., op.cit., p.637.

2. See Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol.II, No.13, Oct.1884,
pp.2-3.
3. Shal1amat Ali, Histor;y: of Bahawalpu~, op.cit., p.103.See
also Gulraj,J.P., who also says thaTbtlthe Summa rulers. took
the title of .r-am, as did also the convert rulers of Cutch. 1I
(SinQ and Its SufIs, Adyar:-1924, p.30).
4. Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Panjab and
N.W.F.P., Vol.II, op.cit., p.351.
almost unruLimously claimed a Br~hman by birth and a
washerwoman by adoption both by the Sinlli~i as well as the
Bahawalpuri traditions, the Question o~ attributing this title
to her Brahman ~ather or washerman-adopter does not arise.
Similarly as we do not ~ind it used in the indigenous Balochi
versions, we can be justif'ied in doubting its use on that side
too.
The reason ~or its overwhelming use in the later Sindhi
versions l (the Persian versions o~ Sindh have neither named
him nor entitled him thus) can be ~oUlLd in the prevalence and
popularity o~ this title during the Samma period of' Sindh when
the telling and retelling of' s-ach romances gained a f'resh
impetus. Moreover, as the rulers of' the neighbouring territor-
ies of' Kachh and Las Bela have also been entitled as 'Jrams',
it might have been considered only proper or fashionable to
associate this title with the name o~ this chief' of' Kech also.
So much so that in Goldsmid's Sindhi version, even Punnun has
been named as 'Jram Punhu ' •

1. It is mentioned even in the Sindhi clas;sic-, viz. the

Risalo o~ Shah LatI~.
 VI. PUl'TNUN' S BROTHERS
As already hinted, according to Farhat in Persian, RUmani
.Af'sane in Urdu and Mit Singh in Panjabi, Punnun was the only
son of his parents.
H8.i'iz Barkhurdar, Ra j Muhammad and Hashim Sh8..h (in
Panjabi), describing Punnun's abduction, mention them in ~lural

but they do not indicate their names or number ; while in some

other Panjabi versions, like those of Aram and RasUl, and in
the Urdu ~~awI
of Salik, they are numbered as two and named
as 'Umar' and !Tu.mar'. For instance, says Salik: l

~ .,J c>':>j"! .).,!~ j"!

~

,;0:. j
9
?
~

****** r.- ~ »' t . . .\ ..to,;,) j"! CZ

In the Kaclihi version of Mrs. Postans also they are numbered

as two, but in that of KaranI, they are given as six. The
Rajasthani version of Khetsi' has named them as'Mehrakhi f •

and 'Kelo'. In the Balochi ballad, only one, viz. Kiani, has
been mentioned.
As far as the Sindhi versions are concerned, their

names and numbers vary considerably. For instance, Burton's

bardic version tells us that Punnun ts father "sent at least
two dozen of his stalwart sons to fetch the fugitive home. 1I2
T'ilis nWllber has decreased to Hat least a dozen of his stalwart
sons 113 and''his six stalwart sons" in his later and literary

1. Salik, S.Ro, Ma¥\lawI Sassi PunnuUJ MS. Patiala, dt.25.8.1890.

20 Burton, RoF., SCl~~e or the Unhappy Valley, Vol.I,
LOLdon - 1851, p.85o
3. Burton, R.F., Sind Revisited, Vol.I, London 1877,p.130.
(manuscript) versions. l In Goldsmid's version, we :find them
indicated, along with his sisters ffiid wives, all in plural,
when in a message, his :father addresses him thus:
UYour brothers ffiid your sisters you appear to
wish to hate;
Your law:ful wives and kinsmen too, deserted all
o:f late. 11
But we :find only one, viz. 'Mark I , named therein. In Kincaid's
version, they are named as 'Chunnun', 'Rotu', 'N5tu', and
'Nakru'. In the versions o:f the native writers o:f Sindh, we
:find them given :for instance, as 'Roto', 'Lalo' and 'Chanro',
in Lalwanl's and 'Chanra', 'Rotl' and 'Kotl' in Iyyaz's. The
Persian versions o:f Sindh, written by Rizai and Qanl, have
mentioned their existence ffiid :function but have given neither
their numbers nor their names.
Thus it is an interesting amalgam o:f various names and
numbers. But of' one thing we can be sure: Punnun was no t
the only son o:f his parents and that he was kidnapped :from
Sassi's arms by his brothers, or in their presence and under
their supervision.

1. Burton, Sinili~ and the Races, op~cito, p.102.

 VII. THE MERCHAl'TTS

'The merchants who were instrumental in bringing Punnun to

Bhambhore or who in one way or anot~er enabled the lovers to
l
meet each other have also been named and numbered variously.
The Sindhi versions or Burton, Goldsmid and Kincaid
mention only one and name him 'Babiho'. According to the
rormer and the latter, he was a Hindu trader who visited
Bhambhore with his merchandise? gained Sassi's rascination and,
declining her compliment in ravour of' Punhun, the son of' his
employer, stimulated her interest in him. 2 Their conversation
as versif'ied by the author of' Burtonts Sindhi manuscript is
quite interesting. Some verses read as under:
Merchant: What am I? You must see my lord,
Of' his beauty I have but a f'ortieth part.
Sassi: Banyan, by what name did thy parents call thee
And who is the youth whose beauty thou describest?
Merchant: My parents called me Babihal by name,
And the youth whose beauty I describe is Punhal
Khan, the Baloch.
Sassi: My little Babiho, only bring that Baloch ror me
to see,
And I will pay the taxes and duties f'or all thy
caravan. 3

1. According to some, like Dharam Singh (in H-'Z.njabi), f'or

ins.tance, they themselves-carried Punnun of'f' from Sass.i's
arms, f'or f'ear of' any complicatioT.l,);. (See Qissa Sas:si
Punnun, .Amritsar - 1912, I.O.L. No. Panj. Fo313)o
2. We are reminded here of' the r61e of' Tri s,ta.n who f'aces a
somewhat similar situation and declines Yseut 's compliments
in favour of' King Mark of Cornwall. (SeeDenis de Rangemont,
L'.Amour et L'Occident, Paris - 1956, pp.21-22.
3, Burton, Sind and the Races, op.cit., p.94.
 2.
Babiho of Goldsmid's version is the Hindu DIwfu~ (minister) of
Punnun's father who, though he also played the same r5le,
actually arrived there with Il.aj JHahajan as the leader of a
caravan sent by the chief to fetch grain from Sindh for the
famine-ridden Kech. Khuda Bakhsh, on the other hand, has named
him 'Meto' and shown him to be a special emissary of Punnun,
commissioned to go to Bhambhore with his ware and perfumes;
and meet and enquire all about Sassi ~ whose marvellous
beauty he had heard much and was enamoured. 1
The Balochi versions are, however, silent about his
name. The first introduces him accompanied by Punnun and
encamped at Bhambhore; the second shows him in the form of an
agent employed to travel in search of a suitable match for
Punnun.
In Panjabi versions, we find a still stranger si tuat-
ion. Raj IVIuh amm ad , Sada Ram, Mit Singh and Ghula..'1l RasUl
(Maulawi) have all named him differently, viz. 'Pabban 1, '.A.mru',
'Kamun', 'Babban', respectively. Aram and Hashim in Panjabi ?

Shahbaz and Salamat in Persian; and Salik in Urdu, have

mentioned two leading figures of the Balochi caravan~ They
have generally been nal1led as 'Babban' and 'Bambiha'. For
instance, according to Hashim: 2
~.9~ .J l'-T# 21 '*
~
* ~~.f cJ ).J.)""" ~.J
c..,.J r,.J~ ~

1. Khuda Bakhsh, H., Qisso Sassui ain ~am Punbo jo, op.cit.,
p.14.
2. Shan, Sassi-Hashim, op.cit., St.53, p.603.
 2:t 8

The name of the latter, however, has been used as 'Behbal' by

Arfun and 'Bambha' by Sh81ibaz.

The versions of the Panjab have mentioned a trick played upon

them by Sassi who had them arrested and made their release
conditional only on their arranging for Punnun's presence at
Bhambhoreo Babban is said to have gone back to Kech and brought
Punnun in order to satisfy Sassi and thus secure the release
of the caravan o
Norris's version, heard recently from the spot, has
also mentioned this strategemo According to it, the merchants
were arrested on some pretext and shut away in the strongest
prison of Bhambhore. Two of them escaped at night and fled
away to Makran to tell King Ari of all that had befallen them.
The prince Punnun marched with a strong force towards Bhambhore
v,,' 1
in order to wreak vengeruLce and to ~t them released.

1. See Art ruLd. Letters, London, Vol.XXIII, 1949 - No.1, p.36.

 219
VIII. THE GOATHERD
Panjabi versions are also at variance with most of the other
versions in describing the goatherd, who is said to have met
Sassi in the desert during her vvailings and wanderings in
search of her sweethearto Most of them (like Hafiz, Adit,
S8.lil~,
Raj Muhammad, Hashim, Fazal and Raslil) have named him
Kaka. For example, writes Adit: l
'd-\ ::~ ~ M-C~i\ c'-) '~~ ~ " ~ t' ~\~\~ \ ~o-\Cj -d..13\ d02 ~\~ }
'-' v ~ ..

Most of them have shown him to be a timid but a good-

hearted person. Sassi, in her great agony, when she notices
him from afar, cries for water and help in tracing her lost
love. But he, doubting the presence of a beautif'ul young lady
in that wilderness, and thinking her a witch or some ghostly
apparition out to do him harm, takes to his heels for fear of
any calamity or complication. But when on second thoughts he
turns back and finds her lying motionless, he repents and
reproaches himself, to such an extent that he piles up a mound
over her dead body; transforms himself into a faqI~ and settles
there as its guardian. He also becomes instrumental in inform-
ing the returning Punnun about everything which happened there.
2.
But this is not entirely so in the Sin~~i, Balochi and Kachhi
versions. The nearest to it is Rizai's Persian version of Sindh
which also differs much in the first part. It tells us that

1. See Mit, Majhari Sassi Kian, C.P.L., Lahore, MS. No.498;

S.R.L., Amritsar, MS. No.69/l562. LalwanI has given
Elpow~r as his name. (See Shah LatIf, op.cit., p.77).
when Ziba (i.e. Sassi) loses the track and falls down
bewildered, a goatherd sees her from afar and, full of pity
for her miserable condition, a~proaches
her. Finding him sym-
pathetic, Ziba relates to him her tale of woe: l

'TI1.en delivering a dying message, she collapses and the goat-

herd, deeply moved, buries her body and makes the spot his
abode.
Most of the Sindhi, Balochi and Kachhi versions have
an altogether different tale to tell as far as the said first
part of his role is concerned. They have not bothered to name
him and have depicted him as a villain. The Balochi ballad
tells us that during her search and pur sui t, when Sassi came
upon a goatherd, she asked him, HHave you seen my brave
Punnuna?" But the goatherd finding her alone and charming,
attempted to outrage her chastity. Sassi prayed for protection
and the earth at once opened to engulf her. Punnun, on his
return journey, encountered the same goatherd and on being
told about her fate, followed his love into the same grave.
The other indigenous Balochi version adds the detail that when
the goatherd approached her with evil designs, Sassi told him,
IIPray do not 00me near me. Rather, fetch me something to drink.
I have not taken anything for the last three stages. My throat
is parched and I am all tired and thirsty. II The goatherd

I.See Rizai, Zib.a Nigar (dt. 1643), B.~:1o, London, MS. No.
Or./337, op.cit.
 2 9·"1.
1-_;

hastened to his flock to get some milk. Meanwhile, Sassi

prayed to God for protection of her honour and chastity. The
earth opened and swallowed her up. Minchin's version also'
confirms this r61e of the goatherd.
In the Sindh versions, we find all this fUlly en-
dorsed in Qani's Persian narrative as well as in the indigen-
ous Sindhi poems. Burton's bardic and literary versions have
mentioned another ingenious detail. We are told in the'bardic
version that when ilSassooee reached the Pabb mountains, faint
with thirst, she applied to a goatherd for a draught of milk.
Now Fate had so disposed it that this wretch, who deserves the
name being described as a pe·rfect Caliban in hideous appear-
ance, had been told by the old Sycorax, his mama, that a
beautiful bride would about that time meet him in the wild.
Seeing the fair wanderer, he at once determined that she was
the proper person, and forthwith began a display of affection
and gallantry. til Burton's 'literary version', adding another
point at this stage, says that Sassi, :~o gain time, complained
of thirst, and begged her horrible admirer to milk one of his
goatso He replied that he had no pot. Upon which, the fair one
drew out a brass Iota (pipkin), and as he went to fetch the
animal, she knocked a hole in the bottom of the lota with a
stone. The villain's eyes were so much occupied, and his senses
so charmed, by the beauty of his prize, that he did not
remark the unusual length of' time it required to draw a draught

1. Burton, Scinde or the Unhappy Valley, op.cit., p.87.

of milk. And now Sassi, driven to despair, offered up earnest
prayer to preserve her honour~ begging to be admitted into the
bowels of the earth, if no other means of escape existed.
Heaven heard her supplication, and suddenly she sank into the
yawning ground. The wretched goatherd then perceived his mis-
take, but unable to cancel the past, occ.upied himself in
raising a Lorh and Manah in honour of the departed fair one. III
Burton's versions do not depict the goatherd's encounter with
Punnun which we have already noticed in some of the Panjabi
and Balochi versions. They tell us that having escaped from
his brothers, while travelling in haste towards Bhambhore, he
passed by the spot and, attracted by the appearance of the
newly raised Lorh, he went up to it and heard the voice of his
bride calling him from the tombo He then prayed to Heaven to
the ground
allow him to join his love, which Heaven granted, opening/and
swallowing up the lover. Goldsmid's version also describes
their end thus, and does not bring the goatherd again on the
scene.
But Mrs. Postans' Kac~~i and Kincaid's Sin~~i versions
have sho~~ him as having been stationed there, having met
Punnun, and informed him about SaSSi's fate and miraculous
disappearance beneath the earth on that very spot.
Dharam Singh's Panjabi version also shows him sitting
beside Sassi's tomb upon Punnun's arrivalo But he has also
something different to relate in connection with his conversion

1. Burton, Sind and the Races, op.cito, p.105o

to this po si tion. Laying aside his fear, when he approaches
Sassi and finds her dead, he tries to deprive her of her
ornaments. Presently, he is struck blind by some unseen power
which also carries away Sassi's dead body. His eyesight is
restored only after he has expressed his repentance and under-
taken the construction of a monument on the spot. 1
JOt Parkash, a Persian poet from the Panjab, has
introduced another innovation in his r5le. He has shown him
visiting Kech and informing Punnun's parents about the double
tragedy and miraculous disappearance of their son and his
sweetheart. He thus becomes instrumental in bringing them to
the lovers t grave. Gurbakhsh Singh, in a recent Pa:njabi
narrative, has described the goatherd I s journey to Kech as a
messenger of Sassi in order to convey' her message and reQuest
2
~ Punnun's early return to her.
There are still others who have not mentioned him in
any form or in any r61e. 3

1. See Dharam Singh, Qissa Sassi Punnun, IoOoL. Pfu~j.F.313,

p.28.
2. See Preet Lafl, Preetnagar, June - 1956, ppo20-21.
3. See for instance Norris's version in Arts and Letters,
op.cit., Vol.XXIII, 1949, No.1.
 IX. THE CM.lEL
The romance of' Sassi is intrinsically associated with the
desert and camels. As bUf'f'aloes have a special association
wi th the romance of' HIr-Ranjha and mares vri th that of' Mirza-
Sahibru\, so camels occupy a similar place in the romance of'
Sassi 0 In this respect it has a parallel in the Rajasthani
romance of' Dhola-Maru which is also a romance of' the desert
and the camel, and in which the camel has played an e~ually

j~portant part. l
The reason is obvious. The camel is the f'avourite and
most useful animalJmostly on account of' its endurance, in the
domain of' Sassi. In the time of' Akbar, according to Abul Fazl,
the f'inest varieties of' the Indian camel used to come f'rom
Kachh, the swiftest f'rom Ajmer a~d the best f'or burden f'rom
Sindh. The best f'or riding came f'rom Bikaner and Jaysalmir in
Rajputana. 2 Love of' the camel is particularly noteworthy in the
land of' the Baloches: the ref'rain of' a Balochi song even
celebrates the camel as a heavenly gif't. 3 It appears ~uite
f're~uently in the Balochi songs and it also appears in almost
all versions of' the romance of' Sassio
The camel or the she-camel attributed to Punnun has
received special attention f'rom various versif'iers. Some of'
them, like Sacia Ram in Panjabi, have given its name as 'Uddan

l~ See Vaudeville, C., Les Dulla de Dh51a-JVlaru, Pondichery -

1962, p.10.
2. See Blochillann, Ho, The Ain i Akbari (by Abu 'I Fazl~
Allami) , Vol.I, Calcutta - 1873, po143; Crooke, W.,
Things Indian, London - 1906, p.76.
3. See Modern Review, Calcutta, March - 1939, p.3360
Khatola'. But Hafiz, 1U~am fuLd Hashim have assigned this very
name to the cfu'1lel used by Babban, the merchant, for his hurried
journey, at Sassi's cornmand, towards Kech to fetch Punnun to
Bhambhore .1

In Goldsmid' s Sind-hi version, we find Sassi including

the camels in the list of her enemies:
liCamels are foes, and camelmen; the third, .Jam
Punhiin 's kin,
The sun the fourth, who sets when I my weary
task begin. II
In Hashim's Panjabi version, Sassi goes to the extent
of raising a deeply pathetic lament and saying:
liThe she-camel who carried off my Punnun, be hurled
down into hell;
Or also fall a prey to love, and burn of fire
of separation just like Sassi! Ii
But in the same breath, she is seen blessing it and also
feeling proud of it as
liThere is none like the one
Who has given a ride to my lover."
In LatIf's verses, we find it used also as a symbol
for describing the iistupid waywardness of the human heart."
Employing the camel in his allegoric scheme of imagery, he
sings at one place:
liThe camel, mother, for my needs,
I bought and tied beside the tree.
The mean and miserable beast,
Undoing all my work for me." 2

1. KhetsI has shown him riding on a mare, called 'Baurl', on

his return journey to Thatta. (See under Rajas,thani
Version in Pt.II)o
2. Sorley, Shah Abdul LatIf, op.cit., p.254.
 226
-7-
Ho'rIPS
-----
The romance of Sassi is basically a simple lliLd natural love-
story. But in the course of its migration into diverse regions,
tr~~smission into different languages and repetitions by
hundreds of tellers and versifiers, profess;ing various cas,tes·
and creeds, it has undergone many variations, alterations and
modifications.
These have effected not only the topography and
characters of the romance, but have also contributed in direct-
ing the course of its action and shaping the form of its
fabric. New motifs h~ve been added or old ones omitted;
various features have been moulded or twisted according to the
needs or whims of the writers concerned. Nor is this otherwise
than natural. lILegendsl!, as Halliday says, Hare not all of
immemorial antiQuity, nor are they ever, except when written
down, anything but fluid. They are changing all the time. They
modify one another and they borrow qUite freely incidents from
each othero ul
Yet the basic outline of the story seems to have
maintained itself. The main body of the plot, covering the first
meeting of the lovers and their tragic end, has also remained
mostly intact. The major variations of detail have occurred
largely in the events and motifs preceding and following ito
Most of the versifiers have devoted the best of their

1. Halliday, Sir WoR., Indo-European Folk-Tales and Greek

Legen~, Cambridge - 1933, p.56.
 227
attention to the description of Sassi's ur~indful sleep,
Punnun's treacherous abduction, and Sassi's wailings and
wanderings in search of him. This, in fact, forms the most
important part of the complete versions and is most effective
in its separate form, too, carrying in that case only the
tragic phase of the story.
The story as a whole does not seem to have travelled
l
to the south of India or migrated to other countries of the
world. Stories in their full complexities generally do not
migrate, but their motifs,which are simpler and more

1. There is a reference, however, in an anonymous Tamil work,

from Ceylon, of the 16th century. The book, viz.
Tiribo::J.asala Puranam, edited by Shanmugaratna Aiyar, is a
histor;y of the temple Tirihonasala in Trincomale (East
Ceylon). In chapter 22, describing the marriage of prince
Cholaganga with Princess AdakasavundarI, the prince is
compared in his handsomeness to "the lover of Sassi, the
l_~dy with a twinelike waist ll , as under:
,T.} J;;-.it),r~".·~ \J:'_"
r"'" ~'"
• c .~......,... r -.... ~ "~'.;'"
~~~ .~ ~ .r~,,!.:·r ~:) ~"D' ,\
/-_"
~";.t}~~ \
:'"\ ,~>=-- e.
,~~,\ .. ,~:-: '-~" (i"
~
~~j ,; r>.7~. .~
"""'I ."~ '""'. \\\ ~ 7""\ _ ,.• -\ I ...J 1 v v
'?- ~. .S'\ \ ,...,,) ~ i: 0;" t" ~. . .,.) "~:'~ \ C\.· ~~,:2.{ l:~:\ 1;:" 1..0 '-;\j ~ ~ ~'-,.::::.J o:S":l'L} if .~
..:. .... ~:---, ,-. .. /. ~~l -:--:w r;.~ (l"'-""... ,. - .;-~'..:,;.. ~.. .~~ . ~
~ {,I'j- \ ;9-' '::I(> .~. .'1)'" ":!? '+> (, IS; .;" .~ ~,S \~ "c ~
t",:,' . J :..: t 1. rr fT •
.1;"~""\ ~ LA.! ;~~l\ )~ , _ £; ··7".ih 11 '-T (~. ~''-' ~) ~ 00'"'. 6'?-' ~l ~
,.I....

. '., '. ::;;7 1 - . - /

The third and the fourth lines read thus in English:
uMoon-forehead, dark eyes, and long hair
Is he the lover of that twine-waist lady called
Sassi?U
It will not be out of place to mention that the love-
marriage of Cholaganga-A~akasavundar~ is a well-known
romruLce cherished in other such histories as well. Their
loves and charms have also been compared with those of
famous loving-couples like SIta~Ram and Dushyant-S~akuntala
in the preceding stanzas (See Aiyar, S., Tirihonasala
Puranam, Jaffna, Ceylon, 1909, Verse No 072, p .1Lis). So the
said reference, in all probability, is to the romance of
Sassi and PUILn1h~. I have not been able, so far, to lay my
hand upon any other such reference or version in any South
Indian language. But the discovery of this reference
a.ssures me about the ramification of the romance in that
direction as well.
 228
independent, keep on moving and cha~ging hands. The tale of
Sassi is also full of such motifs, some of which have their
parallels both in the East and in the West. Human nature is
everywhere the same, and human experience is also universal
in all lands and in all ages. Hence it is only natural that
some of its motifs are fairly old and of general distribution;
and have, therefore, kept their undiminished hold on the
affection of the people and the imagination of the poets
through the ages. Some of them can be noticed in some other
current stories and some can be traced back to the e'arliest
records of man's existence in the world.
This phenomenon is peculiar neither to this nor to
that story. uli' we turn over the pages of Grimrnts tales we
cannot help being struck by a great many of them bearing a
wonderful likeness to the stories current in [India] from
olden times .. II liThe tale of SUukhu ar DhulrJlu in the Thakurmar
JhullY, adds Sen, "has an almost exact parallel in that of
Mother Holle in the Grimm Brothers' collections, while the
tale of Ashputtel also in the latter is to some extent
analogous to the same Bengali tale. iiI liThe quest of the Rose
in the garden of Bakawall. 1i , says Clouston, lito cure the king's
blindness, finds an analogue in the German tale of the Water
of Life in the collection of the Brothers Grimm indeed

1. Sen, D.Co, The Folk-Literature of Bengal, Calcutta - 1920,

p.35.
 229
they are very closely allied. lIl SimilarlY,:;;the European
Cinderella tale has a close parallel in Teja and TejI or Tula
~nd Teja of Assam. 2 The Panjabi legend of Puran Bhagat,
according to Swynnerton, lIis really the story of Hippolytus.
Another well-knoM~ variant of the same old tale is the
biblical legend of Joseph, on which has been founded the famous
~riental romance of Yiisuf' and ZUlaikha. 1I3 The story of
Intaphernes, as told in the IIIrd book of Herodotus (chapters
118-120) is ita part of the common heritage of the .Aryan racer,
for it is found in the Uchchhanga Jataka (No.67 in Fausboll's
;')4
edition). In a similar way A Story of Tenderness to Animals
as related in the Kathakosha (a collection of stories written
by Jaina authors) contains, says Tawney, "a remarkable parallel
to an incident in the story of Rich Peter the Pedlar in
5
Dasent's Norse Tales. 1I
The romance of Sassi has, however, some typical and
independent motifs, as well. But they have also changed their
form and modified their content in the course of time. This,
too, is neither peculiar nor unprece&ented in the realm of such
popular romances, which keep on receiving modifications in the
course of their transmission from region to region and in the
process. of their perpetuation by oral or literary tradition.
The Persian romance of Shlrln-Farhad, for instance, on its
1. Clouston, W.A., A Group of Eastern Romances and Stories,
Glasgow - 1889, p.521.
2. Go swamI , P., Folk-Literature of Assam, Gauhati, 1954, p.85.
3. Sv~nnerton, Rev~.Co, Romantic Tales fr~m the Panjab,
Westminster - 1903, po44.
4. See The Indian Antiguary, Bombay, Vol.X, December, 1881,
p .371.
50 Ibid., July, 1881, p.190.
 230
transmission to Balochi, has undergone a similar process. Even
the name of the hero has been changed from TFarhad' to fParatf,
described as a j-at carpenter 0 In order to gain the hand of
his beloved, Shlrln, he has been portrayed as crushing a
stone (weighing a hundred maunds), making it as soft as wax,
and grinding it as fine as antimonYD l This in itself is an
altogether different form of the usual situation of the
original tale in which he has. been described as digging a
canal through a mountain in fulfilment of the condition of
marrying Shlrln. Thus it goes with the salient motifs of
almost all popular romances of the entire world.
The following study, based on various versions of this
and some other and allied romances, supported in places by
Thompson's Motif-Index of Folk-Litera.ture,2 Cross's Motif-
Index of Irish Literature, 3 Sorensen's Index of the Mahabhar-
ta 4 and Penzer's Index of Kathasar it sagara, 5 is an attempt
to analyse and compare some of the significant and character-
istic motifs of the romance of Sassi. The incluSion, analysis
and :groper discussion of all could swell this section into a

1. Longworth-Dames, M., Popular Poetry of the Baloches, Vol. I,

London - 1907, pp.117-8.
20 Thompson, So, Motif-Tndex of Folk-Literature, 6 Volso
2nd ed., Copenhagen - 1955-57, Hereinafter referred to as
Fl,Motif-Index.
3. Cross., T.P., Motif-Index of Early Irish Literature, Bloom-
ington - 1952, to be referred to hereinafter as, Irish
Motif-Index.
4. Sorensen, S., An Index to the Names in the Mahabharata,
London - 1904, hereafter referred to as Mahabharata Name.-
Index.
50 Somdeva's Kathasaritsagara (dtol063-8l) in Tawney, .C.H .. &
Penzer, N.M., The Ocean of Story, Vol.X, Index, London -
1928, to be referred to hereinafter as Kathasari tsagar a,
 231
f'air-sized l)ool{; hence only a f'ew, common to almost all
regional versions, have been dealt with on a reasonably small
scale.
I. DESIRE AND .A.NXIETY FOR A CHILD·
The desire and anxiety of' Sassi's parents to have a child is
the f'irst motif' of' this romance. They are said to have all
other comf'orts, except f'or ffik of'f'spring, and to obtain this
blessing they are shown praying, donating, f'eeding the poor,
entreating f'aqlrs and consulting a.strologers.
This is a very common motif',l particularly in the
romantic tales of' India. We f'ind it in the Rajasthani romance
of' Padffiavati in which we are similarly told that Raja Kandrap
of' Ceylon has everything but a child. The astrologers tell
him that a girl shall be born to him and this turns out true
in a similar way. 2 The Dakhani romance of' Manohar-Madh'fun8.l tl
7,
also begins with the similar desire of' Raja Bikram of' Kanakglr.~

In the Bengali romance of' Vidya-Sundar, Raja Malyban considers

himself' very unf'ortunate in not having been able to beget
issue, in spite of' his great wealth and powero He perf'orms the
Vedic sacrii'ice of' 'PutreshtI' f'or the purpose and seeks the
help of' the great sages. 4 The Awadhi romance of' Kamrup-Kamlata

1. See, f'or instance, Gauri's desire f'or a son in. Kathasarit-

sagara, Vol.II, p.lOO.
2. See Ghulam .LUI, Qissah i Padffiavat, I.OoLo Hindustani MS.
NooP72727a.III.
3. See M.N., NusartI, Gulshan i 'Ishg (dt.1657), IoO.L.
Hindustani MS. No. P!262l.
4. Sen, D.Co, Eastern Bengal Ballads, Vol.I, Pt.I, Calcutta -
1923, pp.51, 211.
 232
has also the same motif for its beginning. l
We find it also in the Turkish romance of Esma-
Zeyjan; the Persian romance of Gul-Hurmuz and the Dakhani
romance of Mihr-Mab. 3
The parents are, generally, blessed with a child
through the grace of God4 or the blessings of the holy men. 5

II. PROPHECY ABOUT THE BIRTH OF A CHILD

Favourable and unfavourable prophecies about the born and
unborn children also constitute a very common motif. 6 It has
been duly noticed by Thompson under M3l0 and M340. 7 The
prophesy with which we are concerned in this romance has been
recorded under Ni.365.3: "Girl will be perfect in love but will
die in a desert overcome by separation from her 10ve. 1I8
This prophecy is the pivot of Sassits tragedy_ We find
it mentioned in almost all versions of the romance.
They differ mostly in respect of its extent, emphasis

1. See Garcin de Tassy, Les Adventures de Kamrlip, par Tahsin-

Uddin, Paris - 1835, p.4.
2. Mundy, C.S., Esma and Zeyjan, an unpublished paper seen
with the author in London on 29Gl.1963~
3. Haidari, Qissah i Mihr 0 Mab, BoM. Hindustani MS .. No. Or.
2161/III, incomplete.
4. This aspect of the motif, viz, 'Child given as reward for
prayer', has also been noticed by Thompson in a Jewish tale,
under No. Q 192. See Fl. Mottl-Index, Vol.V, p.200 ..
50 Mahabharata has ascribed Damayanti f s (the beloved of Nala)
birth to a boon granted by Brahmarshi Damana. (See Sorensen,
Mahabhara ta Index, p. 230) •
6. We find it mentioned even in an ancient history of Sindh, in
connection with the birth of Bai, daughter of Chach and
Sohanalo See Mirza, K.F., The Chachnamah (dt. before 1216),
.An Ancient History of Sind, Vol.I, Karachi - 1900, p.23.
7. Flo Motif-Index, Vol.V, pp.50f'f., 53ff'.
8. Ibid., Vol.V, po62.
 233

and sequence only 0 Some, 1 iJ::;:e Mayer's in Balochi; Kincaid f s

in Sindhi, Indarjit's in Persian, Fazal Shah's in Panjabi and
RUffiani Afsane's in Urdu, maintain that it was foretold even
before the birth of Sassi. l For instance, says Fazal Shah in
Panjabi:
c.J \:0 J~ J1~ ~ 15..bS':~ ~?i******?i***

c.J~ Jio! c.J1~ ~~ I.S'"'~ ********** t.r'J' '& e,..J c.J~ ~~ ~\.s;.
Others, like Minchin's in Balochi, that o·f the Gazetteer in
Bahawalpuri, Postans T in Kachhi, Qani' s in Persian, Burton f s,
in Sindhi, S8lik! s in Urdu and Hashim! s in Panjabi, have
related it otherwise, that is after the birth of Sassi. 2
For instance, writes Salik in Urdu:
C .yA! C U"'.) t r=~ c J;t **************,,~* C t.9/ J:"::'..) ~ # ~ ;:$

j J C)':!O o.S.ll d~ t ~ ************ j..A C):!O I;)"! !.;)'t t !.;)'t ~I.,I...w

The assertion of the former has a parallel in the romance of
Padmavati-Ratansen, while that of the latter has one in that
of Manohar-MadhUffi8.l~ti.3
Then there are verSions, like those of the Gazetteer's
in Bahawalpuri, Gulrajani' s in Sindhi and Riz8.J. f s in Persian,
which indicate that Sassi's Brahmin father himself cast her
horoscope and predicted her fortune soon after her birth.
Others, like Hafiz's in PruLjabi, Gidvani's in Sindhi and
Mayer's in Balochi, maintain that he sent for the astrologer
who prophesied her fate. 4 Norris r s SinCl1J.i version adds
I. See relevant sections in respective regional versions in
Part II.
2. Ibid., N<15"'-({"j
3. lLN.,;.Gulshan i 'Ishg , B.M. Hindustani MS. No.0r.1059.
4. See relevant sections in respective regional versions in
Part II.
 234
that the scheme of her disposal was also submitted by the
chief astrologer himself at the S~le time. l

There is also some difference about the content and scope of

this prophecy. Some like LalwanI's in Sindhi and Postans' in
Kachhi are content to limit it only to ner loving and marry-
ing 2 a Muslim0

Others, like Burton r s and Hart-Davies r in Sindhi and

Hashim r sand Ras-ill f s in Panjabi,3 maintain that she was bound
to be ominous for her parents too 4 and was destined to pass
through trials and tribulations soon after her birth. She
would be thrown in the river, "become a Muslimah, marry a
foreigner and disgrace her family.H5 Then driven mad with
love for her sweetheart, she would die while searching for him
in the desert; thus bringing further slight and injury to all
concerned.

1. See relevant sections in respective regional versions in

Part II.
2. For prophesies concerning love and marriage, see Fl. Motif-
Index, p.62, under M369.2. Future husband is foretold in
Jewish and Irish tales as well. See ibid., M369.2.1,
Vol.V, p.62. ----
3. See relevant sections in respective regional versionq in
Part II.
4. A lone voice of Dharam Singh tells that the astrologers
predicted soon after her birth that she was destined to
become a prostitute and have an incestuous union with her
own father. (See his ~issa Sassi PlliLnun, Amritsar - 1912
under Panjabi Version&).
5. Burton, Sir R.F., Scinde or The Unhappy Valley, Vol.I,
London - 1851, p.82o
 235
Norris's version goes further to relate that
lilt is foretold that Sassi when full grovm.
Will love a man whose tribe is not of Sind,
Thus casting fearful shrune rrpon the throne, 1
And causing fierce intrigue and civil strife."
3.
The prophecy, as the tale goes, came out true, word for word.
But what was then considered to be a source of evil and dis-
repute tUrned out to be a saga of true and ideal love! Says
Hashim: 2

"The loves of Sassi and Punnun, 0 Hashim,

From age to age shall 1 i ve in constant song. II

III. ABANDONMENT AND EXl?OSURE OF A CHILD

This motif, involving the abandonment, exposure or driving-
away of a child or a number of children, occurs in folk-tales
almost allover the world. 3 This is one of the basic and the
most salient featUres of the romance of Sassi also.
2.

A number of reasons have been advanced for such abandonments -

social, economic , superstitious and the like 4 In the present
0

case, however, we are concerned mostly with the social, linked

with the fear about the fulfilment of the aforesaid prophecy.

1. See ~t and Letters, London, Vol$XXIII, 1949, No.1, p.34.

2. Shan, H.S., Sassi-Ha&~im, 2nd ed., Delhi - 1959, p.67l.
3. Some instances have been listed in the FIe Motif-Index
under Nos. S14l, S300, S33l - 395 (Vol.V, pp.309, 321 ff.),
Rl3l (ibid., p .. 278). See also K~thasari tsagara, Vol. VII,
pp.8l, 82, 250.
Lt. For eJCaJ."Ilples of such reasons for the abandonment of
children, see Fl e Motif-Index, No. S3l0 (Vol. V.• p. 322);
Hastings, J., Encyclo~aedia of Religicn and Ethics, Vol.I,
Edinburgh - 1908, pp. 2-5; Dubois, J.A., Hindu Manners,
Customs and Ceremonies, 3rd ed~, Oxford - 1906, p.606.
 236
In this respect it has its parallels in various legends, such
1
as that of Danae and Od8ipu~ of the Greeks ...... Acrisius sets
his daughter and her newly-born son adrift in order to combat
the destiny and avoid the fulfilment of the horrible prophecy_
But he fails and the oracle comes true.
Such vain attempts to escape the consummation of these
prophecies have been noticed in certain Russian, Rumanian,
Chinese and Icelandic tales 2 as well.
The supernatural conception, birth, parentage ~~d

abandonment of Sassi has al so been indicated in the Hindi

version. 3 It has a close affinity with the Panjabi legend of
L~an, a similar riverside foundling. Lu~an is also said to
have been born through the fallen madan (semen) of a Rishi
(sage),4 named 'Kapil' in the case of Sassi. 5 He, as a pre-
caution, put it in a flower and threw the flower into a river
in which a Chameli Rajput princess (named fairy Rambha in the
version of Sassi) was bathing. She picked it up, smelt it,
6
became pregnant and gave birth to Llinail.
o
But for fear of

1. See Halliday, Sir WoR., Indo-European Folk-Tales and Greek

Legend, Cambridge - 1933, pp.55-6; 128-9. Halliday observes
that this incident 1I0ccurs as a pure Marchen episode in
Indo-European folk-tale~ e~go in the Halfman series of
stories (Griwfi, No. 54a) - ~bid., p.129o
2. See Fl. Motif-Index, under Nos: M370 and M37l, Vol.v,p.63.
3" See the version of Triya Charit~ under the Section: Hindi
Version in Pt.llo
4. For such a miraculous conception and birth, refer to the
popular tale of Lal Beg told by the sweeper caste of the
Panjab. (See The Indian Antiquary, Bombay, Vol.XI,
October - 1882,. p.290).
5. For se~ual intercourse with unearthly beings and super-
natural births see, Fl. Motif-Index Nos. 0112 (Vol.I" p,,500)
and S3l3 (Vol.V, p.322); Kathasaritsagara, Vol. II, p.136;
Vol.III, p.263.
6. For conception from bathing, smelling a flower and licking
semen, see ibid.,Nos. T523, T532,1.1.1.,T53l.l.(Vol.V,p.394)o
 237
exposure, she encased her in a box and la1h~ched it on the
. I
rlver.
As we have seen, Sassi was snnilarly enclosed in a box
and set adrift on the river. Tnere is a long list of parallels
for such a feature in a variety of Irish, Jewish, Greek,
Egyptian, Babylonian, Japanese and Indonesian tales. 2
A token indicating Sassi's royal or Brahmanic birth,
in the form of ~~ amulet (in Panjabi), necklace (in Balochi)
or an encased epistle (in Hashim), was put in Sassi's box. It
also contained provisions fOI' her maintenance. Some parallels
of such sub"-motifs are also noticed by Thompson under Nos.
H 157 & 5334,3 and illustrated from some British and Greek
tales.
3.
All versions, except that of Indarjlt's in Persian maintain
that Sassi was d.isposed of in the river under the orders, or
with the consent, or by the hand, of her own parents. Inderjlt,
however, tells us that in view of her royal father's standing
orders in order to avert the catastrophe, she was to be killed
as, soon as she was born; and her nurse moved by her beauty and

innocence, could not bear to kill her and set her afloat
secretly on the river. We find an indication of such a feature
under No. K512, where in an Icelandic tale, a servant charged

1. See The Indian Antiquary, op.cit., Vol.XI, October - 1882,

p.290.
2. See footnote 3, p .. £J,f
3. Fl. Motif-Index, Vol.III, p .. 389; Vol.V, p.324.
 238
with the task o~ killing the hero/heroine arranges the escape
o~ the latter. l An instance of such a compassionate role on

the pal"'t o~ a nurse occurs in the romance o~ Gul-Hurmuz also. 2

A bardic version in Balochi tells us that Sassi!s
royal ~ather~ on hearing about her birth and ~inding in it a
partial ~~ilment o~ the ~oresaid prophecy, bUrst into rage
and in order to divert the course o~ destiny, ordered her
immediate killing. But the mother o~ the baby girl entreated
for her, asking that tisince she had suckled her ~or seven long
days, she might herself' be allowed to consign her to the
river. Ii She then put a necklace around her neck and placing
her in a box, delivered it gently to the waves o~ the river. 3
A similar plea is noticed in a Burmese tale of' two
brothers, Sulatham Bawa and Mahatharn Bawa. The Qu.een o~ the
Tagaung king entreats her royal husband, "Let not their death
be sudden. Let them rather meet their fate out o~ my sightl 11
So she placed them on a r~t, with some provisions, and set
it ~loat on the Irawadi. 4
In a PassamaQuoddy tale also, we learn that a
travelling woman, when she brought ~orth a child (having con-
ceived it earlier by biting of'~ a bush), thought it best to

1. Fl. Motif'-Index, Vol. IV, p.,303o

2. See Qissah i Gul 0 Hurmuz, IoO.Lo, Hindustani MS. No.
p/2723. Gul was the daughter o~ the king of' Khuzan and
Hurmuz was the son of' a king o~ RUm.
3. Mayer, T.J.L., Balochi Classics, Pt. IV, Agra - 1903, ~.4l.
4. See Pe MaUJ.""lg TinJ The Glass Palace Chronicle, (d. 1829),
Orlord - 1933, No. 104, P .10. .J. ,~> L,"IC<'; C;. iL 1
 239

kill it. But not wishing to murder her ovrn offspring~ she put
it in a canoe of barl-c anel let it float dovm the river. liThe
water of the river was rough, but the child was not harmed~J
Mo~~~ was also not harmed and neither was Sassi,
because, says the Balochi ballad, IIA fairy gave milk to little
SasUJ!l'i, and Heaven's angels protected her 2 from crocodiles. 1i3
Hashim. tells us that tithe man-eating monsters, the savage
turtles and the brute crocodiles ••• all were running riot but
none could dare to do any harm to the one who was destined to
die on the sands of the desert. 1I4
4.
Mohan Singh might not have known of the above data and evidence
when he stated in 1956 that this idea or feature of "closing
and floating in a box is not Indian, neither Hindu nor Muslim.
I see in it Hebrew, Jewish colouring ••• It is possible that
closing and floating the daughter in a box at the instance of
astrologers may be a mixture of Greek and Jewish influences
and tradi tions o ,,5 The presence or absence of any such
mixture is, of course, possible; but to maintain it as a
singularly non-Indifu~ motif in so many words is incredible in
view of the social conditions, geographical situation and the

1. See The Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. III, No. XI, BOStCl
October - December, 1890, p.273.
20 They protected Dev'i, the beautiful innocent daughter of
King Tissa of Ceylon, also. She was launched ~n the sea
and the sea-gods took charge of her. (See Bhikku Mahanamo,
Mahavamsa, 6th cy. A.D.; St. Nihal Singh, Fore·w·ord to Shful's
Sassi-Hashim, op.cit., p. t j f ) ..
3. BaloChi Classics, op.cit., p.42o
40 See Shan, Sassi-Hashim, op.cit., p.579o
5. The Pritam, New Delhi, July - 1956, pp.12, 43.
 240
unanimous agreement of all the regional versions of the
romance.
The abandonment and exposure of ominous or unwanted
infants, now rightly condemned as immoral and illegal, is not
a new, strange or impossible feature of Indian or non-Indian
society. The practice of infant exposure has been wide-spread
throughout North America. l Long ago, Somadeva mentioned
several cases of exposed or abandoned children in his Indian
storieso 2 IIIn modern India!!, too, observed Dubois around the
end of the nineteenth century, UtilI recently, a child was
exposed if it happened to be born on a certain day which the
professional astrologer declared to be unlucky. ,,3 Writing about
the conditions in Bengal, Sen said in 1926) "that the instances
of inhuman cruelties committed on children and women due to
astrological predictions, are not quite rare ••• The throwing
of little children in sagar (i.e. sea) was a practice which
continued till quite recent times. \14
Turning towards the domain of Sassi itself, we find
that the birth of a girl has for quite a long time been
regarded as a misfortune. lilt is said ll , remarked Barton in
1880, that Hall the Samas (of Sindh) practised infanticide
while they remained Hindus. 11 Its comrnonness, Col. Tod admits
in Rajasthan. 5 As regards Kachh, we are told that Hduring

1. See Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, op.cit., Vol.I,p.6.

2. See Kathasaritsagara, Vol. II, p.4; Vol. VII, pp.81-2.
3. Dubois, Hindu Manners and Customs, op.cit., p.606.
4. Sen, D.C., Eastern Bengal Ballads, Vol.II, Pt.i,
Calcutta - 1926, p.388.
50 Barton, L.C., Gazetteer of the Bomba Presidenc., Vol. V,
Bombay - 1880, p.l ; Tod, J., Annals and Antiquities of
Rajasthan or the Central and Western Rajput States of India,
Vol.II, London - 1920, pp.740ff.
 241
upwards of a dozen reigns but one daughter of a Rao of Cutch
escaped the ruthless pride of their Sires. Hl
Returning now straight to the motif in question and
investigating its position in the Panjab itself, we learn from
'remple that "in that land of great rivers, the river-born
foundling is the favourite variety. The girl infant is discov-
ered floating by various methods down a river, is adopted by
the finder, is married to the anonymous hero or his father, is
subsequently traced to an aristocratic family, and that desired
high class connection is established. A dive into any of the
accepted accounts of the more important families into the
legendary history of the tribes and castes, anywhere in India,
will produce many such stories in many quaint formse They
abound in the folk-tales and appear in the legends, of course.,,2
-
Hence, Ahuja isequally wrong or ignorant of the
situation when he states that this motif is not noticed in any
other Hindu or Muslim, famous or prevalent tale. H3
The parallel of the celebrated Llinan's (the queen of
•
Raja Salwahan and step-mother of Puran Bhagat) legend/already
noticed above, is sufficient to contradict his statement. But
I have also found it repeated in Nihal Singh's version of
another popular Indian romance, known as Sorat~-BIja. We are
similarly told that as soon as a girl was born to Raja
Sugharsain, he consulted the Pandits who told him that she was

. ,v·,·,
1. See Bombay Government Records Selecti0ri.,txv, p. 35.
2. The Indian Antiquary, op.cit., Vol.XI, October - 1882, p.290.
3. 'rhe PrItam, New Delhi, July - 1956.
 242
a highly ominous child. Her existence will jeopardise himself,
his wife and his kingdom. Hence she should be set adrift down
the river. The king issued iwnediate orders and she was floated
away almost in the same way_ 1
IV. RESCUE AND ADOPTION OF A CHILD
The box carrying Sassi is seen and brought ashore by an issue-
less washerman who adopts her as his own daughter.
This motif of a washerman rescuing an abandoned child
has a parallel in an Indo-Chinese tale. 2
In the Greek Legend of Danae, this function is per-
formed by a fisherman; while in the Panjabi Legend of L~an,

it is done by a skinner, washing leather on the bank of the

river.
2.
Accopding to the Hindi version, Sassi is rescued and adopted
by Raja Brahmadat, the then king of Sindh. A king rescueing
and adopting an abandoned or exposed child is also a common
motif and has been noticed in various Italian, Icelandic,
Irish, Indian and J-ewish tales. 3 Devi of the ancient Sinhalese
Chronicle (Mahavamsa) is also rescued by Kakavana,the king
of the Southland, who later marries her. 4

1. Nihal Singh, Sorath Bija, foul1_d in a private manusc.ript

(pp.322ff.) in the possession of the family of the late
GianI Harinder Singh Rup, at Burj Gianian, Amritsar.
20 See Fl. Motif-Index, VoL.V, p.380, R.131,8.3., Scott, J-.G.,
Indo-Chinese Mythology, Boston - 1918, p.270.
3. See Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, op.cit.,Vol.I,A6'llt~
Adoption; Flo Motif-Index, Nos. N836.1. (Vol. V, p .136) ;
Rl31.l1.2 (Vol.V, p.281); S354 (Vol. V, p.325); Leach, M.,
Dictionary of Folklore M tholo and Le end, Vol. I,
New York -19 9, p.2. Q_
 243
Lalwani's and Sorley's Sindhi versions, however, main-
tain that when Sassi was growing up in the Brahman's home, her
beauty became the talk of the tOWDo The Chief of Bhambhore
adopted her himself and upon her coming of age, handed over to
her the reins of the government. l
v. MEETING, RECOGNITION OR IDENTIFICATION
OF AN ABANDONED CHILD/WIFE
Most of the versions from the Panjab have described Sassi as
having come into contact with her real parents while living
with her foster-parents. But they have different views about
the cause, nature and extent of this contact.
Sh8.hbaz in Persian; Hafiz in Panjabi and S8.lik in
Urdu, for instance, have given the details of some correspond-
ence exchanged between Sassi and her real parents. Having come
to know of her royal parentage from the epistle encased in her
amulet, Sassi is said to have written to her father, the ruler
of Bhambhore, requesting him to take her back under his own
care. But the father 1 afraid of the fulfilment of the unfav-
ourable prophecy, expressed his inability to meet her or to
admit her into the palace. He, however, consoled her in his
letter and built for her a palace with a garden and granted
her the superintendence of the customs on the riversideo
According to Jot Parkash, in Persian, she visited her
royal father, king Parwez, herself, accompanied by her foster-
mother, in order to obtain his permisSion for installing an

1. Lalwani, Shah Latif, op.cit., p.75; Sorley, Shah Abdul

Latif, op.cit., po361o
 244
enQuiry office on the bank of the river. The king recognised
her and returned her with a permit for the collection of
customs, an entourage of 360 friends and a lot of money.
2.
Hashim, in Panjabi, has an altogether different situation to
describe. According to him, on hearing from the jealous and
frustrated washermen about the matchless beauty of Sassi,
worthy to be his Queen, the ruler of Bhambhore felt himself
enamoured and sent for her. Sassi, instead of going to him by
herself, sent her talisman. The ruler, on opening it and
finding it written in his o\~ hand, was put to much shame.
The later writers, like Sada Ram and Mit Singh, also
followed Hashim; and so have the latest viz. Sharaf and
Gurbakhsh Singh. But the latter writers have shown her to
have been presented personally and recognised by the ruler
himself from the talisman hanging around her neck. Rlimani
Afsane, in Urdu, has used, instead, the device of a letter
which Sassi wrote to the king on receipt of his summons,
giving in it an account of her fate. The king was so much
ashamed to read it that he did not know what to do.
Now this motif of reporting to the king about a beauty
for his marriage has an analogous situation in the Bodhi story
No.380 of Asanka Jataka, in which a forester, after having
seen the charming Asanka in the hut of Bodhisatta, goes to
Benares and tells the king Brahmadatta. The king is attracted
. h
on hearing this account and manages t 0 galn er 'In marrlage.
. 1

1. Cowell, E.B., The J-ataka or Stories of the Buddha I s Former

Births, VoloIII, Cambridge - 1897, p.16l.
 245

Regarding a king's wish to marry his own daughter, we

have an interesting parallel in the Assamese ballad of Disruo
King Haphalong Barcha, on his return from war, becomes enamoured
of his own daughter and desires to have her as his wife, not
believing even his queen who tells him about her having been
born to her during his absence and brought up in spite of his
parting advice: "If a son is born, keep him; if it is a
daughter do away with her.1I The king sends his maid-servant
to Disru with a proposal for marriage. The daughter spurns it
and is therefore exiled. l

But nothing like that is said to have happened with Sassi.

Hashim tells us that the parents then tried their best to
meet her, but she refused to see them again.
SalamI in his T321.ur i Ishq, in Persian, maintains that they
first sent a message and then Sassi's mother came herself to
take her back to the palace. According to Rlimani Afsane, the
king and queen both visited her at night after reading her
letter. They all wept on their reunion. They asked her to
accompany them to the palace but Sassi refused to return to it.
4.
Dharam Singh in his Panjabi ~isJ?JLJ?_~sst_Pup:p..l!-:g. has given an
altogether different twist to this situation. According to
him, Sassi happens to know about her royal birth from the
talisman hung by her real parents around her neck and so

1. Go swami , P., Folk-Literature of Assam, Gauhatl - 1954,

pp.35-36.
writes a letter to her royal father.
The king sends for her along wi th her foster-parents,
who are accommodated in the I,akhi Bagg. He fUrther asks Sassi
to choose her spouse so that she can be married according to
her wishes; and her husband could be entrusted with the rule
of his kingdom after his death. Sassi, however, replies that
the matter does not concern her as it is a part of her
parents' duties.
5.
Before passing to the study of the next motif, we may also
notice here the identification of Sassi by Punnun through the
marriage-ring sent by her to him in order to indicate her
arrival at Kech. This is mentioned only in Mahabbat' s Urdu
version (viz. Asrar i Mahabbat) and has its analogy in the
famous Sanskrit romance of Shakuntala-Dushyant. l
It has a close parallel also in the Assamese ballad
of Champavati, where the girl's husband gives her a ring as a
2
token for identification in time of need. 3 Zeyjan's jewel as
a token with Esma also serves the same purpose in the Turkish
romance.
Recognition of Sassi's grave by Punnun through the
outflowing edge of her sa~i (garment) is another such motif

1. Identification by a ring as a motif of some other Indian,

Italian and Chinese tales has been noticed in the Fl.
Motif-LTldex under No. H90, H94 (Vol. III, p.383).
2. For the ring of recognition, see also Kathasaritsagar,
Vol.II, pp.76-7.
3. Go swami , P., Ballacts Cind Tales of Assam, Gauhati - 1960,
pp.92-3.
noticed in most o~ the Sindhi versions of the romance.
VI. MANIFEST~rION OF LOVE
Love is a popular and universal theme o~ innumerable stories
allover the world. Sassi-Punnun is also a story o~ love, o~

free and ~rank, true and ideal love - love o~ one unseen;
love unful~illed; love ending in a grotesQue tragedy.
Various versions o~ the story di~fer not in its truth,
intensity or ~idelity; not even in its pre-destined or immortal
aspect. They dif~er only in its mani~estation, in the way or
the mode it adopted in bringing these souls together and
mru{ing them deeply in love with each other.
2.
Some, like Mayer's in Balochi, Gidvani's in Sindhi, Karani's
in Kachhi, Mahabbatis in~ and Khetsi's in Rajasthani,
maintain that it was LOVE AT FIRS'r SIGHT.l
According to the Balochi ballad, Sassi accompanied
by her maids and companions, came to the riverside merely to
see a much-talked-o~ caravan encamping there. She was suddenly
struck by a young man's (known as Punnun) handsome and princely
~igure, resulting in a mutual and powerful fascination.
According to the Kachhi and Rajasthani versions,
Punnun came from the ~amine-stricken Kech on a mission to
procure ~ood and met Sassi just on business ~or the payment
o~ custom dutieso As soon as they saw each other, they fell
intensely in love. Advani and Gulrajani, in their Sindhi

1. See relevant sections in respective regio~al versions in

Pt.II.
versions, have also related the situation almost in the same
way and described it as love at first sight~

This is quite a common motif, common even in the old

Budhist, Jewish and Irish mythology 1
0

But Mrs. Postans' Kachhi, Hittu Ram's Balochi, lndarjIt's and

Sh8.hbaz's Persian,and most of the Sindhi versions (like those
of RizaI, QanI, Burton, Goldsmid, Kincaid, Khuda Bakhsh and
Sheikh Ayyaz)maintain that it was a LOVE OF ONE UNSEEN 0

ThiS, that is the growth of love from mere mention or

description of the person concerned, is also a famous motif,·
known almost to all folk-literature. 2 It is called Qrlrisht-
lama in Hindu tradition and 2rad ecma~~in old Irish legendo 3
An examination of various versions of this romance

reveals a variety of its facets as well.

To begin with, Punnun is said to have fallen in love
wi th Sassi on hearing descriptions of her matchless beauty
from the travelling merchants. (As in RizaiTs and QanI's in
Persian-Sindhi and .A:yyaz's in Urdu-Sindhi, IndarjIt's Persian-
Panjabi and Postans I English-KachhiJ. In the Balochi ballad,

1. See FloMotif-Index, No.T.15, Vol.V, p.335; Irish Motif-

Index, op.cit., No.T15, po48l. For a similar love-at-first-
sight situation see the story of Rupinika (Courtesan of
Mathara) and Lohajangha (a poor Brahman) in Kathasaritsagra,
Vol.I, ppo138-9o
2. For some illustrations from the Indian sources, see Indian
Antiguary,op.cit., Vol.XI, p.287 (KashmIrI), Vol.XXII,p.289.
(AwadhI), Vol.}CVI, p.189 (C.P.)~ For parallels in Irish
lcre,see Irish Motif-Index, opocit., Motif No.Tll and Tll.l,
p .481.
3. Leach, Standard Dictionar of Folk-Lore, op~cit., Vol.II -
1950, p. 8; Fl. Motif-Index, No.Tllff., Vol.V, p.333ff.
 249
he is shown to have been attracted to her on hearing the
report of a special emissary sent by his father to look for a
suitable match for him 1 (as in Hittu Ram's History of
Balochistan). It is attributed by Khuda Ba~1sh, in Sindhi,
to the report of Meeto, a Hindu merchant deputed by Punnun
himself for going to Bhambhore and asc.ertaining Sassi IS
legendary beauty;2 and by Kincaid to the lettvr of Bebio, a
viSiting merchant instructed by Punnun to write to him after
seeing her at Bhambhore. According to McMurdo's version,
Punnun himself came from Makran to ascertain by himself nif
fame spoke truth of her charms. u3
On the other hand, in the Persian version of Shahbaz
and Sindhi versions of Burton, Goldsmid, Hart-Davies, Lalwanl
and Sorley, we find it given in a reverse form. They have
described Sassi as having become enamoured of Punnun from
hearing similar stories about his handsomeness from here and
there; or from the fascinating description of his personal
charms told cleverly by Babiho, a handsome travelling trader
from Kech. He "combined intrigue with business" and ascribing
every conceivable grace and virtue to Punnun, his master's
son, aroused Sassi f s fascination for him; so much so that she

1. For the motif, 'Quest for Bride'~ see Thompson, S. & Balys,
J., The Oral Tales of India, Bloomington - 1958, Motif
No. H1381.3.1., p.245. Also refer to Irish Motif-Index,
No. H1301.1. - 'Quest for the most beautiful bride'and
No. H1301.2. - 'Quest for far-off Princess', p.350.
2. Beauty of a woman reported to a king causes Quest for her
as his bride - has be en noticed in a Chine se tale also.
See Motif-Index, No.T.ll.l.l., Vol.V, p.333.
3. McMurdo, J., Dissertation on the River Indus, in J.R.A.S.,
London, Vol.I, 1834, p.26.
 250
t~v':'/~

became mad~ desir~to see him as early as possible.

/-
This desire, whether;started from Sassi's or from
/:-"Y''':':_)';-:;-;/- c .:u;,.5< y 4";'

Punnun 's side, is t..~s",,a- :l:esul.t o1?-wJ:1.a-t they say in

Arabia: liThe ear, at times, becomes enamoured bef'ore the eye. 1I
IIThis is!!, observes Burton, Han instance of love, not at first
sight, but caused simply by hearing the name [and fame] of
another. Oriental poets are full of allusions to this peculiar
way of propagating the tender passion. III We have it in the old
Irish romance of Fraoch agus Findabai~, too, in which Findabair 2
first loved Fraoch from the stories told about his handsomeness.
Even Somadeva tells us that princess Madana sundarl of
Vidarbha, daughter of king Wevasakti, fell in love with king
Kanakavarsha of the city named Kankapura, just by hearing the
description of the kinge 3 'Ala-ud-Dln is said to have become
fond of Padmini soon after hearing (from Raghav Chetan) about
her peerless be&uty.4
Moreover, we have it on the authority of R,D.Jarneson,
who maintains: "That men and women actually do become enamoured

1. Burton, Sir ReF., Sindh and the Races that Inhabit the
Valley of the Indus, London - 1851, p.389.
2. Leach, M., Standard Dictiona~y of Folk-Lore, Mythology and
Legend, Vol. II, New York - 1950, p.648; Fl.Motif-Index,
No. Tll.l., Vol.V, p.333.
Findabair was the extraordinar.ily beautiful daughter
of Ailill, the king of Connaught. Her marriage with the
Irish hero was thwarted by her father because he feared
the enmity of the rival ~ingso(Jobe~, D~ct!onary, Po568~.
3. For their story see Soma deva, Kathasarltsagara, Penzer s
VoloIV, pp.204-19.
40 See Jayasl, M.~L ,_PaCirp.avat (d t. 1538); in Shukal, R. Co,
Jayasl-Granthavali, 5th ed., Kashl, 1951, pp.205ff.; Pande,
B.P., Padmavat BhaJcha Mutrajam, Lakhnow - undated, pp.6 &
241ff.
 251

by hearing friends describe the virtue and charm of wives or

husbands can be proved by the records of many social workers.
The narrative theme which develops usually has to do with the
difficulty of finding the person who has been described. The
medieval courts of love, concerned with whether fancy is bred
in the heart or in the head, also speculated as to whether it
en t ere d th rough th e eye or th rough th e ear.".. 1
4.
In the Panjabi, PeEian and Urdu versions of the Panjab, we
find a very interesting use of three different devices for the
same purpose.
Hafiz, ~am and Rasul in Panjabi; Shahb~az in Persian
and Salik in Urdu, for instance, have ascribed it to a PRE-
DICTION OF AN ASTROLOGER .. Sassi, wearied with the persistent
persuasion of her adopted parents on the one hand and the
washermen suitors on the other, confided in an astrologer and
and
asked him, "VVho am I/who is going to wed me?H He foretold to
her that she was destined to be loved and married by Punnun,
a handsome prince of Kech.. This prediction filled her with a
new spirit and passion for him; and she planned to have him at
her side as soon as she was able.
5.
Hashim Shah, Sada Ram, Fazal Shah and Mit Singh in Panjabi;
Salami in Persian and Sharaf in the sc!,eeI!..-~Y have
attributed Sassi's interest and fascination in Punnun to the

1. Leach, Dictionary of Folk-Lore, op.cit., Vol.II, p0648.

 252
SIGHT OF HIS PIC'I'URE, hung or portrayed in the garden-house.
Manifestation of love through the sight of a picture
or a painting is also a common motif, noticed both in the East
l
and the West. We find it in the romantic tale of Slindarasena
(prince of .AJ.aka) and Mandaravatl (princess of Hansadvipa) in
Kathasaritsagara. 2 It occurs in the Arabian Night~,3 also.
But in most of the cases we find it given the other way
round, i.e. man seeing a picture of a woman and falling in
love with her. This is so in the folk-tale of the Prince and
the Vizier's (Minister's) Son in which the prince is shown as
having fallen in love with the princess of another land after
seeing her portrait in a well of a forest-garden, during a
hunting excursiono 4 In the famous romance of Saift.U.-M-aliik and
Badi ul Jamal,the lover, a prince of Egypt, falls in love with
his mistress ~ after seeing only her picture, portrayed as
a beautiful lady on a piece of golden clothoS We find somewhat
similar situations in the Persian romances of Gul Hurmuz 6 and
Behram-Gulandam. 7 On the Western front, we find it in a Norse

1. See Fl.Motif-Index, T.llo2.,Vol.V, p.333; Kathsaritsagara,

Vol.IV, pp.131-2, 207-8; VoloVI, pp.90-91; Vol. VII, ppo139,
141, 143; Vol.IX, PPo36,39.
2. Barnett, LoD., The Golden Town, London - 1909, Tale of the
second, pp~37-Sb, p.39.
3. Burton, R.F., Arabian Nights, The Book of The Thousand
Nights and a Night, London - 1894, Vol.SII, pp.194ff.
4. Swynnerton, c., Indian Nights' Entertainment; or, Folk-Tales
from the Upper Indus, London - 1892,pp.149-1S1.
S. See Bo~fL Persian, MSS. Nos. 86/0r-. and 26S3/Add.; and
Ghauwasl, Qissah i Saif ul-Maliik, I.O.L. Hindustani MS.
No.P2495; Clouston, Eastern Romances, Glasgow-1889,p.S47.
6. Browne, E.G., A Literary History of Persia, London - 1915,
~.409; Plowden, T.Co, Kalid i Afghani, Lahore - 1893,p.236.
7. See I.O.L. Hindusta..Yli MS. No.P.272j, op.cit.
 253
rolk-tale in which a king is shown as having fallen in love
with the portrait or a beautirul young lady. It is also given
in another well-known European rolk-tale, the tale or Faithrul
John, in which the prince is described as having seen a
portrait and fallen in love with the princess portrayed there-
in. Much againBt the wishes or his rather and despite
consistent warnings and dissuasion, he determines. to seek her. l
6.
There are others like Das.tur i Ishq in Persian, Bar de Dh5le
in Panjabi and RUffiani Arsane in Urdu which have suggested
still another device, that or a dream, ror the manirestation
or their mutual 10ve. 2
This motir or falling in love with a person SEEN IN A
DREAivI or the future husband/wife revealed in a dream is al so
qui te popular. It has been noticed in a fairly large number
of Eastern and Western tales, such as African, Arabian, Irish,
Korean and Indonesian. Thompson has listed some of them under
Tll.3, Tll.3.l. and D18l2.3.3.9. 3 We find it adequately
illustrated in Kathasaritsagara also. 4
In the West, we find it, ror instance, in the Irish

1. Dictionary of Folk-Lore, op.cit., Vol.I, p.366; Fl.Motif-

Index, Tll.2. (Vol.V, p.333), H138l.3.l.l.l., H138l.3.l.2.l.
~vOl.III, p.499).
20 See under respective region~l vers~s in Pt.II.
3. FloMotif-Index, Vol.II, po326; Vol.V, p.333; see also
Irish Ilflotif-Index, No.Tll.3., p.48l.
4. Kathasaritsagara;Vol.IX, pp.36, 38, 40. For ralling in love
with a lady seen in a dream see Vol.III, p.82; Rohde, Der
Griechische Roman, pp.45,46, 49.
 254
romance of Angus Og and Caer,l considered to be one of the
most famous swan-maiden stories in the world.
In Indian literature, we have it in the celebrated
romances of Princess JliIalayavatl,2 Nala-Damayanti,3 and Kamrup-
Kamlata;4 in the folk-tales of Ghulam Badshah and his son
lVIalik;5 and in the mythological love-story of Prince Anirudha
and Princess Usha. 6 The lovers are described as dreaming of
each other and falling instantaneously in love as in the case
of the story of the Princess of China in the Arabian Nights.
In lVIaQbul's version of Hir-Ranjha (in Urdu), the
heroine is also shown to have falIe.n in love with the hero
after seeing him in a dream; and it is on account of hearing
about her desirable Qualities that Ranjha also became mad for
love of her. 7

Such a mixture of two devices in the same version of a romance

is also found in the aforesaid Mahabharta romance of Nala-

1. Angus Og fell in love with a young girl (later discovered

as Clare) who came to him every night for a year in his
dreams. He sought her in her swan-shape on the lake and
was transformed into a swan beside her. See Leach,
Dictionary of Folk-Lore, op.cit., Vol.I, p~58.
2. Chattopadhyay, A., Position of Women in Katha Sarit S%gara,
unpublished thesis, Benares - 1961, p. '
3. Temple, Sir R.C., The Legends of the Panjab, Vol.II,
Allahabad - 1885, pp.204ff.
4. Franklin, W., The Loves of Camarupa and Camalata, London -
1793, p.8; I.O.Le Hindustani MS. No.126.
5. Swynnerton, Indian Nights Entertainment, op.cit., pp.246-58.
6. Kincaid, C.A., The Land of Ranji and Duleep, London - 1931,
pp.6-7.
7. Garcin de Tassy, HoMoV., (Maqbul's) Hir et Ranjhan, in
Revue de 1 'Orient, Paris, Sept. l857,pp.116-1.
 255
DamayantI,l in which the lovers set their hearts on each
other besides dreaming, on hearing such tales or descriptions
about the beauty and virtues of each other. In the Hindustani
romance of Prince Mah i Paikar and Princess SIm-tan, the hero
first fell in love with the heroine on seeing her picture with
MushtrI. The mutual love-affair started with an almost similar
dream seen by b~th without either ever having seen or known
the other. 2

___
Salig Ram Salik in his Urdu MasnawI Sassi Punnun has
o·~~~~~~~~=

also used two such devices, the astrologer's prediction and

the sight of Punnun's picture, to indicate the sources of
Sassi's fascination towards Punnun, leading to the manifesta-
tion of their mutual love. 3
-
Devi Dayal in his Panjabi Qissa Sassi P~ has

1. Damayanti was the daughter of the Vidarbha king Bhlma,

while Nala son of Vlrasena, was the king of the Nishadhas.
(See Sorensen, Mahabharata Index, pp. 230 & 499). Raja Nal
sees Damayanti in a dream and falls in love with her, and
a similar dream comes to Damayanti who is dissuaded from
the course by her nurse as well as her father. A swan
carries the correspondence which ensues between the lovers
who are at last married by Damayanti 's father, Nal gambles
away his property to his younger brother and is turned
out along with his beloved into the deserts. Th face
many trials and tribulations during the course of which
Nal loses Damayanti and being driven mad by the bite of a
serpent, wanders miserably. They are finally united
through the diligent search made by Brahmans.
2. VVajid Ali Shah, Ma~1JawI Afsana i Ishq, in Lakhnow ka ShahI
Stage, pp.147-50.
3. See under Urdu version, in Pt. II.
 256
similarly combined two such devices for the same purpose.
Sassi sees Punnun first in a dream and when she happens to
see a similar face and figure in a portrait, she becomes
enamoured of him, visualises him again in another drea~, and
·
prays and yearns f. or an ear1 y unJ.on WI."th h"J.m. 1
8.
But Norris's version, collected recently on the spot} has an
al together different device to tell. According to this, Sa.ssi
comes to know from her amulet that she originally is the
daughter of a king. One afternoon, while wandering and musing
on the sea-coast, and watching her reflection in the water's;
mirror, she sees a reflection other than her own. It looks
like the face of some strange man Iclad in the head-dress of
Baluchi Kings'. Sassi, in a frightened and astonished mood,
murmurs for no reason that she knows, 'Punnun ••• I The
picture vanishes and in spite of her prayers, it does not return,
The Sight fills her youthful heart with love. She
visits that place daily but cal~ot see that unknown face again.
One morning while she is busy in weaving a carpet by her
house, she sees a caravan whose merchants, tired and thirsty,
encamp to rest there. Sassi, in her hospitality, serves them
with water~ The tribesmen talk of their journey, their home
in Makran, the land of Kech, their King called Ari and the
Crown Prince PUnnun. The name of the prince startles Sassi who
retires soon to her chamber to reason out a plan to bring her

1. See under Panjabi version, in Pt. II.

unseen lover to her longing arms. 1
VII. MEETING OF THE IJOVERS
The next few motifs revolve mostly around the principal
episode of the meeting of the lovers who, fascinated by each
other through second-hand sources, are shown craving for an
e.arly meeting.
According to the Indian custom, it was not possible
for a yo-ung woman to go so far away to meet her dream-beloved
at his native place. So, it was le:rt only for the young man to
come all the way to meet his dream-beloved at her adoptive
place - that too on some clever pretext and under some
suitable guise.
Thus the love-lorn Punnun decided to leave Kech in
order to see for himself the 'Moon of Bhambhore'. His father
was quite unwilling to let him go. He left his mother and
wives lamenting and dissuading. We find a parallel of such
dissuasions in the Assamese ballad of the Maid Jana. 2
2.
Punnun t S arrival at Bhambhore has been described variously by
diverse versions. As noticed earlier, some have described him
as having come there by chance or on business or at the head
of a food-procuring mission. Some say that he came intention-
ally, disguised as a merchant of perfumes,3 after hearing
1. See Art and Letters, op.cit., 1949, No.1, pp.35-6.
2. Go swami , Folk-Literature of Assa~m, op.cit., p.24.
3. The device of using merchandise as a s crean and the merchant
as a guise has been noticed in the Panjabi folktale of the
Prince and the Minister's Son, as well. The PrL~cess herself
sent a word, through the go-between, to her lover asking him
to come in the guise of a merchant with a rich merchandise.
(See Swynnerton, Indian Nights Entertainment, op.cit.,p.160).
 258
much about Sassi's beauty, in order to verify it and to wed
hero There are others, partic~uarly
in Sindhi and Panjabi,
which hold that he came at the oral or written invi tationl
of or by a stratagem of Sassi.
This stratagem has taken different forms in some of
the versions. Lalwani's & Sorley's Sindhi versions (in English)
tell us that owing to a famine in Kech, the people sent a
deputation to Bhambhore to :procure corn. Babal, the leader of
the caravan, succeeded in obtaining some concessions in the
price from Sassi (then the ruler of Bhambhore) by promising
to bring Punnun to her place. Sassi detained the caravan and
allowed him to return to Kech with some corn. He succeeded in
getting Punnun to accompany him to Bhambhore. Punnun arrived
there with the pomp and dignity of a Chief. He met Sassi and
they fell violently in love with each other. 2
The same stratagem in a more or less modified form,
has been adopted by most of the Persian, Panjabi and Urdu
versions of the Panjab. Hafiz seems to have introduced it
first and others followed him. We are told that Sassi, fascin-
ated by Punnun either through the astrologer's prediction
(according to Hafiz) or through the sight of his portrait
(according to Hashim), in her anxiety to find or meet him at
1. 'fhe Persian versions of Jot Parkash and Indnrjit have
mentioned an exchange of letters. Such correspondence
between lovers occurs also in a Pashto ballad, describing
the romance of Behram and Gulandam. (See Plowden, Kalid
i Afghani, op.cit., pp.236-45.)
2. Lalwani, LoW., The Life, Religion and. Poetry of Shah Latif,
Karachi - 1890, p.76; Sorley, HoT., Shah Abdul Latif of
Bhit, London - 1940, p.361.
 259

the earliest, encamped herself on the bank of the river. She,

on the authority obtained from her royal father, ordered the
customs officials not to allow anyone hailing from Kech and
answering the description of Punnun to pass through Bhambhore
without her seeing him. On the chance arrival of a Baloch
caravan, when the camelmen claimed knowledge of or relation
with Punnun, they were arrested and were ordered to be re-
leased Onlyl on their fetching Punnun from Kech. Babban and
Bambiha, leaders of the caravan, conferred with each other and
Babban at last rushed to Kech and brought Punnun to Bhambhore.
Most of the Panjab versions have an almost similar
situation to relate. Shahbaz's Persian and Salik's Urdu
versions, however, differ a little. According to the former,
Sassi told the camelmen that once Punnun, their king, came
there and borrowed a large sum of money. He had not returned
it so far. Either they should pay that sum themselves or remain
detained and arrange for his arrival there.
In Khuda Bakhsh's Sindhi version, we find still
another variation of this situation. Punnunrs father considered
the news of the arrest of Meeto, his tradesman, as a challenge
to his own prestige and linked it with the old enmity between
himself and the Chief of Bhambhore. So he directed his sons,
including Punnun, to lead an armed march on Bhambhore in the

I. This motif, bearing on some sort of hostage and ransom,

has been listed under H924.l. (Vol.III, p.45l) of Fl.
Motif-Index, though in some other contexts. A prince
imprisoned as hostage for safety from the king has also
been noticed in an Irish tale (See Ibid., Vol.V, p.149).
guise of merch~Dts and have this challenge avenged by the
release of Meeto and beheading of the Chief. On their arrival
at Bhambhore, PUlIDun happens to meet Sassi and they fall in
love with each other.
This variation receives its support from the version
of Norris who claims to have recorded it recently from the
lips of the solitary residents of the site of Bhambhore.
According to this, the ~rince Punnun marched with a mighty
army towards Bhambhore in order to wreak vengeance and release
the merchants. They laid seige of the c,i ty and t the days pa,ssed
into weeks, the fight was fierce t. Bhambhore ran short of food
supplies and the king sent envoys to prince Punnun who demanded
the release of the prisoners and compensation for their mal-
treatmen t. King Adam agreed to his demands on the condition
that single combat should decide the case. Two knights,one from
each side, clad in red and black, clashed fiercely with the
ringing of trumpets and the throbbing of the drums. The blows
fell fast and heavy 'till blood had soaked the stony land
around t. The Red knight representing Punnun beat the Black one
representing the King Adam. l1A cry of joy, surprise and fear
was heard, 'PUlIDun' .•.. But at that fateful hour a figure
pushed, and ran from the assembled throng, rushed to the
triumphant Punnun, gripped his feet, and knelt a suppliant for
Bhambhore 's King. 11 It was Sassi who told him the entire story
and cast herself before her lawful judge.
 261

But Punnun smiled, for all at once he felt

The girl beneath his feet was all the prize.
His strength reQuired,
Worth many weary marchings over sands.
He climbed on to his horse, and in his arms
Held Sassi. As he left, he cried,
'Break camps, 0 brothers; back to Makran march,
Release the prisonerSi,nothing more I ask,
For I have found a richer treasure here,
Than all the gold in Bhambhor's cellars dee~.
The victory is ours, the bloodshed cheap;!!

We do not find the like of it in any other version, in any

other language.

Another interesting episode has been associated mostly by the

Panjab versions (such as Hashim's in Panjabi and Farhat's in
Persian) with the meeting of the lovers on Punnun's arrival at
Bhambhore. Punnun's caravan encamps in Sassi's garden; he
himself sleeps on Sassi's bed and the camels are left graz.ing
in the garden. When the matter is reported to Sassi, she rushes
hast.ily and furiously, and finding someone asleep on her own
bed, her anger passes all bounds. But when owing to her angry
outbursts, Punnun awakens and removes the sheet from his face,
Sassi stands stunned in all humility, with all love.
We find an analogy to this situation in the Panjabi
romance of Hlr-Ranjha, the Persian romance of Gul-Hurmuz and
the Bengali romance of Vidya-Sundar. 2 The story of Chandar-
ahasa in the Bengali Mahabharata also reminds us somewhat of
the same situation. Chandarahasa loses his way and enters a

1. See Arts and Letters, op.cit., 1949 ~ No.1, pp.36-8.

2. Sen, D.C., Eastern Bengal Ballads, Vol.I, Pt.i, op.cito,
pp.211-12.
 262
garden reserved for the beautiful princess Vishaya. The
pleasant surroundings and the fatigue of the journey make him
fall fast asleep. The princess comes with her maids and is
much upset. On seeing him from closer quarters, she is instantly
smitten with love for the handsome youth. l
Panjabi poets have described this situation, concerning
Punnun1s meeting with Sassi in the latter's garden, decorously
and romantically.
Vlllo MARRIAGE OF THE LOVERS
Hindus, particularly the high-caste ones, avoid even up till
now, as far as possible, intermarriage with families outside
their caste and circle. 2
In the social conditions then prevailing, it was
impossible for Sassi's royal or Brahmin or washerman parents
to tolerate and permit an intermarriage involving, according
to the prophecy, not merely an inter-caste, but also an inter-
religious and inter-regional love-affair, leading to matrimon-
ial relations, resulting in a catastrophe. Similar was the
1. Sen. D.C., The Folk-Literature of Bengal, Calcutta - 1920,
p.21.
2. But this does not mean that an inter-caste marriage in the
same religious community was or is totally tabooedo We find
it in vogue even in the 11th century, as is illustrated in
Kathasari tsagarao In it, says Aparna, "we frequently come
across instances in which a Kashatrya married a Vaisya girl
or a Brahman married a Kshatrya maiden; a king bestowed his
daughter in marriage on a Brahman or a king married his
son to a Vaisya girl. if She further remarks, "Anulam Vivah,
according to which a man of srrperior caste married a woman
belonging to a caste inferior to his, is quite common in
the Kathasaritsagara il , (See her Position of Women in the
Kathasaritsagara, op.cit., p.65). See also Sherring, R~~~.
M.Ao, Hindu Tribes and Castes, London - 1872, pp .XV-XVlll.
 263

case with Punnun f s royal parents at Kech who could not afford
to be reconciled with the situation involving the marriage of
their prince with a washerwoman, however beautiful and charming
she might be. Moreover, marriage was, and is still, a business
for the parents to manage. 1

But, in spite of all precautions taken by the parents

to avoid it, Sassi fell madly in love with Punnun, a prince
of a different race, region and religion, without even seeing
him first. Punnun also fell for her unbeheld charm and left
his place, parents and position in order to be with her at all
costs, under all circumstances.
2.
We are told of a princess declaring her love for a lowly hero
k-/? d
in a French and alsoJa Jewish tale. We similarly learn about
lowly heroines marrying princes in Japanese, Irish and Italian
tales. 3 But none, as far as I know, contains the same scope
and sweep as we find in the intermarriage 4 of Sassi and
Punnun. Romeo and Juliet loved and married secretly. They, of

1. See Risley, Sir H., The People of India, 2nd ed., (ed. by
W. Crooke), London - 1915, pp.67, 156-65, 292-3; Hutton,
J.H., Caste in India, Cambridge - 1946, pp.42-48, 53.
2. See Fl. Motif-Index, No. T55.1., Vol.V, po341.
3. Ibid., No. L162, Vol.V., p.15.
4. We find some similarity of such an intermarriage in the
Malwi romance of Rupmatl and Bazbap.a_du~ Rupmati was
a famous and highly gifted Rajput dancing girl. IIShe for-
sook her nride of blood as a Rajput princess. She disobeyed
her parents, paid no heed to the conventions of Rajp~t
marriage, gave herself Quickly and swiftly.to the handsome
Muslim prince of Mandu who had come a huntl.ng to Sarangpur
on the Reva, and fled to the bosom of her lord.1! (See
Rupam, Calcutta, No.30, April - 1927, p.61).
 2 uflL!
~.

course, suffered a tragic death, but only because of an old

feud between their fami~s. Pyramus and Thisbe also met the
same fate, but that too, due first to the intransigence of
their parents who forbade them to marry and then to a fatal
misunderstanding resulting in a self-slaughter with the sword
of Pyramus himself.
On the Oriental stage, we find Saif ul_flalut, a prince
of Egypt, paying court to Badi fal Jamal, a princess of China
--- 'an international' love-affair, indeed, but involving no
such social, racial and religious implications as we find in
the romance of Sassi. Humayun Bakht, a prince of Ceylon fell
in love with Mihr-Chihrah, the daughter of a perfume-seller. I
The problem of inter-caste or status could have cropped up
but it could not have been extraordinary in a feudal system
and under Muslim custom. On the other hand, it did raise its
head in the case of a romance in the Mughal Court. Akbar
ordered the execution of Anarkali, his beautiful maid of
honour, when he found that his son, the Prince SalIm (later
the Emperor JahangIr) was so enamoured of her that the love-
affair, leading to a matrimonial alliance, would bring a slur
not only on the dynasty but also on the empire. DL a tragic
ballad of Bengal, Adhua SundarI, the beautiful daughter of
Raja Dubraj, a BrruLman ruler of Dhkhshin Bhag, is shown as
having fallen instantruLeously in love with a passing youth,

1. See Niyaz., A.A., Qissa i RangIn Gufta32., 100 oL 0 Hindustani.

MS. No. U.4Ib.
 2 o 5"
(!

named Jamal Khan, the handsome son of a Muslim Dewan AlaI

Khan of Bariachang. The princess's father not only rejected
the proposal of their marriage but also thrashed the person
who brought it on behalf of the lover's parents. Jamal was
later killed in a war and Adhua followed him by taking poison
in order to seek union in death? at least. Mahyar, the son of
a Muslim merchant, fell in love with Chandarbadan, a Hindu
princess of South India, but she, being of a different
religion and higher status, scornfully rejected his offer of
marriage. The frustrated lover wandered about and died at the
altar of love. The princess soon after joined him in death. l
Talib and Mohini, belonging to different religions, were
Similarly refused permission to marry each other, but they
maintained their union by leaping into a well and dying
together. 2 In the romance of Gul and Hurmuz, the hero was a
disguised prince of RUm and the heroine a princess of Khuwarzam.
These two were deeply in love and their relationship was on the
point of becoming a tragedy of social status; it was averted
only at the eleventh hour, on the identification of the lover
as actually the son of the king of RUm. 3
Tragedy could probably have been averted in the case
of Sassi too, had her royal birth been made known to the Chief
of Kech. But the prophecy, after all, had to be fulfilled. In

1. Aziz, Qissa Chandarbadan 0 IvIahyar (dt. 1746), I.O.L.

Hindustani MS. No. P/2787.! _
2. Muhammad Walih, Q.issa i Talib 0 Mohini (dt. 1758), I.O.L.
Hindustani MS. No. P2727.
3. Qissa Gul 0 Hurmuz (early 19th century), I.O.L. Hindustani
MS. No. P2723.
 266
the Turkish romance of Esma and Zeyjan, the same problem of
social status stood in the way of the lovers, in spite of the
fact that the lover, disguised as a shepherd, even succeeded
in the test and won the contest. But Zejan 1 s royal father all
the more felt that it was unbecoming for his daughter to be
associated with a shepherd, so he ordered Esma to be flung
into the river. The tragedy was averted, however, through the
compassion of Hasan AgQa, who led him away, hand-bound,
towards the river. l
But this could not be so in the case of Sassi. She
was flung in the river. On a chance rescue and on gaining
maturity, she loved a man unseen by her, of a different race,
region and religion. She pined for him, and after continuous
and consistent efforts, won him to her side. In order to be
together for all time, they planned a marriage which could not
be possible without their being of the same caste and pro-
fession. Sassi and her foster-parents had already refused all
offers from the washermen community. They might not like to
have a son-in-law from the local folk but they would certainly
not have anyone from outside their community and country, or
at least out of their calling. Punnun was a Baloch, a prince,
a merchant, though in disguise. Hence he must change his
place, position and profession in order to be worthy of his
love, living at Bhambhore among the washermen. So he accepted
Sassi's suggestion, posed as a washerman and was introduced

1. Mundy, C. S., Esma lIe ze~an, an unpubl ished paper seen

in manuscript on 29.1.19 3.
 267

as such by Sassi to her foster-parents.

We have parallels of such a feature of this motif in
the Panjabi romances of HIr-Ranjha and Sohnl-Mehinwal. The
•
lovers, a well-off Jat in the case of the former, and a foreign
prince in the case of the latter actually became herdsmen of
the parents of their beloveds. In a Rajasthani Khyal also we
find Ranja, a king of Bokhara, whoyg&hearing about the beauty
C.'·~7("

of Hira, a princess of Delhi, coming to the land of the lady

and pos~ as a faQir in order to gain her love and hand. l

So, in order to avoid the adverse comments of the community,

to silence the frustrated sui tors al1.d al so to prove his sldll,
Punnun must undergo some trade-test.
This aspect of the motif has also been noticed in some
other tales in which skill of a prospective bride-groom has
been tested according to the place and profession of the
potential father-in-lawo 2
Hashim and some other Panjabi versifiers have not
mentioned anything of this sort, but a very large number of
versions (including those of LatIf's and Burton's in Sindhi;
Postans' and KaranI's in Kachhi; Hafiz's and Aram's in Panjabi;
and Rizai's and Shahbaz's in Persian~and I{hasta1s in Urdu)3

1. Robinson, J., A. Selection of I{hyals or MarwarI Plays,

Ajmer - 1866, pp.48-72.
2. See, for instance, Motif-Index, Nos. H310 & 326.1, Vol.III,
pp. 398 & 401.
3. See relevant references under the regional ve~~ions in
Pt.II.
 268
have described Punnun undergoing the test of a laundryman and
jOining the service of Sassi's father in that capacity.
Jot Parkash in his Persian masnawi has mentioned three
-00--

such tests, viz. washing, dyeing and tailoring.

Sassi has been described by all as having helped
Punnun through this ordeal. Thus it will not be out of place
to mention here that this test does not belong to the category
of tests which we find in some traditional Irish and Oriental
stories. These are generally initiated by the heroine or the
prospective wife herself in her search for a suitable spouse.
The suitors are put to severe tests by the prospective brides
or fathers-in-law. l Even in the Rajasthani romance of Dhola-
Maru, we find the hero put to a series of tests by the heroine
whose intention is to prove the ardour and the sincerity of
his love. 2
Moreove~, this was not that sort of hard and complicated
test, upon the failure of which lay the death of the prospect-
ive suitor or husband. It was more or less a subte;rfuge to
convince the community that Sassi was not being married to
anyone out of the caste and ~rofession; and also that the
local sui tors had not been refused her hand for any motive
or reason other than their unsuitability.

1. See Fl. Motif-Index, No. H310, Vol.III, pp.39 8ff.

2. See Temnle, The Legends of the PruLjab, Vol.II, opocit.,
pp.276ff.;Vaudeville, C., Les Duha de Dhola-Maru,
Pondicherry - 1962, polO.
 269
4.
The fateful marriage took place with pomp and show. This in
itself is a rare and interesting feature in such situations.
The celebrated Panjabi romances of Hir-Ranjha, Soh~1-

Mehinwal and Mirza-Sahiban, for instance, all ended in tragedy,

leaving the lovers longing for matrimony just to confirm the
approval of their parents and social circle. We find it
happening also in the case of the Babylonian romance of Thisbe
and Pyramus; the Dakhani romance of T8..lib and Mohini; and the
Arabian romances of Laila-Ma jniln and Qamar-Hashsham. l Many

more instances can be added from here and there.

Thus the noteworthy aspect of this feature is that
unlike the above tragedies, this love-affair reached a proper
consummation leading to a happy marriage of the lovers. On top
of that, it received the blessings and approval of the girl's
parents as well as of her community.
This has actually been the main hurdle before Hir,
Sohni, S8..hiban, Thisbe, Qamar, Clare and a host of such other
•
unfortunate romantic heroines. The tragedies of their loves
have been the direct outcome of the stubborn and uncompromising
atti tudes of their parents, and the critical and unsympathetic.
approaches of their social circles. Not to speak of marriage,
they were not even permitted to display their affection towards
their beloveds 0 Thisbe (ttthe most beautiful girl in all the
East", according to Ovid) had to be content with a nightly

1. See Najbat Allah Shah Qissa i Hashsham 0 Qamar, IoO.L.

Hindustani I\liS. No. u.46o
 270
kiss at a chil~C in the dividing wall which parted her ~rom her
lover's home. Soh~l had to cross troubled waters, like Leander,
during the deep o~ night, to have a nightly meeting with her
lover, waiting on the other side. Even then the parents could
not and did not permit them to continue with their love even
at the heavy risk o~ their tragic deathsc
To crown all, even the marriages o~ Hlr, Sohnl-Shlren,
I
--- ---.=-~~~

Sahiban, Laila and Qamar were arranged and publicly solemnised

elsewhere by their parents, a~ter hearing society-gossip about
the clandestine a~~airs o~ their daughters. Hlr and Soh~l were
in ~act taken away by their respective husbands in spi te o~

their cries, protests and arguments with all concerned.

S8.hiban and Qamar could evade the situation only secretly and
that too on the timely arrival o~ their lovers, 2 who were
pursued and killed soon a~ter.3
1. On Laila f s marriage to a ~oreign and weal thy person, Ma jniln
became mad and ~led to the wilderness. V\lhen Laila I s husband
died, she rushed towards her lover to ~ind him a raving
maniac. She could not bear this and died soon a~ter. Majn1ln
~ollowed her QUickly and expired on her tomb.
2. This and the allied moti~ o~ a lover stealing bride ~rom
the wedding with an unwelcome suitor; and an eloping girl
recaptured by her parents have been noticed by Thompson
under Nos. K1371.1. & 1371.4. Fl. Moti~ Index, Vol.IV,p.393.
3. Shlren, the heroine of the Balochistan's most popular
indigenous romance (viz. Dosten-Shlren), is among the very
~ew romantic heroines who could actually avert the tragedy
o~ their love at the timely arrival o~ their sweethearts.
Shlren remains true to her lover, ignores her parents'
persuasions for marriage with another man till she is ~orced
and manages to send a message to her lover shut up in a far-
o~~ jail. Dosten arrives jus.t in time in the guise of a
minstrel on the eve of her marriage with the other person
of the same name. He mru{es his way into the wedding assembly
with other minstrels, and sings a poem of passionate and
devoted love. He is immediately recognised by Shlren who
declares that she will marry him and no other. And they are
happily married then and there. (See Longworth-Dames, M.,
A Sketch o~ the Northern Balochi Language, Calcutta - 1881,
pp .142-3; Lewis, Rev~. A o , Bilochi Stories, Allahabad - 1885,
pp.42-5; Folk-Lore, London, Vol.VIII - 1897, pp.79-83)o
 271
Thus on the one hand as the parents could not defy
their social code, so the daughters on the other could not
stand against their will. But in order to be true to their
love and to their ideal, they all did defy death and were
content only to UlLite with their lovers under fatal and tragic
circumstances.
Sassi, on the other hand, loved Punnun openly and
married him properly. Death alone could break her marriage ties.
Another important aspect of this motif is that in all the
regional versions, Sassi has been shown as a virgin, married
to none before Punnuno
Punnun is, however, said by some (like Lakh Shah's in
Panjabi, Burton's in Sindhi and Dasam Granth's in Hindi) to
have been already a married man. Burton has given 'Ayisa', and
Lakh Shah 'Gundai', as the nllifie of an earlier wife of his. As
already indicated, he has also been described in some Sindhi
versions (like those of Burton's and Kincaid's) to have flirted
wi th 'Seh jan' on his way to meeting Sassi; and with 'Bhagiila T ,
a goldsmith's fair but frail wife, after his having met and
married Sassi at Bhambhore.
'Bhagula', not content with seducing Punnun1s affect-
ions from his wife, accused Sassi of infidelity to him and
tried to estrange him from her altogethero
6.
Sassi, in order to absolve herself of such wild and slanderous
accusations, proposed that her rival decide the claim and
 272
quarrel by the trial of fire. Sassi passed through the ORDEAL

OF FIRE unscathed and was clearedo l Bhagula on the other

hand, was burnt to ashes there and then. 2
This Ordeal of Fire is arlOther motif worth attention.
It has since long been current both in Sindh 3 and Balochistan,4
for the detection of crime and verification of a person t S bona-·
fides, etc. It has also been used for attesting the chastity
and fidelity of wives to their husbands.
An allusion to such an ordeal is found in Qani's

history of Sindh in which we are told that tlwhen a person is

suspected of any grave offence, and desires to purge himself
of the charge, he offers to pass through the flames of a large
fire, like a salamander, and come out of it unharmed, like
Khalil." He further adds that !lin the stories of Sassi and
MaruI we shall have an instance of this ordeal. 115
Another instance is found in the story of Naina Bai.
She had also to clear herself of an accusation of being false
to her love. She too had to walk from one end to the other of
a trench filled with live charcoal, which she went through
unscathed and was duly cleared. 6

1. See Gurbakhshani, H.M., RUb Rihan, Bombay - 1930.

2. Burton, R:F.~ Sindh and the Races ••• , London - 1851,
pp .101-2.
3. See QanI, A.S., Tuhfat al-Kiram (dt. 1767), B.Ma MS.
No. Add/21589 "
4. Hughes Buller, R., Census of India - 1901, Vols. V & V-A,
Baluchistan, Pts. I & II, Bombay - 1902, p.40.
5. Elliot, Sir H.lVI. & Dowson, J., The History of India, as
told by its ovm Historians, Vol.I, London - 1867, p.329.
6. See Folklore, London, Vol.XIII, 1902, pp.263-4.
 27J

SPECIMEN OF PICTORIAL REPRESENTATION USED I N ART ALBUMS

ill'ID COLLECTIONS
 274
Some versions of the Ramayana also tell_ us that when
Rama suspected the chastity of Sita, his ideal wife, she passed
through the ordeal of fire (~in-Prikhiy~) in order to prove
her satitav. l
Punnun repented his fault and suspicions; he acknow-
ledged Sassi's chastity and fidelity, and they continued to
enjoy a happy married life. 2

IX. SEPARATION OF THE LOVERS

But this happiness, unfortunately, was of a very short
duration.
BUrton f S minstrel tells us, tiThe hard-hearted frater-
nity, furious at the idea of a Beloch's degrading himself to
take in foul linen, hastened to Bhambhora, and in no wise
appeased by their sister-in-law's beauty, kindness, hospitality
and skill in cookery, succeeded, partly by force and partly by
stratagem, in carrying off Punhu, very drunk, upon the back of
a high-trotting dromedary.u3
Herein lies the tragedy of the romance which is due
mainly to this caste and class-consc.iousness.

1. See Bulke,K., Ram-Katha: Utpati aur Vikas, Allahabad - 1950,

ppo398-99, 453.
20 Norris1s version tells us that after their meeting on the
conclusion of the bloody clash at Bhambhore, the prince and
the princess rode from there, took the path of the Indus
and reached the village where Atta dwelt. The lovers led a
home life for many years within that village by the river's
side. Punnun took to fishing and working in the fields,
while Sassi washed clothes and maintained the kitchen.
(See Arts and Letters, opocit., 1949 - No.1, p.38).
3. Burton, R.F., Scinde or the Unhappy Valley, VoloI, London -
1851, p.85.
 275
20
The pitiful consequence of this consciousness is that it has
been working havoc throughout in all directions.
The disposal of the infant Sassi to the waves of the
river is the direct outcome of the same caBte-cons.c,iousness.
The issueless Hindu Chief or Br8.hman, very desirous to have a
child, cannot reconcile himself to the fulfilment of the
second part of the prophecy that Sassi will love, marry and
die for a man outside their caste and creed.
Sassi, brought up to youth in the home of her foster-
parents, does not accept any suitor from the washermen
community because she comes to know that she is born of Brahman
or royal parents. When, according to a Balochi ballad, she j.s
fascinated by the first sight of Punnun, encamped among a
caravan, she exclaims, IIIf only he were of my caste!" But her
father IS nurse tells her, "he has a name worthy of Baloches",
!fa washerman I s origin and skin". She accepts him as llfi t to
stand in [her] presence. 1i
The subsequent trade test in washing, as noticed
earlier, is also to make doubly sure of his caste, creed and
vocation; and also to show him off as such in the social
circle for its approval.
When everything is obviously settled at this end, the
trouble crops up from another. It raises its head this and the
last time from the side of Punnun's parents and social circle.
They, bound by their own custom and creed, cannot accept this
 276

intermar'riage involving a matrimonial connection of a Baloch

prince with a washerwomun or a I1Brahman girl" of another region.
Salami in voicing their fury and non-acceptance, tells us: l
~!>I; )13t ()r~ (;; rt Gpl_ <....2":"-' --
- ... \ ;0 ~ (;;J'
" ~-rr. (i---- t.
~

(~.7
~
~;)..p; F- '~--J~rC
Sassi's mother recognises it soon a~ter learning about Punnun's
departure from Bhambhore and she tells the bereaved Sassi
frankly that he has deserted her because of her low-caste"
writes Dharam Singh: 2
c- -s:\~q ~~ ~ iM\~~ ~\~.-i1,
v

M 'qT3 .-.;-y;
cJ ,.~ \
....., ......... .) '\ -.;

;{i 3 d..~~ ~\~-ol.. ~I ~~~~ ~~I

. Sassi has herself realised it, but only after his
abduction and that too while roaming in the desert in
his search. She soliloquizes thus in Latif I swords:
!lHad I been the Baluchis they had not left
slave~
me the prey
Of sorrow a sorrowful one, of that there is not
a doubt.
o sisters, had I but been bone of Arichas' bone,
The men of the hills would have called me at
loading of caravan.
Had I had true marriage bond, reproaches I could
have poured
On the heads of my husband's kin.
But out of my humble state I uttered never a word.
Mother, my caste is a slur.
In the minds of the men of Kech. 11 3

Still, at another place, in order to absolve Punnun of any

slur on her account, she is quoted as. saying:

1. Salami, SeA., T~ur i Ishg, in Baqir, M., Panjabi Qisse

Farsi Zaban men, Vol.II, Lahore - 19601' p.3l.
2. Dharam Singh, Qissa Sassi Punnun, op.cit., St. No. 120,p.21.
3. Latif, ScA., Risalo, Sorley's translation, op.cit., p.384.
 277

"No kindred bond, nor any tie

Binds me to the Balucho In caste
I am not suited, based and mean.
Let news of this not come to Kech
Lest publicly be Punhun shamed. II i
Thus this separation of the lovers, leading to a tremendous
catastrophe, caused by caste-consciousness at all climactic
pOints, seems to me to have a logical end.
3.
Turning now to other facets of this motif, we find that the
separation is treacherous 2and fatal; the kind ~ which is
noticed by Thompson and Cross under T84 in relation to an Irish' ,
myth and under IS365. 3 in connection with Sassi. 3

1. Latif, S.A. Ris81o, Sorley's translation, op.cit., p.389.

2. It is still more treacherous in the version of Norris,
which gives a new twist to this motif as well. We are
told that when king Ari heard about the conduct of his son,
his anger knew no bounds. He devised a ruthless plan to
bring him back home. So when, once, Punnun went to Bhambhore
to try his skill in some sports at a fair, ha was drugged,
seized, bound and carried off to Baluchistan by some Sindhi
merchants who were in the pay of King Ari. Sassi wept and
waited long for his return, till one day a village neigh-
bour told her how her lord had been sej.zed and carl"ied
off far to the West. Sassi's grief exceeded all limits"
and she left her home, quite desperately but secretly by
night and wandered westward, with the empty hope that
some caravan would take her in their midst. (See Art and
Letters, opecit., p.38).
3 .. See FIe Motif-Index, op .. cit., Vol.V, pp.62, 347; Leahy,
A.H., Heroic Romances of Ireland, Vol.I, London - 1905,
p.19; Dillon, M., Cycles of the Kings, Oxford - 1946,
pe28; Cross, ToP., Motif-Index of Early Irish Literature,
Bloomington - 1952, p.483.
 But actually there is no similarity between the two.
The Courtship of Etain is an Irish story of magic and sorcery.
After pining and suffering long, the lover is promised a
Ttryst T but he is d.enied this opportunity repeatedly by
Niider, EtainTs husband, who makes him spellbound. l Thus the
theme, situation and atmosphere is entirely different from
that of the romance of Sassi. Similarly, the Irish love-story
of Baile and Ailinn does not offer any such parallel in this
respect. The lovers are not even allowed to meet each other
by Ta fearful spectre' who falsely conveys the concocted
news of Ailinn's assassination (while on her way to meet him)
to Baile who immediately dies of her grief. A similar falRe:"
hood conveyed to Ailinn about the digging of a grave for
Baile makes Ailinn fall d.ead. 2 We f"ind a somewhat similar
situation in some versions of the Panjabi romance of Hir-
Ranjha and the Persian romance of Shirin-Farhad,3 but not
in that of Sassi-Punnun. l~e lovers have met, loved, married
and enjoyed the bliss of union. But they are soon separated
treacherously and tragically.
Moreover, this is not the sort of separation which we
find in Buddha, leaving of his own wish for a great cause, his
wife fast asle.ep; or like that of Nala abandoning Darnayantl
under the influence of Kali. Buddha comes back to enlighten
one and all. --7

1. See Leahy, Heroic Romances of Ireland, op.cit., p.19.

2. See Dillon, The Cycles of the Kings, op.cit., pp.27-8.
3. See waris Shah's version of Hlr-R~njha and Hashim Shah's
version of Shirin-Farhad.
 280
Damayanti on waking and finding Nala gone, returns to the
kingdom of her father and is reunited to him in course of time.
Sassi receives ffiid serves Punnun's brothers heartily.
They pretend to have come there to meet and greet them; and
also to convey to them the greetings, blessings and congratu-
lations of their parents on their happy marriage. The lovers
are made to drink deeply h~avi±¥ from the wine the brothers
claim to have brought from their home as a marriage-gift. When
the lovers fall unconscious, they ease Punnun away from Sassi's
em"brace and carry him off towards Kech.
A motif about an undesired lover, dragged and carried
I
away has been recorded by Thompson under T322.3. But the
similarity falls short because of Punnun being the only and
the most desired lover of Sassi.
During the reign of Sul tan Alau-d-din )Dmar ~
Tamim, says Tahiri, was also deprived of his beloved wife,
Garga, through drinking. 2 He becru~e aware of it only when he
shook off the sleep of intoxication the next morning. He was
greatly upset at her separation. He did not, however, set off
like SaSSi, crying and running mad, in search or pursuit of
his beloved.
X. SEARCH.A1T]) PURSUIT

Sassi's perSistent search and fatal pursuit of her separated

lover, is another prominent motif of this romance.

1. Motif-Index, Vol.V, p.378.

2. For capture by intoxication, see Motif-Index, Vol.IV,
No. K776, p.338.
 As soon as she awalces and finds him gone, in spite of
all dissuasions, she sets out on foot all alone in search of
him with his love in her heart as support 1 and his camelIs
foot-prints as her only guide. Thus exposing herself to all
sorts of dangers and difficulties, she carried on her pursuit
till her last breath~

We see lovely Radha going to her Kanha through

thunder, wind and rain; Rajill. 'i proceeding to Malusha:h through
thick and thin; and the Turk's daughter to Lord Batesman with
a similar devotion. But the difference lies in the context of
the si tua tion; the extent of the tribulations and the conclusion
of the quest. They all at last find the man of their heart and
enjoy the bliss of their union. But Sassi, who besides
exceeding all in the context of her ordeal and the extent of
her agony, finds union with her lover, only af'ter death or
disappearance from this world.
Damayant'i also lost her lover during sleep: but she
was separated by no-one. Nala himself abandoned her. As
noticed earlier, she was greatly upset at his departure and
desertion. But instead of setting out, like Sassi, in the
search or pursuit of him, she returned to her father's king-
dom; and was soon reunited with her sweetheart.
Thompson has also noticed some aspect of this motif
Ullder H1385.4 - 'Quest for Vanished husband!;l and H1385.5 -
1. We also learn from a Bengali poem about the old queen
Maynamat'i's pursuit of Goda Yama, the messenger of the
King of Death who had taken away the life of her royal
husband. (See Sen, D.C., Typical Selections from old
Bengali Literature, Pt.I, Calcutta - 1914, p.14). But this
continued on following page~
 2 ><)
0,"""

'Quest for Vanished lover' in some Icelandic, Italian, French

l
and Spanish tales. But Sassi 1 s Quest and its end stands out
as singular and remarkal)le in its own way.
Xlo THE END
The end of the romance is tragic in all versions and embodies
a series of motifs and sub-motifs:
Sassi's encounter with a villain; her invocation
for protection; hel" sinking into the earth; the
wandering of Sassi's soul; Punnun's regaining
consciousness; his arrival at the spot; his
invocation for reunion; the joint burial of the
lovers; the consistency of tragic ending.
2.
There are however, some versions which have not presented the
conclusion in this form.
Mahabbat, for instance, in his Urdu masnawI,
-0.-- has
described Sassi as having reached Kech and died soon after
hearing about the performance of Punnun's marriage ceremony.
Punnun on knowing of her arrival, rushed to receive her but
found her lying as if unconscious. He sprinkled some rose-water
on her body and sent for the physician, but finding it all in
vain, he himself fell dead on her corpse.
According to the Hindi version of Dasam Granth, Punnun
was. done to death, while hunting, through the intrigue of his
first wife. He was buried there in the forest by his servants.

footnote 1 continued from previous page:

also is neither an apt nor an exact parallel of the
pursuit of the young Sassi seeking her lost husband on
this very earth.
1. See Fl. Motif-Index, Vol.III, pp.500-50l.
 283
When Sassi learnt aoout this l she rushed towards his grave,
l
fell dead upon it and oecmne one with him,2 within it:

''1,"Gf1 i::'·:r;}"T1 =cr~i)q -f:tm Lf\;{t

crr-Ft:f -~ cft-::r ~ J I ~.' ~~ •
ThUS, this is the only version of its kind in which Punnun,
the hero, like Leander, Tristan or Farhad, dies first and
SaSSi, the heroine, like Hero, Yseut or ShIrln, follows him in
death and is ouried along him.
We have a beautiful parallel of this aspect of the
motif in the tale of the RanI and her Lover United in Death.
It has been recorded by W.Crook (from the dis,trict of Fatehpur)
a
whose name has long been/f2~iliar expression among stUdents
of folklore. When RanI heard from the faqlr how her lover lost
his life, she was filled with love. She went to his grave and
cried, nO God! if my love for the youth who lies here be true,
may the earth open that I may be with him! 11 God heard her
prayer. The earth opened and she joined her lover in the grave.
On this the earth closed again. 3
Dasrun Granth's version in Hindi and Dharam Singh's in
Panjabi, mention Sassi as having been carried in biwan or biban
(chariot) to paradise by fairies or angels. The latter also

1. See for a parallel of la wife dies, because her husband is

dead i , in Irish Motif-Index, No. N343.2", p.408.
2. In the French romance of Tristan et Yseut, we are similarly
told that when Yseut (the heroine) sees -the dead body of
Tristan, the hero, she falls upon it and dies of utter
grief. (See Rougemont~ D., L 'Amour et I 'Occ,ident, Paris -
1956, p. 23.)
3. Crooke, W., Folk-Tales from Northern India, Bombay - 1906,
pp .148 - 149.
 284

relates her descent from above to fetch the dead Puru~un, who
is also carried to the realm of the divines. Chariotsof gods
bearing astral bodies of dead to heaven has been noticed by
Thompson also under E72202.10.I. l

Now, coming to the motifs noticed in almost all other versions,

in one form or the other, we are first faced with SASSI!S
ENCOUNTER WITH A HERDSMAN during her grief-craz.ed search for
Punnun in the desolate deserto As indicated earlier, poets like
Hafiz and Hashim in Panjabi, have shown him as having been
frightened by the mere sight of the bewildered Sassi. Instead
of affording her much-needed help, he fled away for fear of
any complication or calamity. When, on a second thought, he
returned and found her dead, 2 he was overwhelmed with a deep
sense of repentance and remorse, so much so that he buried
her remains and became the guardian of Sassi!s last abode.
There are others, like Mrs. Postans in Kachhi, Burton
in Sindhi, Indarjit in Persian and Khetsi in Rajasthani who
have described him as a villain. According to them, fascinated
by Sassi's charm and finding her all alone, he tried to outrage
her modesty. Sassi, in order to protect her chastity, app ealed

1. See Fl. Motif'-Index, Vol. II, po 498.

2. Dharaill Singh has introduced a new situation at this stage.
According to his version, the goatherd, finding Sassi dead,
tried to deprive her of her oI'namentso But he was struck
blind by some unseen powerG His eyesight was restored to
him only after he expressed his repentance and pledged to
construct a monument on the spot. (See Dharam Singh, 9issa
Sassi Punnun, Amritsar - 1913, I.O.L. No. Panj.F.313 ,
po28o)
 285

to the Mother Earth, who opened and closed on her, leaving

out just an edge of her garment. The herdsman, stunned at her
miraculous disappearance and transformed, through a strong
feeling of repentance and remorse, into a faQIr, took his
abode at the site. His presence and abode there later guided
Punnun who, on hearing of her tragic disappearance, invoked
similar help, and joined her love in the same under-ground
grave 0

Picking up again the thread of the motifs involved

therein, we find the herdsman acting first as a villain. But
he is not that type of ~ malicious villain such as we find
in the form of --0--
SohnI's sister-in-law. By replacing deliberately
or: /'
?~ t..CoJ/0'"
and treacherously Sohl}I' s baked 63Mb-em jar by an unbaked one,
she caused the death of SohnI
o
as well as of Mehinwal. Neither
is he like the crafty crone who, wilfully conveying the false
news of Shirin's death, to Farhad, her devoted lover, caused
the dreadful tragedy of both ShirIn and Farhad. l
man,
He is a timid/ an opportunist or a villain just on
the occasion. His timidj.ty or villainy is soon transformed
into boldness and goodness which turn him into a man Qf God
and servant of His folk. In this way he is somewhat similar
to that herdsman who, says Skemp, learnt the art of love so
that he could become a holy man. 2

1. For Irish parallels about the falsification of messages

to bring about the death of lovers. See Irish Motif-Index
opocito, No. 1087&1.
2. Skemp, F.W., 11ultanI Stories, Lahore - 1917, p.35.
 286

SASSI'S INVOCATION TO GOD OH. THE r!J.OTHEH. EA.R.'rH for the protect-
ion of her chastity has a nmnber of parallels here and there.
VVhen Nala, for instance, left DamayantI while asleep
in his arms in the forest, she Ylinvoked the act of truth to
save herself from an importunate hunter, saying if it be true
that she loved Nala only, let the hunter fall dead. 1I The
hunter, says the legend, did fall dead there and then.
A similar escape from an undesired lover by a miracle
has been noticed in an Icelandic tale by Professor Thompson.
In another Indian tale, a saint is shown to have
changed the course of the boat and guided it to another place,
in answer to a maidents prayer. l
According to valmlkI's H.amayana, when H.ama asks SIta
to give a proof of her chastity for the satisfaction of the
people, she swears and invokes the help of the Mother Earth.
The Goddess of Earth comes out sitting on a glittering throne,
takes SIta. in her lap and disappears with her under the ground.• 2.
According to another version, when Rama himself suspects her
chastity, Sita flies into a rage and invokes the protection of
Mother Earth, who receives her accordingly.3
5.
Sassi!s invocation was, similarly, granted and she was soon
swallowed up by the Mother Earth.
1. See Motif-Index, No.T32106, Vol.V, p.378.
2. Bulke, KG, Ram-Katha, Allahabad - 1950, pp.452-3.
3. Ibid., p .453.
 287
THE SPIRITUALISATION OF Ep~TH as a gracious maternal
deity is an accepted feature in Indian thought. Even Guru
Nanak (1469-1539) acclaimed it so when, concluding his Japji,
he said:
"Air the Mentor, ViTater the Father,
Great Earth the Mother
Night and Day the Nurses
In who se lap the world plays. II 1
Tylor tells us that "among many savage races, the Earth-
deity2 is spiritualised as female. lI Harrison adds:, "it has
been suggested with some degree of probability that the pre-
dominance of Mother-worShip in India and elsewhere represents
a survival from the matriarchate, the prevalence of whic.h has
been attested in India by a considerable amount of evidence. 113
Not in India alone. liThe worship of Mother-Earth H ,
says Marett, "is perhaps the most widespread and the most
primitive of all forms of ancient worship.,,4 He proceeds to
state that u some of the most ancient invocations and some of
the earlies,t charms are addressed to the Earth-Mother. H
Illustrating his observation from the British Isles., he tells
that "among the earliest of these invocations is that made by
the poet Amergin as the Children of Mileadh or Milesians
approached the shores of Ireland .. The Druids had raised against
them a storm and magic mist to prevent them landingo u5 He

1. Guru Grfulth Sahib, Amritsar - dt. 1604, p.9.

2. For Eal"th-ViTorsb.ip, see Rose, H.A., A Qlossary of the Tribes
and Castes of the Pan jab and North-West-Frontier Pl"ovince
Vol. I, Lahore - 1919, pp.129-30.
3. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ~p~c~t., Vol.V, 1912, ,-".
po4 - W9Pship of Mother Earth.Tyler,Prlmltlve Culture,Vol.I,Ji-b
4. Hull, E., Folklore of the British Isles, London - 1928,po81~
50 Ibid .. , p.81.
 288
:further adds that "in A..Tlglo-Saxon England invocations to the
Earth-mother were evidently :fre~uently resorted to.H 1
About the belie:f o:f the earth accepting or rejecting
a person, Marett states that Hin the Irish story o:f the Fate
o:f the Children o:f Tuireann, when Lugh' s :father Cian has been
slain by one who is within the limits o:f the :fine or :family,
and an attempt is made to bury the body, the earth re:fuses to
receive it, and casts it up again and again on the surface of
the ground. Six times was the body reinterred and rejected by
the earth in loathing :for the deed, but the seventh time the
I'l'}

soil took to it. 11';;;

Sassi's appeal and the Earth's acceptance is
particularly fitting in this context, as there can be nothing
apter than the af:fectionate and protective lap of such a
great mother for such a lovely but wearied and over-worried
daughter like Sassi. And after all, instead of the traditional
invocation to gods or goddesses, she invokes the protection
o:f the earth, also because "it is sacred where the :flowers
bloom."
6.
Now, this OPENING MID SWALLOWING UP BY EARTH or sinking into
earth or extraordinary underground disappearance is not ~uite

an uncommon motif.
We find it cherished not only in Indian but also in
some American, African, English, Jewish, Irish, Spanish, Greek

1. Hull, Folklore of the British Isles, op.cito~ p o 82.

2. Ibid.., p o 88.
 289
and Lithuanian tales also. Thompson has noticed some instances
under F940 - !extraordinary underground (underwater) disappear-
ance; F 942 - 'man sinks into earUl; L424 and Q55~.1 In some
cases it is shown as opening by itself to swallow up, for
instance, some impious horsemen (Q221.4.3) as punishment (Q
552.2.3.)Y in others it is mentioned as, opening at a man's
command (F942.3) or at a woman's bidding (F942.3.1.) to
enclose her. 3
In the case of this romance, we are told that it
opened twice; first at Sassi's invocation and thence at that
of Punnun.
It may not be out of place to mention here three
popular instances from the Indian lore.
We learn from the Budha Jataka about the Master!s
+-- having told, during his residence at Jetavana, the
stories of Devadatta's swallowing-up by the earth and the
sinking of a king of the golden age into the earth for telling
lies. 4
As already noticed, some versions of Ramayana, for
example that of val~lk~, Raghuvansh, Bhagwat-Puran and
Adhyatam Ramayana, mention Slta as having invoked the Mother
Earth for a place in her comfortable lape Her appeal was duly
granted. 5
1. See Motif-Index, Vol. III, p.239; Vol.V, pp.23 & 251.
2 .. Ibid., VoloV, pp.204, 251-2.
3. Ibid., Vol.III, p.240; Irish Motif-Index, pp.307-8. Cross
has noticed ~Ulder 942.1 - GrOUlLd opens and swallows person.
4. Cowell, B.B., The Jataka or Stories of the Burula's Former
Births, Vol.III, Cambridge - 1897, No.422, pp.27l-76.
5. Bulke, Ram-Katha, opocit., pp.452-3.
 290
TI1is motif is also associated with the famous Pir
Guga, whose votaries include both Hindus and Muslims of all
castes and tribes among the agricultural population of the
Panjab. The Hissar Gazetteer tells us that after his dispute
about lands with his cousins, he wandered off and ~ished that
the earth might swallow him up. This could not be till he be-
carne a Musalman. He repeated the Musalman Kalma and the earth
forthwi th opened and swallowed him. "I Ibbetson described it
in a somewhat changed form. According to him, Guga His said to
have killed his two nephews and to have been condemned by their
mother to follow them below. He attempted to do so, hut the
earth objected that he being a Hindu, she was quite unable to
receive him 0 • • So he became a Mussalman, and her scruples
being removed, the earth opened and&vallowed him and his horse
alive. n2 Crooke and Rose differ more divergently from this
version though the motif and purport of their narrative is
also the same. 3 We are told liOn his return horne, Bachla asked
which side had won, but Guga, parched with thirst, only replied
by casting his cousins? heads at her feet. At this sight,
Bachla bade him not to show her his face again. In his dis-
tress, Guga stood beneath a champa tree and prayed the Earth
to swallow him up, but it bade him to learn Yog of Ratan
Nath J-ogi at Bhatinda, or else accept Kalma. On the way thither,

1. Fagan, Gazetteer of the Hissar District ~

P~Jo,
~, Lahore - 1893, p.76.
20 Ibbetson, Sir DoCoJ-o, Outlines of Pan,jab Ethnography,
Calcutta - 1883, pp.115-6o
30 Crooke, W., Introduction to the Po u1ar Re1i ion and Folk-
lore of Northern India, London - 1894, p.13 •
 291
he met Goralch Na th who taught him Yog, and in the Dhaul i
-
Dharti the earth then answered his prayer;"! engulfing him with
his horse and arms, on the IL~th badi of Asauj 0 A shepherd,
who had witnessed Guga's disappearance, brought the news to
Bachla, who with his wife went to the spot. But they found no
- ••• HI
t race 0 f Guga

An instance of such a miraculous opening of the earth

is recorded in a history of Sindh also. It is stated that

during the war that ensued between Sumras and Sultan 'Ala u
din, some Sumra women fell into the possession of the Sultan.
They prayed to God for the protection of their honour and
chastity. The earth opened at the very place and after swall-
2
owing up the ladies, joined again.
According to some versions of the romance of Hir,
-Ranjha - the hero is also said to have walked alive into the
heroine's grave and been swallowed up.3
The death of a lover or a beloved through suicide,
adopted as a last resort for reunion, has many parallels in
the romances of almost all lands. 4 We find it, for instance,
in the Balinies love-tragedy of Layon Sari Jaya Frana,5 the
Fersian tragedy of Shlrln-Farhad; the Fanjabi romance of

1. Rose, Glospary of Tribes and Castes, Vol.I, op.cit., p.18l.

2. History of Sind, op.cit., Vol.II, p~40.
30 Temple, R.C,., The Legends of the Panjab, Vol.II, Bombay -
1885, p.XVI.
4. See for some instances in the Irish folk-lore in Irish
Motif-Index, NOoN343, N343.1 and T81.9; pp.408 & 483.
5. See Hooykaas, C., The Lay of Jaya Frana, London - 1958,
pp.lO, 15.
 292
Sohni-Mehinwal; the Greek legend of' Hero -Leander and the
Arabian romance of' Q,amar-·Hashsham.
7.
Hashim and some others like him tell us that "Sassi's soul
lef't her body and took the direction of' Punnun. It awoke f'rom
dreams the unconscious Punnun, who was being carried away on
the camel's back. 'Well f'riend', it told him, 'I have fulfilled
my pledge and promise with you. Sassi's body has collapsed in
the desert and I have taken leave of it.' Punnun awoke, re-
gained his consciousness, got up all amazed and restless ••• 11 I
liThe idea of the soul leaving the body and going on
its travels li , says Penzer, "originates in the 8.J.""lcient Egyptian
Ka, or 'double,.,,2 Maspero in the Adventure of Satni -Khamois
wi th the Mummie_s tells us: ilNenof'erkephtah was not alone in
the tomb, but his wif'e Ahuri, and Maihet his son were with
him; for though their bodies reposed at Coptos, their 'doublet
was with him by virtue of the book of Thotho 113 The belief in a
doppelganger is world-wide. 4
The ancient idea of' the wandering soul has given rise
to a motif in Eastern fiction called by various names and
translated by Penzer as I entering another's body Y .5 An

1. See Shan, Sassi-Hashim, op.cito, Stanzas 115-16, pp.662-3.

2. Penzer, lLM., The Ocean of' Story, VoloI, London - 1924,
P .37.
3. Maspero, Sir G.,Po ular Stories of Ancient E t, (trans-
lated by Mrs. C.H.W. Johns ,)London - 1915, pp.119-120.
4. See Hasting, Encyclopaedia of' Religion and Ethics, Vol.IV,
p.853o
50 Penzer, Ocean of Story, VoloI, op.cit., p.38.
 293

excellent example of this forms the Lady's Thirtieth Story

in Gibb I s History of the }!'orty Vezirs 1 which is still current
in Kashmir• under the Tale of a Parrot. 2
Prof. Thompson has also noticed various aspects of
this motif under E720ff. -- sou~ leaves or enters the body.
E720.l. refers to an Icelandic tale in which souls of human
beings are described as seen in dreams. The idea of the soul
leaving the body at death occurs in both Indian and Irish myths
(vide E722). Soul's leaving one body and entering another has
also been noticed under E725.1. 3 But we do not find an
exact parallel of the situation as exhibited by this particular
aspect of the motif in the tale of Sassi.
8.
Punnun's hurried return and arrival at the spot, and the
misery and desperation that ensued there can be matched with
that of Romeo who returned to Juliet in time to find her dead.
It can similarly be paralleled with Pyramus who on his return
P;~;;-/'
finding Thisbe~disappeared and believing her dead, killed
himself in order to unite with his love at least in death. 4

1. Gibb, E.JoW., The History of the Forty Vezlrs, London -

1886, Pp .313-1 9.
2. Stein, Sir A.& Grierson, Sir GoA., Hntim's Tales, London -
1923, pp.5-l1.
3. See Fl. Motif-Index, Vol.II, pp.496, 498, 500.
4. In the case of romances like thoffi of gamar-Hashsham, Rup
Mati - d -Baz Bahadur and Shirln-Farhad, we find that when
the beloved sees or learns about the death or murder of her
lover, she commits suicide (in the romance of Qamar by
plunging a dagger, in that of Rup Mati by taking diamond-
dust and in that of Shirin by falling down and perishing with
the lover).
 294

There is one prominent difference, however: Punnun,

instead of committing suicide like Romeo and pyramus, invoked
the help of the Mother Earth and, on her reopening, joined his
beloved under the ground. This in itself has a very close
parallel in Rasikh.'s (1757-1824) BiharI !!ill.~:r:awI. The lover,
hearing the tale of his beloved's tragic disappearance in the
earth, and recognising the spot from the outflowing edge of her
garment, invoked the help of the Mother Earth and was admitted
soon on l·t s reopenlng.
. 1

This leads us to the interesting, though tragic, motif of the

joint burial or cremation of the lovers.
We find its parallel in Irish, 2 Icelandic and Italian
tales also Thompson has mentioned some under T86. 3
As far as the Indian tales are concerned, we find one
pertaining to a joint-burning in the Dimasa love-ballad of
Khala-Ching and Chakra-Daing Dai. A similar joint cremation
is described in the IshQ-Nama (dt.1301) of AmIr Hasan DihlavI.
It is sta.ted that as soon as the lover heard about the death of
his beloved, he went mad and rushed towards the cremation-
ground. Addressing his beloved, he proclaimed, IIIf union with
you is denied to me in this world, I shall attain it in the

1. Rasikh, G.A., Aijaz i Ishg, I.OeL. Urdu. D.5144, p.3l.

2. See Hull, E. Cuchu11in Saga in Irish Literature, London
1898, p.53; Cross, Irish Motif-Index, op.cit., p.483.
3. See Fl. Motif-Index, Vol.V, p.347.
 295
next." Then to the amazement of all, he jumped on to the
f'uneral pyre and was burnt to ash e s mixing them with those
of' his sweetheart. l
Parallels of' the joint-burial of' the inter-religious
lovers are f'ound in the DaY~ani romrulces of' Chandarbadan-
Mahyar and Talib-Mohinl. "In accordance with the dying wish
of' Thisbe", tells Ovid in his Metamorpheses, "the remains of'
the two lovers, Thisbe and Pyramus, "rest together in a Single
urn. And hencef'orward the mulberry fruit, stained with the
blood of' Pyramus, when ripe is always dark red.,,2
A sindhi f'aqir and his dream-beloved are also stated
to have been buried in one and the saille grave. 3
After their death, Abel ~,
, the f'amous philosopher and
theologian, and his beloved, Heloise ('one of' the most beauti-
f'ul and learned women of' medieval time~), we re also placed in
the same tomb. 4
According to the Urdu versions of' Mahabbat 5 and
Macrbiil,6 Punnun!s newly-wed wife also joined the lovers in the
same grave. Gulrajani tells us that the villainous goatherd
was also swallowed up by the earth as a punishment. 7
1. See New Indian Antiquary, Poona, August - 1939, p.260 .
2 • Grant, M0, Myths of' the Greeks and Romans, London - 1962,
p.380.
3. Kincaid, CoA., Folk tales of' Sind and Guzarat, Karachi -
1925, p. 379.
4. See Jobes, G., Dictionary of' Mytholo Folklore and
Symbols, Pt.I, New York - 19 -' , p.7 9.
50 ~Ji ahabbat, IVI .K., Asrar i Mahabbat (dt.1783), Lakhnow - 1850(c)
I.O.L. Ver. Tr. Urdu No.160o
6. Maqbiil Mlmad, Qissa Sassi-Punnun, Delhi - 1848, I.O.L.,
Vern. Tr. Urdu No. 1065, p.36.
7. Gulrajani, Shah jiin M{banyoon, Pt.II, Haidarabad - 1923,
p.108.
 lO~
296
'111ere are some other versions like those of Hafiz, Aram, and
Hashim in Panjabi and Salik!s in Urdu which have described
Sassi as having died a natural death on account of the
scorching heat, enormous exhaustion, desperation and PrulgS of
separation from her sweetheart. l She was buried under a mound
of sand by the wandering goatherds. It opened only on the
arrival and upon the invocation of Punnun, in order to reunite
the lovers under the ground.
According to the art-critic, R.K., "She ran out into
the desert in search of her beloved, followed by her maids and
died of grief. A faqir dug out a grave for her in a cool spot
and sat by her tomb in sympathetic appreciation of her great
love. II He describes Punnun as having reached Kech after his
treacherous abduction. U He became mad by the forced separation
and left his home in search of his beloved, and on his way met
the faqir who told him of the tragic end of Sassi. Punnun fell
senseless on the spot, and the grave opened and took in Punnun,
thus uniting the two lovers once more.,,2
1. Of loving couples who died of separation, see Kathasaritsa-
gara, Vol.II, p.9; VoloVIII, pp.98,116. But none of them can
vie with the situation as we find in the romance of Sassi.
The young and devoted wife of I1I§.ka, a merchant of Mathura,
for instance, died soon after seeing him off on a business
trip, as she could not bear the grief of separation from
him. The husband, on retrun, found her dead, wept bitterly,
took her in his arms and breathed his last. (See Kathasar-
itsagara, VoloII, p.9). Surasena and Sushe~a similarly died
for each other. "But when their family goddess, Chandi, the
bestower of boons, saw that that couple had met their death
in this way, she restored them to life out of compassion.
Mld after breath had returned to them, having each had a
proof of the other I s affection, they continued inseparable
for the rest of their lives.;! (See Kathasaritsagara, Vol.
VIII, pp.99-100).
2. Gulrajani, Shah jun Akhanyoon, Pt.IIo Haidarabad - 1923,
p.108.
 297
The screen-version (written by Feroze DIn Sharf), on
the other hand, has excluded this feature altogether. He des-
cribed the lovers seeking Gach other in the "Vvilderness of the
desert. A huge sand-storm encircled them and they fell down,
buried later by the heavy drifts of swirling sand. This end
obviously looks more natural and creditable; but it lacks the
original and the traditional touch.
The authors of Panjabi Bhaure, have also excluded the
opening or/and the reopening of the grave. But their version
about the disposal of the dead bodies of the lovers is very
strange 1
0

The end of the lovers, described by the author of

Kachh-Kaladhar is, however, better. He has shown Sassi's
corpse as having been buried by drifting sand. It later
formed itself into a raised mound. Punnun, on reaching the spot
and falling unknowingly on that mound, died, and was similarly
buried there by the flying sand of the desert. 2
But the account given by Jia Lal Khasta is both
incredible and inappropriate. He has shovm Sassi as striking
her head, in sheer frustration, against a big stone and thus
dying on account of its breaking and bleeding. 3 This account
amounts to a suicide which has been neither mentioned by any-
one nor even implied in the context of the tale.
All such efforts have evidently and intentionally
1. Teja Singh and Amol, S.S., Panjabi Bhaure, Amritsar - 1932,
pp.10l, 104, 105.
2. Ka.ranI, DoRo, Kachh-Kaladhar, Pt.I, Songarh - 1949, p.324.
3. Khasta, J-.L., Nasim i Sehr, Delhi - 1884, p.19.
 298
been made by these narrators in order to avoid the inclusion
or description of any supernatural element involved in the
miraculous disappearance of the lovers by the alleged opening
and/or the reopening of the earth. But almost all old, tradi-
tional, indigenous and regional versions are Quite clear and
frank in describing the lovers as joining each other unde'r the
ground by invocating the help of the Almighty God or the
gracious Mother Earth.
Norris1s version also leads us to the same conclusion,
though in a different way. According to this when Sassi
left her home, Quite desperately but secretly, by night and
wandered westward, she was not seen again.
\lBut passers-by relate, as s.tories grow,
That once they saw a figure far away,
And westward marching, woman1s shape, it seemed,
VVhich disappeared in storms of dust and sand.1!
VVhen Punnun, on the other side, found himself separated from
his beloved and installed in Makran, he stormed, cried and
wandered as a madman in the streets, until the king, in desper-
ation allowed him to go, on the condition that if he was unable
to return with Sassi as his Queen, he would come back alone.
Punnun regained his mind and riding on the swi~test camel,
reached the village of Atta. But Atta was alone and Sassi
fled. He made futile enQUiries but only foolish nods were
given him, though some pointed out to the western mountains.
Punnun kept his word and wandered back, sorrowing at heart and
exhausted physically, but he could find no trace of her. At
last, he saw a newly-built tomb with a Muslim PIr at prayer
 299
"by its side. On enquiry, he was told that lit was the tom"b of

a lady fair, nameless, forgotten .o.! Punnun noticed a frag-

ment of Sassi's dress lying at the foot and grasping it so"b"bed,
c.lutched the earth with trem"bling hands and prayed that
Heavens might take him where she was'.
"But at that moment rose a mighty wind,
An earthquake rent the ground •••
Nought "but a pool remained where tom"b had stood.
Punnun and Sassi joined for good at last,
Brought fair Oases, Paradise to birth.
A sweet unselfish Spirit filled the Earth. II 1
11.
Another striking feature of the end of this romance is that
no poet or narrator seems to have ever tried to alter its
tragic situation,2 in order to suit the taste of any particular
person or per iod.
We find such alterations in the finale of a num"ber of
such romances. John Matham's versions of the love-tragedy of
Pyramus and Thisbe,for instance~ has a cheerful ending. The
lovers are revived, "baptized, married and made to live happily
ever after.
On the Indian scene, we notice such deli"berate changes

1. See Art and Letters, op.cit., 1949 - No.1, pp.38-9.

2. Such alterations in the situations or emphases are commonly
met in the 1 egendary 1 i terature. For instance, J-esudason
tells us that in the later phase of the legend of Parasu-
rama in Sanskrit literature ("best represented in the Sahya-
dri Khanda of the Skanda Purana), the emphasis has shifted.
It is no longer on Parsur8~als deed of valour "but on what
he "became as a result of his act; and so on. (See Jesuda-
son, M.M., The Legend of Parasurfuna in Sanslzrit literature,
Oxford University - unpu"blished thesis No.2.1.62, Oxford -
1961, paX.)
 3GO

in some Bengali and Rajput love-ballads e liThe tragic end 11,

observed Sen in connection vvi th some romantic ballads of

Bengal, "became out of fashion with the poets of Brahman
Renaissance, and hence some of the later poets have yielded
to the taste of the age by altering the situation described
in the last canto" of the love-tale of LIla and Kanka. One
versionJfor instance, says that LIla, unable to bear the grief
of separation from her lover, hung herself from the bough of a
hazel tree. Another tells that she did not actually die though
she was on the point of death. She rather lived to be once
more restored to Kanka. l
Sassi, on the other hand, died or disappeared under
~~

the earth, onceifor all, according to all versions of her

romance. She could achieve her reunion with Punnun only after
death and that too under one and the same grave.
There is, of course, some difference in the description
of their end, and there may even be more about it. But there is
no difference about its having been anything else than tragic.
XI I • THE SEQUEL
Some versions, particularly in Persian, have extended the
range of the romance by appending a se~uel or an epilogue.
Those belonging to Sindh have given it in a religio-
mystical form. We find it first in Rizaits ZIba Nigar (dto1642).
Concluding his masnawi, Rizai tells us that SayyId lUi, a
-00--

famous holyrnan of Thatta, heard the story of Sassi Punnun and

1. Sen, D.C., East Bengal Ballads, Vol.I, Pt.I, Calcutta -

1923, p. 210.
felt impelled to visit their tomb ~ He was overjoyed to see
the lovers from close quarterso On his return, he related his
experience to the people, telling them that he saw the lovers
alive in the grave and found them enjoying the bliss of true
love. l
This experience was later attributed to Ismail, a
Darwesh from Mu1tan, by Qazi Murtaza of Sorat~ in his M~~awI

Sassi-Punnun (dt. sometime tetween 1719-48)2 and by Pir

Muhammad of Awadh in his Ma~~awi Mehr 0 Mah (dt.1862).3
Sorthi tells us that Ismail visited their last abode,
•
sat beside their tomb and fasted for three days, longing to
see them. After three days' vigil, an old lady appeared and
offered him bread and water, but he refused to take anything
without seeing the lovers. She told him that she herself was
Sassi and asked him not to expect to see Punnun as "I have lost
confidence in the world and can no longer trust anyone .. 1f The
Darwesh said, If I cannot believe you, for Sassi I'Tas young and
beautiful? while you are an old crone." Sassi then transfigured
herself to appear in all her pristine youth and beauty; and
she tried again to persuade him to break his fast~ But Ismail
said, "I would rather die of fasting than eat before seeing
both of you, according to my vow"tl After repeated adjurations,
Sassi descended into the grave, brought Punnun out but showed

1. Rizai, H.M., ZIba Ni~ar, B.M. MS. No.337/0r. (dt.1684), ff.

141b-141a.
2. QanI, A.S., Tuhfatul-Kiram, B.M. MS. NOG21589/Add.,ff.260(b)
261(a); ed. Lakhnow - IBBb-7, Pt.III, pp.25-26.
3. Awadhi, P.M., Mehr 0 Mah, Lakhnow - 1878, pp.38-9.
him only as far as his waists She kept him tight all the time
in her embrace, clasping her arms around him, lest he should
be carried off again. Concluding this epilogue, Sora~hl says
that many good-hearted elders have also seen them. None can
pass that road while riding on a camel. Anyone keeping awake
by night at the tomb, is served with food by unseen hands, in

spite of the fact that the place is a desolate desert. We find

it almost fully repeated in another anonymous Persian narrative,
hailing from Sindh and entitled Tale of the Darwesh who became
the keeper of the lovers' tomb in order to see ~assui and
Punnun. l
Awadhi has, however, presented it in another form.
According to him, when Lala, Sassi's foster-father, learnt
about the tragic death of Sassi and Punnun, he hurried towards
the spot. On reaching there, he built a grave and an inn to
commemorate them and settled himself there as the guardian of
the place. When he died, he was succeeded there by his favour-
ite apprentice, Isma'il, who won the confidence of Sassi and
began to enjoy her hospitality. Once when tempted by her charms,
he tried to catch and embrace her, she disappeared instantan-
eouslyo
Awadhi also adds that many hungry and forlorn travel-
lers are said to have been served with food by Sassi, who
appears and disappears miraculously.2
1. A manuscript seen in the possession of Shri Jairamdas
Daulatram, ex-Governor of Assam and Bihar, at New Delhi.
2. Awadhi, Mehr 0 Mah, op.cit., pp.3 8 -9o
 303
Burton supporting this phenomena and describing Lallu
as a slave of Punnun, has something different to tell .~ from
the literary version found by him (some time before 1850) in
Sindhi verse. He observes, lilt is no less true than discredit-
able to human nature that these miraculous events are rejected
by certain sceptical Sindhis, who declare that the recreant
La11u, when caught by Punhu in an intrigue with his bride, slew
his master to prevent exposureo Moreover, it is asserted, that
after this abominable action, the ruffian spent a week in the
company of the beautiful Sassui, murdered her to keep the
affair ~uiet, and concluded by inventing a pretty story to im-
pose upon the credulity of the old Jam and his family. We must
rank these unbelievers with those doubters who have not s,crupled
to treat as myths such veritable stories as the Siege of Troy,
and the wanderings of Aeneas. ill
2.
This kind of sequel has also been noticed in some versions of
2
a similar romance, viz. Hlr-Ranjha of the Panjab. Commenting
upon one of them, Temple observed in 1926 that "these celebrated
lovers, HIr and Ranjha 9 have long been looked on in the Panjab
and Baluchistan as saints who are still alive. n3 Two such
versions, relating to that phase of the legends about them,
have also been found and recorded. 4 I1There is", however, adds
Temple, I1nothing unusual in this in India, for folktales of
this kind are occasionally repeated as personal eJ~eriencesoll 5
The theme bearing on the appearance, conversation and
benediction of the dead lovers from their joint grave has also
 304

Footnotes to previous page.

1. Burton, Sir RoF., Sindh and the Races that Inhabit the
Valley of the Indus, London - 1851, pp.106-7.
2. See for instance, Aram, S.D., Gulshan i Raz Ishq 0 Wafa
(dt.1757-8), SoL., Kaplirthala, MS.No.188.
3. IlJ:id., p.]~ {,;2,/ V,IQZC;/,,/tf.
40 Temple, Legends of the Panjab, op.cit., Vo1.II,. pp.177-81;
Rose, RoA., Indian Antiquary, op.cit., 1926, pp.36-8;
Longworth-Dames, M., jbid., pp.38-9.
50 See Indiap Antiquary, opocit., Vol.LV, p.14.
 305
been noticed in a love-tale associated with Shah Abdul Latif.
Narrating the incident, Kincaid tells us "At midnight a womants
hand rose from the grave and offered him a letter. But Abdul
Latif doubted the virtue of a Burat that came from a woman.
"I shall not take the Burat", he said, "unless he who promised
it to me gives it." The girl's voice answered that that was
impossible. The faqir for very shame, she said, dared ask
I'f'
nothing from God. He had not been able to hide his love but to
the world had told his sorrows. Her own love had been as ardent
as hiS, but she had had the strength to hide it. It was at her
request that God had given the Burat and the saint must take
it from her hand. ,,1

Some versifiers from the Panjab, on the other hand, have

concluded the story with a different kind of epilogue.
Munshi Jot Parkash, for instance, has extended it in
his Pe.rsian ~~:r;t§l.wi, Dast1ir i Ishq (dt. 1723), to a vJider range
in another respect. He described the goatherd announcing this
strange phenomenon of the opening of the earth and the swallow-
ing up the lovers. People from all around throng to the spot
which is dug out deep in order to find and see the true lovers.
But finding nothing inside, they are rather more amazed at
their miraculous disappearance. This tragic news reaches Kech
and Bhambhore, as well. The relatives of both Sassi and Punnun
come crying and gather around their grave? There is great

la Kincaid, C.A., Folk tales of Sind and Guzarat, Karachi -

1925, p.27.
2. Jot Parkash, Dastur i-1shg" Ferozepur, 1865, p.77.
 G)t1(;:
de 'J'

alarm and disturbancea But a mysterious voice from underneath

the grave harkens and silences them, saying:
'..:h.t:> f~\" ~~.::........=. J..J G..' 'is! * I>~ .J) l.~e c2''''''.J9)'' ~ ~I
'i ~ )1 ~ c)'tL 0-1,1,4' f ~ * ~;I ~\" (;)':ll ~ <s~ o~

.J.Z~ ~ - }L____________ ...s.Z~ f;j\" ~ ~ c2 hl

..J)~ ~~A'
That is, "it is an occasion not for lamentations but for re-
joicings on account of our blissful union. We have reached our
destination and attained the eternal peace. The martyrs to love
are not to be mourned. If a moth burns on the flame, there need
be no grief, no mourning. 1T People disperse and return to their
homes talking about them and admiring their true and ideal love.
SaYYld Fazal Shah (1827-90) in his Panjabi version
(dt.1863) has rounded off the romance in yet another way. The
Hots are shown as repenting over their folly in allowing
Punnun to return to Bhambhore, on his having threatened
suicide. They are greatly afraid of the ruler'S rage for not
having brought Punnun back home. So they return to find and
fetch him back. On reaching the spot and meeting the goatherd,
when they learn of the tragic end of the lovers, they are much
upset. Instead of committing suicide for fear of Arlfs rage,
they make bold to return to Kech .. As soon as they reach
there and convey the terrible news, all the people, old and
young alike, plunge into deep mourning. l Punnunts father,
1. We find a very touching parallel of people's sentiment for
such lovers in an Assamese ballad also. Disru spurns her
father's proposal to marry someone of his choice, and is
thereby exiled. She embarks on a boat and drifts down the
river with a white dog as her only compani£n. All the pe£P1 e
follow her weeping. I1People in north Cachhari!, says GQswaml.,
lThave a tradition that they can see in places the foot-
prints of the persons following the unhappy princess.1! (See
Go swamI , Folk-Lite*ature of Assam, op"cit., p.36).
unable to bear it, breathes his last soon aftero This
aggravates the situation still further and the version con-
cludes with mourning and disturbance all arounde
4.
Yatlm Shah I s sequel (dt. around 1938), h01r.Jever, follo"l'[s the
Sindhi tradition. But he has associated it with Mlr Khusrau.
-
He is similarly described as having visited the lovers·
grave in order to verify the truth about their preternatural
appearance. When on his calling them aloud, he could not get
any reply or response, he turned away but was soon called back
by a mysterious voice. It was that of Sassi who told him that
on hearing the magnified sound of the hooves of his camel, she
mistook him for the treacherous Baloches. As she could no
longer trust them, she, awe-stricken, was holding her sweet-
heart tightly in her arms.
When Khusrau heard that plea, he admitted their true
love, admired it much and blessed them all the more. l

We find a somewhat similar practice of adding a sequel in the

Cuchullin Saga of Irish literature. We are told that at the
conclusion of the tale of the Tragical Death of the Sons of
Usnach, a traditional narrative was always added.
It is said that king Conchobar was so incensed that
Naisi and Deirdre should even in death dwell in the mansion of

1. See Yatlm Shah, gissa Sassi Punnun, 4th ed. Batala - 1938,
(IoO.L., No. Panj. F.1496) and Panjabi Version in Pt.II.
 308

the grave together, that he ordered them to be laid far apart

in the burial-ground. Every morning for some days, however, the
graves would be found open and Conchobar ordered that stakes
of yew should be driven severally through their bodies, in
order to keep them asunder. But two yew trees sprang from
these two stakes, which grew to such a height that they
embraced each other over the cathedral of Armagh. l
As regards the invisible existence of the lovers even
after their physical death, Ovid has added a beautiful sequel
to the story of Narcissus and Echo. According to him, when
Echo saw the handsome Narcissus, she longed to address him 0

But when he called to his companions, she could only repeat

the ends of his sentencesG lIEcho wasted away with love, until
finally only her voice remained. And now she hides in the
woods and cannot be seen, but her voice is alive and can be
heard by anyone. 112
John Metham has gone even farther in his Amor~s ~nd

Cleopes edt. 1448-9). As noticed earlier, he has shown the

lovers to have been revived, baptized and married and to have
lived happily ever afterQ3

1. Hull, E. The Cuchullin Sa~a in I£!~£ Literature, London -

1898, p.53.
2. Grant, M., Myths of the Greeks and Romans, London - 1962,
p.381 ..
3 • Ibid., p" 381.
 309
-8-
SUPERNATURAl, ELEMENT

The basic outline of the romance of Sassi seems to be remark-

ably free from the supernatural element of the traditional
type 0

There are only two situations, occurring just at the

beginning and right at the end of the tale, which for some time
demand the suspension of our disbeliefo
If we believe that a child, encased securely and set
afloat on a river, can be recovered downstream safe and alive,
then the first situation would fail to admit any supernatural
element.
Similarly, if we agree with those writers or narrators
who tell us that the delicate, desperate and forlorn Sassi
fell dead on the scorching sands of the desert, completely
exhausted on account of her trials and tribulations; then also
there can be no doubt about the causes or circumstances of her
death. It is e~ually probable, and possible too, that her
desperate lover, having hurriedly returned to search for her,
found her lying dead on the way. The terrific sc~ene of the
devoted dead beloved, coupled with the fury of treachery,
exhaustion of the journey and pangs of separation on the one
hand; and the strong sense of regret, repentance and helpless-
ness on the other -- is enough for a Romeo or pyramus either
to kill himself or collapse right on to the corpse of his
Juliet or Thisbe 0 The drifting sand of the desert is also
 3to
enough to cover the united lovers from the eyes of the world
which could not tolerate their union during their life-time.
Thus the supernatural element involved in the opening and
closing of the earth to enclose the lovers, one after the
other, at their OvVll invocation, also stands dissolvedo Even
if we agree with others who mention it or believe in this
phenomenon, we find that the tragedy does not lose its force,
effect, or impact. It occurs just at the end of the story and
has nothing to do with its course, nor does it make or mar its
total effect, as is the case with a large number of other tales ..
We find, for instance, the mysterious force of 'Panj
PIr' (a quintet of saints)l wo:r.ldng and directing the course
of the romance of HIr-Ranja in almost all embarrassing situat-
ions in some versions. 2 Similarly, we notice the omnipresence
and overwhelming effect of the goddess KalI in an appreciable
number of Bengali legends;3 which according to Ghosh, has at
places, been 'gratuitously and clumsily introduced' owing to
religious obsession. u4 But it is not so in the romance of
Sassi. It looks almost natUral and credible. The romance was

1. Panj PIr or the '.Heroes Five I . According to Greeven lithe

worship of the 'Heroes Five', which nu~bers its votaries
by the thousands, is perhaps the most interesting in India,
because it represents a complete compromise between Islam
and Hinduism, in which the lost-caste disciples of either
equally par'ticipate ••• _ The Heroes Jj'ive originally repre-
sented the quintet of saints, revered by ShIa Mussalmans,
but degraded into practical idolatry!!. (Greeven, R., The
Heroes Five (Panch-en-PIr)jAllahabad - 1898, p.3).
2. See for instance, Qissa Hir-Ranjha by Damodhar GulatI.
3. See Sen, D.C., Eastern Bengal Ballads, 4 vols., Calcutta -
1923-32.
4. Ghosh, J.C., Bengali Literature, Calcutta - 1948, p.89.
 311

destined to come to a tragic end, a vain search for love, in

the deserto And it did cone exactly as it was prodicted. The
question of its having occurred in this or that way is a matter
of detail which can differ from version to version, according
to the attitude and imagination of the narrator or the
• .p.
vers~~~er concerne d •1
2.
Some versifiers have, however, introduced some supernatural
element of their own, obviously either to add some more
interest or fascination in their versions; or to utilise its
existence for some moral or mystical purpose.
The Hindi version, for instance, as already noticed,
is shrouded with a mythical air which ensures the existence of
the supernatural. It rather takes its form from the introduct-
ion of sages, fairies and their supernatural powers. Sassi,
after her self-sacrifice, is transported to heaven in a Biban
(chariot) carried by heavenly beings. She is received and
honoured there by the gods and fairies. 2
.:.r~ ~;r 1 "Cl' ,,-: i~r <.; ~, ~ ~ ~ I=r"l tft<:r .. •

• •

Dharam Singh1s version in Panjabi has also introduced an

almost similar situation according to which Sassi is shown

1. Some of them, for instance, might have used it perhaps to

bring out and Ilaccentuate the triumphant conquest of the
soul over material forces i1 0

2. See Dasaro Granth, Charitr No.lOB.

 312
as having been flolrvn to heaven and then having descended in a
Biban to fetch Punnun fJ."om tho earth:
M~~ ~Od\ '\' ~"\\ ceg ~ .~'~ ~~ ~ ~?( (~~
1.....,""" {"\ () '~, '"'
~<t -:::;; ~ "-\ \-> ~.-:::' c',> ~ \ ~~ c:" ""9,""' ~\1

Lakh Shah, on the other hand, has introduced Angels on the

occasion of the marriage-ceremony of Sassi and PUnnuno The
other prominent version that contains much of a similar
element, though in another form, is Dastur i 1sh9, a Persian
ma~~awi by Jot Parkash. Punnun, for instance, is helped by an
Angel to break a stone in his trade-test. Sassi is saved from
the abyss of hell by a mysterious voice. The lamentation of
their relatives and the folk gathered around their grave, is
silenced by a mysterious voice coming out of their tombo l

According to Hafiz Barkhurdar, the versifier of the oldest

available version in Panjabi (dt. around 1679), the fairies
alighted from the sky to prepare Sassi for the funeral. They
also blessed her union with her lover in the grave. The Angels
were then directed to change their form and enable Sassi to
meet her lover in the grave. 2
4.
Some other Panjabi versions like those of Hashim Shah (1735-
1843), Sad a Ram (19th c.entury) and Mit Singh (around 1912) --
each representing a religion of his own, viz. Muslim, Hindu
and Sikh -- have describedias hinted earlier, a flight of the

1. Jot Parkash, Dastur i 1shg~ Calcutta - 1812, p.147.

2. See Hafiz, B., g}ssa Sassi Punnun, Lahore - 1878, 1oOoL.
Vera Tr. Pb. No. 1499, pp.13-l5.
 313
soul o:f the dead Sassi towards Kech. It is said to have met
Punnun (awake in some versions, asleep in others) on his way
to Kech; and in:formed him about the devotion, dedication and
l
death of Sassi. Says Sada Ram:
'I "' (' ) (" c..., ~.
C?1:\~~
, ~,~ ~~
= \0\ "''1-f' d.t~':"~\~ ~""'F~
~~r:!" ~
"
\~~ ~\ ~ lj..i2
-U.""
\j ..,.. C..., _
* ~

"'j-(dP<3 ~I
-
J

~ ~r: .:j_ -:s:I- C-.. 02)\ 0-\ Y\\ ~ ~n1 I :-:.....

~
~~ Q. Q.'-'>. '/lA'
\\,.{~)"ll fO ",I ""c.'
:"")""'\

ce:
<;;;;j

)--\"0 \t\ '\, II V\\ CI ~"'O, "'t<-\ \.:a ~ .&. ,~ ~\ \ .)

Ghulam Rasul (1813-74)2 and Devi Dayal (around 1870)
t; (5;,
have~introducedAngels to say the last prayer and per:form the
:funeral rites o:f Sassi. Adit, Hashim Shah and Lakh Shah on the
other hand, have mentioned the arrival o:f Munkar and Nakir,
the Recording Angels. They are said to have asked Sassi :for an
account o:f her deeds. Ad"i t has gone somewhat :farther in des-
cribing the angel's conversation with God, seeking His advice
on Sassi is queries and explanations. God is also shoVlTll as
telling his Angels that:
"My lovers are so dear to me and yet they live
in a world o:f their own.
Although I am the Greator and the Master o:f
the universe,
I have no control over them.1! 3
Devi Dayal proceeds :further to state that :four riders dressed
in green, appear on the scene and a:fter per:forming the :funeral
rites, bury the body o:f Sassi on the road leading to Kecho
He also adds that her soul :flies towards Kech and overtakes
Punnun still asleep and unconscious on the camel heading

10 See Moti:f No .XI - 1.lhe End, Section No.7.

2. Ghulam Rasul, Maul awi , Sassi Punnun, Lahore - 1871, p.14.
3. Adit, Majhan Sassi kian) Stanzas Nos. 34-5.
towards Kech. After arousing his consciousness and waking him,
it relates all that has happened since his departure from
Bhambhore •1
According to Devi Dayal again, when Sassi dies, an
angel comes down from heaven and demands an explanation from
her for having forsaken the name of God and having remembered
only that of Punnun;,even while breathing her last. As she has
also neglected to recite the Kalma (the Mohammadan confession
of fai th), she is branded as a."Yl infidel. Sassi I s soul ,replies
to these charges as follows:
liThe spirit of Sassi in reply asks, 'VVhat is it
that you mean?
Those whose attentions are fixed upon their lovers
Are beyond the dictates of religion.
I read with devotion only the word of my lover
.And have forgotten all other traditions.1I 2
Another, viz. Sada Nand (around 1899), has on the
other hand, introduced Sassi's spirit right at the beginning.
After describing the circThilstances under which the infant
Sassi was set afloat on the river, he introduces a very
interesting and at places ~uite heart-rending dialogue between
her spirit and her father. He recounts in it how her spirit,
encased in the wooden box, flies to her royal father and
informs him about her condition, faced as she is with numerous
difficulties while floating doml the stream. The father is
desc,ribed as asldng the spirit to inform Sassi that he has
already made the necessary provisions within the chest to

1. Devi Dayal, llakim, Qissa Sassi Punnun, Lahore - 1870, p.18.

2. Ibid., p.18.
enable her to lead a happy life; but in view of the prophecy
of the Maulawl(not the usual astrologers), it is not possible
to keep her in his own. home. The a.ialogue between the father
and his daughter's spirit continues thus until the arrival of
her chest at Bhambhore. For instance, the father says:
"I have given you all that you deserved,
Even your dowry has been placed in your box, 0
daughter:
You have been set afloat at the instance of the
Maul awl
And with the consent of all relatives, 0 daughterl
My heart trembled on hearing about the blow of love
Lest it should bring a slur on us all, 0 daughter!
Pray do not blame me (says Sada Nand) for no fault
of mine, n
It was all pre-destined by God, 0 daughter!
Sassi's spirit replies:
lIyou did not fear God, the Creator,
And set me, an innocent one afloat, 0 father!
Had I been big or small, I would have
Got rid of this transitory world, 0 father!
When you will enter the court of God
He will himself ask your explanation for it, 0 father!
I shall also have a row with you there ~l
For your having treated me so relentlessly, 0 father!
MID THA'r I S .ALL!

Thus we do not find in it the traditional and grotesQue sort

of supernatural element which characterizes, for instrulce, the
stories of P~abian Nights, or the romantic tales of Saif ul
Mallik and Shah Behram, or the romance of ilinlran-Darejaniani. 2
There are no extravagant descriptions of superhuman
beings, magical gardens, flying horses, all-powerful jinns

10 Sada Nand, Sassi Punnun, Lahore - 1899, pp.7-9.

2. See Lang, D.M., A Georgian Romance and its English Render-
ing, in BoS.O.A.S., Vol.XXII, Pt.3, 1959, 454ff.
 :1 on

and giants, and also wnat Clouston called lithe monstrous

creations of' the Asiatic fancy". There are no "marvellous
encounters with powerf'ul demons in which the heroes are
enabled to come of'f victorious by the possession of certain
talismans and other magical objectsll,l which reCluire the
Oriental appearance of good faith f'or enjoying their fascina-
tion. Similarly we do not find in it the gods and goddesses
of the Shastric legends who come to help the mortals in their
trials and tribulations. There is no such miraculous predomin-
ance, no witchcraft, no incantation, no fantastic adventures
and no revival of the dead and transf'ormation or transition of
the human body. There are, likewise, no such plots or subor-
dinate tales which are gay and grave, humorous and pathetic,
by turns.
By saying so, I do not mean that this is just a simple
tale of common everyday life, which never outrages probabili-
ties or possibilities. It is, of course, a simple but an
uncommon tale -- a love-tale of two extraordinary lovers who
sacrifice their all in a very unusual but credible way under
circumstances which are strange, but at the same time common
in the Orient. Moreover, it is well known that the ways of
love are at times Cluite curious, or even extraordinary. Hence,
Ghulam Rasul (1813-1874), a great Sufi of the Panjab, tells
us not to be amazed.; even at the miraculous opening and
closing of the lovers! grave, as .....,-,~~

10 Clouston, VT! .A., Some Persian Tales, Glasgow - 1892, pp. 7 &
9.
 3 7

_~7
'.' . D) I_~ .-J:r d f/ /::7
L ,A r-oJ-
.) () )I'-f7 0; L~. ~ JV'~ <. / r,-ll)J--_.
,.; ':' '-"

, ..J";-::;J L '- -> cJ t.l:_:> lot: 4r/~ I J?'> <'-:: 2 ).d5) L~-C .~ I Cr::(
"This is not an extI'aordinary phenomenon in the
realm of Love
0

Lovers are used to such happenings." 1

There is nothing gay or humorous in the entire fabric of the
tale. It is pervaded all through by grave atmosphere and
pathetic situation. In such a grey and gloomy atmosphere,
there is hardly any need or scope for the Asiatic fancy to
roam at will in an unknown sphere and on untrodden paths.
In a similar way, there is nothing, for instance, of
that sort of incredible and unprecedented carnage which we
find in the Legend of ParasTurama and which according to
Jesudason, "has stimulated Indian imagination so much that the
most fantastic and incongruous elements have crept into it
altering it almost beyond recognition. 1i The fancy and imagina-
tion credited to the versifiers of the romance of Sassi, have
of course, played their r6le; and have played it well. But
they do not vie with those of the Epic and Puranic writers of
the legends of Parasurarna who have given free reins to them
for iiexaggerating incidents, expanding descriptions, interpret-
ing dialogues and contemporizing personalities and events of
different times a.l1.d placesl!, 2 in such a way that it has
resulted in the virtual burial of the most important element
in the legend (viz., the unparalle~tact of valour of

1. Ghularn Rasul, Sassi wa Puru~un, op.cit., p.16.

2. Jesudason, M.M., The Legend of Paras 'urarrla, an unpublished
Ph.D. Thesis, Oxford - 1961, Oxford University No.Z.i.62.
 318
Paras'uama) in a morass of extraneous and extravagant
material.
Luckily, we do not find such forces working in
defiling or mystifying the romance of Sassi. In spite of the
above-mentioned supernatural element, the romance still
remains a romance of the world, a credible event having
occurred in a part of this very earth, in a period not so far
from us. The basic tale is as earthly as possible; its theme
is as clear as crystal.
 3 9

-9-
POPULAR No'rIONS AIm SUPE;:{STITIONS
Like alnost all such popular tales, the romance of Sassi
reflects a nillfiber of popular beliefs, widespread notions and
deep-rooted traditions of the Indian people. This is all folk-
lore; and "the study of folklore", as Halliday puts it, !lis
concerned with [such] survivals. It embraces the superstitions,
festivals, customs, and amusements ••• of the less sophisticated
portion of the community. The sanction for the continued exist-
ence or practice of these is primarily that of tradition. lIl
The crux of the story of Sassi being an inter-
religious and inter-regional relationship; popular lore woven
around its fabric exhibits ffil interesting and revealing mixture
of Hindu-Muslim superstitions, practices and traditions. Some
of them, being common and universal, have even the same
meaning and fascination for both the Eastern and the Western
world.
This is due to the fact that "the conservatism of
the simple folk is extraordinarily tenacious. A number of the
beliefs, customs, or ideas which in this way have become
embalmed in popular traditions, have survived from immemorial
antiquity, They are found not only among the peasantry of
Europe but also among the less higbly developed races in all
parts of the world. n2 Agreeing with Tylor, Halliday maintains

1. Halliday, W.R., Greek and Roman FolldlJre, Norwood (U.S.A.)

- 1927, p.3.
2. Ibid., p.4.
 320
that "at a certain stage or intellectual and social develop-
ment, the human mind reacts to similar circumstances in similar
ways. A number or simple general ideas or this kind, which are,
arter all, psychologically intelligible, must have been devel-
oped independently in dirrerent placeso They are rooted in
human nature. Neither the place nor date or their origin can
be determined. Whenever or whe,rever people have attained a
certain level or civilization, they are observed to occur.1i I
Thus, most or the versions, particularly those written
in Panjabi, are not merely the narrations or versifications or
the tale in varied rorms. They also rorm a useful compendium
or old and new, current and obsolete beliers, superstitions
and traditions or the common rolk.
Panjab, the Land or the Five Rivers, has long been a
meeting-place or various civilizations, both or the East and
the West. Hence it has developed into a rountainhead ror a
composi te cul ture. The present population or Hindus, Muslims
and Sikhs has cherished and enriched it ror centuries. Thus,
Hin the Panjab at any rate", observed Sir R.C. Temple in 1881,
lIHinduism and Muhammadanism are not broadly distinguishable,
the rollowers or either religion believing in the superstitions
or the other; ror instance as far as I c,an understand, there
is no dirrerence in the Panjab between the cult or War~

(Varuna)
o
and that or Khizr -- both are gods or the water. 1I2

1. Halliday, Greek and Roman Folklore, opocit., p.5.

2. The Indian Antiquary, Bombay, Vol.X, October - 1881, p.290.
 321
Various versions of the romance of Sassi also Dear a
stamp of this inter-relation) mixture and compositeness.
The popular oeliefs, traditions and superstitions found woven
in their texture bear testimony to the fusion of the Aryan
and Semetic cultures and religions. We find the working of
this process of fusion in another way as well. In Bengal,
writes Sen, "Those Bengalis who were Hindus and Buddists at one
time, out oecame Muhammadan converts mostly in 14th century
A.D., did not, in some cases, give up their ancestral calling •
••• They still retained their older religious traditions,
particularly those which were associated with the callings oy
which they had been used to earn the ir Dread. HI Thus we find
muoh similarity in their beliefs, practices, traditions and
the like.
We mayor may not oelieve in them and we may even talk
of them in a superior way; out as Pliny observes "there is not
one of us who does not consciously or unconsciously indulge in
some superstition, rite or formula almost every day of his
life. Though the wisest of our fellow men refuse to place the
slightest faith in [them] yet, in our everyday life, we
practically show, each passing hour, that we do entertain this
[or that] belief, though at the moment we are not sensiole of
it. 1I2

1. Sen, D.C., The Folk-Literature: of Bengal, Calcutta - 1920,

pp.84 & 93.
2. Halliday, Greek and Roman Folklore, op.cit., p.28.
 322
2;0

To compile a complete and comprehensive list of all such ideas

notions, beliefs and superstitions; and to provide it with the
similarities from the lore of other lands and peoplesI would
require a large volume. Hence, some of the most common and
almost universal (in the East at least) of them have here only
been suggested, or rather hinted, to give an idea of their
nature and range. These are listed below in the sequence of
their occurrence within the frame of the story:
1. There is nothing husband and wi~e desire more than the

birth of a child, preferably a son. No one is content to

quit this world and leave no offspring. It is in truth a
sorry mockery for two to wed and not have a child to show,
an heir to keep their memory alive and lineage continuous.
2. This keen desire can be fulfilled by the grace of God through
good deeds and generous donations; as well as the blessings
of the holy and the prayers of the people.
30 The birth of a child, particular'ly a keenly desired one,
is followed by rejoicings, donations and thanks-givings.
4. The astrologers can predict births and foretell their fate
before or after conception as well as delivery.
5. Their advice is also sought concerning the auspiciousness
of various activities of life.

I. See for instance in Hazlitt, WoC., Faiths and Folklore:

a dictionary of national beliefs: superstitions and
popular customs, past and current, with their classical
and foreign analogues, described and illustrated, 2 vols.
London - 1904; Crooke, We, An Introduction to the Popular
Feligion and Folklore of Northern India, Allahabad - 1894.
6. True love is pre-destined or pre-ordained.
7. The protection and maintenance of the honour of the family
is more important than a much sought after child, whose
birth is predicted as ominous for the dynasty and harmful
for the community.
8. A love-affair is not permissible. Marriage is to be
arranged by the parents. An inter-caste, inter-racial or
inter-religious conjugal relationship is intolerable.
9. It is sinful and equally harmful to kill an innocent girl.
It is better to dispose of her alive with necessary provision
for her up-keep by some other means and thus leave her to
her fate.
lO.True lovers are protected by the Almighty through the
agency of His Angels. The mighty river cannot engulf such
a tiny soul without God's wille
11.Fortune sometimes favours the unsuspecting,and a couple
may obtain a child even from the waves of the river.
l2.lrhe predestined lovers can see and meet each other in
dreams and can become enamoured of each other even without
having seen one another phYSically. Strange are the ways
of love!
l3.A daughter has got to be married,and married with the
consent of her parents, either on their own initiative or
at the request of her would-be parents-in-law.
l4.A son of high caste and status, marrying a girl of a low
caste and position in a foreign land, without even the
 324
knowledge and permission of his parents, must not be
allowed to have his way.
150 Sincere devotion and affectionate craving does enable the
far-flung lovers to meet each other at all costs.
16. The princely lover does not shirk from doing even menial
jobs for his beloved's family in order to maintain closer
contacts with his sweetheart.
17. True love does not recognise any differences of caste,
creed or colour.
18. An ordeal of fire can vouch for the chastity and fidelity
of a wife"
19. A true lover or beloved cannot live in separation from his
or her love; and would risk anything and suffer all hard-
ships, resulting even in sure death, in order to be with
the beloved again.
20. True love has no fear, but when confronted with villainy,
it is protected by some strange phenomena of nature.
21. Anyone who looks, with evil designs, at another's true
and devoted wife loses his eyeSight, and regains it on
expressing regrets and repentance.
22. The ey~ibition of such true love and its miraculous
protection can tra.nsform even a villain into a saint.
23. Birds and beasts also sympathise with the tragic end of
true love.
24. Angels also visit and help the lovers in their reunion
after death.
 325
25. The souls of the true lovers are transported straight to

heaven and are blessed by God.

26. True lovers do not die in spirit; they remain alive for
ages. A visit to their last abode is beneficial and is an
act of faith.
27. Telling and listening to their adventures strengthens
one's faith and love.

There are many more independent or subsidiary notions,

supe;rsti tions and traditions woven around these main points
in various individual versions, written by a large variety of
people belonging to different regions and religions. For
instance, we find the following in the Panjabi version of Lakh
Shah (dt. 1831):
1. The design of the entire world was prepared by one
artisan, called Vishkarmao
2. The marriage of the lovers was performed by heavenly
bodies.
3. Woman can entice persons with the help of magical power.
4. Curses of an aggrieved heart~ particularly that of an
innocent co-wife or widow, do have their effect.
5. Munkar and Nakir, the Recording Angels, visit all newly-
buried persons in their graves and ask for an account of
their deeds -- good and bad.
In Hashim, we find a still more pleasant mixture of
Hindu and Muslim beliefs and superstitions. For example, in a
single stanza 1 describing the plight of Sassi encased in a box
and launched on the river, we notice a curious but interesting
mixture of religious sentiments and superstitious elements. l
She has been set afloat on the troubled waters like "Noah in
the Delugel!. This is obviously a reference to the Semetic story
of Noah's lirk. The next line refers to the r6le of "Bashak
Nag" known also as "Sesha NagaI!, the serpent who according to
the Hindu mythology, upholds the world and is said to be the
king of Patalao Thus to quote Temple, "He is as eminently
Hindu as Noah is Muhammadan"? The third line whi<>h tells us
that on both sides of the: river "balaen ll (i.eo the evil
spirits) were wandering and the "danaw deo" (i.e. demons) were
cavorting about, presents the same mixture of popular beliefs
and superstitions springing from both Semetic as well as Aryan
sources.
It may be noticed, however, that all of them are the
monopoly of neither the Semitic nor the liryan races. Talking
about such notions and superstitions of China, Dennys has
rightly observed that "It must not be supposed that these
superstitious beliefs differ to any material extent from those
current amongst humanity elsewhere. The variations will be
found to lie rather in detail than in principle; and just as:
white replaces black for the mourning colour, but leaves
untouched the custom of adopting a special costume as a sign
of grief, so it will be found that a variation or even

1. See for the text, Shan, H.S., Sassi-Hashim, 2nd ed., Delhi -
1959, p.577, Stanza No.23.
2. See The Indian Antiquary, Bombay, Vol.X, December - 1881,
p .371.
apparent contradiction in the beliefs we are about to deal
with are in like manner the outcome of motives common to the
inhabitants of almost all countries alike o Irhus, the Scottish
custom of opening the windows of the room in which a person
has died) to give the soul free egress, is, in some parts of
China, paralleled by the practice of making a hole in the
roof.!! 1
4.
Regarding the utility of their study, I need only ~uote Crooke
who, introducing, in 1894, some popular beliefs ~nd supersti-
tions of the races of Northern India, observed, "I believe that
the more we explore these popular superstitions and usages,
the nearer are we likely to attain to the discovery of the
basis on which Hinduism has been founded. ,,2
The same can certainly be said in the case of other
races and their religionsc

1. Dennys, N.Bo) The Folk-Lore of China an~ its Affinities

with that of the Aryan and Semitic Races - Hongkong -
1876, p.2.
2a Crooke, W., An Introduction to the Popular Religion and
Folklore of Northern India, Allahabad - 1894, p.i.
 328

PART II

L ITIBRATURB~

A CRITICAL AND COMP ALl.ATIVE SURVEY --

i~ Extent, Impact and Influence

ii. Popular and literary versions found in various languages:
(a) Indo-Aryan Languages:
1. Bahawalpuri
2. Sindhi
3. Kachhi
4. Panjabi
5. Rajasthani
6. Hindi
7. Urdu
(b) Indo-Iranian Languages:
80 Balochi
9. Pashto
10. Persian

(c) Indo-European Languages:

11. English
12. French
130 Italian
r 328

PART II

A CRI'l'ICAL A::'TD COMP AL1A'l'IVE SURVEY --

i. Extent, Impact and Ini'luence

ii. Popular and literary versions found in various languages:
(a) Indo-Aryan Languages:
1. Bahawalpuri
2. Sindhi
3. Kachhi
4. Panjabi
5. Rajasthani
6. Hindi
7. Urdu

(b) Indo-Iranian Languages:

8. Balochi
9. Pashto
10. Persian

(0) Indo-European Languages:

11. English
12. French
13. Italian
 . . 'I ',., ..

';." . (
. : ......'

. .. Ii ' .•
:j
. ,\ :
'.~ . " . .. ~~

.. • I.'

. ",.'
·1
i

SLEEP AND ABDUCTION

 329

EXTENT, IMPACT AND INFLUENCE

"Tales have wings", says D'Israeli, "whether they

come from the East or from the North, a.11.Q they soon bec,ome
denizens wherever they alight. ll This is more true in the case
of lovely and popular tragic tales like that of SassI-Punnun.
The heroine was born in Bahawalpur and brought up in
Sindh. The hero hailed from Balochistan and died alongside
the heroine, in the desert extending between Sindh and
Balochistan. The prevalence and popularity of the story in
Bahawalpur, Sindh and Balochistan is thus natural and under-
standable. But its "being known throughout the extensive
trac,t of country lying between Mekran and Afghanistan,
Jesulmere and Eastern Persia!!, 1 particularly in the Land of
the Five Rivers, is remarkable and speaks well of the extent
and influence of the romance all around its pivot.
Furthermore, its immense currency in various oral
and literary forms in an appreciable number of some important
Indo-European languages, is astonishing and most enc,ouraging.
The following study and survey of the oral traditions and
written literatures of the respective linguistic regions is
sufficient to vouch for its ubiQuity and great popularity
till this day.

1. Burton, Sir R.F., Sindh, and the Races that Inhabit the
yalley of the Indus, London - 1851, pp.56-7.
 330

A comparative study of these regional versions also furnishes

support for Bhagwat IS ooservation that the nin.ul ti'"-
Qoloured, multi-lingual and mul ti-tradi tional cuI ture" of the
Indian suo-continent, "as represented in [its] folklore, has
oeen of one and the same quality, texture and strength. It
has one soul. It is indivisiole. The passage of time has
not changed its form. Different religious doctrines have not
affected its unchangeable spirit and even the outer garo. The
provincial customs and linguistic peculiarities also have
little affected it. For thousands of years India was
culturally united. The cultural harmony in India, despite
differences in provincial traditions, is unique. Unity in
spite of diversity is what the divergence of traditions in
folklore points to. iiI
It also brings to light the existence of an interest-
ing process of exchange current in this aspect of the folk-
lore ooth on national and continental levels. For instance,
the Semitic romances of Yusuf-Zulaikha, Shirin-Farhad, Laila-
Majnun and Saif ul MalUk-Badi ul Jamal on their migration
from .Araoia and Persia with the advent of the Muslims in
India, have spread allover the country. I have noticed
their Indian versions in almost all the main regional
languages of North India. Similarly, the Indian romances of
Nal-Damayanti, PadminI-Ratansen, Hir-Ranjha, Sassi-Punnu.n

1. Bhagwat, D., An Outline of Indian Folklore, Bomoay - 1958,

pp.I-2.
 331
and SohI/i-Mehinwal, for example, have eClually been adopted
and versified in the language of persial at least. This
mutual exchange has been more prevalent and much more
cherished on the national rather than the provincial or
regional level. I have found the regional versions of the
Panjabi romance of SohI/i-Mehinwal, for instance, in remoter
languages, such as Pashto, KashmlrI, Sindhi and GUjarati, as
•
well as in Persian. The Rajasthani romance of Dhola-Maru and
the BiharI romance of Madhwanal-Kamkandala, for example, have
been similarly sung and versified in Panjabi as well. 2
On the inter-regional or inter-linguistic level, we
sometimes find the same romance written and rewritten by
dozens of writers of the same region in the same language.
Hir-Ranjha3 of the Pan jab and Vidya-Sundar 4 of Bengal can
be cited as examples.
The romance of Sassi covers all these categories and,
as far as I know, seems to surpass all in its extent, impact

1. See, for instance, in the case of the romance of Padmini-

Ratanseno Grierson tells us that Husain Ghaznawi wrote a
Persian poem on the subject, entitled Qissa i Padmawat o
Rai Gobind Munshi in 1652 wrote a version in Persian
prose, called Tuk fatu 1 Kulub. Again Mir Ziyau-d-dln
Ibrat, and Ghulam 'All IIshrat wrote a joint version in
Urdu verse in 1796. Malik Muhammad Jayasi wrote it in
Hindi in 1540. (See Grierson, Sir G.A., The Padumawati
of Malik Muhammad Jaisi, Vol.l, Calcutta - 1911, p.2.)
2. See, for instance, in the case of Dhala Maru, Temple,
Sir RoC., The Legends of the Panjab, Vol.II, Bombay - 1885,
pp.276-349 0

3. See Gurcharan Singh, PanjabI Boll da Vika.s te hore Lekl1,

Amritsar - 1952; Sital, J.S., Hir VVaris Bhlimika, Patiala -
19610
4. See Sen, DoC., Eastern Bengal Ballads, Vol.I, Pt.l.,
Calcutta - 1923, pp.207-10; Ghosh, J.C., Bengali Literature J
Calcutta - 1948, pp o 88-1l8.
 332

and influence. It has extended its charm not only to the Indo-
Aryan but also to some Indo-Iranian and Indo-European
languages. It has been cherished in dozens of versions not
only in Sindh, the land of its origin, but also in scores of
them in the adjacent Land of the Five Rivers. It has long
been a favourite theme for narration, as well as versificat-
ion, for all sorts of people allover the area.

This has naturally resulted in a rich crop of ballads, folk-

songs and literary versions in the many languages of the
contiguous regions. The consequent process of transmiss.ion
and ramification has given rise to numerous variations in the
form and content of the basic tale. So much so, that
according to Sir F.J. Goldsmid, "it would be almost impossible
to obtain two written versions of this popular poem exactly
alike"; because, he adds, Ithitherto it has existed solely in
the memory of the minstrels, or in separate manuscripts
obtained at different times by different persons. u l Go] dsmid
observed so in 1863 in respect of a particular version in
Sindhi alone. Today, while broadly per~sing a very large
number of versions not only in Sindhi but also in twelve
other languages, I find that what he said in the case of one,
is true in the case of almost all of them. No two narrators
have told it alike.
It is only natural; none would like or could help
telling the same event or episode entirely and exactly in the
1. Goldsmid, Sir Ii'. J 0, Saswi and Punhiin, London - 1863, p. vi ~
 333

way he saw, read or heard it. Hashim says -

"A talk when it walks on and on,
Gathers matter more and moreo H
The bards, poets, writers and narrators, gi~ted more
or less with some power o~ imagination and faculty o~

creation; and belonging to various times, creeds and regions,

engaged in singing, varying and elaborating the same theme,
entirely o~ their own will and independent of each other,
would never be content in ~ollowing too closely the foot-
prints o~ their predecessors. They neither go by the dictates
of any Aristotle nor o~ any Arnold. They keep on adding
personal notions, local colour and indigenous elements in
their own versions and continue moulding and reforming the
garb of such popular stories according to their own needs,
whims, conceptions and styles o~ executiono l
The ~ollowing instance o~ an interesting tale ~ound

recorded in a manuscript copy (dt. 1484) o~ the Tantrakhyana 2

1. For example, in Nizami's Masnawi Laila.-Majnun, according

to Browne, the scene is laid not in Persia but in Arabia,
and the hero and heroine are no longer royal pe.rsonages
but simple Arabs o~ the desert. The colouring, however,
as was to be expec.ted, is almost entirely Persian." (See
Browne, E.G., A Literary History of Persia, London - 1915,
pp.406-7.)
The alterations and modi~ications experienced by the
Bengali tale of Kanchanmala at the hands of popular poets
like Muns1ii Muhammad, Ghulam Qadir, Harinath Mazumdar,
Rev. Lal Behari De and~abu DakshinaRanjan Mitra, is a
typical example of such a practice. (See Sen, D.C., The
Folk-Literature of Bengal, Calcutta - 1920, pp.162-82):
2. A unitlue palm-le~ manuscript, containing a collection
o~ Indian ~olktales. It is dated, Nepal Samvat 604/1484
A.Do and was copied by one named Jasa-Varman ~or his own
use.
 334

discovered by Prof'. Co Bendall in about 1888 f'rom Nepal and

heard by Rev. A Lewis in aDout 1885 in Balochistan helps us
to a perception of' this whole proce ss.
In the old Sanskrit version, we are told that
Prabhakar, a Brahman Guru (teacher) is enamoured of' his
pupil's daughter, Rupavati. To gain his end he persuades
the king if' once married, she will bring ill luck on the
kingdom. She is put into a box and throvvn into the Ganges.
Prabhakar and his pupils wait f'or the box; but it is inter-
cepted by a prince Kandarpalalita, hunting at the time, who
opens the box and weds the maiden. He puts, into the box a
bear that he has caught in the chase. Prabhakar 's pupil
brings the box to his house, where the old man is awaiting
his prey in a room all alone. The bear springs out, ~~d the
guru has to c,all f'or assistance, which at last comes, and the
bear makes of'f' through the window.
This story oecurs in the Kathasari tsagra (Tawney,
Vol.l, p~103) also in the Katharnava (tale No.2) and the
Bharataka-dvatrimcika (tale No.3).1 It kept on changing
hands, mouths and places; and on its migration to Balochistan,
we f'ind it heard and recorded thus, (in summary), Quite
recently:
A king's grown-up daughter was insulted by the mulla
(teacher) of' the schoolo The king thought to himself', 111 am
a great man and have a wide reputation; if' I harm the mulla,

1. See J4AoS.B., Calcutta, Vol.XX, Pt.iv (N.So), 1888,

pp.4bb & 482.
 335

all my suojects will hear of ito I shall have to send my

daughter out of the country. H He called the Mull'§. and asked
him, saying, "Why did you speak thus to my daughter?" it Sire II ,
said the mull'§. , ill did not say anything 0 I regard her as my

daughter just as much as yours. II Then the king stripped off

her jewels and put her in a chest and sent it floating down
the river. The mull'§. saw this, went and ouil t a house on the
river Dank to watch for the chest, in case it should come
floating on till it came into another king's territory. The
king's son, it happened, was sitting by the river playing.
The chest came down the river, he drew it out and took it
homeo He burst open the lock and to his surprise the princess
came forth. He sent for a mull'§. who married them on the spot.
Now, said the princess to her hu so and , "put a bear in my
chest, shut it tight, and send it back in the direction from
which I came. Then the mull'§. will see it somewhere or other."
And so it happened. The mull'§. saw the chest floating in the
rivero He drew it out. He was very pleased, thinking he had
got hold of the king IS daughter. He took it into his house
and shut the door fast so that no one should see. He broke
it open. The Dear c.augh t the mull'§. round the neck and killed
'
h 1m. 1

As is evident, the story in both the versions is

basically the same, the essentials are suostantially similar;
out they differ in details. This difference is, naturally,

1. Lewis, Rev. A., Bilochi Stories, Allahaoad - 1885,

pp.40-41.
 336

due to the changes it received during its telling and re-

tell ing as well as its ";';ransmission and migration to distant
regions.
Similar has been the case with the tale of Sass~.

n~e following survey points out such prominent innovations,

modifications and variations not only in the versions of
different regions but also in the versions belonging to the
same region and written in the same language.
These variations are found not only in the matter of
details but also in respect of treatment as well as emphasis
and interpretation. This naturally adds to the value of the
story; enhances interest in the subject; and further widens
its scope.
While passing through the survey, we shall find that
the essentials and the basic outline of the story, adopted
by a large variety of narrators, remains substantially the
same. The charm and significance lies mostly in their
handl~ng of it. The consistent and successive treatment of
the same theme by a variety of people belonging to various
creeds, regions, language-groups and walks of life
bringing their own ways, words, and view-points to bear upon
it --- is itself a subject full of fascination, deserving
proper appreciationQ
 337

-1-
BAHAWALPURI VERSION

As Sassi, the heroine of' the romance, is said to have been

born in the territory of Bahawalpur, our survey can approp-
riately begin from the version of the story prevalent in
that area.
Bahawalpur, now a part of West Pakistan, was once
the premier Muslim state of Northern India. It ranked twenty-
second in order of precedence among the six hundred princely
states during the British Raj. As an independent state (with
a population of about two millions, and in area as large as.
Denmark), it was situated in the south-west o~ Panjab and
north-east of Sindh, and formed a connecting link between
the two provinces. l To the north and west, three hundred
miles of its borders were formed by the rivers Sutlej, Chenab
and Indus. On the south, it touched the former states of
Bikaner and Jaisalmer; and the border of the Sakhar district
of Sindh. 2 The entire territory was sharply divided into a
strip of level cultivated land on the left hand of the Sutlej
and the Indus, and a desert tract composed of sand hills. 3
Since Bahawalpur is contiguous with the former
provinces of ~he Panjab, Sindh and Rajasthan, the language of
Bahawalpur is of mixed character. liThe language of the
1. See pantab States Gazetteers, Vol.XXXVI-A,Bahawalpur
State 1904), l.ahore - 1908, p.l.
2. Shahamet Al i, The Historx of Bahawalpur, London - 1848,
p. ix. See also Field, H., An Anthropological Reconnaiss-
ance in West Pakistan (1955), Cambridge - 1959, p.147.
3. Frere, H.B.E., Notes on the Runn of Cutch and Neighbouring
Region, London - 1870, p.3.
 338
grea ter part II, observed Grierson in 1919, His known as
Bahawalpurl. This is identical with the IVIultanl of Multan. l
Towards the north-east of the state about 150,000 people
speak Panjabi of the mixed character found in the east of
Montgomery district. Blkanerl is spoken along the eastern
frontiers of the State bordering on Bikaner and Jaisalmer,
while Sindhi is spoken in the south, on the Sindh frontier. 112
2.

Bahawalpuri does not possess much written literature, but it

is rich in folk-songs and popular poetry. The folk-songs of
Bahawalpurls are sonorous and plaintive. liLur rh au , the camel-
drivers' song, in moonlit nights U , tells Nazlr, "sounds very
melodious. Perched on their camels, the camel-boys sing it
in harmony with the jerks and jolts of their animals, as they
tread along gracefully over the billowy sand dunes. Usually
their songs are about Sassi and Punnu o ,,3
They are composed in various folk-patterns and sung
with or without the accompaniment of musical instrumen~s

like the flute and violin. They revolve, mostly, around

Punnun's abduction and Sassi's lamentations and wanderings
1. That is, "the standard form of the Multanl dialect of
Lahndha or Western Panjabi If Grierson, Sir G.A., Linguistic
0

Survey of India, Vol. VIII, Pt.I, Calcutta.,.. 1919, pp.233,

301.
According to Nazlr .Ali Shah, "The people of this
State speak a language of their own. It is a form of
Seraikl. It is known in the state as Bahawalpuri. See ( Shah,
Sadi namah: The Ristor of Bahawal ur State, Lahore - /1/>#'"

1959, po27. But in fact, Lahndha should be Lahndhl),

Mul tanl as well as Bah awalpur'i, are dialects of a main
language known as Panjabi.
2. Linguistic Survey of India, op.cit., Vol.VIII, Pt.I,
p.329.
3. Shah, Sadignamah, op.cit., p.24o
 in search of him. One such song begins thus: 339

...... , -
~~ )j~~.
-~ .;---1:1 -- __ "
-- - + \ . ,-.:. ,
C?-;j-~ ~
-

The entire song proceeds in the same strain. Its appeal lies
mostly in the tone of heart-felt sorrows which it gives to
Sassi's continuous lament. The repetition of its refrain:
"Hots kidnapped my beloved Punnun.
How cruel it is, 0 God!
They injured my ill-fated heart,
They felt no pity, no compassion1
How cruel it is, 0 Lord!u

is the heart and soul of the composition. The remaining

stanzas are also filled with the same plangent lyricism.

As regards the literary handling of the romance, an appreci-

able number of Bahawalpuri poets have either used it figura-
tively in their verses or versified it completely.

-. -
The greatest among them is Khwaja Ghulam Farid whose
Kafls are as popular in that area as waris's baits and
LatIf's ~ are in the Panjab and Sindh. His kafis, imbued
with the spirit of Sassi, are sung and enjoyed in homes and
hamlets, in cells and abodes of the mystics almost allover
 340

the terri tory, extending from Jacobabad and Kot Di ji in the

south to Sargodha and Montgomery in the northo
Farld was in his ovm right a frunous scholar and a
highly respected holy man, but his fame as a poet has even
excelled his fame as a Plr of his people. He was the son of
Khfaja Khuda Bakhsh and was born in Chachfan SharIf in 1845.
He soon became famous for his piety and holiness. So much so
that even the ruler of the State paid great regard to his
respected counsel and felt it a privilege to be allowed to
pull his gig himself. He died in 1901 and was buried in
Mithankot, where an annual fUrs' (fair) is held in his
l
honour.
Ghu1am Farld has. not attempted to tell the full tale
of Sassi-Punnun. He only described the misery and misfortune
which came to her on her separation from her sweetheart. He
sang her pangs of separation and yearnings for reunion in
eXCluisite verse of the form known as kafi. One such kafl
begincl with the following pathetic lines which also se~ve as
the burden of the poem:
"To whom shall I speak what is in my heart?
Nowhere can I find a bosom friend o "
It proceeds with the description of her miserable state and
recalls the treachery she had to face with:

1. For a rather detailed account of his life and work, see

AzJ.z, AcRo, Diwan i Farld , Bahawa1pur - 1944;
Shan, HoSo, SufI Kavya-Sangreh, Chandigarh - 1962,
pp.32-3, 204-12, 280-2.
 341

Another has the following lyrical cry as its refrain:

"You have diverted your heart from me,
Where have you fixed it? I know not, 0 friend;"

J\~,u/J1~4 J ~ ) ~-::rJ~~ j \.,..

/~ 1.J-.,~lrJjU/u '-, .J ~ 'J~~ 0-1) ~~
It gives vent to the feelings of a woman!s broken heart.
Sassi addressing her departed lover tells him that she knew
neither him nor the course of loveo
"It was you who initiated me into its secretso
And when I found myself absorbed in it, you
left me alone
Weeping, and walking in these terrible lands
in search of you.
I did not deserve this lot, 0 love,
I cannot bear these sufferings, 0 Lord!"
In yet another she expresses her surprise at his apathy on
the one hand and her own helplessness on the other; and then
appeals for his immediate return to her rescue in lines such
as these:.
) ~.-'1 0)t\ ct..fJ 3 ..J ~ _~j ($.I~. ~ cJ-'.)..) ~ J.> -I
\ ~ /b
..J,:,tV!t;J:d ,) tS~--1 U M
-,.1 lJ"--t-'..J 0; ..2J f. J~""
...

..)~", (5), &t /.J!J-l/J J..l ) ~ ~ J (5/'..c;!, .r' UIc ~,s~

u~4J ~~ J.JV ~'"

U ~ ~ ;-'-'\J;,t-~l.r
 342
But Sassi's plight, according to Farld, is entirely
due to her own folly and negligence. It is said of Farld
himself that once during his stay in Delhi, when he heard
suddenly a voice from the street: "Palak, Soiya, Chuk", 1 he
fell into ecstacy and wept for hours together. The voice was
that of a vegetable-seller, crying his vegetables, but FarId
took his cry as ,~ada i HaglqI (the Divine Voice). He inter-
t"~

preted the words to mean: (Whosoever) slept (soiya) even for

II

a blink of an eye (Palak), missed opportunity (chuk) and

reaped failure" 2 -- that is, whosoever became heedless: even
for a while, he failed to search the stage of mystic knowledge
of God. Sassi had also realised this, but only after her loss,
says Farid,

The entire poetry of Farid revolves around a mystic

interpretation of love. He has sworn by God and the Prophet
to assert that "Love is a thing very pleasant and wonderful.
Suffering in love is welcome and beneficial. It melts the

1. Kinds of greens like spinach freQuently cultivated and

used as a pot-herb.
2. AzIz, A.R., Dlwan i Farld, Bahawalpur - 1944, p.17.
 343
beloved's heart and purifies and glorifies the lover":

Farld has woven his own feelings, his own search for
truth and also the emotions of his own people into the fabric
of his kafls which seem to have no equal in the whole of
KafI-literature. His allegorical and autobiographical use of
the romance of Sassi has a parallel only in the Sindhi verses
of Shah LatIf.
4.
As regards the complete versions of the story, Qissa Sassi
Wa Punnun by MunshI Barat All appears to me to be the best.
The author who seems to have flourished during the
first half of the 20th century, refers to himself at the end,
as "AsI Faqir Panjtan (lVIunshI) Barat All (Khan)l Baloch Rind
Sabri ChishtI Qadri." He was an employee of the Irrigation
Department and a resident of Feroza, district RahIm Yar Khan.
The work begins with a useful introduction discussing various
aspects of the romance, such as the place of Sassi's birth;
the site from where she was set afloat; her real and foster-
parents; Punnun's abduction and so ono He emphatically asserts
that the story originated in Bahawalpur which was then ruled
over by Sassi's father with Bhutta W-ahan, situated then on
the Indus, as the seat of his government. She, it is true,
2
was found and brought up by Atta at Bhambhore, near Karachi.
1. The matter within brackets has been taken from its title-
page.
2. Barat AlI,Qissa Sassi wa Punnun, Lahore, preface, pp.3 & 19.
 344
The author descrioes a dream he had, in which he was urged
to write a true account of the romance in the form of this
qissa. The entire narrative is in verse, composed in ~~~awI

style and interspersed with some beautiful dohras. For

•
example:

This work was written at the instance of SayyId

Nawazish All Shah Sabri ChishtI a resident of Garhl
o
Shahu,
Lahore, and was published by HakIm Muhammad Marghub Khan,
Marghub Dawakhana, Feroza, district RahIm Yar Khan. I have
seen a copy of it in the po sse ssion of the 1 ate Dr. MaulawI
Muhammad ShafI at Lahore 0

Dr. ShafI also possessed a manuscript of another such

compobition which he kindly showed me during my research-
tour in May-June, 1960. It was a well-written manusc.ript but
some pages were missing both from the beginning and from the
end. The narrative is preceded by a panegyric in praise of
the then ruler of Bahawalpur, AmIr ul Mulk Sadiq Shernar and
another in the form of a HManajat baidargah i HazJ:'at MujI-
buldawat!! 0

The author, whose name is nowhere mentioned, composed

it at the instance of his father who, enthused with the love
of God, implored him "with weeping eyes 8.ll.d burning heart to
 345
versify the romance of Sassi in a befitting way_ II His own
statement couched in Pe!'sian verse reads:

In this gissa too, an attempt has been made to prove the

romance to be of Bahawalpuri origin, and the writer connects
it with Bhutta W-ahan and Lurhwanl,
o
situated in Bahawalpur.
The manuscript does not bear any date of its composi-
tion or transcription. We can, however, form some idea of the
time of its versification from the above-mentioned panegyric,
given in the beginning, in praise of ".Amlr ul Sadiq Shernar",
the then ruler of the StateQ But unfortunately this cannot
help us much as we find the following five such rulers,
bearing this name (viz. 'Sadiq) in the annals of the ruling
family of Bahawalpur: Amlr Sadiq Muhammad Khan I, 1723-46;
1
II, 1809-25; III, 1852-3; IV, 1866-99; V, 1907-55. As the
author has no·c indicated any other sign to distinguish his
contemporary ruler either from his predecessors or successors,
it is very difficult to say anything definite about its date
which can only be roughly deduced as somewhat between the
18th-19th century A.D.

1. Vide Shah, Sadignamah, op.cit., Lahore - 1959, p.38.

 346
A fairly large nu~ber of other Bahawalpurit poets
have also written similar versions. 'That of Wasil has been
the most popular. He was a Slifl and used to compose and
recite his verses extempore.
His tradition has been continued by Faqir who is
still alive and belongs to Ahmadpur Lamma, district Rahim yar
Khan. He is a famous and highly respected figure in that
territoryo He recites his verses impromptu while walking and
drinking water to cool the excitement which comes upon him
during this process of simul taneous c,omposi tion and recital.
He is accompanied by some aides who record his verses which
are later used by gawals (singers, musicians) for inspiring
the mahfils (assemblies) of SUfIs and general public. He is
a serious and reserved man who usually sits with his head
downcast and meets his visitors with a gentle smile.
Purdard, Haidar, Bakhsh, Ma skin and Himmat al so
belong to the same category, though they are not as well
known~ I was able to contact the last, i"eo Hotii Ram Himmat,
in 1958 at Rajpura. He was working there as a night-watchman
and in collaboration with Chandar Bhan (a laundry worker)
used to present popular plays on the favourite themes of
Piiran Bhagat, Sassi-Punnun and Gopi Chand in popular
assemblies 0 He himself had composed a complete Qissa Sassi
Punnun but lost his manuscript in Bahawalpur during the pre-
Independence holocaust of 1947. The thought of this still
distressed him but at my insistence he was able to recollect
 347
and sing some verses. He h8(1 compo sed it in a popular form,
called SIharfi (acrostic). The following stanza, beginning
wi th the letter 'Ja' j depi.cts Sassi repenting of her heed-
lessness. She felt like putting salt in her eyes which
induced her to sleep so much that she could not see her
beloved being carried off from her side:

The story as prevalent in Bahawalpur, touched on in the

Gazetteer,l told by Hirnmat and further vouched for by Azlz
ur Rahman,2 runs thus in brief:
Sassi was a daughter of ThanI Brahman of Bhutta
W-ahan (TehsIl Sadiqabad, district RahIm Tar Khan). He cast
her horoscope at her birth and divined that she would fall in
love with a Muslim Baloche In order to save his family from
this humiliation, he shut her up in a box and launched it at
LurhwanI ghat of the Tirmuhln? on the river Indus on the
•
night of Tuesday, the 1st of Chet (March)o The box was found
by Atta, a washerman of Bhambhore. He adopted her as his
daughter and named her Sassi, in view of her moon-like beauty.
Punnun, a prince of the Hot tribe of Kech Makran,
1. See Bahawalpur Gazetteer, op.cit., p.359.
2. AzIz ur Rahman, son of Allah Wasaya, hails from the same
place, having been born and bred in SadIqabad, district
RahIm Tar Khan. He is a Gupang Baloch by caste and a J?ost-
graduate student of the University of London (1962-64)0
 348
came there and fell in love with her~ He married her in spite
of the dis suasions of his companions who carried him off at
night while he was druruc and asleepo
Vfuen Sassi awoke and could not find him there, she
cried and followed the caravan in the search of her beloved
husband. The vigours of the journey exhausted her body, but,
still strong in spirit, she continued hex' pursuit. A baka:rwal
(goatherd) came her way and she asked for a drink and sought
his help. Instead, however, he made immoral advances to her
from which she managed for the moment to escape on some pre-
text. Then praying to God for protection, she fell dead on
the spot. The goatherd, in remorse, raised a tomb and became
its guardian.
When Punnun regained consciousness, he rushed to
Bhambhore to rejoin his loveo VVhile passing that same way and
noticing that spot~ he became curious and was shocked to learn
the tragedy. He also prayed, and then collapsed on the tomb.
Bakhsh and Maskln have described the scene of Cassi's
death very graphically .. Even more graphic and pathetic are
Sassi's apostrophes and entreaties to Izrall, the Angel of
Death. Sassi, says Bakhsh, mistaking him for a messenger ,from
her beloved, asks him to convey the following message to her
Lord:
 349
lVIask'in takes it in Quite anr::d;her way 0 According to him
IIIzra'il visited Sassi and commanc.ed her to
hasten.
Sassi asked for two days' respite hoping that
perhaps Punnun might return to fetch her
But when her prayer was not granted, she
surrendered herself smilingly.
Look Mask'in, Sassi still has faith fixed on Punnun
and sustains her love even after death II 0

6.
But this sort of versification is only one way of presenting
this highly popular story to the people of that land. Others,
such as Swang (mimicry), 9i~~akhan'i (recitation), Khels (folk-
theatre), will be discussed later.
 350
-2-
SDID1-II VERSION

The romance, as already explained, actually originated in

Sindh and is highly popular throughout the Indus Valley; 1
hence it has received full expression both in oral and
literary tradition.

The language of this territorYt Sindhi, is bounded by Balochi

on the west, Rajasthani on the east, Panjabi on the north
and Gujarati on the south 3

But it 1has overflowed [the boundaries of Sindh] to

the northwest into Balochistan~ and to the north and north-
east into Panjab and the state of Bahawalpur. On the west, it
is bounded by the mountain-range, separating Sindh from
Balochistano This has not been crossed by Sindhi, except in
the southern part of the Kohistan in Karachi [now in Thatta).
Hence the general language is Balochi, but Sindhi is also
spoken and has overflowed into the territory of the Jram of
Las Bela. On the south, it has crossed the Rann of Cutch, and
is spoken by a large number of people in Cutch. Thence it has
overflowed on to the mainland of Gujarat and the peninusla of
Kathiawar. On the east it has overflowed into the Thar, and
neighbouring parts of the Marwar and Jaisalmer states of
Rajputana. n2
1. The hero and heroine are generally known there as
lPunhun l and !Sasul'~
2. Grierson, Sir G.A., The Linguistic Survey of India,
Vol.VIII, Pt~l, Calcutta - 1919, p.5.
 351
l
This overflow helps to explain the currency and
ubiquity of the romance all around the area of its origin.

This area, which derives its name from the river Sindhu
(Indus) and has 1tappropriately been called the Egypt of
India ll ,2 is a land of great historical importance. Though it
suffered greatly throughout the centuries from the assaults
of conquerors and from the wanderings of the river,3 yet it
has held its own.
It was the cradle of an ancient and advanced civili-
zation, known as M5hanj5dar5 civilization, ranging back to
the period between 3250 and 2750 B.C. 4 It saw in 325 B.C. the
conclusion of the ambitious adventures of Alexander the
Great. 5 It witnessed in 712 A.D. the advent of the Muslim
armies, under Muhammad bin Qasim, which were later to change
the entire history of India.
4.
Sindh is about as large as England. It lies now in Wes~

Pakistan with Panjab to its north and the Arabian Sea to its
south. It is bounded by Rajputana on the east and Balochistan
1. On account of the mass migration that followed the
Partition of the sub-continent in 19475 a large number of
the Sindhi-speaking people have settled in Bombay,
Rajaathan and some other states of India. They are above
745,434 in number (see Sarker, A3) Handbook of Languages
and Dialects of India, Calcutta -19bL~, p.75).
2. Ray, J., Fascinating ]ndia, London - 1923, pe5.
3. Carter, G.E.L., Ptolemy is Map of Sindp., in ~2S.By'.,
Vol.XII, Bombay - 1920, pp.549-55; Postans, T., Personal
Observations on Sindh, London - 1843, pp.114ff.
4. Mackay, E.J.H., The Indus Civilization, London - 1935,p.7.
50 Smi th~ If .A., The Oxford History of India, 2nd ed., Oxford
1928, pp.64-5.
 352

on the wes,t 0 The entire region comprises three well-defined

tracts, viz~ the Kohistan (or the hilly area); Sindh proper
(i.e. central alluvial plain), and the Thar (the so-called
desert). The alluvial plain is fUI'ther d.ivided by tradition
into three parts, viz. Lar or the central lower (southern),
Vichol~ or the central and Siro or the upper (northern)
. 1
reglons.
Sindhi is spoken allover this area in various
dialect forms named after the areas where they prevail, LarI,
Vicholl and Siraiki. VicholI, spoken in Vichol0 (central
Sindh) has been considered the standard form of Sindhi, and
is generally used for literary and educational purposes all
over Sindh. 2

The roots of Sindhi literature lie deep in the ancient folk-

lore and bardic tradition which CffiL, historically, be traced
back to the 13th century A.D. To these sources may be added
the spiritual utterances of SUfI saints and the recitals in
the SufI assemblies.
In its recorded literary form, Sindhi was effectually
used for the first time 3 by Qazi Qazan (d. 1551), followed
by Shah Abdul Karim (d. 1621-2) ~ for the expression of their
1. See The Imperial Gazetteer of India, N.E., Vol.XXII,
Oxford - 1908 p p.389.
2. The Linguistic Sur~sY of India, op.cit., VIII, Pt.I, po9.
3. ~Persian held the place (before that) once held by Latin
in Europe as the language of science and letters. II
(Aitken, A.H., Gazetteer of the Province of Sin~~,
Karachi - 1907, Vol. A. p.48l).
 353
SUf'i thought and moral code 0 Shah Inayat. Ul1ah (1616-:\.698) was
the first great poet to make use of the folk-tradition, and
to sing of his emotions through the stories of the beloved
1
heroines of the peopleq He was followed by Shah Abdul LatIf
(1689-1752) and Sachal Sarmast (1739-1828) who lived in love
and sang of love:
111 believe not in the outer religion,
I live ever in love.
Say .Arnen! V\lhen love comes to you. 1I 2
6.
This theme of love has been the most popular theme throughout
and has found expression in the favourite tales of the land.
So much so that even the personal feelings and rapturous
effusions of these great Sufis came to be expressed through
the tragic romance of Sassi-Punnun and other romances such
as Umar-Marui, Momul-Rano and Lilan-Chanesar.
The first of these, the tale of the loves of Sassi
and Punnun, has become the most popular of all. liThe pangs
of separation of Sasui,3 her sufferings in search of Punhun,
her bare-footed wanderings in mountains in the burning sun,
the sorrowful appeals to the beasts of the desert to sympath-
ise with her sufferings and to show her kindness and trace
her lost Punhun, finally her romantic death and ultimate
union with her lover - all these", says Gidvani, lI are the
common property of Sindhis of all creeds, rich and poor,

1. Baloch, N.B., Sindhi Boli ji Mukhtasar Tarikh, Karachi -

1962.
2~ Gulraj, J.P., Sindh and its Sufis, Adyar - 1924, p.204.
30 1iSasni 11 in the original which appears to be a misprint
throughout the book.
 354
learned and ignorant. The camelmen, carrying merchandise
through sandy wastes, beguile their tedious hours of night
by singing sorrows of Sasuio One ca~elman finishes his song
and the next moment another one from the rear takes up the
refrain. Thus do they cheer up their path by singing
melancholy strains and cheat the hours of their tediousness.
Lovers in their bowers, bargemen, shepherds, plough-boys,
camelmen, hermits, students - all sing in the same strain
the grief of separation - the 'song of Sasui'~~
GidvanI made these observations in 1922. Qani had
vouched for the universal appeal and symbolic value of the
romance about two centuries earlier. liThe love of these two 11 ,
he wrote in 1768, "is still chanted in verses by the
Sindhians. In truth, this narrative has a wonderful effect on
both the audience and the narrator". 2 No other romantic tale
that I know of has ever caught the imagination and enjoyed
the affection of a whole people on such a scale for so long
a time.

It has penetrated so deeply into the soul of Sindh and

remains so fresh in the hearts of its people that it is,
even now, on everybody's lips and "forms the subject of

1. GidvanI, M.M., Shah Abdul LatIf, London - 1922, pp.27-8.

2. QanI, A.S., Tuhfat al-Kiram, (dt. 1767), Pt.III, BaM. MS.
No. Add. 21589, f.261(a); ed. Lakhnow - 18 87, p.~5.
 355
innumerable poems and [fOll,>:o.songs]l in Sindhi 11.2 Sindhi bards
and minstrels have spread it from place to place by oral
tradition.
A specimen of this tradition is given below, abridged
from the one recorded by Burton during the first half of the
19th century, and pUblished later in his successive books on
Sindh. 3 The story given in the first book reproduces a bardic
version, a "bit of rude poetry", as Says Burton, "which the
bards and minstrel shave assoc ia ted with it 11 [Bhambhore] l>! ; 4
and which the author heard during his travels in the Valley.5
In the days when Islam was beginning to take firm
root in Sindh, the wife of Nao J a Brahman of Thatta, on the
Indus, bore him a daughter. She was a lovely child, but the
astrologers forecast that her fate was to become a Muslim,
to marry a foreigner, and to disgrace her family. Determined
to avert this evil, her parents placed her in a chest with a

1. It is found cherished in a large number of folksongs of

almo st all popular forms, such as t geech " 'Dohra',
'Siharfi' and 'Munazra' (disputation), etc. Some of them
have been recently collected and pUblished by the Sindhi
Adabi Board, Haidarabad.
2. Hart-Davies, T., L Sind Ballads, Boobay - 1881, p.v.
3. Scinde or the Unhappy Valley, Vol.I, London - August,
1851, pp.82-9. II. Sina~2 and the Races that Inhabit the
Valley of the Indus, London - October, 1851; pp.92-106.
III. Sind Revisited, Volol, London - 1877, pp.127-33.
4. See Scinde, or the Unhappy Valle~, op.cit o , Vol.I, p.82.
5. It has been reproduced in the third book with some re-
touching here and there. But the story given in the
second is based on a literary version which will be
mentioned later" I have preferred to use here the story
of the bardic narrative using both of Burton's accounts
of it so that the traditional oral version could be
studied side by side with the SUbsequent allegorical,
literary and polished versions of the romance.
 356
costly bracelet and committed it to the sacred stream. By the
decree of destiny, the ark floated down to 'Bhffinbora!. A
washerman, who was plying his trade on the bank of the Indus,
pulled it out, and astonished at its contents, called to the
bystanders, his apprentices, "See, 0 men, the vagaries of the
world; to the childless, a child is borne -by the river ~"
After the lapse of some years, the fair 'Sassui's beauty
became the pride of Bhambhore.
As she was sitting spinning one day with her
companions, she saw from the window a travelling Hindu trader
who happened to be passing by. The maidens, admiring his
handsome presence, called him in~ They found that he was
Bablho, a servant of Arl, the Baloch Chief of Kech in Mal-cran.
When they complimented him upon his comeliness, he declared
that his appearance in comparison with that of his young
ma&ter, 'Pu~~u Khan', was unworthy of mention. Forthwith the
flame of love leapt up in Sassi's heart; and surrendering
herself to the tyrant, she wrote a letter to her unseen
lover and sent him a present of handsome raiment.
Punnun, by the contrivance of Bablho, his father 1 s
bagman, ran away to visit the fair Sassi, fell in love with
her and wooed her, living in her adoptive parents' house in
the disguise of a washerman until he won his prize and
married her.
When P.Q~l, the proud old Baloch, heard of his son's
disgraceful conduct, he tore off his turban, threw it to the
 357
ground and sent a score and more of his stalwart sons to
fetch the fugitive home. These hard-hearted brothers, furious
at ~the idea of a Baloch's degrading himself by taking in
dirty linen, hastened to Bh ambhore and there succe eded,
partly by force and partly b y stratagem, in carrying off the
dead-drunk Punnun upon the baclc of a high-trotting dromedary .
When Sassi awoke at dawn, looked around and did not
find her beloved husband, her grief was unbounded. She
shrieked, wrung her hands and felt she could do no other than
go in pur sui t of him . Shunning all advice and persuasion, she
set out all alone , on foot, to face the terrors of a two-
hundred-mile march across the dreadful desert and hills. In
spite of the scorching sun and the hot wind, her fatigue and
blistered body , she went on with his love in her heart and
his name on her lips. When she reached the Pabb Mountains ,
faint with thirst, she requested a goatherd for a draught of
milk. It so happened that this wretch had already been told
by hi3 mother that a beautiful lady would, at about th a t
time, meet him in the wilderness . Seeing the fair wanderer ,
he at once thought that this must be she and began to display
his gallantry. Sassi in desperation appealed to heaven to
preserve her honour, which it did by causing her to sink
bodily into the ground~ The goatherd , convinced of his folly ,
fell to lamenting his wickedness and began to pile up a heap
of stones as 8. tribute to th e purity and loveliness of the
vanished girlo
 358
Punnun, having in the meantime escaped from his
brothers, arrived at the very spot where his wife had been
swallowed up, only a few i110ments after the monument to her
had been erected. Suddenly, he heard a voice from below the
ground, he stood and listened:
"Enter boldly, my Punhu; think not to find a
narrow bed.
Here gardens bloom, and flowers shed sweetest
savour ••• "
Punnun prayed and he too was swallowed up. I

As regards the written and literary versions of the romance,

it is not too much to say that its spirit permeates a very
large amount of Sindhi literature. It has been sung in all
periods and in all forms of Sindhi poetry that have come
dovm to us. No poet worthy of the name appears to have
remained unaffected by its charm.
As far as the recorded evidence goes, Miyan Sayyid
'Ali Shirazi (1486-1573) is the first to refer to it in his
baits.He was intending to go for the second time on a pil-
grimage to Mecca; and when his relatives and friends
entreated him to postpone it (probably in view of his age),
he is said to have recited extempore the following verses: 2

1. For a complete story of this version, see SCinde,op.cit.,

Vol.I, ppo82-89; ffiLd Sind Revisited, op.cit., Vol.I,
ppo127-133.
20 Baloch, Sindhi Boli, opocit., pp.124-5.
 359

This clearly has refer8nce to Sassi's yearnings to

go after PUILrrun and find him at Kecho Thus says
Miyan,

"My comp ani ons think of comfort and

weep to hold me backo
I am going to HOt (ioe .. Punnun) and
they are dissuading and preventing me.
All are living happily with their spouses in
their homes.
But they are withholding me alone from going
to my spouse.
Alasl none lets me go to Kech~~ II

The text in
reads:

Some similar baits are also attributed to Shah

Abdul KarIm, the great-great-grandfather of Shah Abdul
LatIfo Shah Karlm? as he is popularly known, was a
famous and respected Sufi of Sindh y belonging to the
SuhrawardI ordero His forefathers hailed from Hirat and
he was a son of SaYYld Lal Muhammad, known as Lal Sh8.ho
Karlm was born in 1536 at H8.1ap district HaidarSbad 9 and
died in 1622 at Bulri p in the same district. He sowed
the seed from which Shah Latlf's immortal verses sprung.
He himself does not appear to have composed mucho All
that has come down to us amounts to about 100 couplets
spoken by him during his discourses and recorded or learnt
 360
by heart by his f'ollowerso A good number of them
pertain to the romance c~ Sassio For example:

io lIIf her husband has forgotten her,

it matters little; as sne has not
forgotten him; nobody can say that
there is no light in her courtyardo"

ii_ "Had my beloved heard the cries I uttered

on leaving Bhambore, he could not have
proceeded further.1I

iii. "How can I carry two things after having

left Bhambore - lovelof my lord and my
social connections?1f

The text in original

reads:

Sindhi poetry is said to have germinated from

~ah Karlm's verses of this kind. In fact, he not only
heralded Sindhi verse but also gave his successors a
popular theme, form and spirito

But we do not find a sustained treatment of this theme

until Shah Ina.yat Ullah, commonly known as 'Miyun Sl1ah
Inat' 0 He was a Sufl poet of eminence and flourished
between 1616-16980 He heralded a new era in Sindhi poetry
by combining the poetic content of the age-old tradition

~--------. -~-----~--- ----

.•
10 Mir~, KoFo, Risalo Shah Karlmi, Haidarabad - 1904,
PPo56, 58, 59: For some:more examples p see ppo 7l,
77 and 78 ..
 361
and the more cultivated spiritual thought of the saint-poets.
He lived with the people, imbibed their spirit and sang his
spiritual experience through their lore and in their
languageo His out-pourings found their expression in 22
Suruds (musical modes), consisting of baits followed by
some concluding verses known as waiso l Most of them are
woven around the popular tales of Sindh and the longest of
them is devoted to that of Sassi-Punnun. It begins with
the bait:

and ends wi th the wai.!

Shah Inayat did not attempt a full-fledged version

of the tale. He rather used it as a vehicle for the
expression of his poetic thought and personal feelings.
The bai~s of his Surud Sasui revolve around the following
outline:
"I am entirely a slave of the Jats. Would
that they accepted me as suchTPunhun IS
cara"'!an has made the whole of Bhanbhore
fragrant [with their merchandise of muskJ.
I have hope in him [Punnun]. I would live
and die in his presence. Oh Lord Punhun1
do not go thus leaving me alone. But I do
not understand why they have prepared their
camel s. lvIay they not go ~ I cannot bear
separation from himo

I. Baloch, N.B., KaleJIl Miun Shah In%yatpreface (in the

press -- seen in manuscript).
 362

(ii) 'Oh SasuI; If you loved Punhun so much, why

did you sleep unaware? Now trace their foot-
prints and follow them. Who will care for
me after the Hots? I slept because I could
not think that this could happen. Now, I
will follow them. There are many obstacles
in the way_ But he whose torch-bearer is
the son of ArI has nothing to fear.

(iii) Sasul set out in search of Punhun. Those

who lose their beloved at night seek him
during the day!

(iv) Sasul: 'The mountains are high, the peaks

are higher still! It would be a great
relief if I could at least see their
footprints. '

Poet: 'Go forward in heat or in cold.

There is no time to sit and brood.
Those who discover the footprints of the
beloved will have no fear of darkness or
other hindrances. '

( v) Even the mountains became her guide. She

was acc,laimed in this world and was also able
to mee-t her Friend. II

Inayat thus concerned himself only with the

c,atastrophe of the story. He did not go into the details
given in the bardic and traditional version. He sang her
he
lamentations, he described her wanderings and/portrayed
her physical and spiritual struggle. Through them he
 363

expressed his own emotions nnd his searching after the

Truth.
10.
Inayat blazed a new trail for others to follow. And he
is followed not long afterwards by Shah Abdul LatIf,
the greatest name in Sindhi life and letters. LatIf used
the same form and techni~ue, and even idiom and expression,
with a gr'eater skill and insight, and soared higher in
the realms of ideas. In Inayat we find more description
and narratioll than in LatIf, who was more sub jective and
idealistic in his treatment of the romance~ His verses
soon became popular and began to be sung wherever Sindhi
was spoken or understood; and fortunately they have been
preserved in his immortal Risalo (tractate), the finest
and mo st admired work in Sindhi. !lHis fellow countrymen
consider him the Hafiz of Sindh, and there are few of
them who have not read or heard his pathetic verses. 1I2
His poetry is the delight of all ; it is the !lsolace of
all Muslims as well as Hindus, the rich as well as the
poor. 1f3

1. Kalfun Miiin Shah Inc.yat, op.cit., Preface (in the pres,s).

2. Burton, Sindh ~nd the Races, op.cit., pp.83-4.
3. Sigma,D.G.,Something About Sindh, Bombay - 1882, p.l.
 364

Shah Abdul Latif was born in 16891 in the village

of the Deras, neal" Bhi t (district IIaidarabad) .. He was
the son of Shah Habib and great-grandson of Shah Karim,
mentioned earlier. His fame as a Sufi and a poet soon
spread far and wide. Many wonderful stories are related
about his life and work. He settled at Bhit during the
later years of his life and died there in 1752. 2
Latif advocated the creed of perfect tolerance
and became a unifying force among people of various creeds.
He was highly sensitive to the influence of music, and
is reported to have said once: If In my heart there is a
tree of Divine Love which dries up unless I sing or
listen to music. I am restless without it, but with it
I commune with the Creator." Indeed, IIS0 intense was his
love of musicl!, says Gidvani, "that generations of
disc.iples have sung their lives away at his shrine; and
the woods and sand-hills, his favourite haunts still
resound with the echoes of Sasui wailing in the wilderness

1. In 1680-, according to E. Trumpp (Sindhi Literature -

The Dlvan of Abdul Latlf Shah, known by the name of
Shaha jo Risalo, Leipzig - 1866, povii); in 1688)
according to L.W. Lalwani (The Life, Religion, and
Poetry of Shah Latif, Vol. I, Karachi - 1890, p" 3) and
C.A. Kincaid (Folktales of Sind and Gujarat, Karachi -
1925, p.22). There are a number of other such
differences, too, about the few available details
regarding the life of the poet. I have, generally,
followed Sorley and Baloch in this respect.
2. "In about 1750 11 , according to Aitken, A.H., Gazetteer
of the Province of Sindll, Karachi - 1907, p.484o
 365

f'or her Punhu, of' Soh~l crossing the stream and crying
in the whirlpool f'or M'§.:tlar IS ha..11.d, or of' Momul groaning
in the f'lames f'or a last loving look f'rom Rano. Even
now, on every Friday evening, a huge concourse of' devoted
f'aqlrs gather in Bhit, the shrine of' Shah Latif', and sing
in heart-rending strains his songs of' separation and union. 111
IIThere is hardly a native in any part of' Sindh" , observed
Sigma in 1882, lI who has not heard of' this village in the
sands or who has not, at least once, paid ita solemn
visit or attended a weekly wake in Shah's honour and
listening to the night-long singing of' his verses, has
been moved to tears by his burning words and breathing
though t s !,2
These words and thoughts have been arranged in
Shfu~jO Risalo under dif'f'erent surs,3 indicating either
the sub ject-matter or the musical mode. They were intended
f'or singing or recitation, and have traditionally been
intoned to musical accompaniment. 4 The spontaneous out-
pourings of' a man intoxicated with Divine Love, they are
lyrical in f'orm and mystical in tone. "The main ideas,

1. Gidwani, Shah LatIf', op.cit., pp.17-18.

2. Something About Sind, op oc.i t ~, pp .1-2.
3. The compilation contains 36 Surs out of' which 29
are Shah Abdul Latif' t s.
4. Kalich Beg, M1Wal Shah Abdul Latif' Bhitai, 3rd ed.
Sakhar - 1910, pp.175f'f'o
 366
expressed through a wealth of imagery in the rustic, language of
the common people, are concerned with the splendour and wonder
of beauty, the oneness and majesty of God, the unity of
experience and the mystic union of man with the divine,1I 1
For the communication of these ideas, LatIf, like
mostly
Inayat, utilised/the popular media of folklore, wedded the
popular legends. to his muse and sang it through the mouths of
the most beloved heroes and heroines of the people. "The
attraction which the Risalo exerrcises upon the minds of his
countrymen", says Trumpp, his first Editor, His chiefly owing
to the circumstances that he has chosen as substrata for his
SUfic effusions, popular tales and stories, which are known
through the length and breadth of the country.,,2
And the lionls share has gone to the story of Sassi,
to which he devoted as many as five Surs, viz. AbrI, DesI,
HusainI, KohiarI and MaizurI. LatIf, like Inayat, did not
conceive or attempt any full-fledged version of this or any
other romance. Since it was the most popular, he used it most
often as a means of expressing his all-embracing theme of
Divine Love. He preached Divine Love as a natural conse~uence

of human love; and was thus able to utilise all the appeal
which stories of human love possess.
Shru~ dwelt mostly on the following situations:
I. Sassi was fervently in love with Punnun.
II. She committed a blunder in sleeping heedlessly.

1. Sorley, HoTo, Shah Abdul LatIf of Bhit, London - 1940,

p.226.
2. Trumpp, E., The DIvan of Abd ul LatIf Shah, op.cit., p.vii.
 367
III. She wandered and suffered much in her search for her
beloved.
IV. She could find him and be united with him only through
sufferings which ended in her death.
Latif read allegorical meanings into her romantic tragedy.
For him Sassi was a true lover, a seeker after truth; PUnnun
was the beloved sought for, the truth incarnate. Sleep to Shah
meant heedless living; the hills were the setbacks of this
world. Bhambhorestood for this world~ Kech for the next.
Sassi's brothers-in-law and the camelmen were earthly desires
and worldly agents of detraction. Indolence he saw as man I s
prime enemy, and vigilance as the means to union with God.
In the Sur AbrI, he shows Sassi wandering in search of
Punnun, seeking traces of his camel's footprints, fearing no
danger. She does not know her way or her destination. She is
bruised and broken, but still resolute in her determination:
iiI will struggle on acro ss the hill s,
If I return, t!will be my shame •••
To separate is worse than death
Hope I'll not yield ••••
Be it soon: or late it be
I must go to my Friend, I must go~~
-
She entreats the hills not to terrify, and the heat not to
vent its fierceness on a hapless girl; for the pangs of
separation alone are enough to kill her:
"0 tyrant mountain, 'go.inst thine equals work thy dread.
Why dost thou deal thus harshly with thine hamlet's
slave? II

In sheer grief and helplessness, she calls to Punnun for help:

1. This and the subsequent quotations are from Sorley, H.T.,
Shah Abdul LatIf of Bhit, London - 1940, pp.362-91.
 368

"Outworn she raised aloft her arms Clnd cried,

Amidst the desert waste: IMy cries of grief,
Will kill me, loved one, come thou back to me. 1I
Shah, seeing in her a true and ideal lover, pities her lot,
consoles her and advises her to seek him within herself:
Ii 'Go with thine heart towards thy love;
And roam not where the mountains stand'.
'Within my heart I found my Lord,
The man of Kech I s hilly land'. 91
This realisation of her longings comes to her with the con-
viction that her love is actually in her embrace; he is
nearer to her than the vein of her own neck: l
"From me was woe's darl{ curtain drawn
AuL& I mine own loved one became.
Sasui's female grace is fled:
Auld she herself is Punhuri now. 91

2. In the Sur Maizuri, we find her sore with anguish and

broken by the hardships of her journey. She sits, crying aloud
and shedding tears of blood. Shah tells her that she should
have tried with all her might to follow her love. Now she has
gone forward, there is no going back. The simple at way, and
the only way, to achieve reunion now is through complete
annihilation. She must go on to the end of her journey, co~e

what may:
"Die that thou prosper.
Sit not down,
o woman, live and after death
Thou wilt unto thy Punnuri come.
Use feet and hands and knees, go on:
Go forward earnestly that thou
Bring to its crovvn Lord Ariis love.

10 This is an allusion to a very famous verse of the Quran

where it is said that God is neareI' to you than your own
jugular vein.
 369
As long as life lasts, let none else
The equal of thy Pu::llmn be. 11
Sassi takes courage and goes on. She curses the hills and
rebukes the camels for having abducted her love. The sun has
finished his journey but her search is still unfinished. He is
sinking and she is entreating him to carry her dying message
to her sweetheart.
3. The Sur Desl is still more pathetic. Sassi is shown
soliloquizing and regretting the irreparable loss which her
own misfortune and negligence has brought about. She now
complains against her three enemies in heart-rending tones:
/w ,"; ....
~
J~~
u/
.).- ~..>
-. . f\' ..
.:~y ( uF.' .)' ( (j-RJ ..r
~ (
\.. ".
. ,-!'~~U)~tJJ~:0ff- )~~.~ if"
It YBad hap they brought me, camels, spouse's kin
And hills. Yet joy I counted them in hope.
I'd join my 10vel.YWhen, Sasul, during day
Thou sawest alien beasts wi thin the yard
Thou should'st have held them till the evening time.
With chains of thy head!s hair hadst thou them bound,
They had not filched Punhun thy love away •• o.
Thou wouldst not then have undergone
The grievous torture of the mountain-pass.'
'The camels used to grunt. But this one time
For me was nought but silence: not a word
The drivers uttered saddling up the beasts
To drive them off. Some secret bargain made,
This man with that~ No! No~ not wicked were
My husband's kin. But only let my fate
Be fair. What evil lies in camelkind
And keepers? 0 What luckless girl is she
Who finds herself athwart the will of God?
The camelmen were strangers from the start
No friends of wretched me. My husband's kin
Bore me ill-will. I smiled and welcomed them.
By morning's tally camels none I found -
Where camels rest. 'Ware camelmen: they're come
Or coming. Punhun they will take away,
Breathing no breath, and set their course for home."
 370
4. This theme is continued in the Kohiari Sur. Sassi
wishes to absolve her 'enemies' of all blame and reproaches
only herself f'or her ovm folly, which has combined so lucklessly
with her fate:
"Neglectful, thou at eve
Didst sleep thy house within.
Thine ears indeed were deaf
To hear no camel's din,
Can they who sleep at eve
Beloved's Union win? 00.

Ynou didst, asleep at eve,

Wrap up thy face as dead.
Thou couldst not tell thine eyes
How sleep is banished.
Thine own hand's work; Why bl ame
Then men of Kech instead?ti
5. Sur Husainl repeats almost the same sentiments. The
feeble hapless soul is shown entreating the sun and the hills
on the one hand:
"Sink not, 0 Sun, nor make it late
For those o'ercome with woe.
Hill, if I see Baluchi tracks
No matter if life go."
hand,
on the other/she is seen addressing her friends and her
mother, telling them of her manifold agony:
"0 mother, love's consuming fire assails me from my
love:
In part 'tis love's internal flame, part the heat of
day above.
I go and going hesitate amidst the double-burning
fix'e •••• "
But her own mind, the mouthpiece of Shah, goads her on:
"Burn while thou livest,
There's no place except for fire that in thee swirls
In cold, in heat go on, go on:
There is no time to stay and rest."
 371
Shah excels in these exhortations, in the portrayal of her
agony and varying states of mind~ She ascribes her desertion
to her low caste which is "a slur in the minds of the men of
Kechllo But the poet attributes it entirely to her own
neglectful slumber:
"If she keep not her eyes awake
With the caravan,what then?
Is it after that she should weep1
This way of thine was a pitiful way;
When the travellers went thou didst sleep."
And when she, all exhausted, sits for a while in silent despair,
she is warned and rebuked:
ItCease not calling .. Utter cries on cries
Lest memory of thee fade
Amongst the camelcade.ooo ll
and "Cease not from wailing !.All Woe! .All Woe:
Lest thou lose the memory of woe.
No open-shed tears of water weep:
On the path weep tears of blood •• 0"
She is told repeatedly and clearly that union with love must
be sought neither in sitting and wailing, nor in returning
but that
liThe helpless creature!s pride is meet
To die by tracks of loved one!s feet.1i
Thus even if one reads all the relevant ~ of the
Risalo, one does not find a complete and well-knit story of
the romance. One can construct from them only the following
outline: Sassi, a Brahman damsel, lived in a washerman's house
at Bhambhore. Punnun, a prince of Kech, happened to come there
and washed their clothes as part of a plan to obtain her in
marriage 0 His kin, infuriated at this unbecoming union, came
 372
there on the pretext of a friendly visit. Sassi received and
served them well. They carried off Punnun while she was asleep.
When she awoke and found them gone, she cried and, rejecting
all attempts to dissuade her, set out on foot in search of him.
She wandered long in sandy deserts and barren hills, endured
great hardships; and succumbed at last to the pangs of separa-
tion, the rigours of'the journey and the extremes of the heat.
Thus Shah's verses do not speak of her birth-place, her
parents I names, the prophecy, the river-episode and all the
other incidents which have been told and retold about her life
before her meeting with Punnun, the Aryani - the Hot - the
Baloch. They depict only the tragic events that followed her
separation from her 'Lord of Kech'. It is her realisation of
her loss, her repentance, her wailings and wanderings, her
cries and entreaties which form the fabric of Shah's ~.

And this is the secret of his unparalleled appeal. He made this

outline the vehicle of "transcendental truths" and gave it fa
purity and a lustre, a tenderness and a pathos rarely equalled
and never surpassed"l in this domaino
The parallel which Latif saw between Sassi's search
for Punnun and the search of his own soul for its Divine
Beloved was reinforced, according to some writers, by parallels
on a more literal plane. Thus he is said to have adopted the
same route for his journeys towards Lahlit and Hinglaj as was
traversed by Sassi in her searchingso This was a very hard and

1. Sigma, Something About Sind, op.cit., p.2.

 373
arduous journey and Shah endured all its hardships knowingly,
in order to feel in himself all its tribulations:
liThe hills are harsh, the dust is great;
The paths are all o'erlaid with sand.
The passes hinder, saith LatIf,
And fierce, they say, the deserts stand.
Her, worn by journey stages, Lord,
Bring safe within KechIs' land. 1I
Justice Kincaid relates a traditional story which goes
further and speaks of LatIf T s own love for a girl. lIAbdul Latif
fell in love with a beautiful Mughal girl, the daughter of one
Mirza Beg ••• He serenaded the lovely girl in verses, written
by himself, until he was ordered off the premises by her
father •• 0 The unhappy Abdul LatIf went and sat on a small sand-
hill and watched the house of the Mughal girl with such devot-
ion from afar, that the sandhill grew round him until it had
covered all but his head. A goatherd, Jam by name, who passed
there, saw his head sticking out. He told Abdul Latif's father
who had his son dug up. But Abdul LatIf was still beside himself
wi th amorous passion ••• He did not stay long in his father! s
house, but began to wander about Sind. 0 0 "I Shah T S devotees
also tell many other anecdotes about his journeying on Sassi's
path. They say, for instance, that while he was roaming thus
in the western hills, he came upon a wandering camelman and
heard from him a verse 2 in Sindhi meaning, "I will go now to
Punhun even though I am alone.1! LatIf added two lines of his
OvVil and completed the verse with the words:

1. Kincaid, C.A., Folk Tales of Sind and Guzarat, Karachi -

1925, po23.
2. It occurs in verse No.13 of Sec.IX of Abri Sur. See Trumpp,
Divan of LatIf, op.cit., p.293.
 liThe sorrows of love are our helpmates. 1I
This moved the camelman so much that he swooned and died. A
tomb is said to have been erected on the spot and it still
exists and is often visited by faqIrs~1
Moreover, LatIf used Sassi not only for giving vent to
his inner agony and pangs of separation but also for expressing
the bliss of his union with his beloved, after treading the
path of devotion and dedication. He tells us:
"VVhen I retired within myself and communed with my
spiri t,
I fOllild that there were no mountains on the way,
Nor did I have any yearnings for the prince of Kech.
In fact, I myself have become Punnun, the Beloved.
Sasui, the seeker, was nothing but a [passing] pain. 1I2
Thus he wedded the romance to a deep and personal
mystiCism, and made its appeal so great that it has taken
strong root in the hearts of the people of Sindh. His'~eautiful

verses have made it a favourite one among the higher order of

Sindhis [too] and there are not many of them H , observed Burton
in 1851, "who cannot cite passages from this work of their great
country man. ,,3 I have myself seen Sindhis, up-rooted since 1947
from the land of Shah and Sassi, weeping copious tears as they
recited his verses from memory, with love and reverence,
inspired with the belief that, as Shah told them:
"Think not, ° man that these are mere couplets,
They are signs (from God to man):
They bear thee to thy true Friend,
..And have inspired thee with true love. II

1. LalwanI, L.W., The Life, Religion, and Poetry of Shah LatIf,

Vol.I, Karachi - 1890, p.19.
2. Pakistan Miscellany, Vol.II, Karachi - 1958, p.8l.
3. Burton, Sindh and the Races, op.cit., p.57.
 375
Much has already been written about Shah and his
Risalo, and they will remain the subject of study in days to
comeo It was a great Orientalist, Trumpp, who first brought
Latif and his work into the domain of printed literature in
1
1866 e This work was followed by various biographies, 2
editions,3 abridgements, selections,4 commentaries, criticisms
and expositions. 5 Credit for being the best, most comprehensive
and authoritative work in Sindhi and in English, so far, goes
to Gurbakhshani f s Risalo Shah Latif Bhi tai jo (3 Vol s.) and
Sorley1s Shah Abdul Latif of Bhit, published in 1923-31 and in
1940 respectively. Two manuscripts of the Risalo are preserved
in the libraries of India Office 6 and the British Museum,7
London. They contain 26 curs each and open with Sur Sasui.

Shah showed a way for others to follow. The romantic tragedies

which formed a large part of his Risalo, began to be told and

I. Under the title: Sindhi Literature: the Divan of Abd-ul-

Latif Shah, known by the name of Shah jo Risalo, Leipzig -
1866.
2. Lalwani's Shah Latif, op"cit., 2 VOls.,Karachi - 1890;
Wafai, DoM., Lutf aI-Latif, Karachi - 1951.
3. e.g. Tarachand Shaukiram, Shah-jo-Risalo, Bombay Education
Department, Karachi - 1900; Mirza Kalich Beg, Wado Shah Jo
Risalo, Shikarpur - 1913.
4. e.g. Ahmad, Q.H., Abdal Latif Bhitai, Shah-ju-Risalo jo
Muntakh-abu, 5th ed., Shikarpur - 1929.
5. e.g. HoM. Gur-bakskanl. 's Shah jo Risalo, or Collected works
of Shah Abd aI-Latif, with introduction, commentary and
notes, Karachi - 1923.
6. IoO.L. No. Sind. B.3. It was received from Dr. Royle in
July, l856~
7. B.M. Or 2987-B§Vaz i Sindhi. It was bought of Colo Baumg-
o

artner on 16 Nov., 18850

They do not bear any other date of composition or
transcription.
Note: Copies of all these works are available in the lib-
raries of the India Office and British Museum, London.
 376
retold, sometimes independently and of'ten in the f'ashion of'
Lamb's Tales f'rom Shakespeare, with the romruLce of' Sasui
always occupying a prominent place. Shah Jun .A..'khaniun (i.e.
Tales' of' S"'D8.h) by J.P. GulrajanI is a prominent illustration
of' this point. It was published in 2 parts in 1922-3. GulrajanI
narrated the tales in prose, assigned the largest spac.e to the
tale of' Sassil and related it under 16 sec.tion-headings q

Apart f'rom such prose-narratives, a ~arge number of

Kaf'Is and baits, on the pattern set by LatIf' in his Risalo,
have also been composed by various poets and wandering
minstrels. Some of' them have been collected and published,
but most of' them are still on the lips of' the bards and the
people. Some of these collections are available in the libraries
of' the India Offic.e and the British Museum. One of' the oldest
anthologies, and a fairly representative one is preserved in
the latter. 2 It is entitled Kaf'In ju Kitab and contains 300
selected Kafls, collected and compiled by Sayyld Fazil Shah
(son of' Sayyld Haider Shah) of' Haidarabad. The work was under-
taken at the instance of' the then Educational Inspector of'
Sindh and published by the Vernacular Literature Committee f'rom
Karachi in 1883. It includes the selected Kafls of 36 Sindhi
poets and minstrelso These are composed in various musical
modes and pertain to various aspects of the main theme, namely,
Divine Love, which has been unf'olded mostly through the media

1. A copy is preserved in IoO.L. (Sind. B.5/1 & 2). It was

published by Sindhi Sahitya Publishers Company, Haidarabad;
Sasuifs story is given in Part II, pp.45-ll0o
2. Under 14l64.B.6o
 377
of these same romantic tales of Sindh. Here too Sassi's tale
is overwhelmingly dominant. Sixteen poets, belonging mostly
to the 18th and 19th centuries, viz. Sachu, Yusuf, Abu Ba~ar,

Muhammad, Kamal, Fateh, Asghar, Ashraf, Gul Muhammad, Umed Ali,

Hafiz Abdullah, Muhammad Qasim, Umar and Fazil Shah, have con-
tributed a good number of Kafls bearing on Sassi's true love
and her search ending in death. Most of the others have
referred to it in the form of symbols and similes. A spec.imen
from Sachoo's Kafl No.110 reads:
~ \ \01 ~y"'-' ,~
U '_..Q) I (511 - !>..;.lb.:..... .
~ l..)~
,'..A.J
LJ ~
{c.S'./!} \ u:;"/ \ ~1 CJy

;[i' 0~~
"" ..., ...

~~f ~., (Lc~' :P.~~~r-

Some of these have been introduced to the Western world through
Hart-DaviesiL Sind Ballads, published in 1881. Most of these
1
too pertain to Sassi and describe her mental agony and
lyric;al outbursts.
12.
Sachu, who has contributed the most to this collection, is the
most famous among Shah's successors in the line. He wrote under
the names of 'Sachoo' and 'Sachal' but his original name was
Miyan Abdul-Wahab Hafiz. He was an eminent SufI fa~lr and
he lived between 1739 and 1828. He is popularly known as
Sachal Sarmast. Sachal wrote much in Persian, Urdu, Sindhi
and Saraiki. Irwo editions of some of his poetical works are
preserved in the British Museum. 2 The first, viz. Risalo Miyan

1. See Nos. 11-13 (pp.8-11); 17-19 (pp.14-:6); 24-36 (pp.19-

31); 45 (p.36) and 49 (po39) ~ L Sind BalladS, Bombay - 1881.
2. B.M. Nos. 14164. B.44 and 14164. B:BB.13, respectively.
 378
Sachal Fagir-ju, containing 1340 Kafis, was edited by Mirza
'Ali Quli and published from Lahore in 1902; and the other,
compiled by Hakim Ghulam Nabbi Gul Hasan Khan (Sufi), was
produced from Shikarpur in 19330
Sachal wrote about various romances (like those of
Umar-Marui and Hir Ranjha) and devoted a section, a complete
~, viz. Sur Kohiyari, containing 108 baits,l to the romance
of Sassi. He sang, at times eXQuisitely, of her lamentings
and her yearnings. Sassi curses her lover's abdUctors for
their treachery but longs to meet them again in order to see
her beloved~ if only in their possession:
"I dreaded those wild Biluch men.
Their words had no meaning for me.
But would I meet them againJ
I long those rough Kechis to see."
She longs for Punnun's company and protection in that forlorn
sea of sand in all humility and with full faith in his love
and fidelity:
"Thou canst not in this lonely spot
Abandon me, thy slave!
Take, take me with theel Thou wilt not
Refuse the boon I crave. 1I
At one time, thin..1cing his return impossible, she re.solves to
content herself with the maintenance of her association with
him and the grief which this brings:
1I.Ah J says Sachu,
"Let thy heart
Nevel' with my image part,
From the pangs of grief I smart."

1. See Hakim Ghulam Nabi!s edition, Shikarpur - 1933,

pp.5l-77.
 379
But at another time she feels hopeful and expects union with
him, with all its bliss:
"God once more will bring thee home •••
And I shall wi th fond touch soon
Feel my love's embrace.
From the crows hath come this boon.
Punhu will his Suswee greet,
And find welcomes say;
Lovers now at last can meet.
Sachu has also emphasised another aspect, that is, the
humility, submission, complete surrender to one's love which
must be brought about in oneself before the desired union can
be attained and its bliss enjoyed:
Thus Sachu doth sing, my life I resign,
I sacrifice all for the love that is mine.
Alim,lon the other hand, has brooded over the trans-
itoriness of the world and the soul's neglect of its real
object:
Ah me; and sleep was on my eyes,
Why did I not that moment rise,
And in the act the Jutt surprise?
Abdulla, a famous faqlr of RohrI,
•
has expressed both fear and
hope, the cravings and yearnings of the separated Sassi. rn~e

recalls the first meeting and its repercussions on their

hearts and sculs:
IISoon the time of meeting bringol!
Thus Abdullah now do th sing,
l'VVhen first Saswee met thine eyes
In thy breast did passion rise. 11
This meeting and the ensuing passion date back, according to
Abdullah (as also to Drunodar),2 to the period when he was yet
1" 1Uim was a Memon by caste and hailed from Haidarabad.
2. Damodar was a Gulati by caste and was a resident in Jhang
during Akbar's reign. He was the first to versify the
romantic tragedy of Hlr and Ranjha in Panjabi.
 380
to be born and knovm:
For thy grace I knew
Long before the world had known
'Ere to all men thou had'st shown
Thy face fair to view~
Asghar,l Umed Ali 2 and Abu DaQar described mostly her wailings,
sufferings and yearnings to meet her beloved at all cost.
Fatteh,3 a faQir of Haidarabad, has summed up the entire tragic
episode of Punnun's abduction, Sassi's repentance, pursuit,
and suffering; and also her mixed feelings of hope and fear,
joy and despair in a single beautiful ballad which deserves
to be Quoted in full:
liMy Punhun's brothers went, illY soul they wounded sore,
And fixed in stern intent,my love away they bore.
They went, but may God cause our meeting to be sped;
No pity made them pause, I heard not what they said.
For when the deed was done, I slept and naught I knew,
I woke when they were gone, and on their track I flew;
'But he will come .ere long,' So Futteh says in song,
liMy heart with joy will beat, vlhen once again we meet I ."

Fazal and UsmruL have also described the same scenes and a
similar state of affairs. But Fazal's4 ballad is in the poet's
own words. usman,5 on the other hand, has narrated her misery
and misfortune through her own mouth.

1. Asghar was the eldest son of Sayyid Mahmud Rashid, a famous

saint of Rohri (Sind). His actual name was Pir All Gohar
Shah. •
2. Umed Ali is a poetical nom de plume of Ashraf who was one
of the descendants of Makhdum Bahawaldin and lived in
Alahyar-jo-Tando Taluka THaidarabad District).
3. "His character as a jester", says Hart-Davies, His still
traditionally remembered. \I
4. Fazal is the poetic surname of Sayyid Fazal Shah who was
living in Haidarabad around 1880~ Besides being an eminent
poet himself, he collected a large number of Sindhi Kafis
at the instance of Mr. T. Hart--Davie s. We are indebted to
them for almost all the specimens given above.
5. Usman hailed from Upper Sindh and was a Jamro by caste.
 381
The last specimen is from the ballad of Qasim. l It is
only the first stanza of a long and excellent composition.
Qasim has summed up in its subseQuent parts the popular
tragedies of Suhinl-Mehar, Momul-Rano, and Umar-Marul. The
first part describing Sassi's state of mind and body, runs thus:
uShe who ne'er forgets her lover,
Who her Punhoo to discover
Will the rugged hills pass over,
Weeps both night and day.
Joy into her life comes never,
While the fates from Suswee sever
Her loved Punhoo, she for ever
On the hills will stay. II
But the Kafls of Mahmud FaQlr (appro 1852-1907)2 have a charm
of their own. 'lnese have recently been collected and compiled
by Muhammad Salih Sipio under the title Kalfun i Mahmud Faglr
Khatian. These are full of allusions to Sassi and most of
them pertain to her miserable lot after the departure of her
sweetheart 0 The volume, opening with Sindhi Kafls, followed
by those in Siraikl, begins in both with lively and pathetic
references to her misfortune and miseries. For instance a

have to cry to Punnun and only Punnun alone. They seem to have

1. Qasim was a Mulla and a resident of Hala. He was alive in

Haidarabad around 1881.
2. Mahmud FaQ'ir belonged to a Baloch family and was the son
of All Khan. He was born in the village of Sulaiman Kuti-
yar (district Haidarabad) and lived and died there. His
verses are very popular runong the folk of the area.
 382

gone on much farther, since the sound of their camel-bells is

coming from afar. Well then~ I am following them and hope
that my lord will look back with pride towards me. Ii

Another from the first Siraiki kafl is given below:

J~
,.....
.~ rJ)
W"
(,5
~
~ tS ~J
,...."
.~AIV
......

. cJ ~> J J ..> vt. .,:, ~~ 7w-f:,

- \.> Jlr~?;:~~\~ \~~ /,~J JJ.~ J~

The poet seems to have identified himself with Sassi and his
beloved with Punnun. His rhyme scheme, particularly the inter-
rhyming, is laudable. But none has, so far, surpassed Shahl
in the narration and preservation of the tale in this form and
content.

The credit of being the first to versify the romance in a

complete form must probably be given to an anonymous poet whose
version was found by Sir RoPo BUrton in a lI small manuscript of
about thirty pages composed in excellent Sindhi and occasion-
ally in execrable Persian." Burton claims to lIhave atteI1'pted
to render each word as literally as possible into English"
incorporating in it some of the verses ••• from well-knovm
lI

bardic effusions, as those of Mir Bahar, and others. 1i2 We have

no means of dating this version but as Burton published his
English rendering in his book 3 in 1851, it seems likely that
his limanuscriptll belongs to a period substantially earlier
than this. u'rhe extracts given in Captain (later Sir R.P.)

1. See Meman, M.S., Sindh Jo Adbi 'l'arikh, Haidarabad - 1938,

p.226.
2. Burton, Sindh and the Races. 0., op .ci t., p .389.
30 Ibid., pp.9~-106.
 383
Burton's work on Sindl! led Colo (later Sir F J.) Goldsmid lito
0

believe that he must have obtained a better oneill than that

procured by the latter (i.e. Goldsmid) for his own work. 2
But Burton's version does not appear to be complete
Has the poetH, according to his own statement, "plunges in
medias res after the most approved of injunctions, but at
the same time neglects to introduce an episode explanatory of
the beginning. 113 This therefore has been provided by Burton
himself and his poet begins to speak for himself 011 the advent
of the visit to Bhambhora of Babiho, a Hindu trader. 4
This literary version differs fairly considerably in
its detail from the bardic version recorded by Burton in his
earlier work and already given above, and is much more dis-
cursive. It does not mention the name of Sassi's Brahman
father whose place of residence (as also Sassi's birth-plac.e)
has been given as Bhambuna (p.92) instead of 'Tattah' of
Burton's first (p.82) and 'Thatta r of his third book (p.128).
On the other hand, this version alone mentions 'Mahmud I as
the name of the washerman who found and adopted Sassi (p.93).
Ari, the Baloch chief of the bardic version has been described
here as the H~am or the pI'inee!' of Keeh (p.93). The first
meeting of the trader and the heroine has been finely and
romantically described with Quotations from the original, e.g.

I. J-.R.A.S., London, lLS., Vol.I, 1865, p.39.

20 Goldsmid, Sir FoJ., Saswi and Punhu, Lo~don - 1863.
3. Sindh ruLd the Races ••• , op.cit., p.92.
4. Ibid., p .93.
 384

Punhu pari t, Sohnun wadho jenh j war

Bar Kuwariyan tenh jun kowa jihari Kar.
That is, "the handsome Punhu} with the long flowing locks has
taken to wife two maids, whose voices are sweet as those of
the Kokila. 19
On their way to Bhamohore, while passing through a
town, a celeorated lady, named Sehjan, is struc.k with Punnun t s
oeauty and, determined to meet him, joins the caravan at Loe
(Loi) in the disguise of a manD puribn is entranced oy her and
detains the caravan for three whole days in order to enjoy her
company. Sassi, in the meantime, oecomes impatient, engages
Akhund Lal, a scrioe to write a moving epistle and sends it oy
a special courier. Puuun in order to get leave of the too-
5
sensitive Sehjan/manage~ to intoxicate her oy dropping opium
in her cup, and leaves Baoiho oehind to console her and take
formal leave of hero When Sehjan regains consciousness she is
all grief and furyo Baoiho diverts all olame from himself oy
inventing a story of a courier! shaving orought to Punnun the
news of his mother's death. Sehjan, with tears and sighs,
addresses those around her thus:
"Come, come, my companions, come visit oright Loe,
And kiss with your eyes the place where my oeloved
Punnun dwelt."
This episode appears to have oeen introduced to heighten the
effect of coming events. Baolho is relieved and he soon joins
his master 0

On arrival in Bhamohore, pieces of musk are put into

the camels j mouths and the camp is pitched in Sassi's garden.
 385
Sassi's modesty would not allow her to go to meet her lovero
Purmun,af'ter failing in many attempts, uses the expedient of
shooting a pet pigeon down in Sassi's home. The lovers meet
and Purmun is advised to pose as a washerman, to undergo a
trade-test in washing and to seek employment under her foster-
fathero The adventure terminates in a quarrel with Babiho, and
marriage with Sassi. Their happiness carmot last longu Purmun,
in spite of Sassi! s request and his own promise, happens to
pass through a forbidden gate of the city and sees one Bhagula,
the fair and delicately beautiful spouse of a goldsmith. Both
become enamoured of each other and Purmun plans to meet her
again on the pretence of getting the scabbard of his sword
repaired. Bhagula not only seduces his affections from his
wife, but also tries to persuade him that Sassi has been un-
faithful to him. Wilen Sassi goes to recall the truant, she is
accused and insulted. Sassi,indignant at such accusations,
proposes that she and her rival should resolve their quarrel
by the trial of fire. Bhagula agrees on the spur of the moment
but when she comes near the pile which is surrounded by a
crowd of spectators, she tUrns pale and attempts to flee, but
Sassi seizes her ears and compels her to enter. Virtue, of
course, triumphs and Bhagula is burnt to ashes; her ears, which
are in the pure hands of her rival, are the only portions to
escape 0 Purmun acknowledges his wife f s chastity, and returns
with her to her father's house.
This version also contains some beautiful passages
 386
from the poet's work bearing on this and the subsequent
catastrophe of the storyo For inst~nce, when Sassi's foster-
mother reminds her of her household duties, her love for her
female friends, and the impropriety of her giving way to grief,
she replies:
liMy spinning-vvheel gives me no pleasure, now that
my husband is gone,
Nor feel I joy from the conversation of my companions;
My soul is among the hills, where the Baloches urge
their camels. 1I
The poet then enters upon a long descriptive passage, narrating
the dangers and hardships ahead; Sassi's feelings, her perse-
verance and so on.
~hen Sassi is confronted with the amorous goatherd,
she complains of thirst in order to gain time, and begs him to
milk one of his goatso During his absence, she prays for the
preservation of her honour and is admitted into the bowels of
the earth.
Punnun is stated to have been accompanied on his des-
perate return journey in search of Sassi, by a slave named
Lallu. After hearing Sassi's call from the tomb, and before
joining her in it, Punnun directs him to carry the tidings of
their fate to his father and friendso The tale concludes with
the verse in which Lallu ip~orms the old Jam of his son's last
act:
"Separation is now removed, and the friends have
met to part no more,
The souls of those true lovers are steeped (in bliss),
and the rose is at last restored to the rose-bed."
 387
Sir F. J- 0 Goldsmid stated, in a paper 1 read on 30th
November 1863, to the Royal Asiatic Society, London, that
"another version of SaswI and Punhu was obtained some four or
five years ago by Dr. Trumpp, of the Church Missionary Society".
But Goldsmid gave no details and nothing further is knovvn of
it. My visit to the house of Dr. Eo TrumppTs descendant in
Munich and a search in the Munich libraries in September 1963,
also failed to yield any further evidence.

In fact, QJssa SasUi Pum-run Jo (dt. 1838) by Haz,rat Mian NabI

Bakhsh LagarI, is the first dated complete composition in

Sindhi which I have been able to find so far.
LagarI was a powerful man and a noble chief of the
Talpur period (1772-1843) 0
.
He was born in MithI, taluka Tando
Bago (district Haidarabad) and was well knovvn as a llliallfa of
PIr Sahib Pagaro~ He had a large number of followers in
Kathiawar tooo He died some time between 1877-79.
LagarI is said to have been induced to write this
qissa on purely personal grounds. He fell in love with a lady
and later ma~ried her. Once, as Baloch told me~ on return
home, he was surprised to find a bow lying in a corner. In
answer to his enquiry, Mai Sahib (as she is still respectfully
called) told him that it belonged to his ovvn cousin. Khallfa
there
Sahib suspected her of unfaithfulness and left home/and then
without uttering a single word. The lady could not bear to be

1. On the Preservation of National Literature in the East,

see JoR.AoS., H.S., Vol.I, London - 1865, pp.39-40.
 388
separated from her lord, and soon after breathed her last.
Some time having passed, LagarI's conscience began to trouble
himJ and he returned home to find her dead. The loss was so
great, and his remorse and repentruLce so extreme that he could
hardly live with himself.
The realisation that his beloved's death was a direct
result of his own selfi&~ su~icion and subsequent negligence,
and the p~in that he begruL to suffer through being separated
from her for ever, brought the story of Sassi to his mind, and
he began to sing of her tragic experiences in order to express
his own feelings ruLd to lessen his ovm grief. In the course of
time, his song took on the form of a book, which he finished
at Amod in 1254 A~Ho/1838 A.D., as is indicated thus at its

close:T \,
'<3 .-.l
.:.. • •
~.~ ~ ~."""='
/" l " ' c I· .....:, I
u.#~..!3~ ~., v./ ~ (.r- 0~
/
-
1
...
. \SJ~.)r'~/->·(S'" \~ ~7;1 ~~~~~ tr/ '\ ~'-::-l -r
Lagari r s: gissa has been acclaimed as the best Sindhi
composition after Shah! s Risalo 0 Rashidi describes it as "a.
masterpiece of psychological and poetic art".l It was printed
in Matba i N~val Kishore, Lahore and published by Pokar Das &
Sons, Shikarpur in 1912.2 A copy of this edition is preserved
in the India Office library (Sind.Do66). It has been litho-
graphed in the traditional Arabic characters and is somewhat
difficult to read. It consists of 128 pages. The second part
of the narrative presents a pathetic picture of Sassi's
1. Rashidi, Sindhi Adab, Karachi - 1953, p.8l.
2. I have seen another copy of this edition in the personal
library of lvlr. Jairamdas Daulatram, New Delhi 0
 389

The language of this composition is Siraiki, a very

popular dialect of Sindhi, ~uite widely used in Sindhi homes.
It is in essence, a pleasing mixture of Sindhi and Panjabi and
is knovm for its sweetness and tenderness. This gissa can
safely be called one of the finest compositions in this
dialect 1
0

15.
Lagari's Qissa has been quite popular, but the one which
caught the attention of Sir F.J. Goldsmid has held sway for a
longer time, and on a wider scale. It was published in 1863
from London, along with Goldsmid's metrical translation in
English, under the title Saswi and Punhu. 2 It does not bear the
author's name;r;'or the date of composition. However, the trans-
later has observed in the preface that !lhi therto it has
existed solely in the memory of the minstrels, or in separate
manuscripts obtained at different times by different persons.
In the present copy I have, as a rule, preferred using a
specially prepared manuscript of Munshl Udaram, of the
Commissioner's Office in Sind, to the lithographed book
published under the authority of the local Government. 1l3 A
1. It has been used with e~ual grace and command by Hamal Khan
Lagari who will be discussed presently.
2. A copy is preserved in B.NL. (No.14164 b 17). He claimed it
to be the first attempt at a volume of printed Sindhi in
the hitherto recognised official character ••• (of) Sind ••• lI
Ibid., p.v.
3. Goldsmid, Sir F.J., Saswi and Punhu, London - 1863, p.vi.
 390
careful perusal of the text has, however, revealed it to be
(probably) the composition of a poet named Kalhora who appears
to have mentioned himself thus in stanza j\To .41:
"Wi th sighs and tears she turned away a homeward path
to take. 1
Kalhora says: 'Our destin 'd path we never can forsake!."
The gissa begins with a hymn of praise to God and
links the story with the time of a ruler, named Dilli Rai,
during whose reign in Sindh, a daughter was born to a Brahman
named Nao. The astrologers predicted that she was destined to
fall in love with a Muslll1 and then die of separation from
him. In order to anticipate and avoid the blow, Nao enclosed
her, along with a dowry, in a box, and set it afloat in the
streamo Mahrnlid, an issueless washerman of iBhumbra!, brought
it out, adopted the girl and named her 'SaswI'. When Sassi
grew to girlhood they (he and his wife, Zainab) made her a
beautiful garden and a summer-house.
A disastrous famine at that time ravaged the land of
Kech-Makran. The starving foUl: thought of sending a caravan
to Sindh to fetch grain. Raj Mahajan approached the Chief, ~arn

ArI., and reCluested him to provide an escort for the caravan,

to be led by his young son, 'Jam Punhuto But the Chief sent
instead, Babiho, his Hindu DIvan, who was wise and handsome.
He was instructed to go as far as J-asalmir to procure provi-
sions. When Babiho arrived at Bhfunbra, rumours about his
charming form spread all around. Sassi also carne to see him
and asked, uSir, are you the chief, or do you own a master?"
 39t
Baoiho said that he was the Dlw8.n of J-fuo. PUl1.l1.un, a noole chief
of Kech Makran and a youth of incomparaole oeauty. HHow can I
oelieve it 'without seeing him'?u said Sassi, HI shall detain
your caravan till he is orought here. II Baoiho, therefore s had
to go oack to Kech. He requested Arl to let Punnun accompany
him in order to ootain the release of the caravan and the
supply of grain. Arl told him that he had learnt that "Saswl,
whose oehest you serve, is Bhurnora's fairest daughter. Should
trouole to my son arise from her, the Hindu oorn, you will oe
held responsiole and will have to suffer for it 0 11 Baoiho
refuted his oojection and promised that his son would return
home soon safe and sound.
PunLun prepared for the march, kissed his wives, con-
soled his mother, promised his father ruL early return and left
for Bhumora~ When the caravan reached Kaher Bela,l it oecame
the talk of the town. Sehjan, a goldsmith's wife, attracted oy
Punnun1s face and form, desired him to remain there, and
offered him hospitality. But Baoiho did not allow PUlliLun to
accept anything from that "wicked and wanton" woman. He led
the caravan stealthily away, thus leaving a distressed Sehjan
wandering to and fro in search of Pul1.l1.un. On their arrival in
Bhumora, they pitched their camp outside the fort. PUl1.l1.un led
1. Kaher Bela is the "na.'Ile of a terri tory 9 known previously as
Bhangar during the rule of Raja Dalu, the ruler of Alor
and Bhrunmaoad. It was nru~ed as such by Ameer FaUh Ullah
Khan Ahbasi on his conquering ito" (See Sh8h, ILAo,
Sadignrunah; The History of BruLawalpur State, Lahore - 1959,
p. 21) 0
 392
some chosen men to the town and came to a garden which belonged
to Sassi.
Their arrival became "a theme o:f joy and pride H , and
soon the news reached the ears o:f Sassi too. She came
and
they saw each other / fell in love; they began to pass anxious
days and restless nights. lIVictory to Saswi came in many griefs
arrayed"; ~d PUl1l'lun 1!wished to :flee the world, in loneliness
to weep. Ii In order to see her again, he went one day towards
her street and shot an arrow inside her house. Her mother took
it ill and scolded him, while Sassi rushed to welcome himo J"fun
Punnun then approached Mahmud, her :father, and told him 111 am
Punnun, a washerman :from Kech M8.kran. The Chie:f held me in
good esteem but I le:ft my land to try my luck here: I shall be
glad to work :for you :for bed and board .. II In order to test his
skill and veri:fy his pro:fession, he was asked to wash :four
suits. Sassi urged him onin a whisper and wished him all
success. Punnun, being inexperienced, tore them and was brood-
ing over his blunder when Sassi came along with a meal for
him. She :found him sad, ashamed and disheartened. At her
suggestion,.Punnun packed the rags in :four bundles and put a
golden piece in each o:f them. VV.hen the packages were delivered
to the customers, they did not take any o:f:fence as lithe coin,
tho f dumb, could plead its cause with matchless elOQuence.!!
Mahmud agreed to employ him ru'ld Sassi suggested that he should
approach her father :for her hand. 'rhe marriage was agreed and
was celebrated with splendour.
 393.
Three days after the wedding, a messenger arrived
wi th a dreadful letter from Kech Makran conveying .Jam ArI' s
anger at his having brought them shame by becoming a washerman
and marrying a washer-maid, regardless of his own status and
that of his parents, brothers, sisters and wives. Punnun wept
bitterly and felt much hurt, but considering that this was the
working of an inexorable fate, he asked Mark and DIwan to tell
his parents and people that it was no longer possible for him
to return to live in Kech. When this decision was conveyed to
them, all of them wept and cried. Punnun's elder brothers
Hot'll, Noto and Chunro then went with all speed to Bhumbra
under the guidance of Bubb.ur.
On their arrival there, Punnun received them heartily,
and Sassi "bowed her beauteous head to kiss their feet." They
found Sassi so full of snares and Punnun so much enchanted by
her guile that they soon concluded that it would be impossible
to persuade him to return home and still more impossible to
separate them, without force or strategem. They therefore
dec.ided to bear him off that very night by a trick. Sassi,
after serving them well as a house-wife, unconsc.ious of her
fate and of their machinations, withdrew from their midst.
The brothers offered Punnun a drugged cup of wine and he took
it with pleasure. He grew drowsy and soon after fell asleep.
Bubbur brought a saddled camel, lifted Punnun and placed him
on its back. When, on their way Punnun awoke from his
slumbers, he cried, tore his clothes and beat his forehead.
ArI was over joyed to see his 1)eloved son at home again. But
 -:~ ~ :x}';
. :~ •..:-~-:. - ':.. ~~,:!:) ,
.~ .. -, . ;..:: ~
" -. --:: .

. .'. :

.•. . r

. ~. '
!.. . ..:
.-

....-:r-. :.' -~3)~~~~~ :- -:- -

..~..
'-:- . : ' ..

,-
.... ~.:..: .

......
"

,J :- '-.
~;3·;~-··5.:·~. :-.=-:" ..
:':.'.-- ".'

SEARCH IN THE DESERT

 394
Punnun remained disconsolate all the while.
Sassi awoke suddenly at midnight and called Punnun
to her side. When she failed to get any response to her calls,
she went to his cot to find him gone. She looked around and
could not find his brothers either. She cried, struck her head
and her hair. People came running at the sound and stood with
her, amazed and distressed • .At day-break, she saw the footmarks
on the ground and wept tears of blood. People tried to console
her, but she in agony and excitement, told them that she must
go in search of her lord. Her parents and companions pointed
out to her the rigours and dangers of the journey, and advised
her to give up the ideao But Sassi, bewailing her loss, and
addressing the hills, the sands and rocks of Pubb, left for
the desert in search of her sweetheart. In a passage reminis-
cent of Shah LatIf, she is sho~L as numbering her enemies -
the camels (who carried off her beloved), the camelmen and.
Punnun's kinsmen; the sun which sets too soon and the moon
that rises too late; the wind that blows the sand and obliter-
ates the camel's tracks; and the rocks that wound her tender
feet - and thir~ing how her own true love is her only friend.
As her delicate body was about to surrender to the on-
slaught of all these 'enemies', she saw a goatherd running
towards her. His wicked looks and out-stretched arms indicated
his evil intentions. Sassi, finding herself helpless, prayed
to God to save her and to hide her from his sight. The hard
ground quaked beneath her feet taking her into its embrace
 395

and closed c The goatherd was surprised and awe-stricken. In

remorse and repentance, he raised a mound of earth to mark
her grave.
PUnnun had remained upset and restless all through the
intervening p81~ iod of four months 0 Determined to return to his
love, at all costs, he left escorted by Hoto and Lullo,for
Bhumbrao When they arrived in Bela!s wildest pass, PUnnun
noticed a newly-raised mound. He stopped to enQuire about it
from a goatherd, standing nearby. The man told him of all that
had happened. The grief-stricken, love-lorn Punnun fell at once
to the ground, weeping copiously and crying so loudly that even
the elements of nature were rudely shocked. He managed to
crawl to the mound; and cried for a place by the side of his
beloved. "A well-known voice' welcomed him in and Punnun rushed
to meet his bride.
The qissa ends with an exclamation on the mysterious
ways and means by which God consoles suffering hearts:
"Their union thus wi thin the tomb tho I known to small
and great,
Is mystery which no mortal skill can hope to penetrate. lI
This ,g1~ is one of the fullest and the best
constructed forms of the Sindhi version of the romance, in
which the events, the characters and their feelings are
presented in near-realistic fashion. Moreover, Sir F.J.
Goldsmid1s work on it made it acceptable to official edUca-
tional circleso The original text was later adopted by the
Education Committee which published the first litho edition
of the Sindhi text under the title: gisso Sasui P-unhun in 1867
 396
l
from Karachio It was adopted still later by the Sindhi Ver-
nacular L i tex'a ture Committee, which reproduced it from Karachi
in 1870. 2

The next ~issa that has come to my notice is entitled Sasui

Punhun. It was composed by Akhund Abdul Rahim, son of Muhammad
Wafa Abbasi, and was published in 1870 by the Vernacular
Literature Committee, Karachi. It consists of 108 stanzas and
contains a glossary of difficult words in an appendix. The text
begins with the following verse:
P: ~ \ .f:.;:; ~
rJ> l'\,.?~, ~) ~~- ~.:~
\s3-=~;' ,MO~.>-: ~~ ~~ l~ ~j \c

and end: :!;~: of t;e-1s*'~~2tffn-o~'{h~~~~fr;;sition is

preserved in the India Office library, London (Ver.Tracts

Sindhi 1669/5). I have seen a copy of the 1882 edition also in
the private library of Shri Jairamdas Daulatram in New Delhi.
17.
This and the subsequent versions follow almost the above
outline of the story. For want of necessary space these have
not been discussed at length.
Qisso Sasui Punnu jo is another such composition,
written in April, 1876 by Morya Faqir of Tando Adam, near
Haidarabad. Its eleventh edition was published in 1931 by

1. A copy of this edition is also available in the British

Museum (No.14l64.b.10/2) and consists of the s,ame number
(i.e. 101) of baits.
2. A copy each of this and the later edition, published in type
in l87 L!-, is also preserved in the India Office library
(Vern. Tracts Sindhi - No .1668 & 1669/2 respectively).
 397
Pokardas and Sons, Karachi. It consists o~ 47 pages, and was
displayed in a bool~-exhibition, arranged by the Sindhi Sahi tya
Sammelen at Gandhidham (Kachh) in October, 1960. According to
Jatoi (Head o~ the Sindhi Department, University o~ Sindh,
Haidarabad) this version is the best as ~ar as the descriptive
aspect o~ the story is conc,erned. He ~urther adds that he has
IInever seen the like o~ it in Sindhilt. A copy o~ this composi-
tion has been noticed by Billimoria in his Bibliography.l
18.
Master Wahid Bakhsh Mushtaq o~ Shikarpur also wrote a poem,
gisso Sasui PuruLal in 1889. It was printed ~irst in 1895 by
the Lahore Ji Islamia Press. It consists o~ 66 pages o~ text
and a copy is in the possession o~ Pritam Singh at Ludhiana.
This qissa ~ormed the basis o~ and a source o~ inspira-
tion ~or another popular qissa (mentioned in more detail below)
composed by Munshi Khuda Bakhsh. He has himself acknowledged
this in the preface of his own composition 2 and has spoken
highly of its excellence and popularity.
19.
Another similar composition, gisso Sasui Punhun Jo, was
published some time before 1895.
It was written by Qazi Muhammad Amyal Ullah of
lVlatiari, as indicated, in an advertisement, exhibited on the
back-cover of Divan i Bachal, published in 1895, from Lahore.

1. Billimoria, N.}L, Bibliography of Publications on Sind &

Baluchistan, Karachi - 1930, p.100e
2~ Qisso Sasui ain Jam Punhun, 2nd ea., 1915, p.ii.
 398
Qisso Sasui Punhun J~, by an anonymous v~iterlwas published
for the first time in 1914 by Heman Das and Sons, Sakkar (New).
It was printed in Gurmukhl characters and consisted of 101
stanzas together with a bait. A copy is preserved in I.O.L.
(Sindhi. B.132). Stanza 86 on p.55 reads as. under~

~~~ ~~~ t2~~ ~~ ~..JL"

~~f~J.j ~ ~'y. 4.[. 0\~ ~ fr
,4-- J~ r:,.J,,~} ~~..I) ~3 ~.)
A copy of the "second edition U produced again in
Gurmukhi by Hari Singh and Sons, Sakhar in 19301 is also
available in the India Office Library.2 It bears the Jc,i tIe
Asal Vado Qisso Sasui Punhun Jo i.e. the ureal and great
gissa lf of Sassi Punnun.

In fact, however, the title of the Ugreat g..issa" of the

romance must be given to the ma~:;:awi of FaQir Muhammad Wasil
'Dars'. wasil was the son of Dars Rehman who flourished in
Thatha
o
during the 19th century and died in about 1918.
His GuIzar i VVasil is a voluminous work of 300
foolscap pages containing a very large number of verses
narrating the story of Sassi-Punnun. These were composed, as
stated therein,Hwith the object of purifying the soul". It
was written in 1881 and printed by the Hamidiya Steam Press,
Lahore in 1914. A copy of the first edition (litho) is

1. As indicated in the stamp of its receipt in the India

Office library, London, viz. 30 Oct., 1930.
2. Under No. Sind. D.435.
preserved in the India Of'fice library (No.Sindhi H~l.).

Wasil's narrative starts from page 25 thus:

?'y )1~~ .
6",>-tS---" ><I. ~ ~ t;;.r~
""'... .
. ~'-! t \~7,-),A):.,.~. \~ ~
From page 102 onwards, anecdotes are included from some
similar romances, such as those of Laila-Majniin and Yiisuf-
Zulaikha; and some of the teachings of holy men like Hazrat
Suleman, Sheikh Ibrahim have been brought in. The text is fol-
lowed by some Persian verses written by various poets 1 prais-
ing the work and indicating its date of composition namely,
1299 A.H ./1881 A.D.;
--- -r;: ?{ i~'--' \~
.) \.:. :!-{
.J ,~ f .> J.¢ ..9 .I r l• ~/ __r-
220 Inl

Munshi Khuda Bakhsh's Qisso Sasui ain Jam Punhun Jo is also

in verse. He was the son of Ilahi Bakhsh Khokhar and resident
of Go~h Faqir Muha@nad YUsuf, Tehsil Gambat, Khairpur State.
He was a Munshi of a cattle-pound at Satyarah, in the Vlho
tehsil of the stateo Khuda Bakhsh knew Sindhi, Arabic and
Persian. He based the story of his gissa, as stated above,
on the composition of Wahid Bakhsh. It was published by Hari
. 1
Singh Pensioner, Sakhar (New) in 1903.
The text begins with the praise of God, followed by
that of the Prophet • Then after addressing the Saqi, he com-
mences the story, as is usual in the Sindhi versions, from
the heroine's side. But unlike Kalhora, he introduces the motif .
of prophecy before the actual birth of Sassi. The astrologer

1. A copy of his first edition, printed at Islamia Press,

Lahore, is available in the India Office library, and
consists of 83 pageso (Vern. Tracts Sindhi, 3764 G).
 400
tells her anxious Brahman parents that they are destined to
have a girl soon but that she is doomed to marry Punnun, son
of J-am lU"l$ Iilluda Balillsh has given the names of neither
her birth-place nor those of her parents. Bhambhore has been
shown as the place of her recovery and adoption. Punnun after
having learnt much about the rare loveliness of Sassi, is said
to have himself deputed Meeto, a handsome Hindu merchant, to
go there with a rich c,amelcade and enquire and report all about
the celebrated beauty. Sassi is fascinated by Meeto's handsome-
ness, but he shifts her love towards his lord by telling her
that he is much more gifted and handsome. When Sassi says that
she would like Punnun to come to Bhambhore, Meeto writes a
letter to Kech asking Punnun to come soon in the guise of a
merchant in order to meet Sassi and obtain his release.
This method of bringing the lovers together does not
appear to have been used by any other versifier of the romance.
The adverse repercussions in Kech as narrated by Khuda Bakhsh
are also his own creationo The letter changes hands and reaches
the Chief who at once links the matter with the long-standing
erunity between him and the Chief of Bhambhore. He regards
Sassi's request for a meeting with Punnun as a stratagem for
taking him prisoner. Thinking Meeto's arrest a challenge to his
own honour, he resolves to secure his release~ Chaniin, Hoto and
Punnun are deputed to go and return with the severed head of
the Chief of Bhambhore as a vindication of their honour. They
are shovvn marching in the guise of merchants in order to avoid
any suspicion.
 401
The poet also introduces the episode of Sehjan who
notices their arrival from her balcony and becomes enamoured
of Punnun~ At the dead of night, he leaves her, and she wanders,
bewailing her loss, in search of the 'Moon of Kech f . This
episode appears to have been added to serve as a precursor of
the main tragedy and also to heighten its effect by comparing
it with a somewhat similar though minor situation. Sassi's
restlessness induces her girl-companions to inform her mother
and to persuade her to marry Sassi to the merchant Punnun.
Meeto, on the other hand, is shown busy in making a friend of
her father for the same purpose.
Thus a fair number of new situations have been intro-
duced by IZhuda Bakhsh himself in order, probably, to make his
qissa more attractive and interesting. Sassi's reply to her
girl-friends who are dissuading her from going after the man
who did not care enough even to wish her good-bye before his
departure, exemplifies the Hindu ideal of conjugal relationship;
_ }l r--'

15~ ~l LI'-o) ~ ~
.. \ ~
I ...:
~ .
,D ~ w\s0.~:"·:> { v)~ J"'~,::
"
The poet has thus emphasised the virtuous wife's fidelity to
her husband even under such heart-breaking circumstanceso
Sassi is shown as having crossed the Indus and reached Las
Bela in her search of Punr!un. The wicked goatherd has also
been introduced. Sassi prays to Prophet Muhammad and to Hazrat
'Ali for protection from his wicked intentions~ The earth
parts and engulfs her, and she is joined later by Punnun who
fights his way out of the clutches of his brothers and
 402
recognises the place by the out-stretched corner of her garment.
The version concludes with a quotation from Shah Jo
Risalo, in which Sassi calls:
"Oh, enter Punhal ~ think it not a dark and narrow tomb;
For fruits and flowers abundant, in these fragrant
gardens bloom. 11
It is interesting to note that these are almost the same verses
which have already been used at the end of the two gissas,
used by Burton and Goldsmid for their respective books. 1 Khuda
Bakhsh has also followed the tradition of incorporating some
verses addressed to the SaqI, but with a difference. He has
used his own verses, written in Sindhi, of course, in the same
style.
This qissa also appears to have been quite popular
during its time. Two more editions are preserved in the India
Office library. One, lithe second edition" (Sind. Bo265) was
published by Hari Singh, Sakhar (New), in 1915 and consists of
83 pages. The other (No.Sind.B.947), bears a somewhat changed
title, viz. Vado Qisso Sasui ain Punhun Jo. It is said to be
the first edition, but bears no date of composition or
publicationo 2

1. See Burton, R.F., Scinde or the Unhappy Valley, Vol.I,

London - 1851, p.89; Goldsmid, F.J., Saswi and Punhu,
London - 1863.
2. It was received in the library on 29th October, 1929. So,
in all probability, it is a later (probably the third)
edition. But as it was published by'Hans Raj Hari Singh!,
i.e. a new joint publishing concern (instead of !Hari Singh'
alone, as in the previous two editions), it may have been
thought proper to announce it as the first edition produced
under the new joint management. However, it is, in effect,
a later edition of the earlier work.
 23.
Sasui ain Manus by Bherumal Mohrchand Advani was published in
1917 by Vasanmal Kishanchand, Haidarabad, and a copy is avail-
able in the India Offic.e library, London (Sind.B.442).
It is a dialogue in verse between Sassi and her foster-
l
mother. The mother tries to persuade Sassi not to go out in
search of her departed lover, and Sassi, arguing her case,says:

~
! J\~1 ~~\
~ t. ,,'
L j I;:'
l·V ....,
\
.J )./""" ~'
\ L' ;)
~ -= )
~"
~
This line, meaning "How can I forget and forsake my lord?"
forms the burden of all the verses attributed to Sassi.
Interwoven with the verse is a prose commentary which
begins with the traditional account of Sassi's birth and con-
eludes with the tragedy which involves her sweetheart as well.
Its author, Bher1~al Mehrchand Advanl, is a well-known name
in Sindhi language and literature. He was a lecturer in Sindhi
in the D.Jo Sindh College, Karachi; and died some time around
1947. He contributed a number of books in Sindhi on topics
such as history of the Sindhi language, the travels of Shah
Latif, the grammar of Sindhi 1 and the history of ancient Sindh.
He also wrote a large number of articles, poems and plays. He
used I Gharlb' as his pen-name in his verses.

Next comes Dlwan i Hamal, a collection of baits composed by

1. We find a parallel in Hir Hussain, describing a conversation,
almost of a similar nature, between Hlr, the heroine, and
her mother who induces her to leave Ranjha, her sweetheart.
See Hir Husain, B.M. 14162. gg.7(1/3), 1883.
Hamal under the headings Sasui, Sarang and miscellaneous. It
begins with Sasui Jo Bai1 with the following stanza:

L:..:> '" ' \ JI ~O 1(

\-- ,,·Y-;.J -::
I'
l..'"'
.? u\ Ie:)'-. l.J.;j ~ \
•.

J i?"'~ ' f ' ".' I ~ ,. . \

. ........, _.) 3 ... · ?Cr::' (U~, U
',' Uf·'~.!> J~
.. :" .. " '"

/ ~r~" U'0 I ~, l~\ I ~ J~i.,;

, (JL-/)~o_:. ~)~) ~ (
0.f::J'''-'> t3 Lh~
~. \ ,7 \
~ ...IY ~
These verses aepict Sassi's kgony, and the hardships which she
suffered during her search for 'Punhal' , the Hot. Stanzas 6 to
18 begin with / ' /,.'\",-~
'y\;: .:.5 i j \
t .. ,. .. .. .. -

(i.e. I am face to face with rugged hills). The repetition of

this short verse has added much to the tragic atmosphere of
the scene 0 The entire poem c.onsists of 43 stanzas and ends on
page 19 of our edition.
The DIwan was first published in Gurmukhi characters in
1919 by Harnam Das and Sons, Sakhar, Nau. A copy is available
in the India Office library, London. (Sind.B.438). However,
this author has written much more on this and other themes,
besides the verses given in this DIwan. His verses have recently
been compiled andffiited by N.B.Baloch. 1 The edition includes
a complete Dastan i Sasui, composed on the pattern set by
Inayat and LatIf, though it is more descriptive in form and
less mystical in content.
It begins with the arrival of Punnun1s brothers and
their reception by Sassi, and proceeds with Punnun1s abduction
and with Sassi is lamentations, searchings, trials and tribula-
tions. One bait reads as under:

1. Baloch,N.B., Kulliyat i Hamal, Haidarabad - 1954.

 U J~. u,,/!=> ~ ~' G~~' £{/b
I ... $-
~.~'"
\ b \ ~ \./ .\
V7~y;~/pjL,....:_~ -:::. \ ~~
That is, liSassi proceeded towards the desert with tuwaqal
(Resignation to the will of God) as her only support. She did
not take any provision, not even a handful of grain".
Hamal was born in Khairpur State. He was a follower of
Fir Sahib of Luvaree Sharif. He also wrote a treatise on
Tasawwuf (mysticism) in the form of a masnawi • • 0

25.
In conclusion, a few miscellaneous modern presentations of the
romance may also be noticed.
J'ethmal Parsram, the author of Shah jiin Akhaniun,
already mentioned in the context of Shah Latif, contributed two
other books, containing separate sections on the romance of
Sassi, in 1922, under the titles: Shah jlin Kahaniun and Shah
jun Akhaniun jun Samjhaniun. Both are in prose. The former
merely relates the story while the latter attempts a symbolic
representation and spiritual exposition of its theme.
Riih i Rihan by Hotchand Gurbakhshani is also in prose.
It was published in 1930. Sassi is shown to have passed through
the traditional trial of fire in order to prove her chastity
and fidelity. GurbakhshanI has given a Siifi colouring to the
story and has suggested 7 stages (viz. Talab, 'Ishq, Marifat,
Isti@raq, Tauhid, Hairat, and Faqr) for attaining the goal
of union with the beloved.
 D6

It is of some interest to note that Ram PanjwanI in his Sindh

jun Sat Kahanikun (printed in 1952 by Daulat Printing Press,
Bombay) 1 has presented the story in three different forms, viz.
the 'folk-form', the 'Latif I pattern' and the 'dramatic form'.
The dramatic presentation consists of the following scenes:
1. ArI Jam is sitting in court at Kech. Punnun re~uests his
permission to rule over the land for a year.
2. Sassi is busy at her spinning-wheel with other girls. Some
perfumers, including a charming youth named Punnun, chance
to come there. She and Punnun are fascinated by each other.
3. Sassi's father agrees to their marriage.
4. Punnun's brothers, Rotu and Notu,reach Bhambhore and drug
the lovers.
5. Sassi gets up and does not find Punnun by her side. She
weeps, cries and asks for her mother's permission to go
out in search of him.
6. Punnun, regaining consciousness, weeps and wails bitterly.
7. Sassi runs towards the desert to find and follow Punnun's
footprints.
8. Punnun leaves his palace and parents in order to return to
his love at Bhambhore.
9. The wandering herdsman plans to outrage her modesty, and
Sassi on her own appeal, is entombed by the earth. Punnun
reaches the spot, learns about the tragedy, and fallS dead.

1. RindwasI, Bombay, 6-131IJlarch, 1960.

 27.
WadO Qissa Sasui ViTa Jam Pupln.m...J.Q is another version composed
by Haji Faqir Ibn Mangano It consists of 58 pages and was
published by Bhagwan Das all.d Company, Haidarabad. It bears no
date of composition or publication; but it is a fairly modern
composi tion.
Lal Chand Dinomal Jagtiani has published a portion of
his Sehjan jun Sik jan Parakh in Mehran, a journal of Haidara-
bad.It has been reproduced in Kahani, Bombay, 1959. It is
also in dramatic form and the complete work is awaiting publi-
cation.
28.
But the flow of such compositions is continuous and seems
likely to remain so~ There may be many more which are not, at
present, within my reach and knowledge; and in addition to
these, a fairly large number of Sindhi versions have also been
noticed in other languages,written or composed by writers,
officials,scholars and historians who were either born jn
Sindh or had at some time been resident there. These have been
described under their respective language-sections.

1. Verses su:::h as these from the concluding Waai of .Shah

Latif, which still echo through the hearts-alld homes of
Sindh, will surely keep the theme ever fresh and
inspiring:

1": ..... 1 ,0;. \\1., ~

t:.r_-':' I '~ \ ~: ~ :~5-:!=) .rf4.;J..J!:. ~ l.J 1-'!t.

~ V ,.))~J~ lS' r..r0,~t<) J. ~ f, ~

I 1 .. "c... .1 I ~ . . .
.J f~ ./'~ t.S"':.AI~ ~t.) c....,.-S V·~

~ L~ -' 1 ~; vi ~ ~:Y;~" ~~J'V

See Latif, S.A., Bayaz i Sindhi, B.M. MS. No.2987/0ro,
f.60.
 408

The next genuine cla:1.mant of the romance is the land of the

Baloches.
As already explained under 'Kech' and 'Punnun f in
Part I, almost all the authorities, 1 popular or otherwise,
agree about the native-place of Punnun, the hero of the story.
He is said to have been a Hot Baloch, hailing from Kech-JliIakran
in Balochistan.
2.
Balochistan is an arid and mountainous country divided between
Persia and Pakistano Its Pakistani portion forms the extreme
western part of West Pakistan. It is bOLUlded by Afghanistan
on the north, Iran on the west and. the Arabian Sea on the
south. It touches the boundaries of Sindh, Panjab and the
former North-west Frontier Province, on the east. 2
Kech-Makran is actually a combinati~n of two distinct
place nar:les. Kech, as stated earlier, has -be en the capital
tovm of Makran, a tract of land between Afghanistan and the
coast of the Arabian Sea, which today forms a district of the
Qalat Division of Balochistan. The Kech Valley is the Kech-
Makran of history, and is so called to distinguish it from
1. Including even Sorley who has erroneously stated the
romall.ce lito be originally a tale of Cutch. II - See Shah
Abdul Latif of Bl1j.t, London - 1940, ppo248,361.
2. Pottinger, H~} 1r~vels in BalochJ;stan and Sindh., London
1816, po 250; Field, H. ~ ~_An.!-hropolog-i cal Reconnaissance
in West P.akistan t 1955, Cambriclge - 1959, p. 71.
 409
l
Persial1. Makran. The history of Makran is the history of Kech
which is regarded as the heart of Makran. 2
Balochistan is the homeland of the Baloches who are
spread over a wide extent of country, from the valley of the
Indus in Sindh and the Panjab to the southern part of the
provinc,e of Kirman in Persia. 3 They "probably entered Makran
from Kirman and Sistan about the period of Seldjiik invasion
of Persia, and soon spread as far as the Indian frontier,
from which time the country began to be known as the land of
the Baloch, Balochistan. ,,4 While other tribes drifted in the
direction of Qalat, the Hots took possession of the region of
Kech-Makran. 5

Punnun belonged to this tribe and to this part of the country.

The ruins of his M'ir'i (chiefdom) are still to be seen opposite
Turbat on the right bank of the Kech Kaur. 6
Another region of the land, Las Bela, is also connected
with this romance. It occupies the south-eastern corner as far
as the Sindh border and the Indian Ocean; and contains lithe
Shrine of Sassi and Punnun ll in its Mian'i or Sonmian'i Niabat. 7
1. Skrine, CoPo, The Highland of Persian Balochistan,
reprinted from the Geographical Journal, London, Vol.
lL"'{viii, No .4, Oc tober, 1931, pp. 323ff.
2. Hughes-Buller, R., Baluchistan District Gazetteer Series,
Vol.VII - :Makran, Bombay - 1906, pp.295-6, 301. .
3. Longworth-Dames, M., Balochi Folklore in The Folklore,
London, Vol. XIII, 1902, p. 252.
4. See Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol.I, London - 1913, p.627.
5. Hittii Ram, Tar'ikh i Balochistan, Lru10re - 1907, p.35.
6. HughesBuller, Baluchistan District Gazette,er, op .c it.,
Vo 1 • VI I, p. 93 •
7. Minchin, CoF., Baluchistan District Gazetteer Series,
Vol.VIII, Las Bela, Allahabad - 1907, pp.35,185.
 410

According to Hi ttil R'f-un,; a former Chief Na tive Assistant, the

common grave of the lovers is still visited by many devotees
who usually go there and pray for the fulfilment of their
l
wishes. Baloch, another native scholar, also maintains this
and adds that various places such as Habb, Vindar, PabilnI and
Sanghar are still associated with the journey of Sassi. 2

This being so 3 the prevalence and popularity of the

story in this land is but natural. Its charm 1!extends through-

out Balochistan and the Indus Valley.1I It is "one of the most

common tales of the country lf,3 so much so that livery few of
the wild tribes of Sindh and Balochistan lf , says Burton, Hare
ignorant of it, the camelman on his journey, the herdsman
tending his cattle and the peasant toiling at his solitary
labours, all while away the time by chanting in rud.e and

homely verse the romantic adventures of Sassui and PunhuG u4

But unfortunately those popular chants have remained
mostly on the lips of the people, and have rarely been cast
in a written literary form. Even the bardic verses fi'ld folk-
songs connected witll. their tragedy, have not been fully
collected and recordedn The reason for this is obvious:

1. See Tarikh i Balochistan~ OpoCl"C., pI;c49, 587.

20 Baloch, N.B., Be]..8.:;ygn-ja-Bol.S!:, Karachi - 1951~ p.15.
30 Minchin, Baluchistan District Gazetteer, op.cito,
Vol VIII} p.l.jj.
0

L~. Burton 9 Sil" R.F., §j.ndh---5;~nd the Races that Inhabit the
Valley of the Indu.E3.J London - 1851, pp.57- 8 •
 11
l
Balochi is the lru'1.guage spoken in almost the whole of the
territory described above 0 It goes as far west as Cape Jask on
the Persian side~ while to the east, it extends across the
south-eastern lJoundary into Sindh and Bahawalpur. Further
north it occ,upies the Sulaiman Hills on the western border of
the Panjab district of Dera Ghazi Khan. Thus it is bounded on
the north by Pashto; on the west and north-west by Persian;
and on the east by Sindhi in Sindh and Panjabi in the Panjab. 2
It is spoken, at present in two main !!twin dialects ll ,3 the
SulaimanI (i.e. Eastern) in the north and north-east towards
Sindh and Panjab; and the MakranI (i. e. Western) in the south-
west and west towards Iran. 4
But, in spite of this vast extent and influence, it
has long been an unwritten language, having very little
recorded indigenous literature. 5 Baloches have, however, been

1. HThe word 'Balochi i is an adjective, meaning 'of or

belonging to the Baloch nation I, and is hence employed to
indicate that nation's language 1i _.- Grierson, Sir G~Ao,
Linguistic Survey of India, Vol.X, Calcutta - 1921, po327~
2. Ibid., ppe327-9; Bray, D., Census of India, 1911, Vol~IV,
Baluchistan, Calcutta - 1913, pp.131-3c
3. Ikram, S-.ll1. & Spear, P e, Cul tural Heritage of Pali:istan~
Karachi - 1955, p~162o
40 According '~o Hughes-Buller, lithe Balochi used in Makran,
sometimes l;:nown as MakranI, d1ffers very con8iderably from
that in vogue to the south and east of Sibi, and appears
to be much more nearly allied with Persian than the latter
language ll • (Census of India, 1901, Vol~V & V-a, Baluchistan,
P t s.l & 2, P 12;0

But according to Morgenstierne, Hon the whole, the

d1alectical variations within the two main groups of Bal-
ochi are not of very great importrulce, and even the differ-
ence between Eastern and Western Balochi is not so consid-
erable as that which exists between some dialects of
Pashto.1t -- Report on a Linguistic Mission to North-western
India, Oslo - 1932, p.lO.
5. See Hughes-Buller, Dames .• Lewis, Bray, Grierson, Mayer,
Morgenstierne, etc., op.cit~
 4 2
passionately fond of their poetry which consists mostly of
love-songs,l popular tales,2 indigenous romrulces,3 and. heroic
ballad.s. LI_ These mostly pertain -Co events of national or tribal
history, commemorate the adventures of national heroes, and
narrate the migratory life and tribal feuds of the respective
clans. They have rarely been committed to writing~ ruld have
been orally transmitted mo stly by the hereditary bards and
minstrels attached to various tribes. 5
Hughes-Buller, Superintendent of Census Operation in
1901, tells us that "a considerable body of literature exists
in Western Baluchi (i.e. MakranI) and many of the leading
men keep books, known as daftar, in which their favourite
ballads are recorded in the Persian script. ,,6 Two such col-
lections are preserved in London libraries, alsoo 7 It was only

1. See Leech, R o , Grammar of the Balochky Language - J .A.S.B.

VolaVII, No~79, July-1838; Longworth-Dames, M., Popular--
Poetry of the Baloches, London - 1907.
20 See Lewis, A., Bilochi Stories, Allahabad - 1885 ; Bray, D.,
Brahui Tales in A~.:t,? OJ:'iental).a, Vol oXVII~ Lugduni Batavor-
urn, 1939.
3. Longworth-Dames, Mo, A Sketch of the Northern Balochi
L46[8age in J.A.S~B., Calcutta - 1881; B.M. MS. No.Add./
2 048.
4. See Mayer, T. J.L 0, Baloch Classics, Fort-Munro & Agra,
1900-3.
5. Called Dom or LorI by the Indian and Persian names,
respectively. l?Doms are the national minstrels of the
Baloch people.1! -- SatyarthI, D.. , The Modern Review,
Calcutta, March-1939, p .,331.
6. Baluchistan District Gazett~er, Vol.VII~ opocit., pe81.
7. (i) See I.OeL. MS. No,2549, ~azkira i Sultanan i Kech 0
Makran. It is a collection of poems by Mulla HEi.jl of the
Baloch tribe. These are mostly panegyrics, written in
praise of the princes of Kech-Makran. Some of them are
heroic and lyrical too~
(ii) B.M ~MS. No oAdd 2Li-048.. It is a collection of miscel-
0

laneous writings, containing also the love-stories of

Laila-Majniirl, Saif ul Maluk-Badi al Jamal, Behram-Gulandam
and Durani-Pagran; and also some ballads regarding the
Chiefs of Kech-Makran.
 413
towards the end of the last century that some efforts were
made by some goverrunent of'fj_cials,l individual scholars 2 and
Christian missionaries 3 to procure such extant material and
to reduce some of the oral tI'adi tion to writing; in ol"der Hto
preserve from destruction, while it was still possible, the
remnants of the popular poetry of the Baloches before it
disappears from the world. ,,4 It is through these pioneer
efforts that I have been able to find and use the versions of
the romance, described below:

We may note in passing that the oldest available references

in Balochi have been found in the form of 9 stray expressions
contained in the afore-mentioned Risalo of Shah Abdul LatIf.
r.:;
They are interwoven in the Sindhi text of its Sur Desi. J The
first in which Sassi is shown as uttering some detached
phrases spoken in her presence by the Baloch relatives of
Punnun, reads as under:

Some more are given below in English rendering:

1. Hpunhu I s brothers spoke in Persian,
'Leave her- here I ~

1. Such as Mr. I'II. LongvYorth-Dames, I.C.S., R.B.Hittu Ram,

E.A.C., Mr. Denys Bray, I.CoS.
2. Such as Lt~ RoLeech; Shri Devindra SatyarthI, New Delhi
and Dr. N.B. Baloch, Haidarabad.
3. Such as the Revm Ao Lewis, C.M.S., Oxford,the Rev. T.J.L.
Mayer, C.M.S., Fort-Munro.
4. L.-Dames, Folk~ore, opecit., Vol.XIII, 1902, p.252.
5. 'rrumpp, Eq The DIvfu'1. of Abdul LatIf Shah, Leipzig - 1866,
pp.373-4.
 414
2., ° kind Punhultraveller
take care of me, a foot-
on your track
3. I wish I could meet my oeloved this very day.
40 He calls me a ! slave i . 11

There are also some detached words and phrases which Sassi
is shown to have heard Purmun t s orothers using among them-
selves in their conversa.tion to the effect that they should
get Purmun away soon, as he was intending to stay on there
wi th his oeloved.
According to Shah LatIf, all these expressions are
obviously from the mouth of Sassi. But while some of them are
reproductions of her recollections of certain utterances or
remarks of the Baloches, others are shown to have come from
her own lips. In an earlier passage~ Shah makes her say in
Sindhi that though she heard all that herself, yet she did not
know their language, viz. Balochi. But in the suosequent
passages he depicts her uttering those phrases oy herself.
HThis is prooaolyU, argues Lalwan'i, lIbecause the poet thought
that after Purmun was taken away and Sassi went after him
wandering in the hills, she gathered sufficient knowledge of
Balochi to express her thoughts in it as well as to recall
and understand the former conversation of Purmun1s Balochi
friendso Hl We may rather say that she might have oeen aole
to recollect a few expressions and. repeated them after
grasping their signific.ance in the context of the circum-
stances that followed.
1. LalwEmI, L.W., The Life, Religion and Poetry of Shah LatIf,
Karachi - 1890, p.94.
 415
V'lhatever may be the reason or explanation, all these
expressions occur on thp- eve of their sepax'ation. They form
a part of the conversation of the Baloches on the one hand
and Sassi's wailings and soliloCluies on the other 0 Their
usage thus seems natural and fitting.
6.
However, the first complete versions in Balochi have been
obtained directly from the lips of the peopleg Like most of
the other available specimens of Balochi poetry, these have
also been traditionally handed down from generation to
generation. For the 'Homeric! recording of the first, I am
indebted to the Rev. T.J.L. Mayer who procured it at the end
of the 19th century and produced it along with other such
ballads in his Baloch Classicso l It appears there under a
somewhat curious heading: Pannu of Kech Mukran and Sassuri,
daughter of King of Egypt.
This version, though complete in itself, is quite
short and sketchy. Much has been left to the imagination of
the listeners 2 who are supposed to have already known the
1. It was published in 4 small parts first from Fort-Munro
and later from Agra during 1900-3. A complimentary copy,
signed by the author', is preserved in B.M under No ..
0

l41640c.,3.
The title-page of the first part bears the names of
"Gholfun Mahomed Khan Mazari, various other authors, edited
and printed by T.J"L. Mayeru} while the 4th part, contain-
ing the version under consid.eration, mentions the name of
the Ed.itor (viz" Rev. Mayer's) only.
2. Mayer appears to have ignored this fact and has ascribed
the suggestiveness of its end to Hthe lines appear to be
half lost 1l , which in fact is not the case. To me it seems
to be quite complete, though concise and suggestive, both
in conce~tion and. execution. (See Ba~o9h Classics, Pt. IV,
p .. 40 fno /
 416
details of the story. mnile paraphrasing it for the present
study, I have tried to lceep as near to the original as
possible but have had to omit and add a few lines here and
there in order to lint: up the narrativeo
The version begins, like most of the Sindhi-Panjabi
versions, from the heroine's side of the storYe It lacks the
usual formal introduction, containing a prayer to God, or
praise of the Prophet, or any other expression of gratitude
etc.; and starts straight into the narrative with the follow-
ing verse:
UAuli Barowa Rajae
Saken Hakimo Burniaieo"
Long ago, there was a ruler who was very clever, rich
and strong, but had no issue and who longed to have at least
one child to succeed him. The Hindu astrologer (SamI) told
him that he was destined to have a daughter who was doomed to
marry a IvIusl im; and soon after a girl was born to him. The
ruler in a fit of rage, in order to avert the blow of destiny,
ordered her to be immediately hurled into the river. The
mother of the child entreated for her, asl-cing that since she
had suckled her for seven long days she might herself be
allowed to cO!1sign her to the river 0 She put a necklace
around the baby's neck and placed her in a wooden box. It was
delivered gently to the waves of the river:
ilA fairy gave milk to little Sassuri l
Angel s protected her from crocodiles. U
1. In this version, the name of the heroine appears as
fSassurll and that of the hero as TPannua'.
 41.7
A washerman, named Babul, saw the box and brought it ashore 0

On opening it, he was astonished ar!.d pleased to :find in ita

pretty baby girl. He tooli: her home and told his wi:fe, "Come
here, come hore darling; my dream has come true. Our wishes
:for a child have, at last, been granted. Beat the drum in
Bambora City,,"
When Sassi grew up, the washermen all around asked
:for her hand; but were told Hnone o:f you are :fit :for her. 1I
A Muslim merchant :from Kech once came that way with
some goods and a noble prince, named 'Pannua I . They encamped
in Sassi's city. "There was the smell o:f the attar o:f roses
and the per:fume hung in the breeze. 1I Sassi came with her
companions. Her father's nurse asked her whether she liked
the attar and :found out its price~ Sassi said, 111 have tested
attar and known its price. I have also seen a princely :figure
in the caravan. I:f only he were o:f my caste;1I The nurse
replied, lllie is a Baloch only by name, but by origin and in
appearance, he is a washerman. II 11 I:f it is so 11, exclaimed
Sassi, Hthat is good newsJ T.Jet him :first wash some dirty
clothes to prove his origin and pro:fessiono 11 Punnun t s brothers
held consultations and :forbade him :from doing anything o:f the
kind. But Purnun replied, ItBrothers, you have long been mad.
My :father, lUiya, has many boys at home. Between me and my
love is a secret.1I lie went out and washed the clothes, but
being inexperienced, he tore them. In order to appease the
customers, he put some gold coins inside them. The customers
were pleased and admired him greatly. The washerman thus
 4 8
agreed to give him Sassi T s hand., and the marriage was duly
solemnised, with a seven days' wedding feast.
VVhen the caravan returned to lVIakra.n}:Aliya felt
grieved not to find Punnun with it. He missed him greatly and
wept bitterly. He ordered some of his men to go back and
llgive many cups to these two so that they should be seven
days senseless; Balochis should know no fear. II This was done
accordingly. The unconscious Purulun was separated from his
unconscious sweetheart, and immediately spirited away from
'Bambora'. When Sassi got up and found her beloved gone, she
we~t copiously and rushed out to follow in his wake. During
her search and pursuit, she came upon a goatherd and asked
him, "Have you seen any passing caravan of Hots, carrying my
brave Pannua?" But the goatherd attempted to outrage her
modesty. Sassi prayed for protection ~~d the earth at once
opened up to engulf her.
When PUnnun came to his senses, he broke away from
his companions and rushed frantically back towards Bamoora.
"If PaYl..llua had not returned from thence, the women would have
laughed at him. II He encountered the same goatherd and asked
had he seen a woman with a lovely necklace, wandering in
search of him'? The goatherd said, liDo you really want to see
her'? Come here and I shall show her to you. II Thus. Punnun
followed his love into one and the same gravee The version
ends with the words:
"B'iya thau rna thara phedaran
Phaji bi thaghan hiro nur. II
 419
suggesting the ultimate union, tragic end and joint ourial
of the lover s.l

The second Balochi version is preserved in the history of

Balochistan oy Hi ttu Ram. 2 This is also in verse and is oClth
concise and suggestive. HBrevity oeing the soul of wit",
remarked Mayer, lithe Balochi language should De one of the
wittiest in the world. 1I3 These two are indeed short oallads,
consisting of only 123 and 169 lines respectively. This
version oegins with a orief expression of gratitude for the
Creator, summed up in a single couplet, and the story follows
immediately. In this version, unlike the other, the course of
events starts with the hero, which seems more appropriate
for a version composed in the hero's language and prevalent
in his native l&~d:

TheI'e was a young man in Kech whose name was 'Funnu'.

His father, Ali, said to him, ULet us find you a wife".
Punnun said, 1iShow me any girl in Kech who is worthy of me.
There is none to my liking at least in Makran. You should try
one in some other land. if The 'Vakil' (agent) asked Punnun to
give him a detachment of one hundred mounted soldiers so that
he could. go on a round of foreign lands in search of a
suitaole match for him. His prayer was granted and he left
first for Isphahan and Lar, then entered Qandhar and searched

1. For the original text, see Baloch Classics, op.cit.,

Pt. IV, pp640-4~
2. TarIkh i Balochistan, Lahore - 1907.
3. Mayer, T.J .IJ., English-Biluchi Dictionary, Fort Munro -
1909, preface, p.l.
 420
all the neighbouring regions~ He also went to the Valley of
Sindh and on reaching Bhambhore, encamped near the gates of
the city. There he happened to see a young damsel, known as
IlS assii H : and found her extremely beautiful. He asked about
her parentage but was told that she had no ~ather and mother
of her own. A washerman had gone, one day, to the river to
wash clothes a.."Yld had seen a charming little girl asleep in a
closed bQX found afloat on the water. He had brought her home
and told his wife that God had blessed them with a child.
When Sassi grew up, everyone had wished to marry her but the
washerman had acc,epted none. The agent now approached him and
told him that his rich and famous master, Punnun, alone was a
fit match for her. The washerman said, 'I have no objection!.
The agent left Bhambhore, reached Kech and informed
Punnun, "I have seen a ~abulous beauty in Bhambore whose name
is Sassii and who shines like the moon. She alone is a fit
match for you. II Hot Punnun felt enamoured of her and set off
for Bhambore with a large caravan and retinue, consistlng of
one hundred loaded crunels and the same number of porters and
maids, a detachment of three hundred spearmen and a regiment
of one thousand fine soldiers.
On reaching Bhambore, the caravan encamped in the
city. They mixed some scents in flour, fed it to the camels
and tied their mouths during the night. When the day dawned
and their mouths were loosened, they began chewing the cud.

1. In this version the names of the hero fu~d the heroine

appear as 'Funnii' and 'Sassii', respectively.
 421
The perfume spread far and wide and became the talk of the
tov~n. It also reached SQssi who Cfuue out to see where it came
fromo Seeing Punnun, she fell madly in love with him and told
her companions that she had pledged herself to him. The agent
approached the washerman who told him that he was ready to
give his daughter to Punnun on condition that Punnun,
once and once only, should wash the clothes of the town before
the marriage-ceremony. PLULnun went to the river to fulfil the
condition. After washing and drying the clothes, he returned
them to their owners with some gold coins placed in them.
They were very pleased and full of admiration for him. The
marriage-band began to play and was accompanied by great
feasting and pomp and show lasting the whole month. The agent
then returned to Kech.
When a year had pas.sed by,. Ali wrote to Punnun, lIyou
have not returned to me and I am sad and listless while you
stay on enjoying yourself with your moonlike beauty. The
apricots are ripe, the trees are laden and you are far away
from us alll1! Punnun I s brother, Ki'§.ni~ then said, HI shall
myself go and fetch him from Sindh. II He ordered a dromedary
to be made readyo Then he and his men set off for Bhambore.
They reached Sindh; encamped in Bhambore and found Punnun
and Sassio During the feast, the lovers drar~ heavily and
became unconscious, whereupon KianI fastened Punnun to his
camel and carried him off ~ VVhen the day broke and Sassi
awoke, she found that she had been tricked, and robbed of her
 422
husband" She gnashed her teeth, tore her garments and cried
in agony:

"There is none besides Funnun, I must join him soon, at all

costs. 1I She passed a day and night in lamenting, wailing her
loss and cursing her stars.
Love overcame her and she left in search of him,
following the foot-prints of the camels. She covered three
stages of the journey and fell exhausted with her feet
blistered and body worn outo A shepherd saw her from afar
and ran towards her with evil designs upon her. Sassi told
him, IIPray do not corne near me. Rather, fetch me something
to drink. I have not taken anything for the last three stages.
My throat is parched and I am tired and thirtsyo 11 The shepherd
ha.stened to his flock to get some milk. Meanwhile, Sassi
prayed to God, nSave me, Lord! Protect my honour! You are my
father ffild you are my mothero Save me from the clutches of
this villain, 0 Lord, save me~Y! The earth opened and
swallowed her up. When the shepherd returned, he was aston-
ished to see what had happenedo
When Punnun regained consciousness and found himself
parted from his love, he was furious with his brother. He set
off in all haste towards Sindh and by chance met the same
shepherd near the same spot. Punnun asked him, nWnat are you
do ing there? II The shepherd said, I!A nymph carne this way. She
was shining like the moon and glittering like the sun. She
 423
was roaming aoout all alone~ I tried to approach that flower
but all at once the earth parted and enclosed that ruby. I
am digging up the place guided oy the hem of her scarf which
still is visible, in order to find that pearl of rare beauty.1i
no Lord!li Punnun cried, "0 Lord~ I give myself utterly to

thee. Pray keep me no longer away from her! Ii His prayer was
also granted and the earth re-opened to admit Punnun who was
soon received with open arms by his sweetheart:

They looked at each other silently, and in the grave they

found contentment in the fulfilment of their love and
longings. l

Yet another version has been found recorded in the Balochistan

District Gazetteer,pertaining to the former state of Las Bela.
It was edited oy C.F .Minchin and puolished in 1907. T11A
editor has spoken of the prevalence and popularity of the
romance throughout Balochistan and has also indicated its
having been IIrepeatedly commemorated in Balochi verse. 11 But
unfortunately he has not indicated any source which formed
the basis of his summary of the story. This he tells in the
following words:
USassi was born of Brahman parents at Bhampur or
Bhambura in lower Sinill~, and in conse~uence of a revelation
that she would become a Mussalman J was abandoned by them on
1. For the original text, see T§filth i Ba.lochistan, op .. cit.,
pp.36-45.
 424
the river and picked up by a washerman. The foundling grew
into a beautiful girl and Punnun from Kech Makran fell
violently in love with her, but his father was against the
match and sent men to drug him and carry him off. Sassi
....
started in haste to overtake him, and near Paboni Naka, in
Las Bela, she was overcome with thirst and fell exhausted.
It was then that the spring knovvn to this day as SassI-~raro­

Chodo (SassIYs Spring) broke forth to ~uench her thirst§

Continuing onwards, her further progress was barred at the
mouth of the Phor river by the flood tide which had come up
into the estuary in spite of Punnun's assurance that there
was no large river between Sind and his home in Kech Makran.
Overwhelmed with despair, she turned back to the
Mohbar river. A rock is shown in the middle of the bed which
emi ts a peculiarly metallic sound when strucl>:s and is said
to repeat the voice of Sassi, crying for her lover. It is
known as SassI-Waro-Watto (Sassifs Bowl). Then she met a
shepherd who had designs on her honour, but she was received
into the earth, to be followed shortly afterwards by her
lover who W3.S returning to look for her. iil
Minchin, instead of "recapi tulating the whole story!!,
has given only its gist. But it is complete, though concise,
as far as the warp and weft of the story are concerned. The
value of this version is enhanced by its linking with the
topography of the land. This topographical evidence also

I.Baluchistan District Gazetteer Series, Vol. VIII, Las Bela,

op cit., pp. 42- 3:-
0
 425
supports, in some measure, the Balcches! claim to the romance.

Another Balochi version is referred to by Macauliffe in his

Sikh Religion, in connection with Guru Gobind Singh, the
Tenth Sikh Masters' visit to Bhathinda where some Baloches
sang to him the romance of Sassi-Punnun,l the gist of which
shall follow under Hindi version. 2
10.
As is apparent, all the versions 3 ~uoted above are almost
similar in the essentials of the story, but they differ some-
what in form and detail. The first begins with the heroine's
side and the second with that of the hero. The arrival of the
hero and his caravan in the heroine IS city has been indicated
by an ingenious device, found mentioned so far, only in the
Sindhi version0 4 It is suggested in the first, but clear in
the second. They also differ in describing the mode of the
lovers' meeting; it is a chance-happening in the first, and
a planned affair in the second. The form of the names of the
main characters also varies and looks strange in view of
their being the product of the same land and ',language. But
this may be due to some dialectical variation, to bardic
1. Macauliffe, M.A., The Sikh Religion, Vol.V, Oxford -1909,
p.221.
20 See Section 7 - Hindi Version.
3. Another version in Balochi has been stated to be extant
in the form of a manuscript in Patiala. (See Panjabi
Dunya, July - August, 1956, p.106). But a personal visit
and en~uiry has shovVll this statement to be quite unfounded.
40 Burton, R.Fo, Sindh and the Races that Inhabit the Valley
of the Indus, London - 1851, p.99.
 426
pronunciation or to faulty comprehension or recording by the
individuals concerned. And this is a common feature of
unwritten languages, especially those like those of Baluchi-
stan in which "among the hill Baloches~ on the Sindh and
Panjab borders, every tribe is said to have its own different
dialect. ,,1 Moreover, it is too much to expec.t such a uniform-
i ty in popular ballads which have been handed down by oral
tradi tion for many generations and recorded fOl" the fir st
time mostly by those who were ~uite foreign to the soil as
well as to the lore.
The Balochi versions, as already stated, are short
and sketchy as compared to the versions of various other
languages. The second is a little longer than the first,
though, still full of breaks in the narrative which leave
much to the imagination of the listener. This suggestiveness
and brevity of expression may also be due to the temperament
of the language itself. They appear to be in line with the
general trend of the popular Balochi poetry which is "simple
and direct H in its form and substance, and Hexcels in vivid
pictures of 1 ife and country.9 which it brings before us wi th-
out any conscious effort at description on the part of the
singer. 1I2
11 .

.Apart from these bardic or folk-versions, an appreciable

1. Hughes, A.Wo, The Countl~y of Baluchistan, London - 1877,

p.39.
2. Longworth-D~les, Popular__Poetry of the Ba19ches, op.cito,
Vol.I, p.xvii.
 427
number of miscellaneous poems compo sed by various poets on
the theme of Sassi also exist. Some of them, recently col-
lected from Las Bela, have been compiled and edited "by N.B.
Baloch. l
They do not relate the romance in detail but describe
its various phases and aspects, particularly those with a
bearing on Punnun's abduction and Sassi's wanderings in search
of him. They have been composed in various literary forms,
metres and patterns. Some of these popular poets, like Sh~ikh

IbrahIm, Kab'ir Shah, Ahmad Shah, Mihn, Sidqi and Ytlsuf Mandro,
have written complete surs on the lines of Sur SasuI by Shah
Abdul LatIf (1687-1752) of Sindho
The first, Sh4ikh IbrahIm, son of Shaikh Hamar,
flourished during the second half of the eighteenth century.
He was a very prominent poet of this time and has left us a
volume of verses, containing a Sur-SasuI also. This composi-
tion is quite touching in its description and pathetic in its
appeal. It begins as follows:
"Many caravans have been coming to Bhambhore
Br ing ing with th em abundanc e of sc en t s
And perfuming this city with their fragrance;
But Sassi's relationship developed only with that
Which "brought Punnun along with it.
And that relationship brought her innumera"ble
sufferings by way of dov~y.
She followed him on foot
She could never have got him,
Had she not been imbued with immense love
Which united her with him (though after death). n
KabIr Shah followed Latif's pattern rather more

1. Baloch, N.B., Belayan-ja-Bola, Karachi - 1951.

 428
closelYe He usually took a line from LatIf!s Risalo and
attempted to elaborate it in the same metre and spirit. But
he has been more descriptive than reflective in his Sur SasuI
which is a fairly long compositions VlJhile expressing Sassi's
determination, he wrote:
liHills are high and barren,
And the journey is tough and long.
But I @hall cross the cliffs
Step by step, one after the other. II
Kablr dwelt much upon a discussion which ensued between
Punnun ' s father and his brothers on their not having brought
Punnun back home.
Sayyld Ahmad Shah was Kablr's nephew as well as a
pupil in the art of poetry. He composed much but only a part
of that has come down to us. This also begins with his Sur
Sasul whic,h commences with some lines of Kablr, conveying
the above idea.
Mlhn belonged to Uthal but moved to Vindar and died
there at the young age of 35. He laid more emphasis or. the
spiritual aspect of the story in his Sur Sasulo It was he who
wrote to advise Sassi as under:
lIVVhy are you searching for your Punnun outsi~e
in Kech?
He is always with you, search him within.H
SidQI is more famous for writing Surs on various
romances. His Sur Sassul begins thus:
"Those who have kept my body and soul alive,
I fu~ longing for them with heart and soul.
Punnun's brothers were not happy for having
come to Bhambhoreo
 429

Nor were they happy on my relationship with him.

Hotl, Notl, Baour and Baru,
All have joined ho..D.ds to roo this washerwoman! U
In another section of his Sur, Sid~l tells her:

UGet up Sasul!
Be true to your matrimonial oonds.1!
YUsuf Mandro who died at 35 aoout 1942, concluded
his Sur Sasui thus:
IIyou are en~uiringaoout your oeloved in far-off
places;
Bu t he is here, wi th you, in your heart;
These chains of miseries are in fact sources of
rejoicing,
Because the Fate has already linked him with you. II
Yusuf began this Sur with a graphic description of the
arrival of Punnun' s caravan:
liThe Kechis have come from Kech
0, what a grand caravan of theml
Their camels are just as pretty as the camelmen.
They have unloaded their camels and are feeding
them with fragrant flowers and shruos,
The chewing of which has perfumed the entire town .. U
12.
Two other popular patterns of Indian poetry, Siratri and
Baramah have also oeen used oy these folk poets of Balochistan.
Mangio Bradio, a pupil of Sha..ikh Iorahim, composed a
Tri-ration on Sassio It is a long poem containing 30 stanz.as
of 7 lines each, descrioing the state of the love-lorn Sassi
on each night of the month. The first few lines, generally,
express the poet's impression of Sassi's misery and agony in
her own words. For instance, the stanza referring to the
eleventh night, reads:
 430
"On the eleventh night when the memory of Baloch
(iQe, Punnun) carne to Banbhan
(i.eo Sassi, the Brahman girl),
Her bewildered ~yes were filled with the radiance
of beauty and splendour.
God alone knows for what fault they carried off
her beloved husbro1d!
'You went away leaving me abancloned ..
Hence I have set out in search of you.
I can never forget the treachery of the Kechis.
I hope they will take pity on me, forgive me and
return my lover to me'. 11
lVIubarak Gungo, Mangio! s contemporary, wrote a baraman. and
some other poems on the same theme. Gungo, unlike the baramab-
v~iters of Sindhi and Panjabi, has not mentioned the names of
the respec ti ve months. He has proc.eeded chronologically with
each stanza bearing the number rather than the name of the
particular month~ For instance:
"In the first month when my lover came •••
0, my friends! I did not sleep with him for a
second.
When his brothers came they caught hold of him
and carried him awayo
Mubarak says, I will die before them and search
for him in the Harho hills."

The romance has also provided these poets with an ever-fresh

theme for their open competitions in the form of riddles and
questions-and-answers. These would mostly be posed and
replied to as popular entertainment at night-long gatherings
of people.
Such poetic competitions held between Kabir Shah and
Sh~ikh Ibrahim still retain their memory. They flourished
during the second half of the 18th century and enchanted the
people by exhibiting their art and skill in describing the
 431
wailings and wanderings of Sassi. For example, Shaikh IbrahIm
on one such occasion opened with the following verses:
liThe Hills have shattered her body and blistered
her feet
So much so that she cannot even walk. II
KabIr Shah parried that with:
1!Rigours of journey and pa-ngs of separation,
Have become her kith and kino ... 11
and ended it with:
"Well for that association
Which compelled her to proceed on to her beloved
and attain re-union. 1I
And this process continues. On another occasion, the
competition seems to have turned towards the description of
the camels and the caravan. Shaikh IbrahIm set the contest
off by saying on behalf of Sassi:
UVJ.hen weary with Bhambhore, I came out and cried
after them
They did not listen to my crieso
They were heading onwards with their camels who
were black, yellow, brownish •• oo
Kablr described the same situation more elaborately
by dwelling upon their preparation, equipment and flight,
beginning with the following verses:
liThe Baloches had 160 camels and they were pas.sing
through black mountains.
They were of various ages, each bearing a different
name, such as, Aunr, Gaur, L er a. 11
Similar poetic competitions were held between Wat and lzzat
also.

The romance has been used in the figurative and autobiograph-

ical form also.
 432
Nim, son of Kando, and a bar(l of Uthal, used it as a
simile in one of his ballads. He lived a very long life
(having been born in the 2nd ho.lf of the 19th century) and
saw the first 2nd the last rulers of the Jam dynasty of Las
Bela. While describing a domestic Quarrel (dated 1878-81)
between ~am Mlr Khan and his son, ~am All Khan, he described
the latter as a lover of scent and beauty like Punnun. He
compared his court also with that of Punnun.
Shaikh Sahib Dlno is said to have become a poet after
the death of his son. He sang mostly of his own misery and
misfortune through the tragic tales of Marui and Sassi. He
wrote baits and Kafis, one of which reads:
11 'He just showed me a vision and left I •
Fixing her eyes in his direction, Sassi marches
on.
She is missing and searching for those who stayed
during the night and left early in
the morning.
To those who are crying in the desert may come
One who will allay their sorrow.
Punnun may prove true to a poor woman like me.
0, God! bring my husband, my beloved, soon,
very soon. 11
15.
Some minor poets have also written a variety of poems on the
theme. Pinyo, a blind poet, in one of his compositions is
seen advising Sassi not to go to the desert lIbecause I know
there are many dreadful snakes hissing and dragons dancing
on the way. Some of them keep swinging with the creepers and
eat twenty-four, not one, leaves at a time. 1I
 433

Sheiikh Bakhar (around 1839), a grandson or Shedkh

Hamar (1750-1793 app.), so.ys in one of his poems:
lIS ass i
had no relo.tives, neither mother nor a
brother
It was so destined that she became wedded to a
person
For whom she had actually been born. 11
In most of the poems of such popular poets of Las Bela, we
find the poets identifying themselves with Sassi and describ-
ing their own feelings, emotions and experiences. And therein
lies the secret of their appeal and literary value of their
composl"t"lons. 1

1. Their language is Lassi. !lIn Las Bela H , says Bro.y, Uthe

language commonly spoken is Lassi, a dialect of Sindhi,
otherwise known as Jagdali; but there are also a number
of Balochi-speakers, especially along the coast. Brahlii
is also current among a few small tribes and sections. iI
(See Census of India, 1901 - Vols.V & V-A, Baluchistan,
Pts. I & II, Bombay -1902, p. 7~.
The original text of the above verses is given below
as a spec imen of this language:
 434
-4,-

Sorley, as stated earl ieI', has claimed the story "to be

originally a tale of Cutch e ,,1 But this claim, as has already
been shown,2 cannot be made good.
Sorley seems to have come to this conclusion from
the use of the word 'Cutch', instead of 'Kech!, in the version
noticed by him, probably, in Mrs. Fostans! book on Kachh. 3
Mrs. Fostans was, of course, right when she observed that
lithe romantic history of two lovers, named Soosie and Punoon"
is a "very favourite tale, related as a Bhat, 4 both in Cutch
and Sindh.1!5 She recorded it as she heard it, in 1837, from
some local bard. But its prevalence in that area does, not
necessarily mean that it actually originated there. Nor did
1. Sorley, H.T., Shah Abdul Latif of Bhit, London - 1940,p.248.
2. See under 'Origin and Source', 'Topography! and ICharacters '
in Part I.
3. Cutch or Random Sketches taken during a residence in one
of the Northern Provinces of Western India, London - 1838.
4. Local odes in praise of the Jharre jah Chiefs are krown
as Bhats, from the title of the men who sing them -- Ibid.,
P .194.
A Bhat signifies a narrator of songs, odes, stories
and ballads etc. There have been three kinds of Bhats in
India - historians, genealogists and panegyrists.
As regards Kachh, two chief classes of bards have
been noticed: Bhats who are Hindus; and Dhadis who are
Milslims. lIALike in their duties and accomplishments,
singing festive songs, ••• reciting stories of the warlike
deeds of the Chief's forefathers, singing of love or
telling old legends and tales of hair-breadth escapes,
the Bhat and the Dh~dl differ in this that the Bh3.t
recites or sings without, and the Dhadl with the help of
an instrumental accompcniment. There is also the differ-
ence that the Dhadls are only singers, and the Bhats,
besides being singers, are genealogists and sometimes
historians. 1I - Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, VoleV,
1880, pp.74-5.
5. Mrs. Postans, Cutch or Random Sketches, op.cit., p.199.
 435

Mrs. Postans claim in so many words that it did. Moreover,

her story is based entirely on a bardic version in which the
name of the place might have been either localised intention-
ally or pronounced wrongly by the bard. It may even have been
reproduced erroneously by the authoress, as she was a
foreigner to the land and the people.
However, its prevalence and popularity in the penin-
sula carillot be disputed. This, indeed, is what one would have
expected because of the age-old geographical, historical and
social ties between the lands and the peoples of Sindh and
Kachh.
2.

Kachh is a low maritime tract, lying between the peninsula

of Kathiawar in the south and the province of Sindh on the
1
north. Its Hboundaries are defined. by nature in a more
decided manner H , reported. McMurdo in 1820, Ilthan those of
almost any other country (not absolutely an island) with
which I am aCCluaintedo,,2 It is almost entirely cut off from
the sub-continent,3 being bounded on the north and the east
by the Ran~, on the south by the gulf of Kachh, and on the
west by the Arabian Sea and the eastern (or Kori) mouth of
the Indus. 4 Thus it has long had close connection with Sindh
1. Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol.V, 1880, p.l.
2. Mcl[urdo, J. 1 An Account of the Province of Cutch, London -
1820, p .. 205.
3. It ended its history of an independent state on 1st June,
1948 on its merger into new India. It is now a part of
the Gujarat State of the Indian Republic.
4 .. Burnes, Dr. J., General Remarks on the lVIedic,al Topography
of Bhooj, 1828, in Bombay Govt. Records, No.XIV, N.So,
Bombay - 1855, p.229.
 436

and has freQuently been invaded from that country.l

Its population consists of a considerable number of
Sammas and Sumras who have often migrated from Sindh. More-
over, it holds three Talzias (abodes) of Shah Abdul LatIf whose
Risalo, containing 5 ~ about Sassi, is read in religious
gatherings on each Thursday evening in the same mode and with
the same zeal as it is recited in Sindh which maintains only
two such takias of Shah Latif.

It was thus only natural that a story which had originated

from the lower parts of Sindh and Baolchistan, and had caught
the imagination of the people all around, should have also
spread to Kachh, on the south of the Indus Valley, almost in
the same way as it did towards the Panjab, on the north. The
hereditary bards of the Jareja Rajputs,2 to which branch the
Rao of Kachh belongs, would have handed it down, by means of
oral communication, from one generation to another of the
10 Grlerson, Sir G~A., Linguistic Survey of India, Vol.VIII,
PtoI, 1919, pg183.
Moreover, Dr. Burnes, writing in 1828, tells us that
"about the ninth century of the Chrj.stian era, a body of
supposed Moosulmans of the Summa tribe emigrated from
Sindh, and, under the guidance of five brothers, settled
in Cutch, of which by degrees they aCQuired the complete
sovereignty': (See Burnes, J-., b- Narrative of a Visit to the
Court of Sinde; and A Slcetch of the History of Cutch,
Edinburgh - 1831, p.147. See also Walter, C., Brief Sketch
of the History of Kutch, Bombay - 1827, p.92)~
2. They were descended from the Samma tribe ana:' are said to
have migrated from Sindh under the leadership of Jam
Lakha. (See Imperial Gazetteer of India, Cutch, Allahabad -
p.161; Temple, RoC., Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol.I,
No.9, June, 1884 .• p.106; Rushbrook-Williams, L.Re, The.
Black Hills - Kutch in History and Legend , London,195~.
 437
immigrants ~rom Sindh. RGgrettaoly, we have not so ~ar been
able to ~ind any published or unpublished, indigenous or
'literary I version,l prevalent in the land, in its original
~orm. ThG reason is fairly obvious.
In Kechh several languages have been in common use.•
It is a meeting-place ~or several ~orms of speech, Sindhi,
Marwari and at least three dialec.ts o~ Gujarati. The distri-
bution of languages follows caste rather than locality.
IfGujarati, the home-tongue of most Brahmans and Vaniyas and
o~ the Ahirs, Charans and other shepherd tribes, is the
language o~ literature, business and general correspondence.
Kachhi is the home~tongue of the Jadejas, Lohanas and
Bhatias, and o~ other Sindhi tribes in north 8utch. 'Though
generally understood, Kachhi is seldom written. II .Although a
dialect o~ Sindhi, Hit is by no means pure Sir..dhi. H Its
speakers live in close contact with speakers o~ GUjarati, and
hence it is largely mixed with that language 0 Moreover, it
has no written characters of its own. Gujarati, Nagari and

1. A perusal o~ the following Gujarati Books, bearing on

Kact>.hi lore and literature, has also not revealed anything
pertinenT.:
1. Gor, J .A., Kachhanl Jun1 Vartao, 1929.
2. Joshi, L.M., Kachhanl Lok-Katha, 2 Vols., 1929.
3. Kavill11, Kachhanl Ras-Surya,
4. Sampata, D.D., Kachhl Kavya-wanj,
5. Sampata, D.D., Kachhanl Lok-Varta, 1943.
These works are preserved in the India O~~ice Library,
London, (Nos. Guj. D.1562, B.4047, B.476l, B.32l8, B.3090
respectively)c All of them have been published ~rom
Ahmedabad (Gujarat)o
 438

Persian characters have been used to serve some timely needs. 1

Bhats, Charans and Dh5.dhIs are still the virtual custodians
of the popular lore or literary heritage, if any, which still
.
reQUlres a S en 2 or a mlemple 3 t 0 record. it in writing.

The only indigenous version that has come down to us, so far,
is the one "related to [:Mrs. Postans] by Bhats in the language
of Cutch H ,4 during her residence in that territory some time
in 1837 A.D. But an examination and comparison of it with
the Sindhi version (as recorded in Tuhfat al Kiram) has
revealed that it differs mostly in respect of some place-
names, such as 'Burhamanabad' and 'Burumpore' instead of
'Bhambarwah' and 'Bhambur f. The main fabric of the story,
which runs as follows, is almost the same:
!lIn the city of Burhamanabad resided a rich man,
whose wife, after remaining many years childless, brought
forth a daughter. The father's happiness was complete, but
on consulting the astrologers, they predicted that the child
I. Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. VIII, Pt.I,
op.cito, pp.lO-ll & 183-96; Vol.IX, Pto2, p.323. See also
Mrs. Postans, Cutch OI' Random Sketches., opocit., po275;
McMurdo, .An Account of the Province of Cu tch, op. cit. ,P .234,
Brief Notes Relative to the Kutch State, 1854 in the
Selections from the Records or the Bomba; Government,
Vol.XV - N.S. Bombay - 1855, p. • by Raikes, S.N ••
2. R.Bo Dro Dinesh Chandra Sen of the University or Calcutta,
compiler and editor of Eastern Bengal Ballads, 1919-2-3
and author of The ]'olk-l i tera ture of Bengal , 1920, etc.
3. Lt. Col. Sir R.C.Temple, Bart. CoI.E., author of The
Legends of the Panjab, Bombay - 1881-6; Editor of the
Indian Antiquary, Bombay; Roman Urdu Journal, L2~ore;
and Panjab Notes and Queries, etc.
4. Cutch or Random Sketches, opgcit., p.202.
 439
would marry a N1ahomedan~ To avoid so disgraceful a connection,
the father determined to destroy his daughter and for this
purpo se placed the child in a basket and threw it into the
river. By chance, the basket floated to the city of Burumpore,
and was picked up by a man in the employ of a Dhobie (washer-
man) of that place, who took it to his master. He, finding
the child alive, and being himself childless, immediately
adopted ito In time, Soosie, as they called the young damsel,
became so celebrated for her beauty, that wherever she went
abroad her footsteps were followed by all the people of the
city.
It happened that a caravan of merchants halted at
Burumpore, and some of them, having seen the girl, on their
return reported her beauty to Punoon, son of the governor of
Cutch. He became enamoured by their description, and dis-
guising himself as a merchant, travelled with the next
caravan for the purpose of satisfying himself as to the truth
of the reports respecting Soosie. The better to carry out
his design into execution, he entered the service of the
Dhobie, and was soon convinced that the real charms of the
maiden exceeded all description. In a short time, he
aCQuainted her with his passion, which she returned, and by
the consent of the Dhobie, they were married.
Villen this intelligence reached Punoon's father, he,
annoyed at such a connection, despatched two of his sons to
bring Punoon home. Arrived at Burumpore, the brothers took
 440
up theil" re sidence near the Dhobie I shouse; 8.lld, watching
:for an opportunity, they one night seized Punoon, ond,
placing him on a swift cOJIlel, returned home to the ir father.
The grief of 800sie, on hearing of the abduction o:f
her husband, knew no bounds. 8he determined to :follow him,
and took the road to Cutch. After travelling about forty cos
(cos is about two miles), overcome with thirst and fatigue,
she :fell exhausted to the ground; but as she :fell, her foot
struck a stone, 8.lld immediately there gushed forth a stream
of limpid water, with which she became re:freshed. This spring
still remains, nor was it ever known to fail, even in seasons
when all other springs, wells, and tanks have been dried up.
800sie, in remembrance o:f the goodness of God, planted, on
the edge o:f the spring, a sprig o:f that tree :from which henna
is produced; and the Shl'"'Ub is to be seen there at the present
day.
Proceeding on towards the hills, fatigue and thirst

again assailed her, and in addition to her grie:f, a shepherd,

Observing her desolate condition, and being struck with her
:fairy-like beauty, advanced :for the purpose o:f o:f:fering her
insult and violence. 800sie, however, by reiterated entreaties,
softened his nature, and induced him to desist from his
wicked design, until he should have provided her with means
wherewith to satis:fy her parching thirst. Whilst the shepherd
departed to procure her some milk, 800sie prayed to be
released :from her many calamities. Her supplications were
 441
heard, and the hill whereon she stood, opened. She fearlessly
entered the fissure; and the hill closed on her, leaving
nothing visible but the edge of her saree. ~fuen the shepherd
returned, he reproachea. himself bitterly as to the cause of
this calamity, and piled a few stones together as a memorial
of his grief.

Meanwhile, Punoon continued inconsolable at the

separation from his beloved wife; and his father seeing that
he was determined rather to die than live without her,
despatched him in charge of his brothers to seek Soosie. When
they arrived on the hills and were informed by the shepherd,
who still lingered on the spot, of her miraculous disappear-
ance, they were overwhelmed with astonishment and grief.
Punoon, however, under the pretence of offering up
his devotion at the temporary monument erected over his wife
by the shepherd, fervently prayed that God, even in death,
would join him to his beloved Soosie. His petition was heard,
the hill-side again opened; 2lld where the last flutterings
of her saree had been seen, the beauti1'ul Soosie was rejoined
wi th her Punoon. III
A perusal of the so-called English translation of
Qani's version (as contained in his Tuhfat al-Kirnm)
published by EnSign Postans in 1838,2 has revealed that it
embodies, in places, word for word reproduction of the above
version. This 1001cs very str9..nge, particularly when the
1. Mrs. Postans, Cutch or Random Sketches, op.cit., pp.199-
202.
2. J.A.S.Bo, Calcutta, Vol.VII, No.74, Feb. 1838, pp .. 99-100.
 442
husband Quotes Tuhfat al-Kiram as the basis of his translation,
while the wife claims a local bard as the source of her ver-
sion~ Since both published their respective compositions in
the same year (i.e. 1838), it is difficult to ascertain the
truth. But Ensign Postans' 'translation' is neither an exact
nor a literal rendering of QanI's Persian text; he seems
instead to have borrowed freely from the story as recorded by
o WJ.of e. 1
h J.S

50
Another version of the story has recently been published in
Kachh Kaladhar by Dule Rai KaranI, a folklorist of Kachh-
Kathiawar. The compiler has not stated the source of his
version, but he appears to have collected its main threads
either from the lips of the people or from the local bards;
and has elaborated it in detail in his own words. In order
- - - - -.. -- .~-- .- - - -
10 For instance, the first senteYhce of Mr Postans' I transla-
0

tion' reads; I1In the city of Bhallpurweh, resided a rich

man, whose wife after remaining for many years childless,
brought forth a daughter .. 1i (p.99). This, as is evident,
differs from that of Mrs. Postans I only in the name of the
town which is given there as 'Burhamanabad'. On the other
hand, the actual wording of the same portion of QanI's
text, in exact English rendering, is as follows: HDuring
the reign of Dalu Rai in Sindh, a Brahman, named Tanya and
his wife, Mandhar, were living at Bhanbarwah. They held a
good position in society but being issueless, they longed
for a child. After a long time they were blessed with a
daugh t er • Ii
Many more instances can be added. But this is enough
to prove that lVlr. Postans, instead of translating QanI' s
Persian text, incorporated most of Mrs. Postans l version,
sometimes verbatim and sometimes with some retouching here
and there (e.g. the following on p.lOO - lIProceeding on-
wards towards the hill s, she was again distressed with
fatigue and thirst. I! Compare it with Mrs. Postans I
"Proceeding on towards the hills, fatigue and thirst again
assailed her. II (p 0201) •
 443
to embellish his narrative and heighten the effect of the
tragedy, he has used some Quotations from the Risalo of Shah
LatIf. This in itself is a clear indication of the Sindhi
influence on the content and trend of the story, as a wholeo
A summary of this version, written in Gujarati prose, is
given below!
Kech-Makran (the present-day Balochistan) once fell
victim to a terrible famine, which caused much distress among
the people. The ruler, Arl Jam, sent a huge caravan to Sindh
to procure food. It was accompanied by Balbal, his minister
and six sons including Punnun, the youngest.
One morning, a washerman and his issueless wife were
washing clothes on the bank of the Indus, when suddenly they
saw a box floating towards them. The washerman jumped into
the stream and brought it ashore 0 On opening it, they were
pleased to find in it a lovely girl. They took her to their
City, called Bhambore, situated somewhere between the present-
day Jampir and Jungsain, under the sway of Dalu Rai. Th~ girl,
in view of her unmatched beauty, was named Sassi. By the time
she had reached maturity, she had developed into a very wise
and charming damsel. The ruler granted her the right to
collect riverside customs on imports. Sassi soon began to
accomplish this work very efficiently.
The Makrani caravan reached the customs-post and
Balbal, accompanied by Prince Punnun, was produced before
Sassi for the payment of customs duties. Sassi and Punnun
 444
fell in love with each other at first sight. The caravan
finished its "business and was ready to return to Kech, "but
Punnun refused to go "back without Sassi. At last, after
leaving Bal"bal there to care for him, the caravan went on its
way_ On Punnun's insistence, Bal"bal approached Sassi's father
and asked for her hand. He said, 111 am a washerman, hence I
shall have to marry my daughter to a person of the same caste
or profession. 1I At this the minister, finding himself help-
less, left Punnun there and went "back to Kech. In order to "be
worthy of Sassi, Punnun agreed to "become a washerman. Sassi
was thus married to him and they "began to pass their days
joyfully~

When the ruler of Kech-Makran came to know that his

son, a prince, had married a washermaid, a woman of low caste,
he was very much grieved and pertur"bed. In view of his fury
and grief, Punnun's "brothers left for Bham"bhore to fetch him
"back.
On their arrival, they were received cordially "by the
happy lovers; and great rejoicings and feastings were held
in their honour. One night, they made Punnun drink heavily
and kidnapped him in a state of complete unconsciousness.
When Sassi, herself ine"briated, arose from her slum"ber to
find her hus"band gone, she wept "bitterly and repented
vehemently. Life without Punnun was death to her. Hence, she
left her place, there and then~ in his pursuit; while telling
her advisers and sympathisers:
 445
0, Sisters; I have now nothtng left in Bharnbhore
A tattered scarf on my shoulders .•••
And uncom-bed hajr on my head •• 0 •

The master of Kcch has lei""'t me ruined and forlorn!

She wandered all around, passed through scorching deserts
and lonely hills, but could find no trace of him. She fell at
last, completely exhausted; and could not get up again. The
drifting sand of the desert covered her dead body, leaving
just a corner of her scarf visible.
When Punnun regained consciousness, he was all repen-
tance and fury. He managed to evade the custody of his brothers
and rushed back towards Bharnbhore. While passing, he suddenly
noticed the barely visible fringe of Sassi's scarf. He under-
stood the entire situation and could not stand the sight.
Collapsing at the spot, he died there and then. The storm also
buried his remains under a thick covering of sand.
On the route overland from Sindh to Makran, the graves
of Sassi and PUnnun can still be seen. Wayfarers pause for a
while and proceed further only after paying their regards to
those immortal lovers. l
6.
The above versions differ from each other in certain respects.
The first intl'oduces the hero at Bharnbhore on Qanl's pattern.
After having become bewitched by Sassi's beauty from the
merchants' description of it, Punnun comes intentionally,
disguised as a merchant, to see her with his own eyes and to
gain her hand by any mea.'lS po ssible.
I. See for the full original version, Karani, DaR., Kachh
Kaladhar, Vol.I, 1950, pp.280ff.
 446
The second appears to follow Lalwanits pattern in
bringing him to the scene on account of a famine in his land
which necessitates his visit to the heroinets country to
procure provisions. He meets her there, by chance, and falls
in love at first sight. The latter version also differs in
its omission of any mention of the a.strologer t s prediction
of Sassi's destiny. Neither does it mention her encounter
with the shepherd and her prayers for protection from his
evil designso The tragic end of the hero and heroine and the
covering of their bodies by the drifting sand, give this
version a finale which marks a departure not only from the
former but also from many others which have shown them to
have been engulfed by the miraculous opening and closing of
the earth or the hill.

The pattern set by Shah LatIf has also been followed in Kachh.
Ghaus Muham..rnad Shah of Lakhpat has devoted a full section to
Sur Saswi in his own Risalo. A manuscript copy of this work
is preserved in the private collection of N.BoBaloch at
Haidarabad (Sindh) ~l

As GUjaratI has long been a lilanguage of literature, business

and general correspondence\! in Kachh, the possibility of the
existence of one or more versions of the romance in that
language too is not ruled outo But I have not so far been
1. As he told me personally here in London on 13.9.1963.
 447

able to find such a composition in GUjaratI or any of its

dialects Q

Mr. Shree Parikh, my in1'ormant from GujratI-speaking

region has, however, informed me that ~"a version of the
romance of Sussie-Punnu was published in a GUjratI magazine,
named Ramohadie, a few years ago. iiI

1. Vide his letter, London - dt.18.7.1963.

 448
-5-
P 4NJABI VEE.SION

As already stated, people of the Panjab have also

asserted their claim to the romance of Sassi. The Panjab, in
fact, forms a very signific.ant part of its domain. HOf the
many love-stories current in the Panjab1!, says RoK~, "that of
Sashi Punnu appears to be very popular 91 1 Sassi has virtually
0

been and is still a celebrated heroine of the folk-lore as

well as of the mystic and romantic poetry of the Pan jab is.
Her tragic tale is sung, related and revered with passion and
pathos throughout their vast and varied land. Panjabls possess
I think, on the basis of the present en~uiry, the largest, most
varied and illustrious roll of writers of the romance of Sassi.
This is due partly to their composite culture, national
character, and heroic attitude towards life and loveo They have
an old tradition of treasuring and cherishing the memor:i.es not
only of the heroes of the battlefield but also of the realm of
love. Moreover, their homeland is contiguous with those of the
hero and the heroine of this romance. The Panjab and Sindh
have often been associated in history, and actually formed a
single kingdom in the seventh century A.D. 2 VVhen Akbar, in
1592, annexed Sindh to the Mughal Empire and the entire
territory became a part of the province of MUltan,3 this

1. Riipam, Calcutta, No.30, April - 1927, p.70.

2. Mirza, K.F., The Chachnamah, an Ancient History of Sind,
Karachi - 1900, p.viii.
30 See Ross, D., The Land of the Five Rivers and Sindh,
London - 1883, p.25.
 449

relationship grew stronger stillo

It brought about; aInor.Lg other things, a cul tural inter-
change in tales and romanceso The Pa~jabl romances of HIr-
Ranjha and Sohnl-Mehinwal
•
were duly adopted by the people of
l
Sindh. In a similar way, hut on a higher scale, the Panjabj_s
acclimatized the Sindhl romance of Sassi and Punnun, so much
so that it became, in the course of time, an integral part of
the language, literature and culture of the Panjab.
2.
1!Panjab 1l in this sense means not only the present Panjab State
of the Indian Republic or a prominent region of West Pakistan,
but includes both and something more. The Panjab, the essent-
ially Aryan land, is the well-known granary and historical
Land of the Five Rivers in the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent.
It is the uname given primarily to the triangle of country of
which the Indus and the Sutlej to their confluence form the
two sides,the base being the lower Himalayan hills between
those two rivers!!. Its boundaries have been constantly changing.
Until the beginning of the present century, Hit included the
whole area stretching from the Jamna in the east to the
Sulaimans in the west and the Himalayan region lying on either
side of the state of Jamnu and Kashmir". From its territories
the North Western Frontier Province was created to the we-st
of India in 1901 and the Delhi enclave in the south-east in
1912.
10 See GidvanI, Shah Abdul LatIf, London - 1922, p.24;
Kincaid, C .A., Tales of Old Sindh, Madras - 1922, pp 01-2.
 450
The remaining territory of the former British province
was divided in 1947 into two parts} the Bast Panjab and the
West Panjab, occupied by India and Pakistan respectivelyo Later
both India and Pakistan changed the names of their provinces
to Panjab. Still later Pakistani Panjab emerged in West Pakistan
in 1955 and the Indian Panjab remained thus the only political
entity bearing this name~

The geographical area of the Panjab, in addition to

the British province in its final form, comprised many princely
states. The largest of these was the aforesaid Bahawalpur which
later acceded to Pakistan. The remainder joined India and were
grouped into Pepsu and Himachal Pardesh. Pepsu was later merged
into the Panjab. The total area of the joint Panjab (including
states) was about 137,636 sCluare miles, and its population,
according to the Census of 1951, amounted to 39,000,000. By
religion they were about 40~o Muslims, 40~~ Hindus and 20% Sikhs. l

All of them have rejoiced in a rich heritage and an adventurous

history. Panjab has been a cradle of Aryan culture whose
harbingers made their home partly in the west and partly to
the east of the Indus. Here they composed and sung the RigvAdic
hymns; Panini v~ote his Grrunmar and Krishna uttered his Glta.
It was here again that Gunadhya compiled his Vadd Kaha (a great
compendium of Indian tales); HujvlrI wrote his Kashf al-IlIahjiib

10 See Ross, D., The Land of the Five Rivers and Sindh, London
- 1883; Rose, RoA., A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of
the Panjab and North West Frontier, 3 Vol s., Lahore - 1911-
19; Census Reports of India and PakistaQ for the year 1951;
Jhe Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol.18, London - 1962,
ppo772-3.
 451
(the oldest Persian treatise on Siifiism); and Gur'li Arjan
Sahib
compiled Guru Gran.-th/"[aunique anthology of Indian verse).
It preserves th\3 site at Kurukshetra of the carnage of
Mahabhara t and at 'I'axila the famous uni ver si ty of the Buddhists.
It witnessed and bore the brunt of the inroads of Persians,
Greeks, Scythians, Huns~ Kushans, Arabs, Ghazanavides, Afghans,
Mughals, etco It was last ruled over by the Sikhs, who were
succeeded by the British,who reigned until the complete inde-
pendence, in 1947, of the entire sub-continent. All these varied
peoples contributed much, all in their own way, to make the
life, language, literature and culture of the Panjab, as has
been and as we find it today.
4.
PanjabI, the common language of this land, besides being used
in the area described above, is widely spoken in the northern
corner of the former state of Bikaner and in the southern half
of the state of Jammu. The mass population migration which
followed the partition of the Panjab in 1947 has enabled it to
extend its influenc,e to some other regions of the northern zone
of India.
"With rivers, forests and deserts interveningH and wi"'3h
a variety of sects, tribes, races and religions flourishing,
it was only natural that five main dialects of the language
should have arisen representing, in the main, the five more or
less closed regions of these early days: Pu~hoharl-upper half'
of the region between the Indus and the Jhelum; MultanI (LehndI)
- lower half of the Indus Valley; LahaurI (MajhI) - between the
 452
Jhelum and the Sutlej; Sirhindl (Thanesrl) - beyond the Sutlej;
Paha:rl (Kohl) - at the base of the Himalayas~ In the realm of
literature, all of them have coalesced and developed a standard
literary form which is called Ma;ihl, the dialect of the Majha
tract or the Midland lying in the Barl Doab, centring around
Lahore and Amritsar. It is considered to be the central and
purest form of Panjabi and has, hence, been universally adopted
throughout its vast domain, as the standard medium of Panjabi
literature,l written best and mostly in the Gurmukhi scripto 2

Panjabi has an old and rich literary tradition behind it. "As
Panjabi language", says Mohan Singh, "naturally stemmed from
Sanskrit and got crossed by Arabic - Persian and Marwarl, the
neighbouring vernaculars (apabhranshas), similarly Panjaoi
literature was the natural successor to Vedic and Arabic -
Persian literature and Apabhransha literature which contained
plays, stories and narrative poems. 1I3 It has come down to us
in a recognisable form with a large number of folk-songs and
ballads, and with the verses of Nath-Jogls like Gorakh Nath
(c 0 940-1030) and Muslim SufIs like Sheikh Farld (1175-1265) 0

1. See Grierson, Sir GoA., Lin,.guistic Survey of India, Vol. VIII,

Pt.I, Calcutta - 1919, pp.233-43; Vol~IX, Pt.i, Calcutta -
1916, pp.608,614-15, 619; Arun, V.B., Panjabl Bhasha da
Ithas, Ludhiana - 1956, pp .45-7; Bedl, K. S., '111n Hindostanl
Zabanell , Delhi; Nagendra, Indian Literature, Agra - 1959,
p.535.
2. The Gurmul{h! alphabet enables the Panjabis to write their
language as they speak it The P81ll.jabi-speaking people of
Q

Pakistan, however, write it in the Persian script. See

Singh, G.B., Gurmukhi Lippi da Janam-te Vikas, Simla - 1949.
3. See Indian Literature, op.cit., po537.
 453
Guru Nanak (1469-1539), the founder of Sikhism, ushered
in a new era of the development of both the language and
literature of the P~njab. One of his successors, Guru Arjan
(1563-1606), not only produced much himself, but also compiled
in 1604 the huge anthology of religious verse known as Guru
Granth Sahib. His learned disciple, Bhai Gurdas (1551-1630),
contributed excellent odes; an eminent SufI, Shah Husain (1538-
1599), composed sonorous Kafls; and the martyr Bhai Mani Singh
compiled the Dasam Granth, containing some Panjabi writings
too, from the pen of Guru Gobind Singh (1666-1708).
The romantic literature also went hand-in-hand with
this religious lore. The religio-romantic legends cf Hindu
origin (such as those of Raja Rasalu, PUran Bhagat and BhartharI
Hari), and the romantic tales of Muslim origin (such as those
of rusuf-Zulaikha, Laila-Majnun and Shlrln Farhad), began to
be versified. The romantic adventures of the indigenous heroes
and heroines (like those of Hlr-Ranjah, SassI-Punnun and Mirza-
Sahiban) also caught the imagination of the popular poets.
Damodar GulhatI (16th cy.) and Hafiz Bar~urdar (around 1679)
set the treLd in motion by composing their gissas (i.e. long
lyrical ballads) which soon resulted in the growth of full-
fledged cycles. These produced, among numerous others, the most
popular versions of the romances of Hlr-Ranjha by vV8.ris Shah
(c.1722-85), and of Sassl-Punnuil by Hashim Shah (1735-1843).
They were beautifully sung, even in the Kafls of great sufIs
like Buleh Shah (1680-1757) and Ghulam Farld (1845-1901), who
turned to them as a medium for explaining their ovvn mystic
experiences.
 454
Contact with Western literature, the introduction of
the press, the popularity of the symposium, the socio-political
movements, and various other influences of the last hundred
years, marked the advent of the modern period of Panjabi
literature infused with fresh ideas, new forms and varied modes
of expressiono At the same time, it gave a fillip to the narrat-
ive poetry of the common folk. Thus the old tradition of the
short and sonorous mystic-lyric poem and the all-inclusive
romantic narrative went hand-in-hand with the new trends. While
Vir Singh (1872-1957) was to continue with the former in old
and new forms, Ahmad Yar (1768-1845), Qadir Yar (1802-1850),
Fazal Shah (1828-90), Kali Das (1865-1944), Kishan Singh Arif)
Maula Bakhsh Kushta (1876-1955) and Widhata Singh Tir (bo1900),
wrote copiously, versifying these popular legends and romances
(particularly of Hir, Sassi, So~ni and Puran) time and again,
in order to satisfy their own urge and the thirst of the masses.
60
However, the masses were already familiar with these romances
in the form of folk-songs and popular ballads.
Lik6 other romantic tales of the Panjab, the romance of
Sassi also appears to have been sung there first in its spon-
taneous songs. We do not know by whom, when or where they were
composed or sung first; neither are we sure about the form in
which they were first poured out by some love-lorn hearts.
But they are prevalent in all parts of the Panjab l and have
been sung for generations in huts and homes, and in assemblies
of men and women. uIn Trinjans of the Panjab", says Puran Singh
 455
(1881-1931), the Walt Whitman of that land, "still pass the
camels of Punun laden with the treasure of Sassi's heart, and
behind them comes Sasi, Princess of the Panjab, bewailing
herself •• 0 T'ne maidens of the spinning-wheel sing the tragedy
in a choric song, and bury Sasi in the dust of songs. From that
dust maidenhood blooms up anew, and Sasi's sisters wish again
to love. No death can kill Sasi, nor camels take away Punun
from the Panjab, for we daily see them pass in visions of love;
the camels pass before the half-closed eyes of love-lorn
dreamy girlsl!.l In such a land of 'love-lorn dreamy girls T,
there can be no dearth of folk-songs based on such a romantic
. 2
tragedy; they still exist in pJ.enty.
They are short~ simple and sonorous, readily remembered
for recital when desired. They narrate neither the first part
of the tale nor des~ribe the details of the story as we find it
related in the popular qissas. Almost all of them relate in
pathetic tones and with passionate simplicity the heedless sleep
of Sassi, the treacherous abduction of Punnun and the piercing
laments of the tender soul wandering in search of him. And
these in fact are the scenes and situations which have impressed
them most and have inspired their songs that grow out of one
into another. By stringing together these scattered beads,

1. Puran Singh, The Sisters of the Spinning Wheel, London -

1921, pp.11-12.
20 Some of them have recently found their way into the anthol-
ogies of Panjabi folk-songs. See Das, R.S., Panjab de Geet,l'15
Lahore; Randhawa, M. S., Panjab de Lok-geet, Delhi - 1955;
Daler, A. So, Panjabi Lok-geet, Jullundur - 1956; .Arnri ta
Pritam, Maull-te Mehndl, Delhi - 1955.
 456

obtained in fragments from the eastel"n and central Panjab, we

can form the following narrative, "bearing a colour, an
atmosphere, of its own.

7.
The love-lorn Sassi put her beautiful arms around the neck of
her dream-beloved and fell into a sweet and sound sleep~

lISassi and Punnun slept together with their faces covered

with scarves, 0 my lover of equal years!
When Sassi turned back on her side, Punnun was not beside
her, 0 my lover of equal yearsl 11
How could the unfortunate girl know that her brothers-in-law
had come not to bless but to destroy their married life! Sassi
was fast asleep but the Fate was awakening and warning her:
"Sassi! merchants have encamped in your garden,
o cruel Punnun, pray do not prepare to go.
Sassi! there are a pair of doves in your garden,
Wretched sleep has brought about this separationo
Sassi~ there is a plant of chillies in your garden,
There goes, there the breaker of pledges •••• "
And when Destiny saw her love and life completely ruined, it
tried to arouse her from her slumbers again and cried:
lIO~ heedless Sassi~
Your Bhambhore stands robbed and ruined! 11
Sassi turned on her side, opened her eyes, looked around and
found herself entirely ruined:
HThe day dawned and ushered in separation.
O! I could not even talk to him!
I went on to the roof ruLd looked around;
0, I crumot see my Punnun's c,amel;
Nor can I see my handsome lord~iI
In utter runazement and repentance, she cried at her folly and
their treachery:
"0, by the shoes of his feet! I but closed my eyes;
Wnen I opened them, I found myself utterly deserted! II
 457
Her calm broke down fu'1d she began lamenting her loss. She was
chafing her hands, rend~ng her hair ffiid weeping copious tears:
110, I stand completely deceived and entangled;
Why did I talk to Baloches and trust their word?lI
Finding herself ruined and helpless, she approached and awoke
her mother, and told her of the irreparable loss of her heart's
del ight:
"Awake, mother, awake~
See the lot of thy daughter!
My bed is empty, the sheets are unslept in!
o cruel Punnun! my bosom-friend!
You shouldn t t have left me thus asleep •••• II
The mother consoled her and advised her to forget him and
divert her attention to the work of the home:
"Get up daughter! Be cheerful J
Turn to the spinning wheel,
I shall get you 2 or 4 like Punnun il •
But nothing could console Sassi, who retorted passionately:
"I shall burn your cotton-rolls and break your spinning-
wheel,
I c.annot find even one like him anywhere! II
So she left home in search of him, the beloved one 0 At. first
she repented and hesitated awhile, but then proceeded with
a firmer determination:
UHad I been awake, I would have prevented him from going!
But now I shall follow him to the end, come what may."
She made her way to the Marii desert, knowing neither the route
nor the destination; but knowing full well that she could not
survive or return without finding him again;
III am bound for Kech in search of him,
I shall find him or shall die in the desert
And hide myself from the world."
Determined in her pursuit, Sassi carried on her search.
 458

Finding neither help nor guidance, she now addressed and

entreated God:
,\\. Q..2.. (\.
01 '1.1 c-,:::;t\
Q ()
L.\ ~
\
t-\ d \
('
~\ \ ~ <t\ ",f1' \ ~.5D ~
n l.,
S 'd \ \
-= .,
r
-"';.-1 .J

~_\=\ ~ -~~\\ R~ ~\,¥i' .~~ ~)~ ~':i ~\ ~ ~~Yq\

\:::!,v ;:::>C\ J':; "'. ~ vI"'. V\ \/ ,"'- .c,\'\
'<..;'"
,-'
~I
, .
::J::;'\
J v
)-~ CCI 3--::.
j

- _~ I
\..i
j
--r ..-
J S
·-r·~ \
<;:''')~.
--..
'--
-::t~- ,
Cl (... ")

~~i '. ~ -~M 3 1

&\~)9) ~y- '=s~~~D~ cl\R ~~" {
II I am Punnun I sand Punnun ism ine , .- -.,!., •

But a terrible parting faces us.

Tell me God, where my light, my sweet has gone?
The desert is hot, I am hot and hot too are the balls of
eyes.
Tell me Lord! once at least, when will I meet my Punnun
again?!!
But God was silent, unmindful, unhelpful. So she turned to the
desert itself to learn his route:
IIrfell me, 0, desert! if you saw anywhere the black she-
camel of my Punnun?
Blessed indeed will be the place, where I shall meet my
beloved Punnun."
She then began to curse the camel who took her Lord away:
"0 die, you camel, die.
You carri0d off my beloved;
The pitiless did not show any pity;
They delivered him to the Baloches;
Who bound him with strings.
Odie, you camel, die. If
But this also could neither help nor lessen her misery.
Instead she was rebuffed by Fate, who taunted her, saying:
"Overcome by love you fell asleep,
And sank into heedless slumber;
Now why this crying over a lost cause~
V1Jhy this plaint and this grumbling?H
So, finding herself quite helpless, she begfu~ appealing to her
own lord in most heart-rending terms:
 459

110, Lord of the She-camel! turn bacl{ its bridle

l\.nd take me along with you.
Bells are ringing round the neck of your she-camel,
I am going to pray to the Pir.
Your she-camel has a beautiful gait
Take me along with you, °
lord of the She-camel!
Your she-camel is crossing the desert
I give pledge of an offering to the Pir.
Pray come and see my state
l\.nd take me along with you, °
Lord of the She-camel!
I kiss the feet of your she-camel,
l\.nd pray for your health and safety,
o do not let me wither this way,
Pray come and take me along with you, 0 Lord of the She-
camel 0

But he was not there or nearby to listen to her appeals and

lamentations. None but only the burning sand could come to
her res.cue and at long last she delivered her tender blistered
body to its care, crying tlPunnun, Punnun, Punnun".
This account of her devotion and sacrifice became
proverbial and began to be sung in hearts and homes. A Panjabi
damsel relating it to her Punnun-like husband concluded her
pathet~c song as follows:
"Sassi was writhing in the desert, repeating the name of
Punnun, 0 my loverman!
Punnun was carried away by the people, how can one trust
~e people, 0 my loverman~

8.
Thus the romance of Sassi came to be an integral part of
Panjabi folk-lore and insc.ribed itself in the hearts of all
Panjabis. Its hero and heroine, because of their beauty, love
and sacrifice, developed into the beloved characters of the
Panjabi-speaking people. Their maidens began to be known as
fSassis' and their youths to be called 'Punnuns ' • They also
 460

began to celebrate their ovm loves by recollecting the loves

of Sassi a.nd Punnun; so much so that Panjabi damsels bound
for the fair of Jaito began to look like 'Sassis' and'Sohnls'o
•
A young wife parted from her beloved husband ascribed the
lethargy of her body and the sluggishness of her spinning-
wheel to her separation from her Punnun-like spouse:
tiThe axle is shaking, the band is curling up;
All friends have filled up their baskets,
But I am unable to spin.
How can I work the spinning-wheel, while my mind goes back
to 'Punnun '?1I
She began to send him messages like these:
"Come back 'Punnun I , come back soon, come back to your
home and hearth;
Pray meet and let me pine no more, toss no more,
I shall thank Him a million times on your c.oming back to me. 11
Punnun and 'Balocha' have become synonymous in Panjab
for a beloved young husband. Panjabi wives know the misery
which befell Sassi on account of her separation from her
sweetheart. Hence they keep entreating their husbands, when
bound abroad on some service or business, to take them too~

"If you are going out for a job, 0, my Baloch!

Take me al so along, 0, good kind friend; II
A complete f0lk-song has also been found in which a wife is
shovm asking her beloved husband, in the name of Sassi and with
reference to her miseries, to take her along with him. It
begins thus:
"W'nere have you gone, 0 merchant, my Merchant-lord?
You have left with Hots, 0 my beloved Punnun!
Sassi remained lamenting in the desert, 0 lord~
Take me also along, 0 my beloved Punnun! n
 481

In addition to such short and miscellaneous songs, touching

mostly the tragic part of the story, some popular ballads
relating the entire tale have also been procured from the Bars
of the western Panjabo l
It is heartening to note that the folk-songs and folk-
dances of these Bars are much more resonant with the adventures,
sufferings and lamentations of Sassi. They are sung and danced
in various forms and varying patterns, such as in Dohras,
Jhummars and Dholaso One Dohra in an English rendering reads
as follows:
"Mother advises Sassi, 'Daughter! what lies in the friendship
of Baloches
Who come one night and leave before the dawn?
You are looking from the height of Tur
He is going with his string of camels.
You will wander and die in the desert
.And will weep throughout your life;"
A Jhummar song proceeds with verses like the following:
"I long to meet my Khan Punnun, I crave to se·e my Khan Punnun.
I cry like skylark in the desert, I am shedding plenteous
tears,
He mayor may not see or know
But may enjoy the best of youth!
0, may enjoy the best of youth!"
A Dhola song sung to the accompaniment of a folk-danc.e begins
wi th the following refrain: ~d~)d-6 ~~ 0 ~o ~ <n~1 I
)~~\}I~1 ~\G d~o ~ ~F ~~ ~\c~ ~~r.;~ ~\
-~\ ~'-, ):?A"ct.. ~ ~ ~;-~l i1 'V=i\~~ ~ (/-.,' ~\q{\ '(5\31' ~-d ~\~~9
~ '
""""
c , '"
") \!
'-\"6 B
'(..!......,-
~-, \ ~.;;c ;01Z,\
,"
~
/
c\.. \ 17")
<- '~
'-r:-\ --g~ '\ ~ \
J

1. See Harjlt Singh, Nain Jhanan, 2nd ed., Amritsar - 1949,

Sher, S.So, Bar de Dhole, J'ullundur - 1954; Shamsher, K.S.,
lUll te Ravl, Ludhiana - 1961.
 462
That is
111 shall talk on Doomsday,
I shall talk on the Doomsday with the BalochesJ
I made my friendship with Punan,
He left stealthily during the night
I wander bare-foot in the desert.
0, with the Ba10ches, I shall talk
I shall taUc on the Doomsday. 11
In point of truth, such complete and comprehensive references
to, and descriptions o~ the romance have not so far been found
in the folklore of any other tract or region of the Panjab.
They are usually called dholas.
Apart from them, some complete ballads are also sung
in various parts of the Bars. They usually begin with a des-
cription of Adam J-fun and his Bhambhore =
\ ~
'-i / ~cP), u l:.
'-'

-> '-./:' ..Ji\,.Y""

i \
.) ~ I t..-) ~)~~. ':./)
\ ,..J (

I I. \, , / R/:'t
." >1-;-' ~!-..,.Jy -:1~(LI
\~~I~ I) r.)t
Singing then in charming phrases and homely metaphors, the
unique beauty of Sassi, and relating her adventures in love
with Punnun, they end with the narration of their tragedy.

One of them ~o~clu~e~~thus~ b h ~ '- "~ '-' \

~\G' dip (~: 0y---:/r" u..IP (;2 )rSJy'<..SV;:p.n' {()~J~j ~r:..,
~- ~0 \., I"'" .
~~ JlI »)\~ '-IY-d j:J J,~ .l-~~ / ~ 'i ~ I ~'7 jLJ
" '7 \ ., t --

•• l- \ I .Llo J
J I \.......... I \ / ' t, ,. 7 • I •
...:} \
/ .::iJ~ ~"'~ - -,? L :-.) rJ~"> '-J b -:.' .-\y.~ ~ -: 6r~J., 0 ID
They sometimes bear the names of their respective bards or
composers in the concluding verses. But in spite of their
being the compositions of some one or two bards or
popular versifiers (like Attu, Lakhana, Raja, etc.), they
•
actually look like lengthy folk-songs. This is because they
are composed in the language of the masses and are adopted as
such by them on a mass scale.
 463
10.
One such ballad~ composed by a bard, Faqlr Raj Muhammad, is
very popular in the Bars o It narrates the romance in a telling
way. Its scene has been laid in a Panjabi setting and Sassi's
father has been shown as a king of the Panjab. The ballad is
fairly long and an outline of its story is given below in an
abbreviated form: l
In the city of Bharnbhore, s.i tuated on the banks of
Lamme di Vah~I, Adam Jam, the king of Panjab, decides on the
advice of astrologers, to set afloat his daughter, yet to be

born. /b . ./ ~ rJ

IS-~ e)"Jf7 UJJ C-i.,rrJ '-K,'" '/ '-Aft I

f'1\ ~ (~
.> '7..) Ulp;~/ P } 0~ ~-:0-: J:J u t:=-
(( \
U L----'~L ~ ~
u c5A2': l' ~ 'I ( ~/(
,. • ... - • -.).> I.-c-J ~ ~-P7 Lh
Ll; () J
Atta, the washerman, notices the box containing Sassi and
brings it ashore. He adopts her as his own daughter and builds
for her a palace and a garden. When Sassi comes of age and
beauty, and love surrounds her, the Fate al so begins to take a
hand. She sees Punnun, the prince of 'Kecham!, in a dream and
also hears much about his personal charms. One day, some Baloch
merchants happen to encamp in her LakhI Ea@ and lay waste
the garden. Sassi orders their arrest. In order to procure
their release, they claim to be brothers of Punnun. Sassi
despatches Babban to fetch Punnun, who is received cordially
on his arrival at Bhambhoreo The lovers meet, and exchange

1. For its complete version, see Bar de Dhole, op.cit.,

pp.186-98.
 464
their feelings: Sassi relating her descent says:
lIGod has sent me Punnun, the sight of whose picture in a
dream was a pilgrimage for me.
r am a princess by birth, but have been brought up in the
house of menials.
r was the mistress of many estates.
Your love has pierced deep into me like executioners with
the knife of Fate.
Never leave me alone, and crying, 0 camelman~
r pray thee in the name of duty to protect those who seize
thy garment 0"
The last two lines are superb but untranslatable, and hence

Sassi plans to keep Punnun there who, on her advice, poses as

a washerman of the Sippal caste and washes c,lothes. Meanwhile,
his brothers come from Kech and treacherously carry him away
while Sassi is asleep. When she awakes and finds him gone,
she weeps bitterly. Finding no other way out, she leaves her
home in search of him.
Punnun, on regaining consciousness, repents and weeps
freely. On his way back to Bhambhore, he is stunned to learn
about her tragic disappearanc.e beneath the earth. He gives
himself up, there and then; and is encased in Sassi's grave
on the re-opening of the ground in response to his cries and
invo ca t ions.
The brief dialogue between the lover and the herdsman
as well as the ending of the tale have al so been compo sed
beautifully in a homely and delightful style.
Such songs and ballads, being sung uplillltil.I today with
 465

the accompaniment of the menfolk's dhols l (drums) in their

Jhummars and Bhanghras2 2.S well as with the womenfolk's
l
dholkis (small drums) in their Tr'in;ians and Gidhas,2 have been
current in the Panjab for centuries and handed down to us for
generations. They seem to preserve the oldest form of the tale
of Sassi as it migrated to the Panjab from Sindh and/or
Balochistan by word-of-mouth.
11.

With the advent of literary writing, it also began to find its

way in the form of allegorical or metaphorical references, and
narrative or descriptive poems.
The earliest available reference goes back to the 16th
century in the above-mentioned vars (odes) of Bhai Gurdas
(1551-1630). As already hinted, while illustrating his theme
of the mutual and spiritual love of a disciple with his
preceptor, he has referred to the temporal but true and ideal
love of Sassi Punnun along with other popular heroes and
heroines of the land. The relevant verse, referring to this
romance,
~~~
That is,
"Sassi and PUnn1..Ul loved each other in spite of belonging to
different castes.if
Another such metaphorical reference has been found

I. Names of indigenous musical instruments like the drums.

2e Nrunes of some famous Panjabi folk-dances.
3. Gurdas, Bhai, Varan, Var, No.27, St.l.
 486

in the Majhfu\ of Baba Kahna, another contemporary of Guru

Arjan Dev~

That is,
IIBurning with Punnun's love, says Kahna, I cry aloud
in the desert." 1
Dillfiodar, the originator of the Hir cycle, has also
referred to it thus while describing the miserable state of
Hir on her separation from her beloved Ranjha: 2

1. Kahna, Baba, Majhan in Mohan Singh I s Panjabi Sahi taya di

Ithas-Rekha, Chandigarh - 1958.
2. Bedi, G.So, Hir D0ffiodar, 2nd ed o , Amritsar - 1949, p.131.
 466a
'rhat is,
"She was longing and craving every day
For her reunion with the Lord of Kech. Ii
A beautiful short poem, complete in itself, has also
been noticed under the name of Dadu, who was born in 1544 at
Jaipur (Rajasthan). It describes Sassi's determination to
proceed with the search for her beloved at all costs. It

The remaining verses are also given below:

The story in its complete literary form seems to have been
versified first by Hafiz BaryJlurdar around 1679. Hafiz might
have been preceded by one or more poetsl in this field, but
we have no reliable reference to pass this credit to anyone
else.
Fazal Haq, in 1930, claimed this position 2 for Munshi
Sundar Das Aram; but Aram, as will be shown presently,
flourished during the eighteenth century and composed his
Masnawi
c:
0
Sassi wa Punnun in 1758. Hence his claim is quite out
of the question. On the other hand, Mohan Singh stated in
1951 that this tragedy was first versified in Panjabi by a
Muslim poet about 1123 A.D.,3 But he gave neither the name of
the poet nor a description of the alleged composition. So this
claim also cannot be substantiated. According to Kirpal Singh-
Parminder Singh, "the poet Pushya of Bahawalpur was the first
to write the \Lissa of Sassi-Punnun in Panjabi II 4
0

If by Pushya they mean the same per son to whom has

been attributed (at first by Karamat Ullat and then by Mohan
Singh) the c.omposition of such a qissa in Hindi,S on the

1. Thoranton observed in 1885, "Some of the favourite tales

have long been included in the written literature of the
Punjab; of the class is the poetic tale of Sassi Pannu,
well-known in Sinde ••• iI (See J.R.A.S., London, Vol.XVII,
1885) •
2. See Urdu, Aurangabad, Vol.X, No.40 - October, 1930, p.726.
3. Mohan Singh, An Introduction to Panjabi Literature,
Amritsar - 1951~ p.45.
4. Kirpal Singh-Parminder Singh, Panjabi Sahitya di Utpati
te Vikas, Ludhiana - 1952, p.285.
5. Mohan Singh, A History of Panjabi Literature,
(1933), 2nd ed., Amritsar - 1956,p.19.
 468
authority of Misra Bandbu's Kavi Klrtan and Grierson's Modern
Vernacular Literature of Hindustan (which they have not quoted
at all), they are also completely mistrucen. As discussed under
the Hindi Version, Misra Bandhii and Grierson have not even
mentioned any such thing under this poet in their above-
mentioned works,l Moreover, the poet Pushya belonged to Ujain
and not to Bahawalpur. He flourished during the 8th and not the
12th century A.D 2 So their statement has a1 so no ground to
0

support ito
Hence, on the basis of the information and material
procured so far, one can safely conclude that Hafiz Barkhurdar
was the first to versify this romance in Panjabi. Chaudhry
Shahbaz (b. 1796) has also given him this first place in the
introductory verses of his own version in Persian: 3
.~
I· I. ,. "'I )
~ ./'~~II;'AJV"
(j ~ / (j.~'1 "'{ /-4.-'L.:r~ • UJ ..... _ .. ,J

...
0 1",,;1-'CJ;;~-.
. ' ....
~ (c

Hafiz Barlmurdar was a contemporary of Aurangzeb (1657-

1707) and belonged to the village MussalmanI, district Lahore.
He was a Ranjha Jat by caste, a theologian by profession and
a highly learned man of letters who represented the Islamic
religious and literary tendencies of the period. He adopted
Panjabi as a medium, and folk-lore as a vehicle, for fulfilling
his mission of religious propaganda and popular education.
1. Viz. Misra, GoV., etc., Mi~rabandhuvinoda athwa Hindi Sahity
ka Ithas tatha kavi Kirtan, 4 Vols., Allahabad - Lakhnow?
1914-j4, Vol.I, Allahabad - 1914, p.105; Grierson, Sir GoA.,
The Iv;odern Vernacular Literature of Hindustan, Calcutta -
1889, pel.
2. See also Misra, GoVo, etc., Hindi Sahitya ka Sankshipta
Itihas, p.9o
3. Shahbaz and Husain, Waga i Punnun, Sialkot - 1873, p.ll.
 469
In addition to various theological and miscellaneous
writings,l he versified some of the most popular romances of
the time, viz. of Mirza-,S%hiban, Sassi-Punnun and ~-

Zu1aikha. The latter was completed, as stated therein, in 1090

A.H 0/1679 AoD., 2 at the instance of Iifawwab Jafar Khan who
honoured him well for it.
Unfortunately, his Qissa Sassi-Punnun does not bear
any date of composition, but we can conclude from the above
evidenc.e that it was also composed around that date, i.e.
before or after 1090 A.H. 3/1679 A.D. This being the first
available complete version of its kind, and also the one which
later formed a bas.is of many subseQ.uent versions in Panjabi, it
would be worthv~~ile to give here a summary of its story:
Hafiz began his version with a Q.uatrain in praise of
God. According to him, after a long period of anxious waiting,
a daughter was born to Adam Jam, the ruler of Bhambhore. The
astrologers predicted4 that she was destined to be ill-fated

1. SeePanje.b~
Darbar , Lahore, Sept. 1929, PI' .126-34; Urdu,
Aurangaoad, October, 1930, pp.727-8.
2. Neither in 1676 nor in 1687 A.D., as stated by Bawa, B.S.,
(Koe1 Koo, .Amritsar - 1927, 2nd ed., p.99) and Maula Bakhsh
Kushta (Fanjab De Hire, ~~ritsar - 1939, p 60). 0

3. Not in 1176 A.H.(1762 A.D.) as stated by Nur I1ahi and

Muhammad Umar - to be referred to hereafter as.; Nur-Umar
(in Urd~, Aur angab ad , October 1929, p. 764); by Mohan Singh
(in Phulwarl Lahore, 1930, and Oriental College Magazine,
Lahore - 1930, and "by Qazi Fazal HaQ. (in Urdu, October 1930,
p.726). --
4. The summary of the story of Hafiz's version, as given by
Nur-Umar in Urdu, October 1929, pp.766-71? is misleading and
full of innovations at certain places. For instance, the text
does not contain any reference to their statement about the
astrologer's prediction that lithe girl, yet to be born, is
destined to suffer numerous hardships. She will fall in love
with a Muslim, elope with him and die for his love in the
desert." (See ibid., p.766).
 470
and of bad omen for the life of the King 0 Instead of bej.ng
killed, she was encased in a box, full of riches (to cover
the expenses of her nourishment, education and marriage)~and

set afloat in Panjnad.

The box was noticed and brought ashore by an issueless
washerman, named Atta, who gladly adopted her as his Ovvn daught-
ere When Sassi grew up into a beautiful damsel, her foster-
parents thought of marrying her in their caste and many a
washerman asked for her hand. Sassi, conscious of her royal
descent, challenged God for having cast her lot with the washer-
men. Pressed by suitors and proposals, she consulted the astrol-
ogers who told her that she was destined to marry Punnun, son
of Ali, the ruler of 'Kecham', who would not only love her
during life but would accompany her also into the grave. I Her
foster-mother proposed a number of suitors but Sassi refused
them all and told her, after a long argument, that she was
destined to marry the prince of Kecb.
Having been much reproached by her mother and companions,
Sassi made bold to write to her royal father for permission to
live with hi111. Adam Jam expressed his helplessness in view of
the prophecy and offered all kinds of other help. Sassi replied
asking for a garden and a summer-house on the ferry and also
permiSSion to collect the usual toll. The ruler granted all

1. According to Nur-Umar's summary, Sassi saw him as a bloom-

ing youth in three successive dreams, in the last of which
he told her that he was Punnun, the prince of Kech. (See
Urdu, op.cito, October 1929, p.767). There is absolutely
no mention of any such dream in the original text.
 471
l
that and Sassi ordered her men not to let anyone pass oy the
ferry without her knowledge and permission.
Once a caravan from Kech happened to encamp there.
Sassi ordered the confiscation of their camelcade, to De
released only on their fetching Punnun from Kech. The traders,
Baoban and Bamoiah, found themselves helpless and after erg1nest
delioeration, Baooan left on his camel, known as 'Uddan
Khatola' and reached Kech after covering 12 manzils (stages
of the journey). He informed PUnnun and entreated help. Punnun
promised it willingly and asked his mother's permission who
offered to send her other sons out not him. Punnun insisted
and left for Bhamohore. 2
On his arrival there, the camels were let loose in
Sassi's 'Lakhi oagh' and Punnun himself went to sleep in her
'Rang Mahal'. The gardeners complained to Sassi, who directed
her 60 companions to go and deal with them. v~en the camelmen,
after a thrashing saw them proceeding towards the Rang Mahal,
they requested them not to disturo Punnun as he, exhausted oy
the rigours of the journey, was taking his rest there. On
hearing the name of'Punnun',Sassi forgot all her fury and
rushed to welcome him. Thus they met and fell in love with each
other. Sassi told him that though she was a princess oy oirth,

1. Nur-Umar have not mentioned any correspondence. According

to them, Sassi once went to the palace to deliver the washed
dresses. The ruler was greatly pleased to see her and
granted her all these ooons of his own accord. (See Urdu,
op.cit., Octooer 1929, p.768). But no such thing is
suggested in the original texto
2. Nur-Umar have descrioed also the dissuations and lamenta-
tions of Punnun's father, and quite at length. (Ioid., pp.
768-9). But there is no mention of them in the original
qissa.
 472
she had been brought up by a washerman who would marry her to
no-one out of his casteo So in order to have her he should
change his dress and pose as a washerman. Punnun asked his
companions to return home and tell his mother that he would
be back only after finishing his business there. Sassi intro-
duced him cleverly to her parents: Punnun told them that he
hailed from 'Kecha~m' and was a 'Sapal' by caste and a washerman
by profession. In order to test his skill, he was directed to
go to the river and wash some clothes. On Sassi's advice,
Punnun paid for them to be washed and in thisvay confirmed his
selection. After seeking approval of the match from his
community, Atta sent for a mulla and married Sassi to Punnun.
The account of this marriage c.aused a great commotion
in Kech. In order to save their mother's life, Pun_~un's brothers
Umru and Tumru, offered to bring him back home. They reached
Sindh, and encamped at Bhambhore, met Punnun and entreated him
to return. But he expressed his helplessness. Sassi, at the
instance of her companions, asked Punnun to invite them to
their home l so that they could be served properly. During a
night of feasting, the brothers made them drunk and kidnapped
Punnun while he was unconscious and Sassi fast asleep. When
Sassi awoke and found him and his brothers missing she decided

1. According to Ni:ir-Umar t S SUll1ffiary, the brothers themselves

went to Punnun's home and told him that as they would be
leaving for Kech the next day, they would like to spend
the evening together and drink their health and love.
(See Urdu, op.cit., October 1929, p.770). 'rhere is no such
indication in the original version.
to go out in search of him. Her mother tried hard. to dissuade
her, but Sassi retorted:
~I--- . p ~?l~ ~:. (~I.?": l~l J.i, Jt.
) '""'l5.>i:.-:-, u L;J" ( ) L9-~ i:) (..11..,:-..:;- I. £j L:l
Sassi left her home and wandered much, but could find
no trace of her missing sweetheart. A shepherd sympathised
l~r 1'?7? ?/v«i(/
f,.N",.'5

wi th her lot, but eould avail -nothiB:go At last, exhausted and

frustrated, she laid her life at the altar of love. Human
beings deceived and robbed her, but animal life, says the poet,
felt her 10SB and mourned her death; so much so that
/

·7

J.
Sylphs alighted from the sky to prepare her for the funeral
and blessed her union with her lover in the grave, prepared
by the goatherds. Angels were then directed to change their
form and enable Sassi to meet her loverman in the grave.
When Punnun reached Kech, regained consciousness, and
realized the trick played on him, he hurried back in splte of
all threats, entreaties and hindrances. He met a goatherd and
asked him about a newly-raised grave on the way. The goatherd

1. Nur-Umar have introduced an altogether new incident at

this point which has absolutely no place in the original
text. They say that she met a goatherd who was amazed to
see such a beautiful d~lsel there. He enquired her diffi-
culty and Sassi related her tale of woe. The goatherd told
her that three days ago, a caravan passed that way. They
were in a terrible hurry. A young man was dozing on the
back of one camel and looked drunk and unconscious. They
must have gone a hundred miles away by then. It would
be impossible to overtake them. Hence it was better for
her to go back. But Sassi did not agree and the goatherd
left her for his place. When he passed that way again the
next day, he found her there lying dead.
 474
described how a tall, slim, beautiful damsel sank down dead
crying "Punnun, Punnun, Purillun'li. On hearing this, Punnun cried
aloud and sought God! s help for union with his beloved"., unable
to survive without her. God heard his appeal and directed his
Angels accordingly. The grave ~uickly parted at God's Will and
closed again after encasing Punnun with his sweetheart:
(] \ ..." (}L. 4
~ 7 ,!~ -;-( ~(~ 7rrJ<'} , :::.' ~ 2/ 12/ qd ~;) ;;}tfJ,

~l-r q·t;' c73 /3"3/:14 ~1//~ m7 (}}{?I?S 3Cl'd I

Hai'iz has concluded his version with a note of warning about
the vagaries of Love which has already engulfed many blooming
and loving youths like Laila Majniin, Hir Ranjah and ShOl}l
!'-1ehinwal.
Hafiz not only versified the romance for the first
time in Panjabi, but he also gave it literary form such that
it became a source of attraction and inspiration for a large
number of succeeding poets and narrators. His earliest known
successor,Sundar Das, followed his plot and text very closely.
It also served as a basis for the best known version, composed
by Hashim, in the 19th century.
Hafiz's Qissa Sassi Puru~un has been published many
times. Copies of each of the following early impressions are
preserved in the India Office Library, London:
10 Published lJY Chiragh Din in 1878 from Matba i SuI tani,
Lahore.
l
2. Published by Arnir Din in 1879 from Matba i M.ustafai,Lahore.

1. See I.OcLo Ver.Tr.Pb. Eo.1499 and 1501.

 475
Both are lithographed in Persian script and consist of 15 pages
of text followed oy Badar's two ghazals, in Urdu. }rur-Umar do
not seem to oe aware of them as they stated categorically in
1929 that this composition was unavailable, and an apocryphal
impression had been associated with Hafiz's name till Maulawi
Ahmad Din (a descendant of the poet) brought to light the
original manuscript, which was published in 1322 A.H. [1904
A.D.] from the Inder Press, Sialkot. l
13.
As already stated, a large number of Panjabi poets followed
Hafiz's lead, and composed and published their respe:::~tive

versions from time to time. But the compositions of most of

them are either untraceable or unavailable. The Qissa-sellers
who are often seen selling popular literature in the streets,
fairs and markets of the Panjab, sell mostly the Sassis of
Hashim Shah and Sada Ramo The PanjabIs appear to have
forgotten the rest almost altogether. Hence they cannot be
obtained from the book-shops or open markets. A consistent
effort of search and enQuiry, spread over a number of years,
has brought to light the following versions, written at differ-
ent periods by various persons professing different religions
and professions.
Some of them, unfortunately, do not bear the dates
either of their composition or of their publication. Necessary
details about the authors of some are also not available. All

1. See Urdu, op.cit., October 1929, po765.

 476
that it has been possible to gather ~rom here and there, is

given below as ~ar as possil:)le in a chronological order.

14.
Thus, a~ter studying the 'patched-up' version o~ the common
~olk, the bardic version o~ Raj Muhammad and the basic version
o~ Ha~iz Barlchurdar, we come to the one written by Munshi
Sundar Das Aram. l
Aram was a well-known MunshI during the governorship o~

Mir Muin u din in the Panjab. He had written ~reQuently in

Persian and had also contributed a Persian masnawi about the • 0

romance o~ Hir-Ranjha. 2 He wrote in Panjabi, too, and a manu~

script copy o~ his Qissa Sassi-Punnun, preserved earlier in
the ~ormer state o~ Kapurthala, is available now in the Central
Public Library, Patiala. Aram claims to have written his ma~~awi

about Hlr-Ranjha a~ter making necessary enQuiries about that

romance. He has made similar claims regarding the versi~ic8-tion

o~ the romanc.e o~ Sassi Punnun. He maintains in the very begin-

ning o~ his Qissa that all llthe ~.~ the tale ()~

Sassi; I shall tell it as I have heard it with my own earsH.

#7f! ~ 1'H(J'i'?{ ~ ~(3~ ~

J r73 ~c?~ I
3J' V/ J{ frcf71iJ - J1;)/~:o C?;;;q ~~~ I

1. Karam Singh Historian has named him as SIta Ram w - see

Panjab De HIre, op.cit., p.113.
2. It was entitled Gulshan i Raz Ishg 0 Wa~a and was completed
in 1757-8. See BarlL"', J'vl., Panjabi Q,isse Farsi Zaban men,
Vol.ii, Lahore - 1957, p.172.
 477

But in studying it comparatively with the Qissa o~ his

predecessor, Ha~iz Barkhurdar, I am convinced that Aram has
borrowed much both in outline and in detail ~rom Ha~iz. For
instance, the nrune o~ the river on which Sassi is stated by
Ha~iz to have been set a~loat is exactly the same (viz. Panj
Nad). The names o~ the characters are also similar, viz. Adam
Jam, Atta, Babban, Sappal , Umar, Tumar, etc. The description
o~ various situations is also alikeo Sassi similarly consults
the astrologers and writes to her ~ather, who grants her the
desired boons. Punnun is shovvn as having had the clothes washed
on payment, in a similar way, in order to pass the trade test.
He similarly invites his brothers to their home at Sassi's
instance. Sassi meets a number o~ goat-herds all o~ whom are
in sympathy with her lot and bury her body when she collapses,
crying 'Punnun, Punnun'. The animal li~e is shown mourning
her martyrdom and the ~airies preparing her ~uneral in an
almost identical way. In places, we ~ind the same words or
phrases repeated, as in Sassi!s letter to her real ~ather, and
in her ~oster-motherts reproach at her choice o~ a husband and
also in the lamentations o~ the ~oxes and peacocks, etc. on
her death.
But in spite o~ all that, Aram has his own charm o~

language and style. He appears to have hailed ~rom the Pu~hohar

region and his use of the local dialect is Quite interesting.

His version was introduced ~irst by Maulawi r!~uhammad Sha~i in
 478
1927. 1 Banarsi Das Jain contributed a study of its diction and
prosody. A summary and some extl~acts were later published by
f)
Mohan Singh in 1929.c.. It has thus also attracted the attention
of some learned Orientalists of our time.
According to Muhammad Shafi, Mam completed this qissa
in 1173 A.H. [1759 A.D.]; but Mohan Singh has given 1171 A.H.
as its date of composition. 3 A somewhat vague reference in
Panjab de Hire indicates its availability in boolr;:-form~
published some time before 1939, but I have not seen it so far.
15.
Behbal followed Aram with his Qissa Sassi Punnun, composed
in 1778. It consists of 550 baits and was published by J.S.
Sant Singh, Lahore, under a wrong and misleading title, i.e.
Qissa Sassi Punnun Ahmed Yare
This misled even Mohan Singh who, associating the
poets with each other, combined them into a single name, viz.
Behbal Ahmad yar. 5Actually Behbal and Ahmad Yar both versified
the romance of Sassi, but they belonged to two altogether
different periodso 6 Moreover, though the impression, under

1. See Panjabi Qisse Farzi Zaban men, op.cit., p.17l.

2. See Oriental College Magazine, Pt.ii, Vol.5, No.4,
August - 1929, pp.36-48.
3. Oriental College Magazine, Lahore, August, 1929, p.36.
Mohan Singh might have confused it with that of his Gulshan
i Raz which was completed by Aram in 1171 A.H.
4. See Kushta,M.B., Panjab de Hire, .Amritsar - 1939, p.
5. See The Oriental College Magazine, op.cit., Vol.7, No.3,
May - 1931, p .106.
6. Kushta, M.B., Panjab de HIre, .Amritsar - 1939, pp.26, 132.
 479

reference contains the name of AAmadYar on its title-page and

also in the running titles, the verses do not mention him at
all. They rathel'" contain the name of Behbal. This was probably
done to sell Behbal's version better under a more famous name,
as has also happened in the case of Qissa Soh~i Mehinwal by
Fazal Din, which was published and sold for some time under the
name of a prominent writer, viz., Sayyid Fazal Shah. Behbal
has given a mystical twist to his composition by concluding
the tale with a verse, meaning, 19they (the lovers) are neither
dead, nor alive. They have disappeared beneath the earth. What
happened next, God, the sacred Creator, alone knows"o
Behbal belonged to Lahore and was a disciple of Pir
Fateh Allah Chishtio He also versified the romance of Hir-
Ranjha in the form of siharfi and in the metre of deodh. He
has been very well spoken of by 1I1ian Muhammad Bakhsh (1829-
1906), the famous poet-ctitic, who observed that HBehbal rode
on the chariot of poetry after drinking the wine of ecs~asyll 1 0

Mohan Singh has repeatedly ascribed (in 1930, 1932 and 1956)
a version of this romance to Sayyid W8..ris Shah 2 (cv1722-85),
the celebrated author of the most popular version of Hir -
Ranjha. But he has given neither the source of this information

.q-;:5~ 't;:'-, (::.\8.) ~ ~l::}i ~) -q-\ '~k'O;'\l) -u\~ ~ '\)\ ~"3 13 c), 09 \
1. Muhammad Bal{hsh, Saif ul Malul{ va Badi ulJamal (dt.1862),
Din Muhammaded., Lahore, p.369;. Baqirts Ed., p.493.
2. See Oriental College Magazine, op.cit., Vol.7, No.2,
February 1930, p.47o Phulwari, Lahore - 1930, A History
of Panjabi Literature, 1st ed .. , Lahore - 1932, 2nd ed.,
Amritsar - 1956, p.127.
 480
nor provided any further details.
Contradicting his earlier statements, Maul~ Bakhsh
Kushta stated in 1939 that Mohan Singh "has published three
dohras also from the alleged Sassi by W8.ris in the Panjabi
Darbar. But the fact is that Waris Shah never wrote any qissa
of Sassi. Another poet belonging to Gujranwala and bearing the
same name, has written only dohras. Even he did not versify
the romance of Sassi.1! Moreover, the dohras which Mohan Singh
has presented under the title of Sassi, do not contain even a
single reference to the romance of Sassi and Punnun. Instead
they have a bearing upon the romance of Hir-Ranjha, and are
actually from the pen of some other VVaris Shah hailing from
·
GuJranwa1-a. 1

Mohan Singh came out again in 1943 with a composition

entitled, Sassi \JVaris Shah. 2 Introducing it, he stated, "We
do not know the exact time or date when its author actually
composed it. The manusc.ript from which HakIm Abdul Qadi:':' got
it copied and produced bears 1221 A.H./l806 A.D., according
to him, as the date of its transcription; and it is a suffic-
iently old composition. ,,3 'rhis is not a complete qissa of
Sassi-Punnun and describes only the repentanc.e, l&llentations
and tragic end of Sassi and her sweetheart. The entire
composition consists of 30 quatrains, modelled on the pattern
of a siharfi. It reminds us of a similar effort made by

I. Kushata, M.B., Panjab de Hire, op.cit., pp.25,26,132.

2. Oriental College Magazine, op.cit., Vol.19, No.3, May -
1943, Pt.ii, pp.7-ll.
3. Ib id.,. p. 7 0
 481

another author and puolisher in passing out an apocryphal

qissa o:f Soh~I Mehipw2.1, entitled Soh1;2-I war-is, under the name
o:f Sayyid VVaris Shah. It was actually written oy HakIm Mirza,
and was attributed to Vraris Shah only :for commercial
conSl'd era t'lons. 1
This is what we :find in the case o:f great writers like
Shakespeare too. His name was likewise appended by some unprin-
cipled publishers to such obscure writings as The Tragedie o:f
Locrine (1595), il'he Puri taine (1607), etc. ,,2
The langUage, style, diction and pattern o:f this
composition are more than enough to prove that it cannot
possioly be :from the pen o:f the :famous SayyId Waris Shah, the
author o:f the popular romance o:f HIr-Ranjha. Moreover, the
language o:f the spurious poet has a de:finite inclination to-

proves him a resident o:f the Rawalpindi district and not o:f
the Gujranwala district to which the poet o:f Kushta's descrip-
tion oelonged. Moreover, the use o:f an English word, 'scheme!,
in the :following verse -- . / // . //
I ,..--..A-,l.7
! J .
',' -' /~ ,A>..
I
/~\....<-'- ~
/' .
,""'
_ J.<
'. ) / ,/ ./
I
'---'
( ~ i' (6)~;
-v ~.
(..7'r-' _\;
$.. J

10 J3'§:wa, B.S., Koel Koo, 2nd ed, lllnritsar - 1927, pp.163-64.

20 See Harvey, Sir P-.-,-The Ox:ford Companion to Eng:':" ish
Literature, 3rd ed., Ox:ford - 1946, p.715.
 482

indicates clearly that it is a composition of a fairly recent

time.

Adit also did not compose a complete version of the romance.

His Sassi consists of 51 ~uatrains, called majh~. It describes,
in an intense manner, only the tragic part of the story, and
begins with the verses relating to Sassi's love-imbued sleep
and Punnun's treacherous abduction.
Three manuscript copies of this composition have, so far,
been noticed. The one, Ath Sassi Adit ki Likhete, preserved in
the Panjab University, Lahore, was transcribed some time after
1847. It was published in 1929 in the Oriental College
l
Magazine, Lahore .. The second, Majhfu1 Sassi Kian (transcribed
in the 19th century), is preserved in the Central Public Library,
Lahore (No.498). It begins with the second strolza of the former
and also differs significantly in the text. The third, Sassi
Majhan Adit Kian, is preserved in the Sikh Reference Library,
Amri tsar (No. 69/1562) 0

Adit appears to have flourished towards the end of the

18th century. He seems to have been a resident of the Rawalpindi
Division of the West Panjab. He was a devout Muslim, as he tells
us that when Sassi entered the earth she was carrying with her
a copy of the holy Quran. Adit has described her love with
Punnun as true and ideal; so much so that even God had to
constrain Munl{ar and Naldr, when they complained about Sassi s Y

1. Oriental College Magazine, op.cit., Vol o 5, No.2, Pt.ii,

February - 1929, ppo30-38.
 483

FASCIMILE OF THE OLDEST AVAILABLE MANUSCRIPT IN PERSIAN

SCRIPT (OF HASHIM ' S SASSI)
 484

refusal to reply to their Questioning, not to Question her, as

" .c
~-' ..)
j'
"

17.
We can now turn safely to tile complete, important and most
popular version of the romance in Panjabio This was composed
by Sayyld Hashim Shah 'Hashim T (1735-1843) who is acclaimed as

one of the most prominent SufI poets of the Panjab. His contem-

porary, MaulvI A.11medyar (1768-1845), himself a poet, critic and

versifier of Sassi, has spoken very highly about him and his
. 1
SaSSl:

Mian Muhammad Bakhsh (1829-1906) has al so paid very high

tribute to his genius, greatness and contributj.on in his highly

popular book. 2 Shahbaz, a versifier of the romance in Persian,

has stated in the introductory remarks of his Chronicle, that

whoevel' happened to listen to HashIm! s Sassi admired him

sincerelY(Waqa i Punnunj l 1,/,::1) U / j /

· .j G A_/'.~ /, " j U,· __ ,-I
P o 11)0 " • / t ../ {.

I'
- {) '? J/
;7

.-Yf{
,

~< /' (j,-;

.'
• ;;

He has also been mentioned in terms of esteem by eminent

European scholars like Sir RoCo'I'emple,3 Dr. VVoGo Leitner,4
1. Ahm[ld Yar, Qissa Ahsan ul Q,issa, Lahore - 1918, p. 224.
2. Saif ul MaUik, oPQcito, pp.21, 3 69;Saqir 1 s ed.,pp.494-5.
3. Temple, Sir R.C., Indian Antiguary, Bombay -, December, 1881,
October - 1882, p~291; The Ro~an Urdu Journal, Lahore, Vol.
IV, 1881, pp.19ff. 'me IJegends of _the Panjab, VoloIII,
Bombay - 1886, p.24.
4. Leitner, W.G., History of the Indigenous Education in the
Panjab since Annexation and j.n 1882, Calcutta - 1882, p.30.
 485

Mr. To Thornton,l and Sir GoAoGrierson. 2

But, unfortunately, his life and work have till
recently, been shrouded in great mystery. He has become, so
to speak, a subject of mis-statements and misunderstandings at
the hands of the 'tazkiras and histories of literature; so much
so that a somewhat thorough enquiry3 has revealed that most of
the details hitherto given about him and his writings are wrong
and misleading.
Hashim belonged to the Quresh dynasty of Arabia and
was the eldest son of HajI Muhammad SharIf (not of Qasim Shah,
who has so far been mentioned4 as his father but was, actually,
his youngest brother). Seven different dates of birth (1752,
1755, 1780, 1800, etc.) have been attributed to him. 5 But a
look through the ancestral roll and family-tree has revealed
that he was actually born on 27th November, 1735 6 in Medina,
not in Jagdeo (Amritsar),7 where he, of course, settled, on

1. See oR .A. So, IJondon - Vol.XVII - 1885, pp. 373ff •

t
T
2. Grierson, Sir G.A., Linguistic Survey of India, Vol.IX,
Pt.I, Calcutta - 1916, p.618.
3. It has been conducted by me and based on a thorough probe
into the original sources, official records, personal
visits to the places connected with him, conversation and
correspondence with his descendants in Pakistan and a study
of some family manuscripts of his published and unpublishe~
works. (See Shan, H.S., Sassi-Ha?him, 2nd ed. Delhi - 1959,
pp.2l2-469.).
4G See, for instance, Karamat Ullah, Chashma-i-Hayat,
Lahore - 1913, pelS; Bawa, B.S., Bamblah Boa1, Lahore -
1925, p.17l etc. etc.
5. See for example, Mohan Singh, A History of Panjabi Literature,
Lahore - 1933, p.125; Gopal Singh, Panjabi Sahitya da Ithas,
2nd ed., Delhi - 1950, p.272, etc. etc.
6. See Shan, H.S., Sassi-Hashim, op.cit., pp.236-41.
7. See for instance, KohlI, S.S., Pan~abi Sahitya da Ithas,
3rd ed., Ludhiana - 1950, p.403; Narii1a, S.S., Panjabi
Sahitya da Ithas, Amritsar - 1953, p.23l; etc. etc.
 486
his parents' migration to India while he was still a child of

four Q
It is e<lually wrong to say that he was an illiterate or
only a semi-literate person. 1 As is evident from his various
works, which I have now brought to light, he not only knew
Arabic, Persian, Hindi, Urdu and Panjabi, but also wrote in
almost all of them gracefully and effectively. The discovery
of his Persian and Urdu works has also provided me with an
appropriate reply for Lajwantl r s observation - "who was HashIm's
Plr, is not known ll • 2 He was none other than Hazrat Ghulam Qadar
J-I1ani (1078-1166). Hashim was neither a c.arpenter nor a court-
poet as has so far been he1d 3 almost unanimously. He was first
and foremost a SufI-saint. Besides this,he was a physician and
also a poet. But he does not appear to have written a single
line in praise of Maharaja Ranjlt Singh (1799-1839), the
monarch of his time, or any of his chiefs. Ranjlt Singh is said
to have allotted a Jaglr (estate) to him or for his Takya
(abode).4 There are as many as 12 different dates of his death
(e.g. 1820, 1823, 1850, etc.), recorded in various tazkiras
or histories of 1iterature. 5 But as is <luite clear from the
family record, he died on 26 Ramazan, 1259 A.H., 21st October
1843 A.D. 6
1. Prltruli Singh,Hashim Bare, Amritsar - 1952, p.36; Ashok,S.So,
in The Pritam, New Delhi - 1955, p.8.
2. Lajwanti, R.K., Panjabi SufI Poets, Calcutta - 1938, p.92,
3. See, for instance, Gopa1 Singh, Panjabi Sahitay da Ithas,
op.cit., p.272; QureshI, A.G., Panjabi Zaban da Adab te
Tarlkh, Lahore - 1956, p.259, etc.etc.
4. See District Record Office, Bandobast Aval, District Sialkot
- 1885; MuntkhiJ2 Babat village Jagdev Kalan, Tehsil Ajnala,
dated 1852; Misal Haqiqat, 1891-2, 1938-9 and class No.4
of the Bandobast dated 1865.
5. See, for example, Khurshld, A.S., Panjab ke RUman, Lahore -
1951, p.211; Arnole-,-S.So, Hasham Shah te Qissa Sassi-Punnun J
Ludhiana - 1955, pp.12, 26; etc.etc.
6. Shan, Sassi Hashim, op~cit., pp.299-308.
 Hashim appears to have been a prolific and multilingual
writer. The number of his va'j_tings, so :far knovm or discovered,
runs into 19 , written in var:i.ous languages, but he is l known
mostly for his romances and dohras in Panjabi which revolve
around the major theme of true and perfect love. According to
Hashim, IItemporal and spiritual love are the two flowers of one
and the same pI an t" •
The characters of his romances are the embodiment of
its spirit and martyrs to its cause. Hence, Hashim has complete
respect and admiration for them, and he has actually celebrated
their success, though ending in death, caused by the pursuit
of their ideals. He is prepared to stake the lives of millions
against the fidelity of Sohni . and eulogises the immortality
of Sassi IS sacr ifi~e. L, 0 <., \ L, 0
--:::J I ?J}f /5;.;: tx, ~./.?f.~ (} ~r;/;; ~ I,J )-J~~ ;;>d;' ( f
/ " .P /",..., - ..., :.;., s
- c:!--/Y/:%f~J c/ r /(5 ~~? u-~~I U~
2
Hashim, in fact, has sung his own mysticism and the pangs of
his own soul r s separation from the supreme soul through the t~{E4t?

devotion of these true lovers.

His I song I about the tragedy of Sassi-Punnun has been
universally acclaimed as his masterpiece. It made his reputation
during his life-time and has maintained it until the present.
IIHashim's pre-eminence ll , in fact, according to Bawa, 1!did not

1. Viz. his Q.issas Sassi--Punnun, Sohni-IvIehinwal and Shirin-

Farhad. See for a detailed study of these in Shan, Sassi-
Hashim, op.cit., pp.347-66; 470-504.
2. "Hashim in his Sassi·-Punnun expresses his Sufi-ism in the
same Dlanner as J'ami expressed in Yiisaf-Zulaikhal!. (Panjabi
Sufi Poets, op.cit., p.100).
 488

rest on his being a Panjabi poet, but on the wo~th of his

poetry, which showed great insight into tbe human mind. He was
a poet of humanity. He unfolded beautifully the sentiments of
the human mind and thus appealed direct to the hearts of his
hearers II .1

Hashim, as we have seen, was neither the first nor the

last to versify the tale of Sassi in Panjabi; but the fact is
that he has surpassed not only his predecessors but also his
successors, who have not so far been able to achieve the great
popularity of his composition. 2 It is still regarded as a
mile-stone in the Sassi-literature. Its literary value and wide
popularity have not only enhanced the value of Sassi-literature
and immortalised the story throughout the length and breadth
of the Panjab, but have also joined vTaris's Hlr in spreading
the fame of Panjabi poetry. It has been published time and again
and has also been sung and played in popular gatherings, and
presented in folk-processions during the Holl festival. 3 Temple
called it the livery celebrated poem ll and transliterated and
translated it for English readers during 1881-6. It is probably
the only Panjabi Qissa which has also been treated in English
by some later writers. 4 It has for a long time been a
prescribed text for graduate and postgraduate studies in
Panjabi. According to Niir-Umar, Hashim IS Sassi has, on account

10 See Hasham Shah in JoPoH.S.,Calcutta,Vol.IX, Pt.i, 1923~p.22.

2. See Khyab~l-i-Pak, Karachi - 1956, po
3. Karfunat Ullah, Chashma i Hayat, op.cit., pp.16-7; Niir-Umar,
Urdu, Vol.IX, op.cit., October 1929, p.772.
4. See under Section No.ll - English Version.
 489

of some of its particular merits.; excelled all the other

romances so far versified in ~he Panjabi language. l And this
is the only Panjabi version which I have seen being read or
recited, enjoyed and cherished, even outside the boundaries
of the Panjab by the nomadic Gujars and Bakarwals (wandering
herdsmen) in the far-flung pastures of the valley of Kashmir.
Hashim's version consists of 124 Quatrains. His story,
paraphrased and summarised, stanza by stanza, is as follows:
A beautiful daughter, named Sassi$ was born, after long
waiting and praying, to Adam Jam, a great and generous king of
Bhambhore.(9) The astrologers, on consultation, foretold that
she would fall in love and die, roaming in the desert, from
the pangs of separation from her lover, thus besmirching the
honour of the royal family (14). In order to avoid such dire
consequences, she was enclosed, along with riches (for covering
the expenses of her upbringing, education and marriage), in a
box floated down a river, from which she was rescued by Atta,
a washerman, who brought her up as his own daughter (30). Many
a young washerman demanded her in marriage, but she refused
them, saying she was a princess. Presently, the frustrated
sui tors reported her beauty to the king, who wished to marry
her himself. Sassi, instead of going by herself to his presence,
sent through her adoptive father the amulet which her royal
father had himself tied around her neck before setting her
afloat. When Ad~l Jam saw from the amulet that she was his own

1. Urdu, op.cit., Vo1.IX, October, 1929, p.762.

 490
daughter, he was very much ashamed. He and the queen invited
Sassi to meet them in the palace, but she refused to see them
again(37). After a while, Sassi happened to see in the garden
of a rich merchant, named Ghazni, a picture of Punnun, the son
of Hot Ali, the king of Kecham, and fell in love with him(45).
She began to pine for him and devise a way to meet him. Some
visiting merchants, in a moment of false prestige, claimed him
as their brother and told her all about him. She thereupon had
them imprisoned, to be released only if they would arrange for
Punnun's arrival at Bhambhore. One of their leaders, named
Babban, went all the way to Kech(54), and begged for necessary
help for their release, but Hot Ali would do nothing. Then he
met Punnun and described Sassi's beauty and love for him. Punnun
rode straight to Bhambhore and encamped in Sassi's garden where
he set his camels to graze. The gardener complained of this to
Sassi who, accompanied by her girl-friends, went there to take
the camel-men to task. But when she saw Punnun asleep there,
she gave herself up to him. They fell in love and lived happily,
Punnun refusing to go back home(73) 0

The Baloches returned to Kecham and reported all that

had happened there, whereupon PunnunYs father flew into a rage
and commanded his other sons to go straight to Kecham and fetch
him back.
The brothers played a mean trick, making him drunk and
carrying him off in the dead of night(82). When Sassi awoke and
found that Punnun had been taken away so cruelly, she cried and
set off after him alone and on foot, despite all the dissuasions,
 491
arguments and entreaties of her foster-mother. She suffered
great hardships) but could not find any trace of him. But
ilhop ing against hope II, as the poet says, Ii she continued her
quest. II: .:5';J-:?i )-j?,::r rf),-:?; C)I-;'/ 37 1.:1 3:>S) Z-/J Z/'cJJil
- .:: -? . ~-
)11' ;rdT 71 1 7J ~CJI J7 .-'S/:>?'~ ~i;)?:" ~~
3?lJ; j .... ']
", -lJ y~/.uL0~- U~¥/~ uL/y~":" JyofJUL?
She happened to meet a goatherd, Kaka by name, who far from
giving any help or guidance, and thinking her a witch or the
1 ike, fled for fear of calamity or compl ication(106). Bereft of
all hopes and thoroughly eyJlausted, Sassi at last laid her head
on what she supposed to be a foot-print of her 10ver1s camel,
and breathing her last, uttered a pathetic dying message, saying:
HLong 1 ive Lover ~ for thee in the desert
My life a sacrifice hath been H •
This scene caused a strong wave of compassion and repentance
in Kaka's heart. He rushed to her side, buried her in that very
spot and, transformed into a faqir, installed himself there as
the guardian of her grave(114).
Sassi's soul flew and visited Punnun in a dream, told
him all about her sacrifice and called him to her grave. IvIean-
while Punnun, resisting all the force and entreaties of his
brothers, rushed back to be with his sweetheart(122). On hearin~

from the goatherd about the tragic happening, he fell down and
entered the grave when it reopened to receive and reunite him
with his beloved(124).
According to La.jwanti, Hashim IS 'work is avowedly based
on the Sindhi story of SassiHo l On the other hand, Temple
1. Lajwanti, R.K., Panjabi SufI. Poets, op.cit., p.93.
 492

THE POET AND THE ROMA}TCE

 493
asserts that his "tale varies considerably from that told by
Sindbi poets!l.l The basic structure of the story is, I think,
Sindbi, but the superstructure and the present form are
undoubtedly Panjabi. Hashim adopted for his g,.issa, the Panjabi
pattern of the story which came down to him as developed by
generations of balladists, folk-singers and preceding poets
like Hafiz and ]ram. He developed it further in order to enhance
its interest and also to make it a vehicle for the expreSSion
of popular feelings and his personal emotionso As regards his
motive for its versification, he himself stated in the beginning:

HHaving heard and heard of the perfect love of

Sassi and Punnun,.
I felt urged and inspired to meditate and versify
their tale."
He appears to have followed mostly the outline of Hafiz, and
has introduced a number of innovations in its structure, such
as:-
i. The complaint of Sassi's frustrated suitors to the king,

and the subsequent happenings;2

ii. Ghazni's art-gallery and Sassi's falling in love, during

her first visit to it, with the portrait of one,Punnun;

1. Temple, The Indian Antiquary, op.cit., Vol.XI, pg290.

2. Diwan Singh misunderstood this situation when he observed
that Hin the version of Hafiz, Sassi is forbidden to see
her royal father, but in that of Hashim, they are shown
meeting each other. (See Diwan Singh & Ahuja,R.L., (referred
hereafter as Diwan-Ahuja), Qissa Sassi Punnun Hashim Shah,
Amritsar - 1957, p.36). But the text of Hashim's qissa does
not support this observation. (See Shan, H.Se, Sassi-Hashim,
op.cito, pp.481-2, Stanzas 36-7). There lies, in fact, the
superiority of Hashim, who seems to possess a better know-
ledge of the working of the human mind. He has placed the
initiative of inviting Sassi to the palace 0 her parents'
Side, quite unlike Hafiz, Aram and Rasul.
iii. The role of Kaka, the herdsman;
iVa The flight of Sassi 1S soul tovvards Punnun and the calling
of him to Sassifs graveo
Apart from a number of other situations, Hashim has
mentioned nothing about the trade tests of Punnun or the formal
marriage of the lovers. He introduced them as princely beings
and treated them as such throughout. Thus he has not allowed
the tragic element of the tale to be diminished in this respect,
too. There is very little of the supernatural element in his
plot, less even than that of his own qissas of Shirin-Farhad
and Sohni-Mehinwll. l
--0

Moreover, his concise and interesting narration, his

poetic excellence and linguistic acumen also assist in weaving
Sassifs pangs and lyrical cries in such a way that his version
still sta..'Ylds unmatched in its own field. 2 Notice the charm and
excellence of verses which were familiar and widely quoted even

"Sassi's tender rosy feet~ tinted with henna,

The lover can't but sacrifice his all at the first
sight.
The Sun has hurried behind the clouds and in fear
omits to shine.
Look Hashim! See Sassifs faith, she is still constant
in her love."
I. See Shan, Sassi-Hashim, op.cit., p.489.
2. For a ~~al account and critical analysis of Hashim's
plot - construction, narration, aim and scope as well as
language illld style, etc., see Shan, Sassi-Hashim, op.cit.,
pp.479-504.
 495

Hashim's outline has been adopted not only by most of

his successors in Panjabi but also in Persian. Farah Bakhsh
Farhat's (1777-1840) l'!iasnawl Sassi Punnun seems to be, for the
--o.·~~~~~~~~=

most part, an adoption in Persian of Hashim's composition.

Shahbaz (b.1796) has even mentioned its influence on his own
version, viz. WaQa i Punnun (dt.1835); and has also paid
tr i bu te to it. 1
In view of all this evidenc.e, its importance and
popularity need no further proof. It has been read and recited
in all parts of the Panjab, even in the highlands of Kashmlr,2
and has been written and reprinted so many times that I have
never yet seen such a large number of manuscript copies and
reprints of any other such composition in any other language,

under review. I gave a descriptive list of 9 manusc,ripts and

10 impressions and editions in the second edition of my cri tic.a1
and annotated edition of this Qissa. 3 Quite a large number have
sinc.e come to my notice, all of which are briefly enumerated
below in a chronological order, as far as po ssible:
A. MANUSCRIPTS
1. Sikh Reference Library, jl.JIlritsar, No.ACC/1596, dt.1839 A.D.,
Gurmukhi script (referred hereafter as G.S.).
2. Sikh Reference Library, Amritsar, No.ACC/185!+, dt.1846 A.D.,
Persian script (referred hereafter as P.S.).

1. See under Section X.Persian Version.

2. I noticed it being read and cherished by the Bakarwals
(goatherds) in the Valley of Pehlg&~ and Anantnag, during
my tour of 1956.
3. See Sassi-Hashim, op.cit., pp.53l-52.
 496

3. MotI Bagh Palace, Patiala, :No.54, dt" 1849, GoS.

4. Gurdit Singh,GianI, Patiala, dt. l853,G.S.
5. Languages Department Panjab, Patiala, ~ No .140/MS ., d t. 1856
AoD., P. S.
6. Ghulam NabI, Wassanpura, Lahore, ancestral copy, transcribed
by the poet! s grandson, Sayyid :Nathe Shah (1859-1910) in
1876, PoSe
7. Languages Department, Panjab, Patiala, No.18l/MS., undated,
GoS.
8. Languages Department,Panjab, Patiala, No o127/1VIS. , undated,
G.S.
9. Panjab Government Record Office, Patiala, No.M/373/4445,
undated, G.S.
10. Khalsa College, Amritsar, No.ACC/1604, undated, G.S.
ll~ MotI Bagh, Palace, Patiala, No.70, undated, G.So
12-:' MotI Bagh, Palace, Patia1a, No.75, undated, G.So
13. Panjab University Library, Lahore, No.6652, undated, G.S.
14. Panjab University Library, Chandigarh, No.799, undated,
G.S.
15. Central Public Library, Patiala, No.2796, incomplete.
B. PRINTS, REPRINTS AND IMPRESSIONS.
I have not been able to find any manuscript of Hashim's
Sassi abroad, but a very large number of its prints and litho
impressions have been traced from the libraries of the India
Office and the British Museum, London. They are listed below
with the names of their respective presses in order to dis-
tinguish them from one another. They have been produced mostly
in litho 8 0 news-print, 14-16 pages, and some of them have
been illustrated in a popular form:

I. In the British Museum, London

1. Matba i SultanI, Lahore, June, 1873, G.S. (14162.f.6.)

2. ibid.,Dec., 1873, P.S. (14162ofo20).
G:5. :~~~~ ~ ~~~~~i~ ~~; £~~~:: i~~~: ~:~: ~iti~~:~:~g~
Matba i GuIzar MuhammadI, Lahore, 1879, D.S. (14l62.f.5)
 497

-_0 _.____" . . . . ___

_
"
.
~
~
_
.
FASCIMILE OF THE OLDEST AVAILABLE MANUSCRIPT I N GURJ."'1UKHI
SCRIPT (OF HASHIM IS SA§SI)
 498
6. Roman Urdu Journal, Lahore, Vol~IV, 1881, Roman script.
7. Mohjtebae Press, Lahore, 1891, P.So (14162.3.)
II. In the India Office Library, London
8. Matba i SuI tanI, Lahore, 1871, P.S. (Ver.Tr.P.1497)
9. ibid., 1871, GoS. (ibid., 1498)
10. ibid., 1872, P.S. (ibido\ 1502)
11. ibid., 1872, (ibid., 1499)
12. Matba iMustafai, Lahore, PoS., 1873 (ibid., 1501)
13. ibid., Lahore, 1873, G.S. (ibid., 149~
14. Matba iSultanI, Lahore, 1873, G.S. (ibid., 1497)
15. Published by Chiragh DIn, Lahore, 18~G.S.(ibid., 1500)
16. Montgomery Press, Lahore, 1874, P.S.(ibid., 15I4J
17. Yantralai SultanI, Lahore, 1874, G.S.~id., 1500)
18. Matba iKhurshId Alam, Lahore, 1876, P.S-:-T~)id., 1499)
19. ibid., 1876, G.S. (ibid., 1498) --
20. Matba iSultanI, Lahore, 1877, G.S. (ibid., 1502)
21. Matba iKhurshId Alam, Lahore, 1877, P.S. (ibid., 1501)
22. Matba iMustafai, Lahore, 1879, P.S. (ibid.:-r5"02)
23. Matba·i SultanI, LahoI'e, 1879, G.S. (ibid., 1525), written
out by Bhai Harsa Singh, priest of Darbar Sahib Taran
Taran in 1879.
24. Matba iMufId Am, Lahore, 1907, P.S. (PanjoF.744)
25. Caxton Press, Lahore, 1920, GoS., Panj. F.222.
26. Coronation Printing Works, Amritsar, 1921, G.So(Panj.F.244)
27. Rippon Press, Lahore, 1929, G.S., Panj. F.l100.
III. IN INDIA AND PAKISTAN:
The following impressions have been noticed in various
shops and libraries of the sUb-continent:-
28. Yantrali Mustafai, Lahore, 1890, G.S. (P.U.P.D.L., Chandi-
garh) , No .417.
29. Chiragh DIn-Saraj DIn, Lahore, 1922, P.S.
30. IVIuI:~mad ~ln & ~~ns-?- Lahore, 1928, P.S. 1
31. Chlragh Dln, SaraJ Dln, Lahore, 1929, P.S. (PoU.L.,
Lahore, No.15330)
32 .. Azlz Din Najam DIn, Lahore, 1931, P.So
33. Mehar Singh & Sons, Amritsar, G.S. This contains the text
in its most mutilated form, but this is almost the only
one now available in book-shops or stalls on the Indian
side of the Panjab. It does not bear any date and carries
a coloured picture of some mixed content which seems to
be the portrayal of a scene from the romance of Hlr-Ranjha.
Most of them, prooably the oldest ones, are preserved in
London, but are not available in the places of origin!

1. A copy of each of the above three (viz.Nos.29-31) was

procured from KashmIrI Bazar, Lahore, during my research
tour of April 1955.
 499
IVo EDITIONS
After independence in 1947, when Panjabi like other national
languages of India, began. to assert itself, the value of
Hashim's masterpiece was also recognised for its textual and
1 i terary merits. It was pre scribed as a text-book for under-
graduate, graduate and post-graduate studies and a number of

editions were produced.

The first in the series was by Devdat Gopal who based his
text on two impressions produced earlier by Din Muhammad and
Bagga Mal. It was published in 1947, and though entitled Asal
(i.e. real) gissa Sassi Punnun, it was full of blunders and
contained a very incorrect and unsatisfactory texto
(2) It was followed in 1955 by another such text produced by
S.S.Amol under the title Hashim Shah te gissa Sassi Punnun.
Amol based his text on a single manuscript, and that too an
incorrect, undated and unreliable oneeThis ed.ition was like-
wise unsatisfactory and undependable for the purpose.

(3) I myself undertook the preparation of a critical and

annotated edition in 1951. I collected the available material
from various sources; based the text on the oldest found
manuscript (No.1 on the above list, transcribed during the
poet's life-time) and collated it, giving all the variants,
with 6 other newly-discovered manuscripts and 5 old impressions.
The first edition came out in 1956 and the need for another
soon became very urgent. But instead of hurrying to reproduce
its reprints, I was able to procure the ancestral copy of the
 500
qissa and acquire another set of manuscripts and old impress-
ions. These were used accordingly for a thorough revision and
re-editing of the entire work which was published in 1959 and
ran into about 1,000 pages.
(4) My first edition was followed soon by another produced
jointly by Diwan Singh and R.L. Ahuja under Qissa Sassi Punnun
Hashim Shah in 1956. It was hurried through as a cheap student
paper-back in order to enable the students, as the compilers
themselves put it, lito derive the maximum benefit with the
minimum cost. 1I1 Its text was based entirely on the text and the
critical apparatus of my first .edition, but was reproduced in a
mutilated form on fa pick-and-choose' principle, and even aim-
ing in places to correct the original author himself.
(5) It was followed in 1957 by the text published in Hashim
Rachnavali by Piara Singh Padam. He based it, like Amol, on
another equally incorrect and unreliable manuscript which
resulted in another unsatisfactory and undependable text.
I have referred to all the above editions and have also
commented, in detail, on their texts and pointed out other
blunders and wrong observations about the poet and his work
in my second edition, published in 1959. 2
Besides this full-fledged qissa, Hashim also composed a
Siharfi Sassi Punn~. It contains 29 stanzas, versified in
baits of four lines eacho It describes the argument, in the
1. Diwan-Ahuja, RoL., Qissa Sassi Punnun Hashim Shlli1,
Amri tsar - 1959, Preface, p. 7.
2. See Path da Masla t and YPath Alochna! in Shan, Sassi-Hashim,
op.cit., pp.505-55; 673-728.
 501
form of a dialogue, in which Sassi was engaged with her foster-
mother after the sudden ab~uction of her sweetheart. I obtained
a copy of it from the poet1s descendants and pUblished it for
the first time in an appendix of Sassi-Hashim. l It begins with
the following verses:
~ P h ~ .:. L
th1<~~ }J72! ~1{;- V\:~ ) 1;)1 ,'t~'<-';(! ?//I{J.Jdf ?Jf'~ lc9'-!j2-fJ [, ~) ,\
\ . , \ </. \

(}fl'
(10 o'r 0 I) ~,L-, .\\ p f,-.:.. 9-
({;;:, ~ :/-:ta-ci/CJ7> 1'G77~I) d?' :;J3' ~ ?l( )2~lj2,)1I' ;S 1
- . -
Another copy has also been procured and is now preserved in the
Panjab Uni versi ty Library, Chandigarh (MS. No. 648) 0 Still
another is preserved in the Language Department, Panjab,
Patiala (Ms .No .18) under the title Ath Siharfi Sassi Punnun
kI likhate. This I used for the first edition of my work,
under reference. 2
18.
lVIau1.vvi Ahmad YElr (1768-1845), one of the most prolific writers
in Panjabi, followed Hashim almost i~llediately.

He was a master poet, a famous scholar and a fearless

critic of his time. Though born in Islamgarh (Gujrat), he lived
mostly in IVI'urala-Phalia. Frustrated by an unsuccessful love-
affair, he turned to writing and composed about 45 books and
~issas on various themes. He himself asserts:
f2-.0, .. ') fi7 '(7' "C)·..,,-,~
y /-1 J -. . rJ V. L,.;'
JJlj~\ /("\0-, j)jj J'J>(ji ) (j) d /71;)/ ?[ .if,?, I
- '-- ' \

v:!,~/..:r.::; ,/'> ~3. '

"

--;- -,-r;,' ....,; f2; c.. -,., -:';.' ':, ,-; '7
T7 / ;;
/' l.-j L co') (/( ...5 .fcl/c
. " n ,/) .'TC-)
<-,' 71'\.. >'7 cf7 '7'_,
_

These also include many romances like those of Hlr-Ranjha,

Laila-Majnun, Yusuf-Zulaikha, Ks.mru:Q, Chandarb adan , Soh~i-

1. See Shan, Sassi-Hashim, pp.741-4.

2. See Shan, H.S., §assi-Hashim, ~st ed., Ludhiana - 1956,
appendix.
 502

Mehinwal, Sassi-Punnun, and so on.

Ahmad Yar used dawalya for most of his romances, out he
compo sed his §..assj,-PunJ.'lun in Chau]{2.1ia oai to rrhe copy of its
text which I myself used was printed in ~ilufid.,£· Am Press, Lahore
l
and was puolished in 1928 by };laukvVi Muhammad Latif of Phalia.
An edition has recently oeen puolishGd oy the Panjaoi Sahitya
Akademy, Ludhiana.
The qissa ooviously reveals the iE1print of ftllmad Yar! s
mastery of language and pictorial imagination. The headings of
the 1928 impression are given in Persian.
Ahmadyar also wrote in Persian and his Shahnama i Ranji t
Singh relates the achievements of the Lion of the Panjao.
Sayyid Shah IVI1.:!hammad (c 0 1782-1862), a national poet of the
Panjao, also turned his attention towards the romance of Sassi
Punnun. 2 He cOLlposed it in a similar metre but adopted the form
of siharfi. It begins as under: / ./ < .?
5- ./ . , ? I 'J ~ . [/
, ) . J if; L-;7..
(c:.-7) {J'I.J./. ?() v lv () / _ c.f ~. /-::'" d- ~:.y .25"/<-0/
-'P
../ , v ' y' ,

.' ~ ~J}J.;j L' ,~;;.;,:.:v uj~? _2- _1~ l7,J -.J L~ ()~ (j~ 2-~~
Shah Muhamm.ad was oorn, and spent his entire life in Wadala
VirruTI (district A~ritsar). He was a Qureshi and his ancestors
served as Qazis during the IVluslim ruleo He is known mostly for
his heroic and historical oallad, JaflE Singhan tG Farangian.
which narrates, with a deep patriotic fervour, couched in

1. A copy is preserved in I.OoLo, London (Panj. F.1149).

20 Kushta, ~anjao de HIre, op.cit., p~122.
 503

spirited verses, the first Anglo-Sikh War of 1845-6.

Maulana Sayyld Hashim ShEL:::l. also contributed a siharfl on the

theme. Mal.llana was the son of Sayylcl Zahld Shah Hamdani and
belonged to Qasur (district Lahore) g He was an eminent theologiar:
and Arabic scholar of the 19th century.1

Sayyld Hashim Shah Mukhlis (co 1830-95), son of the above Shah
Muhammad 8.1so followed their lead.
Mukhlis was both a poet and a physician. His Qissa Sassi-
Punnun was published around 1912 by his pupil, Abdul KarIm
Sadiq, a goldsmith of Wadala. 2 It is also set in the pattern
of siharfi.
19.
Lakh Shah's Sassi-Punnun broke upon fresh ground, as the entire
composition of 192 stanzas was set in a metre called deodh
which seems to me to have been used to such a length for the
first time in this work. It was versified in 1247 A.H./1831

10 Mubarik .1'..11 Shah, Zikar i Khair Hazrat HakIm Sayyld

Muhammad Abdul Ha..,9.. Sh811 Sahib QasurI, Lahore - 1943, p. 8.
2. See Kushta, Panjab de HIre, op.cit., p.123.
 503 a

Lakh Shah I S version appears to have remained Quite popular.

A manuscript copy is preserved in Panjab University Library,
Chandigarh (MS .No .82/A). It has been published a number of
times~ The following impressions have been noticed in the
India Office Library, London. l
i. Qissa Sassi Pu~~un Kirt Lakh Shah, published by
Muhammad Abdulla from Matbai M:ustafai, Lahore in 1871
A.D., beautifully lithographed in Gurmukhi. It
contains 291 stanzas and numbers 116 pages.
ii. Qissa Sassi Punnun ka kirt Lakh Shah, published by

1. Under Nos. V.T. Pb/1551, V.T. Pb./1500 and Panj.D.107,

respectively. A copy of the last impression is also
available in the Panjan University Panjabi Department
Library, Chandigarh (No.398).
 504
Wasawa Singh-Gulab Singh from Matbai Chashma i Nur,
Amritsar in 1932 V.S./1876 A.D., in Gurmukhi litho,
duly illustrated. It contains 292 stanzas on 48 pages.
iii. Qissa Sassi PUP...llun l-cirt lakh Shah, published by IVI.Gulab

Singh & Sons, Lahore from Mufld i Am Press, Lahore in

1904 A.D. which contains 291 stanzas printed in
Gurmukhi on 102 pages.
Lakh Shah has mentioned PUILnun as a prince already
married; and has also described the wailings of his wife,
named Gundai, at their separation. His marriage to Sassi is
shown as solemnised by the Angels. Lakh Shah has even identi-
fied Sassi with Venus and Punnun with Jupiter. He relates how
Punnun comes to know about Sassi's tragedy in a drerun. He has
also shown like Hafiz and Aram, the animals mourning and
crying over Sassi's death; and has thus produced a good example
of pathetic fallacy.
20.

...
Maulawi Ghulam Rasul' s Sassi wa Punniln followed next with a
new note and a stronger grip on the imagination of the people.
The Maulawl who flourished during 1813-74 was a famous
scholar, effective speaker and an eminent poet. He was an Awan
by c,aste and the son of MauJavii. Rahim Bakhsh who was himself a
noted scholar of his time. Rasul was born in Kot Bhawanidas
out lived and died in Qillah I'!Iahari Singh (district Gujranwala).
After his return from a pilgrimage to Mecca, he started preach-
ing in the Panjab. He was suspected of having taken some part
in the 1857 uprising and hence was arrested and put into jail.
 5D5
A rurnour about his having been hanged incited his followers,
and he was conseCluently :released by Mr. Montgomery, then the
Financial Commissioner of the Panjab 0

Rasul began composing poetry as a youth, in the prime

of life. His 'craving for mysticism' determined him to go to
the abode of Hazrat Sa.h.ib Kotha, in spite of the efforts of
his friends and relatives to prevent him. However, his devo.tion
to the PIr and the separation from him reached a point where he
began to consider the PIr as Punnun and himself as Sassi,
separated from her beloved. In order to give vent to his pent-
up feelings, he resorted to the versification of their tale.
Describing the state of mind and the compelling urge which
forced him to write the poem, he tells. us: ,
-~ r6' /,~ ).) U U / tP _
ti 0:/./t P
L_:J (; () ;'"' /.) u ~~? /:-;' .~y';:/
cr: (j ~
/

." -' ~ .' ,./

_
c:-
).9 L,C:)/JJ J~/' lJ~ /'
d- ,5 ~ ~r:
_
~~-'/[; ~.~.
- 0 :;\'0 OJ'G..J) /~ UI.Jfd/~' o~~,,;u~u--~.L G/
In actual fact the work he produced turned out to be a highly
sentimental composition full of pain, passion and pathos. He
repented later, however, and made amends for this act of
violation by vvriting Hulia SharIf. His misc.ellaneous verses
have been published under panj Ganj which includes this Clissa
1
of Sassi PUl~UlL, as well.
Rasul composed it in a peculiar metre in the year 1364
A.n. 2/1847 A.Do/as is stated in its introductory verses. It
10 For further details about his life and work, see Shan,H.S.,
9ufI Kavya-Sangre:t!.,Chandigarh - 1962, pp.26S-9.
2. The date has wrongly been printed as, 1264 A.H. (i.e. 1748
A.D.) in the text published by TalImI Book Depot, Lahore.
This seems to have misled Nur-Umar who have given 1264 AoH.
as the date of its composition (See Urdu, Vol.IX, 1929,
op.cit o , p~764).
 506
soon became popular, so much so that some of its verses, (such
as .._-" .~ r ~ L(;)i/'(/y.'~ (~F?~(fJ:;;) are still on the lips of

the common people and have been mistaken as those of anonymous

folk-songs, and have been included as such in some collections
1
of Panjabi folk-songs "In SilfI assemblies of the Panjab, it
0

often brings about ecstasy and a number of mysterious illusions

have been associated with it. 1I2

It has been published frequently both in the collective

and separate forms. The following impress..ions, produced in
Persian Script (litho) by various publishers, mentioned against

each, have been noted in London libraries:

1. Amlr DIn, Matbai Mustafai, Lahore, undated but stam:Qed

B .. IVI. l886(?) Blumhardt has stated the date as 1870.)
2& Chiragh DIn, Matbai Sultani, Lahore, 1871.
3 .. ibid .. , 18730
4. ibid., 1877.
5. Chiragh Din, Matbai Victoria, Lahore, 1878.
6. Amlr DIn, Ma~bai Mustafai, Lahore, 1878.
7. ibid", 1880.

Sant Singh & Sons, and TalimI Book Depot, Lahore have
also published it a number of times. A copy of the text
.published by Barl:at Ali, Lahore is preserved in the Panjab
Public Library, Lahore (No. 21859) •

1. See Randhawa, M.S., ~ab de Lok-geet, Delhi-1955~ Amrita

Prltam, Maull te f:!lehndhI, Delhi - 1955.
2. See Urdu-, Ocfober 1929, op~cit., po765.
3. See Blfunhardt, Catalogues of 1:he Hindi, Punjabi, Sindhi,
and Pashtu! Printed Books in the Library of thELl3ri tish
Museum, London - 1893, p.16. Moreover, he has listed them
under Ghulam Rasul of Adilgarh" distinguishing him from his
name-sake, viz. Ghulam Rasul of Kot1a Alampur. I (See ibid. s
pp.15-16). But there is no such indication on the tit1e-
pages.
4. A copy of each of these impressions is preserved in the
London Libraries, as under: B.M.14162.,f.10(6), Ibid.,(3)
I.0.L.Ver.Tr.Pb.1499 & 1501, ibid,,1497, ibid., 1498 & 1500;
BolVIa 14162of.8(14).
 507
21.
The next prominent name on this fairly long list is that of
Sayyid Fazal Shrul (1827-1890)0 He is probably the greatest
word-juggler in Panjabi and is at present the most famous of
the popular poets who flourished during the second half of the
19th century. He belonged to Nawrulltot, Lahore, and was the son
of Sayyid Kutab Shah. He fell in love with a young girl when
still a young man and was hence punished and cas;t out of the
house by his parents.
After doing some free-lance book-binding for some time,
he managed to obtain employment in the office of the Financial
Commissioner, Lahore and retained the job until his retirement.
Fazal Shah started writing poetry while he was Quite
young and published his first collection under the title:
Tohfa i Fazal. He composed his masterpiece, Qissa Sohni Mehinwal
upon which his reputation now mainly stands, when he was twenty.
He followed it up by versifying the romanc,es of Hir-Ranjha,
Laila-Majniin, Sassi-Punnun and Yiisaf-Zulaikha and thus complet-
ing his kh8msa. He also composed barahmahs, a Panj Grulj of
slharfls and some miscellaneous dohras.
Fazal Shah completed his Qissa Sassi Punnun in 1280
A.H./1863 A.D., as he has himself stated in its concluding
verses. He claims to have composed it at the reQuest of his
friends. As far as the outline of its story is concerned, it
is to a certain extent, an enlarged edition of HashimYs version.
It is highly alliterative and full of word-play. That it was
 508

published soon after its composition is evident from the

following impressions of i'ts text, preserved in the libraries

of the British Museum fu'1d the India Office, London:

1. Published by Ghulfun Nakashband from Matba i MuhammadI,

Lahore, in 18710
2. /! Matba i Muhammadi, Lahore, undated but stamped in
1872 in the I.O.L.
3. Published by Chiragh DIn Qutab DIn from Matba i Niir,
Lahore, 187Ll-o
4. / / Qutab DIn from Matba i Murtazai, Delhi, in 1878.
5. ibid., from Matba i Muhammadi, Lahore in 1879.
6. ibid., from Matba i Murtazai , Delhi in 1886.
7. 7.7]Muhammad Ashraf from Lahore, undated, stamped in
I.O.L. on 22nd October 1930.

All the above impre ssions were 1 i thographed in Persian

. t •1
scrlp

SayyId Fazal Sh'8...1'1, in addition to this complete qissa, also

composed a SiharfI Sassi and published it together with such

other compositions about the romances of HIr

- - and --0-
SohnI in his
Dohrajat ZlimehnI wa TajnIs'i. It is a peculiar vvork, having

been composed of deocL1'1s full of word-play. Every line carries,

under it, its meaning in Persian without which it is difficult,

sometimes, to underst.and the meaning of the highly alliterative
" '--" () v ::::7 - 0
text of the original. For example: a2i(j
;"T ;]3' I
c'l~ ?)' 7fl,-j.{
0
// " ,~J ?/3Y ~~. TP~9 J )-[ 712S --7/' ~7 i
(/"/
," )/ .' / - ...,;/::;::::- ,2
'. ",c". ~",:;...-- .. (.:"-
-J ~ ::--7/ /-) Cr" _ r"~
, j
/..J ~ L. I: "-p5; r::"'- r".A-.I-.;j_.,).V
'. J - ). } ' . '/
y>-".;,fY ;; (:r

It was produced in 1877 by Matba i £ChurshId 1ilim, Lahore. A

copy is preserved in t.he India Office Library, London (Vero

Tr .Pbi .1503) •

1. See B.M. 14162 f.ll(l); I.O.L., VeroTr.Pbio,1505, 1504,

1503:-1505; BoM. 14162,f~12. -I.O.L. Pb.Fol133.
 539

Fazal DIn composed his ~2:.8han i S_~ssI,

narrating Sassi's
lamentation after Punnun' i3 ccepal'lture, in 1882. 1 It was published
nothing
in 19100 I have been unable to see the text and know/more aoout
the Qissa and the author.
One Fazal DIn Hajam of Gujrat, however, versified the
romance of Sohni Mehinwal under the title, Jhanaon do.. IShg.
It was composed in 1937 and printed in 1938 by the BarQi Press,
Gujrat. A copy is preserved in I.O.L. (Panj.H.17). It is a
fairly large composition and is written entirely in baits.
22.
Sadhu Sada Ram's Qissa Sassi Punnun is almost as popular as
that of SayyId Fazal Shah's, though both of them cater for a
somewhat different reader or audience~ and call for rather
different response. While Faza1 Shah composed it in baits,
Sada Ram versified his version in kabi ts, at the instanc.e of
his own friends, as he himself tells us:
;;;;;s7 7"/3' (~aa J7?>, c;~ j;:;;y 77;6m; ~~/~ 2~/ c77~ f;ln11~j ?)i'~/~~" ..2
til. 1'- I! \ il \ n () L2 /Z;nJ nl; 1

C{j 9/~} :X0 'r.~ j ~(/7 ;If 12 ~/ ?J?;if T-J f;) / !'// _C?' ~.\ (;) / 4. ~
()
" q
- fi,z - (2~J 3::( C) (37?/J
It contains some dohras, deodhs and also swaiyyas. The
Bar8.hmah covering 180-91 kabi ts, is full of pathos and
sentiment.
The poet was a wandering saint though he claims Ta1wandI
Saboki (district Barnala) as the place of his residence 0 He has
mentioned Gangagir as his preceptor. Sada Ram's version has run

1. Vide Oriental College Magazine, Lahore, Vol.V, No.3, May,

-Q
1929, p.2u.
 5 0
into many impresstons and can be obtained from almost all
towns in the Panjabi region of the Indian Panjab.

Ram Chand versified the romances of both SohnI and Sassi. He

belonged to BhasIn, a village near Lahore, and composed his
version in Kabits. l

Illahi Bakhsh, a poet of district Attock versified the story

in his local dialect during the last quarter of the 19th century 0

It is unpublished as yet and is preserved by his grandson. 2

23.
The close of the 19th century saw a composition by another
prominent poet, kno~vn as Maulana Ghulam Rasul and confused
generally with the one noted earlier (viz.Maulawl Ghulam Rasul).
He belonged to Alampur Kot15 (District Hoshiarpur) and
was the son of Murad Bakhsh of the Gujar caste. Born some time
during the beginning of the 19th century, he turned to many
occupations: he tended buffaloes, taught children,practised
medicine and served as an Imam for quite a long time. His
death occurred in 1892.
Ghulam versified the tales of YUsuf-Zulaikha, Sassi
Punnun and .Amlr Hamza; and also composed some beautiful letterso
His ZulaiY~a, entitled Ehsanul Qissas was completed in 1873 and
soon became very popular. His Chi~hian (letters) are also a
favourite composition of many_ They are so full of pathos that

1. According to the information supplied to me by Bishop Das

Vishnun, formerly rul advocate of the Panjab High Court,
Lahore, now at Delhi (Vide his letter, dated 5th Nov.1955).
2. Khurshld, A.S., Panjab ke RUman, Lahore - 1950, p.197.
 511
some emotional persons weep while reading or listening to them.
His Dastan AmIr Hamz,0 is D. volulIlinous work and he was probably
the first to versify it in Panjabi. He composed his Sassi in
the form of a sIharfI, arowid 1882.
24~

Hakim Devi Dayal composed his 0issa Sassi Punnun in only seven
days at Lahore in 1870, as is stated in its colophon. It was
published at least twice, under the author's own signature, in
1 2
1870 and 1875 in Persian script.
Devi Dayal's qissa begins with the usual introduction
in praise of God followed by the formal explanation of the
reason for its composition (having been undertaken at the
insistence of some friends). This is the first version, so far
noted, which has placed the locale of the story in the 'country
f
of Kachh , though the names of Sassi's town and her father are
gi ven as Bhambhore and Adam Tam.
Devi Dayal seems to have benefitted much from the
versions of his predecessors, particularly those of Hashim
Shah and Fazal Shah. He has adopted not only the outline but
also certain words and phrases from Hashim's version mid 'has
also used Fazal Shah's technique of desc.ribing the yearly
growth of Sassi. He has summed up the gist of the story, at
the s>tart, begil1ning with the following verse:
1. The 1870 impression, probably the first, was produced by
Kutab DIn from the Matba i MuhammadI, Lahore. The India
Office and British Museum both possess one copy each (Nos.
Ver.Tr.Pbi.1500 fuLd 14l62.f.lO/2 respectively). The B.M.
copy is however incomplete towards the end.
2. The 1875 impression was. published by Chiragh DIn from Matba
i SultanI, Lahore. A copy of it is preserved in IoO.L.
Ver.Tr.Pbi.1502).
 512

measure after the death of Sassi. But he has: not depic.ted the
goatherd as a wicked man nor has shown the earth parting to
hide Sassio Her grave is stated to have opened only to rec.eive
Punnun who prays to God either to allow her to come out of it
or to enable him to enter into it.
The author was a Sethi by caste and a physician by pro-
fession. He belonged to Bhera but in order to follow his pro-
fession, he came to Lahore and settled there. In addition to
this Qissa Sassi Punnun, he also versified the romance of
Laila-Majniin in the same year, i .. e. 1870. It was also published
in 1871 along with his two slharfis in Panjabi and one ghazal
in Urdu, given at the endo Devl Dayal was a disciple of Baba
Lal Dayal and a believer in Gnesha whom he has eulogised both
at the begiruLing and at the end of his compositiono l

Sultan AhmadYs Sassi consists of a dialogue between Sassi and

her foster-mother. It is written on the pattern of siharfi and
begins with a piece of advice from the mother 0 A manuscript
copy, dated 1801, of this composition is preserved in the Sikh
Reference l,ibrary, Amri tsar (MS. 1'10.209/4260) 0 It was published
in 1899 by Gulab Singh & Sons, Lahore.

1. Two copies of this worl~ are preserved in the British Museum

under 1~-162.6.8(2) and f.lO(l). These were published by
Ch-i~ag£ Din :from Matba i SuI tani, Lahore 0
 513
KarIm Baldlsh, on the oUter han.d, composed his version on the

pattern of a Bar amah • He was a gl~).la of the mo sClue of Qilla

IVlaj ja Singh, district Gujarall.walao

As hinted earlier, the sudden death of his youthful son

grieved him much and he composed this poem in order to give
vent to his extreme anguish. Considering himself as the love-
lost Sassi and his son as the departed Punnun, KarIm Baldlsh
sung out his own agony round the months of the Indian calendar.

Abdul KarIm T s Sassi, according to Mian Muhammad Baldlsh (1829-

1906), is also a heart-rending composition. It has been composed

in the MultfulI dialect on the pattern of a masnawI.
o 0

Mian Muhammad Baldlsh tells us that another popular poet, named

Ghulam, also versified the romance of Sassi. l He says:
/,-v' >

~
<:;--~.
/ U"'! L/ ,• t. l
(p' "_I_~
_
<.
j ..),
.~ ~
r ..v .......-:"-...-l'.
" ~ .J J..s:'
-C--U "
25.
Sayyld Akbar Shah is another prominent name in the Sassl-
Ii terature of Panjabi. He was a Siifi poet of Mul tan and a
disciple of SayyId ITiir Allah Shah. In addition to Majmua
Kafiari (a collection of his ,Sufistic lyrics), he composed the
2
~issa MisrI in 1821, as stated at its end.

But he is YJlO\'VIl mostly for his Qissa Sassi wa Punnun

which has been very popu.lar in its own region. Its verses have

1. Muhammad Bakhsh, Mian, f3aiful M.aliik (dt .. 1862), op .ci t.,

pp.369ff.
2. See Shan, H.So, SiifI K~~a-Sangre~, Chandigarh - 1961,
pp.264-S.
 514
usually oeen sung during Sassi's aruliversary celeorations in
Multan. Akbar appears to have imoioed much or Hashim's influence.
He has also, like him, sung the praise of Love and has also
offered to sacrifice everything for the true andrevoted lovers.
In a similar way he has summed up some universal truths aoout
various aspects and phases of love in the concluding verses of
some stanzas of his Qissa Sassi Punnun. For instance,
I Says Akoar, it is a common custom of Love,
That eyes keep on longing and heart goes on yearning
(for the lover's sight and union).
II Says Akbar, all hail Sassi!
Who being true to love is bringing credit to its name.

Gurbakhsh Singh's Qissa Sassi Punnun consists of one siharfi,

narrating a dialogue between Sassi and her foster-mother. The
narrative begins with Sassi crying to her mother about the
sudden and brutal abduction of her sweetheart. It ends with her
setting out from her home, determined to find him or die in
s.earch of him ..
This was published by Maya Singh from the Matba i Chashma
i Nur, Amritsar in 1876. A copy is preserved in the British
1
Museum and another in the India Office Library, London.
A baramah describing a pathetic phase of the romance of
Hir is also extant under Gurbakhsh Singh's name. A manuscript
copy entitled: Barahmah Hir ka Likhete is preserved in the
Panjab University Library, Lahore. It is composed in deodhs
and was published in the Oriental College Magazine, Lahore in

1. Under B.M. No.14162of.l(1) and IoO.L. No.Ver.Tr.poi.1549.

 515

Nur Muhammad's Qissa Sa?_si J though small in volume, has oeen

fairly popul~r. It has, oy all accounts, oeen freQuently
puolished.
A copy of an early impression, produced in 1882 oy
Chiragh DIn from Matba i Ar jan Parkash, Lahore, is preserved in
the British Museum. 2 Another, printed in 1944 oy Matba i Musta-
fai, Lahore, is availaole in the liorary of Panjab Government
Languages Department, Patiala9 I have two copies in my own
collection. Both of them are in Persian script; and are undated.
One was puolished by the MufId Am Press, Lahore and the other oy
J.S. & Sons, from the Girdhar Steam Press, Lahore.
This version has oeen composed in the form of siharfls
and in the metre of deodh. Written in a charming style, and
revealing a highly melodious form of language , it descrioes
the desperate yearnings of Sassi for a reunion with her lord,
and the efforts of her mother to dissuade her. It begine thus:
~
.b ~ y?,
W I

Cj5 ~ L.:-<.~t U-..~);;: / J U f) ~

' // . _
-.?,
.' u: U:.'
( ' 7 ,\, t· '"
.,.I .-/

:/
(j~": U->
(;0 ( •
C! j~ J~. ,""' .. : : : - '

I ("-_' ,) ~"
I
- 2/' j ~ c~ --- 6' ) 4 '---' ( : d.. /., ~ f G U...:! u ~/'"
{I .

/ . /,/ R .: J
,_' __ ~;; JL (28.;:~: J { Y IA~) - /yc) L(j--' "5{:"
The next to De considered is a peculiar version conceived and
executed with the set purpose of rejuvenating a soul unable to
find its former inspiration in God. It is entitled Sassi Sain
Lokan di and, as stated elsewhere, has a definite spiritual

I. Oriental College Magazine, opccitq Vol.VI, No.1. November -

1929, PP 039-41.
20 Under No.14162.f.8(2l).
 51.6
colouring enthused with Siy~ ideology.
It was published in October, 1913 by a devout Sikh
organisation (called the Khalsa Tract Society, Arnritsar) as an
issue of its regular series of tracts, under No.458. As des-
cribed in its preface, it was written in the form of a letter,
about 20 years previous to its publication (around 1893) by an
anonymous person to his once highly ascetic friend who had sub-
sequently become entangled in worldly affairs.
It was. meant to refocus his attention on his previous
way of life, on his saintly attire and also to instil a spirit
of detachment and remembrance of God. By reminding him of these
things through the use of symbols, he was fervently urged to
recover his lost position, devote himself once more to his
previous pursuits and thus transpire his life with the same
high ideal.
The poem thus brings home the significance of God t s love
and remembrance of His name through the medium of Sassi's
devotion to her lord and her consistent love for him. It also
teaches how to lead a contented life within matrimony by
imbibing the spirit of detachment from the world while living
in it.
It was based on a Persian metre, already used by Maulawi
Ghularo Rasul in the writing of his Sassi, and is tuned to a
musical mode, called Rag Qaunsia. The headings are given in
Persian but their Panjabi translation has also been provided
underneath. It begins with a description of Sassi f s lament on
coming out of her grave~
 517

It ends with 0. moral and spiritual eyJ:lOrtation, telling that

"man should transform his body into a temple to the remembrance
of God. His tongue should repeat God's Name and impress it
deep into the soul. He should always take care that he does not
let any moment go to wasteo While living in this world, he should.
attain his goal by retaining ever-fresh in his heart the eternal
memory of the Creator."
29.
This was followed soon by a full-fledged Clissa of Mau1:1ITvi Nur
Din, son of Hafiz Umar Udhanao
o
He was a resident of Alodiwali
(district Muzaffargarh) and a follower of Khwaja Fir Muhammad
AClil of Kot Mithano
Nur Din versified the romance of Sassi in 1895 as
stated

He used various metres and verse-forms, and thus enhanced the

effect of his narrative. He composed Sassi's lamentations
mostly in the form of Kafis and her conversation with her foster-
mother in that of a siharfi~ His Kafis and FUghans are partic-
ularly good.
This Clissa was well received and hence was followed
soon by 2,i.ssa Hir wa Ran~ha in 1898 0

Both of these were published in 1921 by Shamas Din-

 518
Munnawar Din, lVIultan. l
yJ.
Sada Na.n.d also composed h:i_s entiI'e version, entitled Qissa
Sassi Punnun, of 55 printed pages in the pattern of siharfls.
It was published in GurmukhI script by Rfun Chand Manaktala of
the Anglo-Sanskrit Press, Lahore in 1899. 2 The author was a
resident of Fatehpur Gugera.
He has described Adam Jam, Sassi's father, as the
ruler of Basra (Arabia) but has shown Bhambhore (Sindh) as the
horne of her foster-parents~ He has also introduced quite a
new situation by adding an interesting but pathetic dialogue
between Sassi's royal father and her spirit, while afloat on
the river: Y 1:(0 ~
\ '-r1 J 0 (JJ'rJ\
Jj';2 ·"<2'3i;:({IiFj/l/.:23/ ;?fe?!d '0~1 ;:Yf~I.''''
5 :>v~ 3~1 })y. ~l;/7?p ?-1', ~,;? "::/~ -2777' r~J z-/, ;ql-q, ." t"

Muhammad Isma'il Masldn I s version is known as Maskin di Sassi.

Although it is a short composition, it has been widely admired.
The I.O.L. copy belongs to the 4th impression and bears the L.Vrld:77

7-
stamp of 21st October, 1930.~
Its popularity lies mostly in the harrowing exhortations
addressed by the poet to Sassi, the heedless. The c.oncluding
,--f~e
YeP-Be. of its stanzas has often been quoted as containing the
essence of the entire poem and is still very popular in the
folk-songs: ~/' Jl~1jf2 ~6!?); ! ~/ 4- 2-;-'~ d ... ".·.
Maskin belonged to Khoi Miran Khurd, Lahore district.

1. A copy of each of them is preserved in I.O.L. (Nos.Panj.

F.485 and. Panj. Fe484 respectively ..
2. A cO:Qy is preserved in the British Museum under lL~162.ee.
1~(2).
3. BeaI'ing No .Panj .Dol017 0 It was published by lvIunshi Aziz
Dln-Naj&~ Din, Lahore.
 5.19
He \,1,'8.S a pupil of MauJaw1. Fateh Huhammad and was known as -!¥~ I

'l\:1unshI I 0 ~!Iaskln was his takhallus and he used it in the titles

of most of his published works which include: Maskln da Paisa,
Maskln da Dhola, Guldasta i :Maskln, and so on. He seems to have
wri tten a large number of such popular qissas on current topics.
Besides, he versified the romance of Hlr Ranjha under a similar
title, viz. Jvlasl,dn di Hir. A copy of his Risala Nasihat Amoz
is also preserved in the India Office Library, London. l
31.
The beginning of the twentieth century saw a new Qissa Sassi
Punnun, composed in 1902 by a still more popular poet, namely
Mian Muhammad Biita, also known as Biita Tarahsaz. He was born
in 1836 and was a resident of GUjrat.
Biita versified an appreciable number of popular
romances, five of which in a collection, known as Panj Ganj,
are very popular. He has, for the most part, followed Fazal
Shah in the narration of the tale and the description of various
scenes and situations.
In addition to the above complete qissa, Biita had
already composed a Siharfi Sassi. It was published along with
his Slharfi Soh!}l? under Majmiiha Siharfi, by Charagh Din from
Matba i Sultani, Lahore, in 18760 2 It expresses Sassi's repent-
ance and lamentation at the abduction of her beloved while she
was fast asleep. Biita has, throughout his composition, used a
very attractj.ve metre and alliterative form. The poem ends with

1. Bearing No.Panj. D.1018, stamped in London on 21st October,

1930.
2~ A copy is preserved in I.O.L. (NooVern. Tr.Pbi.1549).
 520
the reunion of the lovers in a single grave.

JliIunshl Muhammad Abdullah \;ersH'ied the laments of Sassi under

Fariyad i Sassi. Its burden seems to have remained Quite
popular.
320
Maula Shah Qadri, another prominent Qissa writer of the Panjao,
also tried his hand at the versification of a complete qissa,
entitled Mukammal Sassi Pnnnun. He composed it in 1907, as is
stated

MaulS. Shah was the grandson of Abdul Ghafar and a

follower of Ghulam ~J1uhiyyudln Ghau i Az8.m. He was a resident
of Amritsar and had already versified the romances of Hlr,
Sohni and Sahioan. His Sassi has been puolished frequently. The
--0-
following impressions have been noted, so far:
io Wazir Hind Press, Amritsar, 1907.
ii. Roze Bazar Steam Press, Amritsar, 1914.
iii. Foze Bazar Electric Press, .Amritsar, 1922.1
The 1914 impression is prefaced oy a beautiful kafl
written by I'Iauls. Sh8.h himself. It is given at the end of the
1922 impression.
The entire work, filling about 72 pages in lithograph,
has been composed in the lVrarisshahi oaitsl, under various
headings given in Persian. I\~aula Shah has also followed vVaris
Shah and Fazal Shah in their pattern of introductory verses.

1. A copy each of the 1914 and 1922 impressions, published by

Abdul Rehman-Haolb ul Rehman, is preserved in I.O.L. (Panj.
F.340 and Panj.F.688, respectively).
 521
The published text concludes with a Siharfi Sassi-Punnun and
some short miscellaneous compo si tions 0 Maula Sh8.h' s Siharfi
Sassi-Punnun has also been published frequently in a separate
form. It describes Sassi's state of separation from her lover.
A copy of its 1914 impression is available in the India Office
Library, Londono l
33.
Mian Sher Muhammad, the author of various romances (such as
Chandar-Mehyar, Roda-Jalali, Yusuf-Zulaikhha, Hir Ranjha, Soh~l­

Mehinwal and rJIirza-S8.hiban), also versified the romance of

Sassi. But I have been unable so far to lay my hands upon it.
Sher Muhammad was a resident of Talwandi (district
Ludhiana). He completed his Qissa Soh~i-Mehi:riwal in 1900. A

manuscript copy (dt. 1911) of this and also of his Qissa Mirza-
Sahiban (dt.191l),is preserved in the library of the Panjab
Languages Department, Patiala.
34.
Sayyid Mir Husain, a Sufi poet of Dinjwan (district Gurdaspur)
also contributed a complete and important qissa. He entitled
it Bagh i Mapabbat (ice. the Garden of Love) and completed it
in 1911, as stated therein.
Husain was a disciple of Pir Bute Shah. He began his
narrative after a number of eulogies in praise of God, the
Prophet and his spiritual guide. Husain infused into the story
a deep mystical colouring and imbued it with spiritual meaning.
He asserted its importance emphatically not only at its end
1. Under I.O.Lo No.Ver.Tr.Pbi. 31+0.
 522

but also in a special appendix containing some finstructions

~or the readers and listeners1.
As stated earlier, Husain interpreted almost all the
characters, moti~s, sites and situations o~ the tale in meta-
phorical and metaphysical terms. Vfuile drawing to a close this
interpretation and exposition, he stated that faith without
love is not perfect, neither is the heart pure n:or the soul

radiant; JL dt:'Li' -J? ~/ U-> {J~~ " .• '

, .... _JLJ3d~~0 ~ -- ~~UV./

(J
U';~':~0-: "
~ ~ 0
...··/57;:)
I. /

~?7;;( I 2/)1') ;5 d(1(-.i.5{) A :JI-;J~ ?/3 'nI'2 / •. , .

This q,issa was published by Abdur Rehman-Habib ur Rehma.n
in 1912 ~rom Amritsar~ A copy containing 90 pages with Urdu
headings to the various sections, is preserved in the India
O~fice Library, London. l

Pandi t tlohan Lal o~ Chawinda also wrote his Qissa Sassi wa

Punnun in the same year, viz. 1911. It was published also in
the same year.2

350
Bhai Dharam Singh t s Qissa Sassi-Pun.L'1.un was compo sed in 1912,
as is indicated in its colophon. It was printed by Gurmat
Press, .A.mri tsar' and was published by the author in the same
year.3
Dharruu Singh belonged to the village o~ Jorkian,

1. Under I.O.L. No. Panj. D.573o

2. Vide Oriental Coll~ge Magazine, op.cit., Vol.V, May,1929,
p.28.
3. A copy o~ this ~irst impression is preserved in IoO.Le
(No. Panj.F.313).
 523
district Barnala. He seems to be a devout Sikh and was known
as 'KhBlsa'o He begins his narrative, unlike the Hindu and
in
Muslim narrators, with a couplet in praise of and! dedication to
Guru }lanak and Guru Gobind Singh.
Even more significant is the next couplet which tells
us that he is going to describe the tale, written by the great
Tenth Master (i.e. Guru Gobind Singh) in the Charitr (i.e.
Triya Charitr of the Dasam Granth), in a Panjabi metre and a
popular style. Thus this is, to my knowledge, the first and the
only version which makes any referenc.e to the Dasam Granth IS
Hindi version of the romance •
.AI though Dharam Singh has followed neither the clas.sical

pattern nor the traditional style, as suggested by himself, yet

he has adopted the theme, moral and spirit of the Dasam Granth IS
version. He has, likewise laid special emphasis on the chastity
and fidelity of married life; and as stated by him at the end,
has rather composed it in order to celebrate the devotion and
self-sacrifice of these true and decicated loverso
The outline of Dharam Singh's story differs from that of
the Dasam Granth and many other Panjabi versions in a number of
details. He seems to have brought various versions under his
purview and has also utilised his ovm imaginative faculty quite
freely. Thus. some of his alterations and modifications appear
to be entirely his own. He himself rather claims to have con-
ceived it in a popular form and intended it to be read by his
contemporaries.
 524

According to his version~ Sassi was the daughter o~ king

Ajam o~ Istanool (Turkey). She was set a~loat on the river (not
named) a~ter tho astrologers had predicted that she was destined
to oecome a prostitute and have an incestuous union with her own
~ather. The chest containing her was retrieved oy a party o~

washermen, one o~ whom (not named) adopted her. Dharam Singh

describes in detail, like most o~ the Muslim narrators, how
Sassi grew over the years and blossomed into maiden beauty. She
happened to know o~ her royal origin ~rom the talisman hung by
her parents around her neck and so wrote a letter to her royal
father.
The king sent ~or her along with her ~oster-parents who
were accommodated in the LakhI Bagh. The king asked Sassi to
choose her spouse so that she could be married according to her
wishes; and her husband could be entrusted with the rule o~ his
kingdom a~ter his death. Sassi, however, replied that the matter
did not concern her as it was a part o~ her parents's duties.
3he is then shown as being bewitched by Punnun's portrait.
Babban and Bamblha, the merchants of Kecham, at ~irst hinted
that they had some knowledge o~ him, but immediately denied it
on noticing that she was so desperate to meet him. Ultimately
they were prevailed upon to c.onvey her letter to the man o~ her
dreams. We are then told how the lovers met and how Punnun was
carried o~~ by the merchants themselves for fear o~ any
compl ications.
Sassi's wanderings in search o~ her husband are recounted
 525

by Dharrun Singh with pathos. The following stanza describing

her en~uiries of the birds and beasts cannot be ade~uately

translated into English:

ItWhile proceeding onwards, she asks the birds and beasts.
'0 spouse-blesseds! tell me what you know about my Punnlino
Was he riding on the she-camel or asleep in its panniers?
Pray, tell me exactly in which direction his journey was
taking him?
Tell me truly, was he waiting for me or not?
Was he holding, at times, his young camel and looking
backwards or not?
He whose separation has burned my heart? and ~uelled my I
spirit, 0 Dharam Singh r • If
Kaka,the goatherd, instead of giving her water, imagined her,
like his parallel in Hashim, to be a spirit or a fairy and

immediately took to his heels. When, having laid aside his fear,
he approached her afterwards and found her dead, he tried to
rob her of her ornaments. Presently, he was struck blind by
some unseen power which also carried away Sassi's dead body. His
eyesight was restored only after he had expressed his repentance
and undertaken the construction of a monument on the spot.
When Punnun arrived there and learnt all that from him,
he cried out bitterly. Sassi then descended from above in a
biban (chariot) and took him to paradiseo
Thus Dharam Singh concludes his version using the same
device and bringing out the same moral as we find in tl~e Hindi

1. This reminds me of an almost similar situation in the Bengali

romance of Kanchanmala, the pretty, but unlucky,washermaiden.
The prince treacherously abandons her as Providence has made
him high and her low. Stunned by the blow, she tells her
sorrow to the river, to the beasts and to the trees. It is
in appealing to Nature that the love-Iost,forlorn soul finds
some solace. (See Sen, D.C., Eastern Bengal Ballads, Vol.II,
Pt.I, Calcutta - 1926, p.4).
 526
version of Dasam Granth. But with a difference here tooo In
the Dasaro Granth, it is only Sassi YJ"llo is shown to have been
transported in a biban to the heavens by the fairies. But here
she is described as having come down in her pristine beauty to
fetch Punnun and carried him off with her.
36.
Bhai Mit Singh, a popular versifier of the Malwa, composed his
Sassi Punnun in 1912, as indicated in its colophon. He was a
resident of Moa:r Kalan, district Bhatinda; and was a pupil of
Man Singh.
Mit Singh also composed Sarvan, Shamo, Shahld Parkash,
SohI}I-Mehinwal and Janj, etc., as enumerated in his Sassi-
Punnun. It was versified mostly in Kabits and Kesrl Chhand,
and was published by Sewa Singh & Sons, Arnri tsar. My copy comes
from this impression and is undated.

Mau~rl Muhammad Haflzu.llah compo sed his Fariyad i Sassi in 1920.

It was published by .Akbar .All, Lahore. My copy is undated. The
poet belonged to the Qureshi :Naqashbandl Sect.

37 •
Sardar Natha Singh composed his ureal and complete Qissa Sassi
PunnunHin Kalian, a verse-pattern popular in the rural areas.
It contains 24 wazan, 2 dohras and 24 explanatory notes. It was
written in 1927 as is stated in its colophon.
Natha Singh had been a resident of Village 1raru, district
Patia1ao His qissa was published first in 1927 by Bhai Prltam
Singh of Arnritsar. Another impression, produced by Bhai Mehr
 527
Singh from Amritsar, has also been noticed. My copy bears the
names of Bhai Partap Singh PrItrun Singh, Amritsar, as its pub-
lishers .. The picture of Sassi roaming in the desert printed in
blue on its cover is Quite appealing.
38.
HakIm Hafiz Fazal Illahl's Qissa Sassi wa Punnun was completed
in 1932. The poet, a physician by profession, was then a
resident of Muhammadl, district Jhang. Relating the reason for
its versification, he stated at its end, as hinted earlier,
that he was urged to versify it by some force known either to
him or to God alone. Thus it appears to have been composed in

order to express some personal and agonising experience.

A copy of its 1938 impression is preserved in the India
Office Library, London. l My copy belongs to an impression
published for Dr. M.A. lUim by Aziz Din, Lahore. It bears a
picture of Sassi wandering in the desert, on its cover"

Bhagat Bakhshiis Qissa of the romance is included in his

Ashiqan de Hare, published by Bharat Pustak Bhandhar, Amritsar.
It is composed entirely in baits.

Mir Rehmat Ullah Rehmat sang the pangs of his own separation
from his beloved in Rehmat di Dachi.
It was published freQuently .. My copy comes from an
impression produced by Amlr Bakhsh & Sons, Lahore.

1. Under I.O.L. No. Panjo F.1486.

 528
Mian Muhammad Din called j Safri' sang Sassi's pang.s and writhes
under Piara Mahio
It was published by AzIz Din-Najam Din, Lahore in 1933.
The poet was the son of Mehr Din, a physician of Batala,
district Gurdaspur.

SassI da U~da Ishg.

Malik Muhammad Din, called 'Dardi', composed --0."-------..;;.;'-'---0
It has been published quite frequently. My copy is undated and
belongs to an impression published by Khushi Muhammad & Sons,
Phagwara. The Kafi given at its end is painful and plaintive.
39.
From these minor compositions, we now turn to Sain YatIm Shah's
Qissa Sassi Punnun which can be considered as another signal
contribution to the Sassi-literature in Panjabi.
It was published for the 3rd time by Kutabkhana i Mufid
i Am, Batala in 19380 1 It appears to have retained a consider-
able demand because of the popularity and personality of the
poet on the one hand, and the subject and the treatment on the
other. The title-page shows him as a resident of Dinjwan
(district Gurdaspur) while the poet himself claims Shampura
(near Batala) as his residence.
ZatIm Shah was a SufI faqir of considerable repute. He
was popularly known as S[:dn Boote Shah and was highly respected
by the people of the district as is evident from the preface of
the 1938 edition, written by Bhagat Ram Duggal. The poet had

10 A copy is preserved in the India Office Library, London,

under No. Pan. F.1496.
 529
died by that tLme but he was still held in high regard for his
saintly life and mystic utterances. According to Bhagat Ram,
Yatim Shah in this qissa Hhas woven the beads of mysticism;
preached virtues and moral values to all communities and has
explained the way of ignoring worldly things and coming into a
living contact with the Almighty.1! He further tells us that
this book has been out of print for the last 15 years. liAs I
found in it a fountain of grace and an embodiment of mystic
thought, beneficial for the people of all castes and creeds,
I decided to make it available again in this form."
YatIm's qissa in a way seems to be an expanded edition
of Hashimts Sassi. He has borrowed much not only from the out-
line of his version, adopting even the same names of the
persons and places, but has also used some of his character-
istic words and phrases. On the other hand, he has added much
of his own by introducing variety of form and ideological
approach.
Yatim shows Atta as having seen, in a dream, a box
floating on the river and having rushed to bring it ashore.
A prominent feature of Yatim's version is the inclusion in it
of 3 Bar8.hmahs, 2 satwaras and 2 siharfiso l The first Barahm8.h
describes Sassi's pangs of separation. One of the satwaras is
composed of deodhs and records her wanderings and bewailings.
The first siharfl contains a dialogue between Sassi and her
mother. The second siharfl marks a departure from the general

1. Names of three popular patterns of poems written round the

twelve months of a year, seven days of a week and thirty
letters of the Persian alphabet, respectively.
 530
practice and proceeds with a line for each letter of the
Persian alphabet.
Yatim has also added a se~uel to his version. As already
hinted, he has associated it withMir Khusrau who, having learnt
much about the true love and self-sacrifice of Sassi and Punnun,
decided to visit their grave to find out the truth. He called
out aloud but having received no response, he turned back soon
to be hailed by a voice saying-
110 miraculous master, pray listen to my request,
I was much grieved and awe-stricken on hearing the
sound of your camel s' hooves.
I mistook your arrival for that of the Beloches who
had treacherously abducted my beloved.
It is after great trials and tribulations that I have
been able to find him again.
Hence I have since been holding him fast in my arms.
As a thief fears a voice and an infidel a call for
prayer,
So are the lovers afraid of separation from each other.1I
When Khusrau heard this plea, he was much pleased. Applauding
her, he exclaimed:
IIBravo, Sassi!
May you be praised, you have done very well and
behaved worthily;
Wonderful are your ways, 0 Lord~
You bestow just reward to the lovers for their stead-
fastness and self-sacrifice~
We offer ourselves for all service or sacrifice
For such lovers who are supported in their pursuit
even by the Almighty.1!

Hashmat Shah, the author of Laila-Majnun, Bahar i Hashmat Shah

and Gurlzar i Hasmat Shah wrote Sassi da Vichhora(i.e. Sassi's
~~~~~~~~--

Separation) 0 It was published by Karim BakhSh Barkat Allah of

Julundur. There is no indication in it about the date of its
composition or of publication.
 531

Hasan's Sa?si is composed, of 26 ~Tl\Jh2.ns. An undated manuscript

copy of it is preserved L:.ndeI' the title, Ath SassI Hasan KI
KathnI in the Panjao University Library, Lahore (No .590) •
It descrioes the terriole state of Sassi on her learning
about punn~Ulls abduction; and begins as under:
. ? . 6. . .
~. . • _ I ()v-:
U
/

..
,f?v'
U~-' / l.j b'J ~ _ U(b /
,//-
..?
~?5
/;, _

,?-/"/
f?? / ,b-
(j--::
_9/;,,-/

/
, /'" 'Yj-/
- Lrk~!?'~~0' :.r,-'·/_U~7~.y'~cJ;c! ~.::I:~
It is followed by a de.scription of her departure in pursuit of
her lover. This description includes the arguments and entreat-
ies of her 60 girl-friends, dissuading her one after the other,
from proceeding to the desert in search of him~ Then follows a
dialogue between Sassi and her mother which ends with her
desperate departure from Bhambhore.
Hasan's version was published in 1930 in the Oriental
College 1-1agazine The late Dr
Muhammad Shafi al so po ssessed
0 0

a manuscript copy of this compo si tion. l

Allah Ditta belonged to Hajipur, district Hoshiarpur. The

first part of his composition, Faghan i Sassi, (i.e. Sassi's
Lament), was published in 1933 by Chattar Singh - Jiwan Singh,
Amri tsar 0

Mullam.mad Balul.sh (1) also composed his poem on the same theme aJ.1.d
entitled it also as Fag0~n i Sassi.

Harnam Singh composed his version in 542 l:aoits. The poet,

1. See Oriental College Magazine, op.cit., Vol.VI, No.,3, May

1930, pp~3~41w '
 532
according to Mohan Singh, belonged to village Sekba of the
l
former state of Patiala. I have not been able to procure or
see his version or any other composition of the author with
this description.
But the following 3 versep5' - compositions under the same
name have been found in the India Office Library, London:
1. PUran Bhagat dian Bolian~ Amritsar, 1931;
2. Bhfrmie Jat di S8.kbi, Lyallpur, 1932;

3. Gur Parkash or Twarikh Gurduara~ Lahore, 1933. 2

But while the author of the first had been a resident of
village Guni of the former Nabha State, that of the second
hailed from Chakk No.119, Tehsil Jarhanwala and of the third
•
belonged to village Baguli of district Ludhiana.

Saleh and Shakir are also said to have versified the romance
in the form of Qissas. 3 But nothing more is known about them.

Indar Singh ~/laskin, a Rajput of village Doaba, district Gurdapur,

composed his As1i~a1) Qissa Sassi Punnun in baits. It was
published by Chattar Singh-Jiwan Singh, Amritsar.
My copy bears a pathetic coloured picture of Sassi
wandering in the desert in search of her sweetheart. It has been
reproduced in Part III as a specimen of pictorial representations
on covers of the printed versions.
1. See Oriental College Magazine, op.cit .. , Vol.V, No.4,
August 1929, p~52.
20 They are preserved there under Panj.D.1155, F.1370 and
F.1362.
3. See Oriental College Magazine, op.cit., Vol.V, No.4,
August 1929, p.52; Vol.7, No.2, p.47.
 533

Channan Singh-Jaswant Singh versified the romance jointly in a

purely folk-style, to be read or recited in folk gatherings,
particularly of the lVialwa tract of the Panjab" It has a charm
and fascination all of its ovm.
-
The poets hailed from village Sarkoti Singhan of the
former State of Pathla and their Qissa has been published by
Darba:ra Singh Jodh Singh, Patiala. My copy bears the same
picture on its cover as is given on the paper-c.over of an
impression of Hashim r s Sassi, published by Mehr Singh & Sons,
.Amri tsar.

Charagh Din, popularly known as 'IshQ Lehr', also composed a

Siharfi Sassi Meh Baramah on the patterns of both an I alphabet'
and a 'calendar! ..
The poet was a cobbler of Lahore and worked for some time
in the Railway Workshop at MUghalpura .. He took an interest in
the political movements as well; and died at the age of about
70 in 1950.

Pandit Kishore Chand of village Badowal, district Ludhiana, is

also said to have versified the romance in the form of a
complete Qissao l

Mlr Husain described Sassi!s lamentations in his Qissa Sassi

de Vai~l in pathetic language and piercing style; .?

,... . Zf L?L. L.
I,' \.' Gr.'
J
t, ." (
U-,~~ cr;;/
./
JY
LL / ;.; c; /
Khahish Ali! s Qiss?- Sa§!=3i Punnm}, was published by Aziz Din -
Najam Din, Lahore. It is woven around the following refrain:
1. Jain, B.D., Panjabi Zabfu~ Te Uhda Literature, Lahore - 1941,
p.148.
 534

The poet belonged to 1!i8.{'I I:alcul, district Sialkot. The version

is followed by two poems bearing on the sa.me theme and written
by Sain Labhii Shah and Mlran Bakhsh.

The gissa of Muhammad Bakhsh FarshI (2) was also produced by

the above publishers. Its pathetic refrain, describing Sassi's

helplessn~.ss r~~ as under: .. , / , / <1 1;/

U ,l/' cJL:~ ~ r u L",,: C/ t U
J

3 -'~ U
.3 ?
·\ / I·' " ; L'J f} L'
~ ~ " /' j
_
U l
"~
"
I
!
v-.J ... J!J
,..,~

','
- l...-
4l.
"..)!....J" " o
'" rC
./

MilkhI Ram's ~ssa Sa~si Punnun has been matched in popularity

by Mian Muhammad Bhasin with that of Q.issa HIr-Ranjha by vvaris

Milkhi Ram belonged to Lahore and was indeed a very

popular pOGt of his time and has produced an appreciable nLlffiber
of such compositions, but the status made out for him by Bhasin
does not hold good.
Milkhi1s ~issa is in baits and has been published by
JoSoSant Singh & Sons, Lahore. An illustrated edition published
by Sheikh Ghulum & Sons, is pl"eserved in the Panjab Public
Library, La.lJ.ore (No ,,1473). My copy belongs to a former
impression and bears a picture of the poet on its paper-cover •

.Ahmad DIn of Mianwall has also versified the romance of Sassi.

He was the author of a similar qissa about the romance of
 535
Sohnl-Mehinwal. 1
--.
I{huda Bakhsh, popularly knovm as I Sabar I , was a carpenter of
Lahore .. He composed Sassi's laments under Jadid Faghan i Sassi
in a very pathetic tone.
It was published by Bhai Daya Singh, Lahori Gate, Lahore.
The version is followed by an Urdu poem of the poet. My copy
belongs to the first edition but bears no date of publication.

Muhammad Bakhsh (3) versified his composition on the popular

tune of IIZhlim LokI Shirin tere Shehr dell. It was published
by AzIz Din-Najam DIn, Lahore.

Mehraj DIn, c.alled 'Bedam r, wrote Fariyad I Punnun dar Firag

i Sassi 0 It was pU-bl ished freCluently by MauJ.rolli. Wal i Allah,
Kashmirl Bazar, Lahore. I possess a copy of each of its two
impress,ions.
The poet was a resident of Amritsar and a ~upil of Musa
Ludhianavi. He composed it, as he himself stated, at tbe
command of HabIb ul Rehman.
A copy of another impression produced by Jot P~rkash-

Sant Singh of Lahore has also been procured. It appears to be

a revised version and is entitled Fariyad i Punnun. But as it
contains only the lamentations of Sassi on her separation from
Punnun, the title seems to be wrong and misleading, and should
read as Fariyad i Sassi.

1. As told to me personally in 1956 by Dr. FaCllr Muhammad

Faqir (ex-Editor,the Panjabi, Lahore) ..
MunshI Abdul HamId TurkI, on the other hand, sang the lament-
ations of Punnun in his Fariy-ad i Punnun. It is composed on
the pattern of 9,awali and consists of 6-line stanzas, followed
by a dohra. ';:'}~!! !~fb( ,iI;]/' ;)~l ,tr:s. '~} "/ljl.:7(7) ·;j~/e/ ?ti~J j ~c1; i!
The poet was a pupil of Asi Lahori. His composition was
published by Mia.:'l Karam DIn, proprietor of KarImi Jantri, Lahore.
I have a copy of the same in my collection.

Munshi Muhammad Rarnzan Khokhar versified the conversation and

discussion of Sassi with the Qazi (the law-giver) in deoclhs.
It afforded a very interesting reading. Sassi tells the QazI:
t .- zJ ~ /' I I C &
_ UJ?/ " u: ?u }, , ,w
£/2AJ/.,-: ~.L {' ~ ~;--: ~ U~ L/.' '-.f"
-
· r (:
U.-J~. l~ v
'--1: I
C LJ F
( .. ~3' . :; ~ 't ()~ L cJ L:.:".r."(:)
,G.:r·u ,., ~-'~~ Go
/-~. /'

Khokhar was born in 1882 and was a resident of Wazirabad.

He was also the author of some other popular compositions, such
as GustakhI Aurat, Char Siharfian, Qissa Shah SuI tan Mahmiid,
Fariad i Hir, Kafis, Sh'ola i Ishq, Fariad i Bewa.
was
.An impression of his Qissa Sassi Punnun!published in

1946 by Seth Adamji Abdulla & Co oj' of Bombay;, from Lahore. My

copy bears a picture of a pretty young lady waiting for her
lover. The qissa is followed by two miscellaneous siharfls.

Rikhi Singh's Qissa Sassi Pun~un has been published by

Sharnagat Singh, Bazar Hai Sewail, Amritsaru

Lakhu wrote his passi Punnu~ in the metre of bait and on the
pattern of siharfi. It a.escribes Sassi f s calamity as her having
been robbed of her lover. A manuscript copy of this composition
 537
is preserved in the National LIbrary, Calcutta. It begins thus:
?1J.v~2 ,----/J -)
?//?
-r7~
c//.''''
-:::; ~
.--' ....,/-<;
- _.
......Ofa...-:1
,) '--..
,"'\;;"':7
'--,
.-~.'~'
;"1 "V'"
v
.)~
1
, - .",'
"-
7"" 'I
-'/"-"'''0 1
.
' i,I , 7 " ..
0.
r/')(
<, ' 'I' '':::; ;. '1 .,J.--/ ;(.;>/' ''>/ .,..,. c:~"
. "\ :7 "'. .
" """':::(7;/,-
!/
-'I, - ." f". .• / ,/ i -( •

t --0 ~
bl ;; '-- b/ r~' ,~, ~
~. ~
/ I. )i-' I
'f 7?
i " •
' )"/. / . ( 8,
,,</
;:T7 r
'7
-'7
--?
') Y- - '" ';> •,
<:"J :;- /,)G/ - 0'-. "J 7 }/?I A! ,7 Co) <"':, ;/ I c;-! .'-' 1)/ ~)t71 ;;
Sewa Singh, son of Sara.ar Kesar Singh, is also said to have
~~itten a Qissa Sassi Punnun. He was a resident of Gujrat~

Kahan Singh, a popular poet of the Bar has claimed, in the

colophon of his Hir Kahan Singh, to have versified the romance
of Sassi.
Besides producing religious and didactic compositions
like Guru Bilas, Ram Chandar Charitr, HarIsh Chandar and
Bharthri Hari, he versified the romances of Laila-Majniiri,
Shirin Farhad, Sohni-Mehinwal, Hir Ranjha and Mirza S8.hiban.
"
Though I have not, so far, been able to find his Sassi-
Punnun, I can have no reason to dispute his claim, particularly
when I see that he has tried his hand on almost all other
popular and prominent romances of the land.
The poet belonged to the village of Chadpur in the
district of Montgomery.
42.0
Hashmat Shah (2) produced the romance ina,somewhat dramatic
form and entitled it Mukammal Drama Sassi-Punnun.
Hashmat hailed from the village of Andana Kalaske,
TehsIl Philaur, district of Jullundur. He emigrated in 1947
to Pakistan.
Hashmat has produced a good number of Qissas on a
variety of romantic and periodical themeso These are still sold
on stalls and read both in the Indian and Pakistani parts of
the Panjab.
 538

Hashmat I S Sassi Punnun has been published many

a time 0 lily copy belongs to a recent impression produced by
Adam j'i Abdulla, lTaulaldla
-rrr-
Bazar, Lahore 0 The version begins
with a dialogue between king, Adam Jram, and the astrologers
about the fate of Sassi e Some of the speeches have been headed
with the nrunes of various musical measures. The commentary
given in the brackets is in a mixture of Urdu-Panjabi prose.

Raflq !'s Sassi was published by Az'iz Dln-NajamD'in, LahDre. My

copy is in a very poor conditiono

Aq:;'l Muhhammad Jog'i is also said to have versified the romance. 1

But I have not been able to see it.
Jog'i has also written some kaf'is,some of which have been
woven around the romance of Sassi. The poet has sung through
them the pangs experienced by a human soul separated from the
Supreme Soul; o=P- has expressed the yearnings of a seeker
longing for Union with God~ One of them begins with the
following refrain:

~~ 0/9 7'Q0<>5 ~:J j;//JjT

')7J .7/37 /?;;.-:J' -2,
J -fJ..'1
.§'? ~
,~
2[ I
That is,
liMy lover Baloch has left for Kech
The fire of separation is well ablaze now. Ii
Another kaf'i concludes with an Islamic twist in which the poet
identifies Punnun and Kech with the Prophet and the~eJy1and

of Arabia'.'/.)-1;
/:' t5 L->'-?. ", ,.Y(tv ~ysu~l0
/7/ ~-J I _,6 '~j
\a?,)JF 7:-:" U
./,;7
.-', . ",' '----'.../ '- .
L -
, ., '--"
....J • . . . ,

1 0 Mohan Singh, Mulcammal Swanehumr'i Shlli"l HUsain Lahorl, Lahore

around 1944, p.86.
 539

Mehr DIn composed Wawaila Sassi (Sassi's Wailing) in Raga

Bihs.rl in the :form o:f a qawall.

.
The poet belonged to Mari Sanbokl (Tehsil Kasilr,
district Lahore). His composition was published by Shaikh
Muhammad Akbar All, Mughal Gate, Amritsar.

Sabar Ali, known also as Allah Bakhsh, sang o:f Sassi's wailings,
wanderings and tragic end in his Gulshan i Khyal.
Sabar 'All's use o:f :folk-tunes :for expressing Sassi's
:fee~ings on her :first meeting with Punnun and other such
situations, deserves attention~ This was published by Malik DIn
Muhammad, Kashmlrl Bazar, Lahore 0

MajldYs Qissa Sassi Punnun has also been written on a :folk-tune,

known as 'algozian di tarz'. The poet has mentioned the name
o:f the month but not o:f the year o:f its composition. It was
published by Malik Bashlr Ahmad, Kashmlrl Bazar, Lahore.
43.
In addition to the above-mentioned verse-compositions, the
:following prose-narratives o:f the romance also have been
published. They are available in

i. Teja Singh & S.S. Amol, Panjabi Bhaure, Amritsar,1932.

ii. Surrinder Singh KohlI, Panjab Dian Preet-Kaha~iyan,
Lahore, 1944.
iii. Randhawa, IlLS., Preet Kahaniyan, Delhi, 1957.
iv. Gurbakhsh Singh, Preet Lari, Preetnagar - June,1956;
later reproduced in Ish9 Jinhan di Haddln Rachia,
Delhi, 1961.
 540

4Lj-o

This big and varied crop of Panjabi versions which has come
to our notice only after diligent search and en~uiry/leads me
to believe that some more could still be found and added to
its number. But even then the list could not be called
exhaustive as Sassi is still a celebratedHheroine of Panjabi
1
love-poetry'? and will long continue to be so.

1. See Aryan Path, Bombay, October, 1942, p.458~

 541
-6-
RAJ.ASTHAN~ VERSION

The romance, during its progress towards the east, has

travelled through the contiguous state of Rajasthan as wello
Rajasthan, Rajwara or Rajputana, is the picturesQue
land of Rajputs of ancient lineage and proud descent. It
signifies a great territorial circle which during the period of
British rule included about a score of autonomous princely
states. It is bounded on the west and north-west by the former

province of Sindh and the state of Bahawalpur respec.tively.

Its northern and eastern frontiers march with the Panjab and
Uttar Pradesh; and its southern boundary runs accross the
central region of India. The Aravalli mountain-range divides it
almost from end to end into two main divisions, viz. north-west
of the Aravallis and south-east of the Aravallis. The area
conc.erning our romance c·overs mostly the north-western division
which comp.rises the whole vast tract stretching from Sindh on
the wes.t, northwards along the southern Panjab frontier to near
Delhi on the north-east. The former states of Jaisalmer,
Marwar,l and Bikaner form a homogeneous group in the west and
north. 2

1. Marwar, or as it is sometimes called after its capital,

Jodhpur, is the largest in extent of the Rajputana states·.
See for the detailed account, Adams, A., The Western Raj-
putana States, London - 1900 (2nd ed.), pp.lff.
2. See The Rajpute~a Gazetteer, Vol.I, Calcutta - 1879,
pp.1-3. See also Tod, J., The Annals and Antiquities of
Rajasthan or the Central and Western Rajputana States of
India, 3 vols., London - 1920.
 The character of this tract is uniform throughout; it
is sandy, unproductive and ill-watered; improving gradually
from a mere desert in the far west and north-west, between
Rajputana and Sindh, to comparatively habitable and fertile
lands towards the north-east. Beyond the Loni, and from the
edges of the Rann of Kachh, stretches northwards the great
desert which divides Rajputana from Sindh along the whole of
its western frontier.
The language of the territory as a whole is called
RajasthfulI; it was so named by Griers~on in order to distinguish
it from Western Hindi on the one hand and from Gujarati on the
other. It is spoken by more than ten millionsl and covers
an area of 132,098 square miles. 2 It is bounded on its e'ast
(going from north to south) by the Braj Bhasa and Bundell
dialec~ts of western Hindi. On its south (from east to west),
it has Bundeli, MarathI,
o
BhIII, KhfuldesI and GUjaratlo It has
Sindhi and Lehndi, a dialect of Panjabi, on its west (from
south t;:, north), and on its north (from west to eas,t) it has
Lehndi and Bangaru, a dialect of Hindi. Rajasthani consists
of five dialects, viz. MarwarI,
- -
Jaipuri, Mewati and Nimadi,
-
o

having many uolloguial variationso The most important of all,

with regard to area and population, is the western dialect,
commonly knovVIl as MarwarI.. It is spoken in various forms, in
Marwar,
o
Mewo.r, Eastern Sindh, Jaisalmlr, Bikaner, the South
0

10 Sarker, A", Handbook of Languages and Dialects of India,

Calcutta - 1964, pp~86-7.
20 Vide The Handbook of India, New Delhi - 1958, p.37.
 543
Panjab and the north west of the Jaipur state.

.
The area occupied by Marwarl is greater thal1. that
occupied by all other Rajasthani diaLects put together; 1 and
is spoken by more than four and a half millions. This is the
branch of Rajasthani with which we are most concerned, not
only because it has cherished and preserved this romance but
also because it is the only dialect possesstng a recognised
literature of any considerable extent. 2 In addition to the
Dingal (poems in old Marwari),
co
there is an enormous mass of
religious literature and bardic chronicles of considerable
historical importance, most of which are recorded in old
manuscripts or preserved orally by the family bards 0 The Rev.
J. Robson was probably the first to publish a collection of
Khyals in litho from Ajmer in 18660 3 The cultural renaissance
that followed the Independence in 1947~ has turned people's
attention towards their literary heritage and it is being
gradually traced, collected and made available to the reading
publico
2 ..

The romance of Sassi is also a gem of this unprobed treasure,

and has become a part of the Rajasthani lore. According to
Shri Kamal Ko~hari, the editor of Parampar~ (Jodhpur), it is
commonly sung and related in and around Jaisalmer. Local bards,

10 Grierson, Sir GoA., The L inguistic Survey of India, Vol. IX,

pt.ii, Calcutta - 190b, pp.1-19~
2. My visits to Indore and Bhupal in Malwa (the domain of
Mal vI, the principal south-eastern dialect) have not been
frui tful in this respec,t"
3. Robson, J., The Selection of Khyals or IIfIarwa(i Plays,
Ajmer - 1866Q
 544
like Nur Mohaillmad and Shamur Khan, have a number of its
versions committed to memoryo 1

Burton, as already stated, vouched for this fact when

he observed, as far back as 1851, that lithe story is remarkable
as being known throughout the extensive tract of the country
lying between Mekran and Afghanistan, J-esalmere and western
Persiao" 2

As regards its written versions, Agar Chand Nahta, a

scholar and folklorist from Bikaner, has informed me that "two
manuscripts, containing two different versions are available
in the Anup Sanskrit library, Lalgarh. One of them is illus-
trated and gives the story in detail.,,3

Another version is in the possession of Nahta himself. It

forms a part of a manuscript named Abhejan Granthale Gutka
and is entitled Sassi Panue Ri Bat. 4 It is written in 1788 V.S.
1731 A.D. by Prohit Khetsi of Biknero
Khets5., according to Menaria, was a Charn-kavi of the
Sandhu branch. He was a dependant of Maharaja Abhai Singh of
Jodhpur. He translated the 18 purvs of Mahabharata into Dingal
Bhashs... It is known as Bhasha Bharath and was completed in
1760. It has been acclaimed as a uniQue work of Dingal

1. They were still flourishing in 1956 when I met Ko~hari and

discussed this matter with him.
2. Burton, Sir R.F., Sindh and the Races that Inhabit the
Valley of Indus, London - 1851, p.56.
3. Vide his letter dated 28th October 1957, to me.
4. Bat is a Rajasthani eQuivalent for such compositions, as
we have gissa in Panjabi and dastan in Urdu, etc.
 545

literatureo KhetsI was both a s~holar and a born poet. He used

"Seeh" as his surname in his verseso l The colophon of KhetsIls
Sassi Panne ri Bat reads as under:
Q rei m;:it q 2i -n- <ITer \91J:TGT. ~ ~ ~t:t: :qc.r~r( ~ -f'JrrrTB".
fC;)~ Lfnfier tcrcrifl Gfi cl1l ~ { 11ftr. m- »ft.
The story of his version begins with the following
verses:
01TfI Q1ij ~i3ITDT, 'A ~l I u 1'")- 01 I S91
~~ ~0!t 'ITUf, ~n:r q I J 0 It

ArI Baloch was the ruler of Kech Makran. His queen was called
Hanta. They had three sons known as IIP anna l!, 2 Mehrakhl and
Kalo. Once, a terrible famine broke out in the couniry. The
people were much distressed. HothI and Nothi Shah approached
ArI Baloch for permission to go to Thatta to fetch grain for
food. After obtaining his consent they requested that the
prince Punnun should accompany them to protect them from any
attack by dacoits. ArI said that he must defer to the wishes
of the queen. The Mahajans (merchants) appealed to her
accordingly but she refused her consent. Then they approached
Punnun himself. He consented and told them to enquire the most
auspicious time of departure. They consulted the astrologer
and left for Thatta after midnight. When Hanta awoke and came
to know of it, her anger knew no bounds. She asked princess
Saran and PulliLun!S other three wives why they had let him go.

1. Menaria, lLL0, A Catalogue of ~!lanuscripts in the Library

of His Highness the 1'1aharaja of Udatpur, po660
20 In this version the name of the hero appears as IIPanna H •
 546

She then sent Saran to go after Punnun &~d bring him back.
But Punnun would not listen to her entreaties and did not come
back to Kech 0

He reached Thatta and encamped there. The Kotval

(town-superintendent), named Babiha, came to him and the
merchants asked, him where they could s,tay. The Kotval said
that Punnun could stay in a place known as Sassi's garden and
the traders CQuld reside at another place. So Punnun, after
obtaining the permission of Dhadha, the washerwoman, through
the courtesy of the Kotval, took his residence in Sassi's
garden. He had musk with him which spread its odour all through
the place and awoke Sassi from her sleep_ Entranced by the
beauty of the night, and filled with a sense of the advent of
some angel, she looked around and perceived the presence of a
stranger. She approached one of Punnun' s companions, named
Khawas, and asked about the leader of the caravan. Khavva.s was
amazed ather subl ime beauty. Meanwhil e, Punnun had go e to
J

his :feet. They saw each other and fell in love 0

It was almost day-break. Sassi returned to her place

and then went out to fetCh water along with her companions.
Punnun asked Pandaw to bring him his horse so that he could
take him to water. Pandaw offered to do it for him, but
Punnun wished to go by himself. The lovers met at the water's
edge. When, on their return, they were c,onversing together in
the garden, Dhadha happened to come that way_ She asked, "Who
is this thief?" Sassi replied, IIHe is not in reality a thief;
 547

but a thief he is, the thief of my heart 0 II Dhadha asked Punnun

his caste. He told her, at Sassi's instance, that he was the
....
son of a washerman, nruned Ansi; and that they were reasonably
well-to-do. Dhadha said that if he could prove himself to be
a good washerman, she would be glad to marry Sassi to him.
The prince had never before washed any clothes, and, not
surpris.ingly, he tore them. But he cunningly placed some coins
inside, in order to avoid any complaints, The people concerned
were happy to see the coins, but Punnun's delicate fingers were
bleeding. He had agreed to waSh the clothes in order to secure
the hand of Sassi. This he now requested and Dhadha accepted
him. The Brahmans were consulted to fix an auspicious time.
At first they advised a month's wait but when Punnun offered
them money, they named the auspicious moment and permitted the
performance of the marriage soon after. Punnun, richly dressed
as a bride-groom and accomp.anied by the Baloch traders, reached
Sassi!s house for the desired wedding. Sassi's girl-friends
saw him from close quarters and proclaimed that he was not a
washerman, for he looked like a great merchant or a very rich
goldsmith.
Sassi and Punnun began to lead a very happy life after
their marriage. The traders were now ready to return home and
they asked Punnun to accompany them~ But Punnun refused to go
back. When the traders reached Kech, all enquired anxiously
about Punnun. The merchants said he had married a washermaid
of Thatta and had decided to stay on there. The queen Ranta
 548

found this an intolerable state of affairs and despatched her

son, IVlehrakhi, to go and fetch Punnun back at any cost.
MehrakhI reached Thatta. Sassi saw him while on her way to a
$hop to purchase oil, &~d became suspicious at the sight of a
foreigner, lest he should be there to take away her sweetheart.
Mehrakhi encamped in the garden, met Punnun and told him that
having remained long separated from him, he had come there just
to see hime Punnun introduced him to Sassi as his brother.
Mekrakhi tried to pursuade Punnun to return to Kech and take
charge of the state. But Punnun said, uYou may have it your-
self. Good luck to you! I nee~d nothing el se except Sassi. I
have resolved to stay on with her for the rest of my life. 1i
When night fell and the meal was served, Mehrakhi said, III
shall eat only if you will agree to go bac·k to Kech; otherwise
I shall remain hungry. II Punnun said, "This I will never do.
Now it is for you to dec.ide; either stay here or go back to
Kech. As far as I am concerned, I have decided, once for all,
not to move from here. 1I The struggle went on late into the
night and Sassi retired to sleep.
Mehrakhi then came down in order to leave for Kecho
Before departing, he said to Punnun, HCome and embrace me,
at least, for the last time. God alone knows whether we shall
be able to see each other again. 1I Wllen Punnun came dovmstairs
and was going to embrace his brother, the latter signalled to
his comrades to take him and carry him away on the swiftest
camel. ~hen Sassi woke up and did not find Punnun there, she
 549
began to weep and cry loudly * Her mother told her, uYou know,
you are a washermaid, while Punnun was a prince; and that too
~rom a ~oreign land. How could this union go on ~or long? So
he has le~t you .. It is better ~or you to ~orget him altogether. 1i
But Sassi would not listen.
She le~t Thatta in pursuit o~ her lover, all alone, in
the wilde·rness of the desert. She asked the way ~rom someone
called Khalehr i but he did no t help her. Then she appealed to
Mother Earth to give her room. The earth parted in the twinkling
o~ the eye, engul~ed Sassi and closed up again, leaving a corner
of her scarf remaining visible.
When Punnun reached Kech, there was great rejoicing.
tJ t'Vif:>
His .q~enB came forward and tried to cajole him, but Punnun
took no notice of them and said, "I now stand wedded to Sassi.
She is now my only belovedo it The queen, his mother said, nyou
have besmirched the honour of the entire dynasty by marrying
a girl of low caste. Just look at your own queens. They are in
no way inferior to her v" But Punnun paid no heed to anything.
He began to pine ~or his love and he neither ate nor drank.
People warned his parents that he would die there o~ the pangs
of separation, but if they allowed him to return to her as
quickly as possible, he would regain his heal tho Having been
permitted to go, Punnun asked for his father's mare, known as
Bauri, but his father refused to give her.
At last, due to his mother's intervention and per suas.ion ,
he was allowed to ride her straight to Thatta. He met Pedar on
 550
his way and asked him, pointing to a landmark, lTipfuat is that?"
Pedar told him that it ~TaS a memorial in the memory of a girl,
named Sassi, who dropped dead at that spot, crying "Panna,
Panna, Panna", all the time. Punnun lost his wits on hearing of
the tragic end of his sweetheart. He alighted from his mare and
began to cry "Sassi, Sassi, Sassi tl • He heard a voice from
inside the mound, calling, "0 Panna, my darling Panna, come to
me.1! Punnun entreated the earth to help him. It opened and
allowed him to rejoin his dead love.
The i'papla~ of Punnun I s mare and the corner of Sassi t s
scarf are still visible there and people still visit the place
with reverence.
This version contains some very interesting motifs,
situations and characters which have not been noticed so far in
any other version. The story begins from the herots side. He
is shown as being already married to four girls at Kech. The
names given to his brothers have also not been noticed else-
where. There is no mention of Sassi's Bhambhore. It has been
replaced by an adjacent to'V'm, named Thatta, once a capital of
Sindh. A new character, viz. a kotval (town-superintendent) has
been introduced with the name Babiha, which has generally been
associated with one of the merchants in most of the other
versions. The hero's arrival has been indicated by the spread
of the odour of musk, instead of the gardener's complaint about
the destruction of the garden by his men and camels. Moreover,
he is shown as possessing a horse, not the camel as stated in
almost all other versions; and he is made to meet the heroine
 551
at the water's edge. Atta, the washerman, has been dropped
altogether and his place has been taken by Dhadha, a washer-
woman. The trick used for PunnunTs abduction is also new and
quite ingenious.
4.
Four more versionslare available in the Anup library, Bikaner
as indicated in the Catalogue of its Rajasthani Manuscripts. 2
The first, described on page 70, bears No.166 and is
entitled Shashi Panna ri ne Rani Chauboli ri Vatan. It consists
of 47 folios (ff. 2-48) and was written in 1775 in Bikaner by
Ram Kishan. It is an illustrated copy_
The second, mentioned on the same page, is another
anonymous composition, entitled ShashI Panna ri Vat. It is
included in manuscript No.167 which opens with this and covers
the first 30 pages. The pages relating to the beginning of the
tale are, however, missing. It does not bear any date of
compositi~n or transcription. Both of these versions (yizo
MSS. No: 166 and 167) are in prose.
The third, mentioned on page 142, of the said catalogue
is entitled Shashl Punu ri Varta and is included in manuscript
No.29l. It is quite incomplete and consists of only one folio,
yizo No.6, sandwiched between Koksastra (ff. 1-5) and Baital
PachIsI (ff. 7-26).

10 Including probably the tw(o a1reSadY men7tl)" onted bYflffihtaB"kinaner

his above-quoted letter dt. 2 .10.195 0 me" rom 1" 0
2. Video Khatri, DoN., Catalogue of the Ra "asthanl Manuscrl ts
in the Anup Sanskrit Library, Bikaner - 19.7, pp.1 ,70,1420
 552

The fourth, indicated on page 14, is the last part of

manuscript No .. 40 which begins with Dhola J:laru ra DUha .. It is
given there after the 1 finish I of ViharI's Satsai and begins
from folio 92. It extends up to folio 94 only, as the remain-
ing portion has, unfortunately, been lost. The part which
survives is all in verse.
Another version is preserved in the Tod Collection of
the Royal Asiatic Society, London. It is included in manuscript
No.122 which is a collection of various tales l and begins thus
with the tale of Sassi itself under the title: Bat Pannan Ki.

The narrative is interwoven with dohras in verse and bats

(narrations) in prose. It ends on F.22(a) with a kabit and
the following finish; WIT lT1t1~ ftrc..q C(i11 <ill u n 0Tc?iT1
~: 'flTTf ~ ~Pi {IN! ~ q Itt I PI~iSJ.

The collection continues in another volume which bears

MSo No.123. The entire manuscript, running into 422 ff. of

large-size paper, was copied for Tod at Udaipur, in the reign

of Raja Bhim Singh, by various scribeso The transcription was
completed in 1821.

1. The fly-leaf bears the following note in Todts own hand:

TlCollection of 102 Hindoo Stories, not translated, to be
returned to J.Tod. ll
 553

5~

Their availability in such an appreciable number has induced

me to believe that many more such veTsions may be lying here
and there in Rajasthan in the form of unrecorded ballads and
unprobed manuscriptso
 -7--
554
HINDI VERSION

Hindi is recognised as the o:fficial language of the Indian

Union; as a regional language, it "borders, linguistically,
on Panjabi in the west, Bengali in the east and Marathi in the
south. The basin of the Ganges up to about Bhagalpur in the
east may be regarded as the homeland of regional Hindie In
ancient times it was called II/ladhyadesh or the Midland of
Aryavarta or Northern India".l The Hindi covered by such a
vast area really consists of many dialects from both Eastern
and Western Hindi,which in spite of their names belong to two
different language-groups.
Eastern Hindi is spoken in Awadh, Baghelkhand and
ChhatIsgarh; and has AwadhI, BaghelI, BhojpurI and ChhatIs-
garhI
o
as its main dialects. AwadhI, the most important, has a
huge and excellent literature to its credit. Western Hindi has
been described by Grierson as lithe most important, both poli ti-
cally and in point of numbers", and lithe purest representative
of the Central Group of Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. ,,2 It has five

.
main dialects: Braj Bhasa, KharI Boll, KanaujI, BundelI and
~

Bangaru. Braj Bhasa, with which we are mostly concerned at

•
present, is the dialect of the region around Mathura. It has
a considerable classical literature, devoted mostly to the

1. Varma, D., 'Hindi Literature! in Gokak, V.Ko, Literatures

in Modern Indian Languages, Delhi - 1957, p.74~
2. Grierson, Sir G.A~, The Linguistic S"urvey of India, Vol. IX,
ptei, Calcutta - 19l6, pp.XIII, 1-3.
 555

Krishna-Cult, as that of AwadhI is devoted mainly to the cult

of Ramao
Hindi as a whole has some very rich literary tradit-
ionso The 1rath and Chara~a Sahitya constitute the main currents
of the early period which also produced a monumental bardic
chronicle entitled Prithiraj Rasau (dt. around 1192) by Chand
Bardai of Lahore. The medieval period comprises the Bhakti
Sahitya, Sant KayYa, and PremaKhyana Kayya of the 14th to 16th
centuries, and Shingar Kayya of the 16th to 18th centuries. l

SUr Dasts Sur-Sagar (dt. around 1550), Tulsi Das's Ramcharit

Manas (dt. 1575); Guru Arjan t s Guru Granth Sahib (dt. 1604);
Gobind
Malik Muhammad's Padmavat (dte 1540) and Guru/Singh ts Dasam
Granth (dt. 1696 appr.) represent the various literary trends
of the period.
2.
The latter two struck a new note by Singing the divine as well
the secular love; and also by narrating the Quest of the soul
in an allegorical form, with a SUfI colouring in the case of
the former and a socio-mythological emphasis in the case of
the latter ..
Malik Muhammad Jayasl derived his material from the
heroic and romruLtic legends of Rajasthan. He told of the love
-
1. See Shukla, R.Cc, Hindi Satitya ka Itihas, 8th ed.,
Benares - 1952.
 556

or Padmini and Ratansen, ending in their death while roiling

repeated attempts or 'Alau d dIn l{halji l to gain possession
or the Moon or Mewafe Jayasl in his narrative (Viz. Padma:vat)
intermixed history and romance; adventure and allegory so
beautifully that it gripped the popular mind everywhere. 2

GurU Gobind Singh's Dasam Granth, apart rrom containing

numerous compositions in praise or God and accounts or His
alleged incarnations, includes also a compendium or mediaeval
romances, viz. Pakhian Charitr or Triya Charitr (i.e .. Women's
Ways or Tales or Women I s Wiles). These are 405 in number and
are described in 7,555 stanzas. They are written in Braj
Bha~a and cast in a large variety or verse-rorms and llatterns,
such as Dohras, Kabits, Chaupais and Swayyas, etc. 3
The Triya Charitr, completed in 1753 V.S. / 1696 A.D.,
appears to be the largest and the most representative collect-
ion or Indian as well as non-Indian tales and romances preval-
ent in the land during the mediaeval period. His.tory, mythology,
hagiology, topography and legendary lore have been blended in
it in an artistic and literary rorm. The Charitrs are brier
in narration, psychological in treatment,clear in motirs and

1. As already mentioned in Pt. I, Padmini was a beautirul

princess or Ceylon, Rattan Sen was the ruler or Chitor
and Alau d dIn was the King or Delhio
2. See Grierson, GoA., The Padu"llavatl, Calcutta - 1911;
Shukla, RoC., Padmavat -JayasI -uranthavall, Allahabad
1935, Lal. KoS., History or the Khaljis, Allahabad - 1950,
pp .120-30 ..
3. See Bishan Singh, Gia~l, Dasam Granth Sahib ji SatIk,
..Amritsar - 1941.
frank in deriving morals for spiritual redemption and social
uplift 0 Their authorship is a oit disputed. Some attrioute
their composition to Guru Gobiad Singh, others to Ram and
Sham, two poets of his celeorated court of learning. There
are yet others who consider even fmill( and <'Shan{ as the pen-
names of the Guru Himself. l
Guru. Gooind Singh (1666-1708), the Tenth Master of
the Sikhs was also the founder of the Khalsa.
o
Besides oeing a
great saint and soldier, he was a versatile writer and a
scholar too. He wrote extensively and forcefully in Panjaoi,
Persian and Braj Bhasa. Most of' his works were lost during
his campaigns with the Mughal f'orces. The remaining, including
his autooiography, are preserved in the voluminous Dasam
Granth i.e .. the Book of the Tenth Master. It was compiled
posthumously oy Bhai Manl Singh, one of his trusted and
sc,holarly disciples, who while serving as the Head Priest of
the Golden Temple, Amritsar, died a martyr in 1737 at Lahore.
The Triya Charitr contains, among a large variety of
tales, some of the most popular romances of the entire sub-
continent. We find in it, f'or instance, the versions of the
celeorated romantic tales of' Hir-Ranjha, Nala-Damayanti,
Rupmati-Bazoahadur, Madhva Nal, Rattan Sen, Krishna Rukamani,

1. See A~ta, D oP., The Poetry of Dasam Granth, Delhi - 1957;

Randhir Singh, Dasam Granth Hirne, 1 Amri tsar-c .1952;
Mohan Singh, Dr., A History of Pan'jaoi Literature, 2nd ed.,
Amritsar - 1956, pp.41 & 45.
 558

Sohnl-Mehinwal and Mirza Sahibano l

--.=-~==;.:..:;:;:;;.

It also contains a version, the only one of its kind, of the

romance of Sassi-Punnun. The Charitr No.lOB has been
devoted solely to the narration of this tale which covers 51
atanzas, composed in dohras, swayyas and chaupai'so Most of
them describe the marriage ceremony of the lovers, their
happy and affectionate married life and Sassi's fidelity to
her husband. Punnun is shown to be a king, not a prince, and
already a married man. Sassi's2 conflict with his co-wife,
resort to magic~ Punnun's treacherous murder, burial of his
corpse; flights in the babans (chariots), Sassi's sacrifice
and her reception in heaven, etc. are some of the peculiar
motifs and situations which single it out from all other
versions of the romance. The entire story has been given a
marvellous mythological colour aiming at a moral, indicating
the ill-effects of a husband's polygamy and the good effects
of a wife's fidelity to her husband. The tale, in itself,
runs as under:

I .. The inclusion of such gleanings from the folklore in such

a celebrated work has its resemblance in the regional
versions of the epics of Rfunayal}-~ and Mahabharata as well.
Sen tells us that Hmany of the incidents, des_cribed in
our Bengal i Ramayanas and Mahabhara tas, were go. thered from
local fol_klore These do not form a part of the original
0

Sanskrit epicso Such, for instance, are the legends of

Bhasmalochna's fight in the kanka -Kanda of the Ramayana,
and of Crivatsa and Chinta in the Bengali Mah'Ubharata. 1i
(Sen, DoC., The Folk-Literature of Bengal, Calcutta -
1920, p.17).
2. In this version the name of the heroine appears as
'Sassia' throughout.
 Once the sage Kapil happened to see Rambha,l a
beautif'ul apsara (nymph, f'air;y~), and felt charmed with her.
In his desire, his semen fell down on the earth and res1..u ted
in the pregnancy of' Rambha.
In course of time, Rambha gave birth to a girl. She
lef't her afloat on the Indus and returned herself to paradise.
The waves carried the girl to a spot where Brahmdat,
the ruler of Sindh was standing and sight-seeingo He noticed
the girl, took her out of' the river and adopted her as his own
child. In view of her moonlike beauty, he named her tSassia'.
When Sassi grew up, he thought of marrying her; and after
making necessary enquiries about Punnun Patsh8h, he invited
him to Sindh. On his arrival, the marriage was solemnised and
all those present blessed the beautif'ul couple. PULDnun!S
handsomeness began to enamour other women too.
When the first wife of Punnun learnt about this
marriage, she felt very much upset. After much thinking and
planning, she succeeded in estranging Punnun from Sassi with
the help of magic. 2 Punnun began to be very much distressed;
he lost his sleep and appetite; and used to roam about

1. Rambha is the name of a nymph, well versed in dancing.

She is said to have been created by Brahama. (See Dikshitar,
V.RoRo, The Purana Index, VoleIII, Madras, - 1955, p.56).
She is also said to have married king Susena of
Chitrakuta. After giving birth to a beautiful girl (later
named Sulochna), she departed to heaven, leaving her to
be brought up by the king himself (See Somadeva. Kathasarit-
§agara, Ado 28, Verses 50-73.)
2. For gaining love by the aid of magic or using charms for
winning love, see Somadeva's Kathasaritsagara in Penzer's
Ocean of the Story, Vol.I, pp.137-8; Vol.II, pp.43-4.
For driving the favourite wife from her husband by
spells and sorcery, see Leahy, A.H., Heroic Romances of
I~eland, Vol.I, London - 1905, p.7.
 560
aimlessly and in agony" Sassi's grief on the other hand, knew

no boundso She sent for her girl friends and sought their help
and advice. They managed to set him right wi t..h a similar
resort to magic. Their relation became as deep and passionate
as before. Punnun deserted his first wife and became again
infatuated by Sassi's love. He forgot all about his domestic
duties al1.d administrative responsibilities. Sassi also loved
him more than herself and did not part from him even for a
moment"
The first wife began to :feel very jealous of their
reconciliation, merry-makings and rejoicings. She collected
some brave men, sought their advice and preferred herself to
be a widow than to lead such a wretched married life. She
dressed herself like a faglr and resolved to have her husband
murdered and her son installed on the throne. She pondered
and planned that if Punnun could be killed while hunting, Sassi
would die soon of the shock. She hired a person for an
enormous sum in order to do away with her husband.
One day, death took Punnun out hunting. VVhile passing
through the thickets, the hireling"s arrow pierced him through
his back. Punnun was enraged" He galloped his horse, leapt on
the hired man and killed him there and theno But bleeding and
staggering,he himself fell down dead after a while. The
servants reached the spot and kissed their master 0 They were
at a loss to understand how and with what face it would be
possible for them to carry his body to the palace and show
 561

him dead to the queen .. Meanwhile, they heard a mysterious

voice, saying, !lWhat are you all thinking about? Punnun was
a brave man and he fell after fighting to the la st" So
instead of taking his corpse to his home it should be buried
here in the field. 1I
The servants returned to the palace after burying
their lord o They related the tragedy to the queen. Sassi could
not bear the news and left straight away in a baban towards,
Punnunrs grave. She was determined either to bring him back
alive or join him there in death.
Weeping and crying, she arrived at the spoto Finding
him dead and buried, she fell dead on his grave and thus
became one with him.
In view of her fidelity and self-sacrifice, she was
admitted straight into paradise. The goddesses and the fairies
took her in the babarr and hailed her arrival. Indra offered
her half of the place on his own throne. l
5.
The entire version has thus been conceived and executed with
a supernatural setting and a mythological background. The
author appears to have accomplished it either by the use of
his ovm imagination or by utilising the veritable mine af
Indian mythologyo
A somewhat similar conception, birth and upbringing

1. For the original text see Dasam Granth, op.cit., Pt.IV,

pp,,97-100o
 562
is indicated in Asanka Jataka too. It is connected there with
the reign of Brarunadatt in Benares (not Sindh of this Charitr)
and is said to have happened with Bodhisatta who once, during
his bath in a pool in the Himalaya, noticed a baby girl in a
lotus. She was conceived in it by the sudden fall of a lIbeing
of per:fect merit from the heaven of the thirty-three".
Bodhisatta felt towards her as to a daughter, took her to his
own hut and tended her affectionately. ltV\ihen she came to six-
teen years, she was beautiful and in her beauty excelled the
hue of man, but attained not the hue of gods. 1I 1
On the other hand, we have on the authority of
Macauliffe the following anecdote associated with Guru Gobind
Singh IS visit to Bathinda when he "took up his residence on
the top of the fort where now is a small temple dedicated to
himti. lVIacauliffe further says that "at night some Baloches
sang of Sassi and Punnun. Sassi had been brought up by a
waSherman. Punnun vvas a Baloch merchant who came to the
Panjab with merchandise for sale. He met Sassi, fell in love
with her, and remained with her, until his brother ca~e and
took him fOi"ciblyaway by night. Sassi at day-break, hearing
of his abduction followed him, and on arriving at a sandy
desert was so overcome by the heat that she expired. The poet
represented that she had entered the earth in Quest of Punnun.

1. Gowell, E.B., The J-ata};:a or Stories of the Buddha's former

Births, Vol.I1I, Cambridge - 1897, Story No.380, p.161.
 563

Next day the Guru took occasion to expatiate on love. He said,

'Men may perform devotion ru~d penance for hundred of thousands
of years but it would be all in vain without the love of God' .. ,,1
This can well lead us to gauge the Guru's interest in
folk-lore and his using it in the expatiation of his ideals,
exposition of his mission and rejuvenation of the mass mind.
His reference to the agony and devotion of the love-lost Hlr,
separated from her beloved Ranjha, in his most popular song,2
said to have been sung during his life-and-death struggle with
the Mughal forces, seems to support the inclusion of the
romance of Sassi in the Dasam Granth and also the narration of
her tale by the Baloches at Bathinda.
6.
The version of the Dasam Granth is in fact the only Hindi
version of the romance that has so far come my way.3
Dr. Mohan Singh states that IIM1r Karfunat Ull8.h of
Amritsar in his second article on Sassi Punnun in the Urdu

1. Macauliffe, M.A., The Sikh Religion, Oxford - 1909, Vol.V,

p.,221. '- (; '... ()
2. The relevant line peads: \i~\vo~, ~' ~\'.c; ~~o O¢~\)
30 t\~~ ~\ --aP0 ~ ~
3. A check of various catalogues of Hindi manuscripts and
printed books has also not revealed anything useful in this
connection. Such as: Nagri PracharnI Sabha: Hasta-likhit
Hindi Granthan kI Khoj ka piclLhale 50 varshon ka parichayat-
mals:: Vivarana, 1900-1950, Benares, 1952.
NagariParcharni Sabha: Khoj men Upalabdha hastalikhita
Hindi Granthon ka ••• Vivarana, Benares, 1953; also the
Catalogues of the libraries of the India Office, BritiSh
Museum a...Yld Royal As1atic Society; London, etc.
 564
monthly, TarjuEan, Lahore, Feoruary, 1917, stated on the
authority of Misra Bandhu's Kavi Klrtan or Sahitya Ithas, Dr.
Grierson! s Hodern Vernacular Li teratuI'e of Hindustarl and Shiv
Singh Saroj that this Greek tale was rendered into HindwI
Dohras about 770 V. by a poet called Pundya or Pushya or
Pushpao He said fUrther that the first Muslim poet of HindwI
did undoubtedly versify the story of Sassi in 1180 Samvat. 111
This is a very bold statement; but unfortunately, I
have so far not been able to see or procure either of the two
versions. But reference to the sources mentioned above, leads
us to doubt even the existence of any such version.
Grierson, to begin with, does not even mention it.
He has rather contradicted Sib Singh SarQj1s statement about
the said poet, first in 1886 in his Mediaeval Vernacular
Li terature of Hindustan 2 al1.d again in 1888 in his Modern
Vernacular Literature of Hindustru1., almost in the same words
which read:
liThe poet Pushya, of Ujain. Fl.713 A.D •• This
is the earliest vernacular poet of whom I have
found any mention in native authors. The Sib
Singh Saroj states that he flourished in the
year 713, and that he is the 'root of the
vernacular I , Bhak..11.a kl jar. • It is not clear
from this account whether his name was Pushya,
Pushpa, or Punda. It states categorically that
he wrote both in Sanskrit and in the Vernacular
and that he is mentioned by Col. Tod in his
Rajasthan. If by Vernacular we are to understand
a stage of language later than that of the

1. Mohan Singh, Pc.. History of Panjaoi Literature, op.cit.,

p.19 fn.
20 Grierson, G.A., The tlediaeval Vernacular Literature of
Hindustru1. in the verhandlungen des, VII Internationalen
Orientalisten Congress, 188 , Wien - 1888, pp.157-210,159.
 Prakri ts, this seems a most improbable statement;
nor can I find that it is borne out by Tod. The
only allusion apparently bearing on this point in
the g§jasthan is a reference (1,229; Calcutta
edition, I, 246) to a Pushya, the author of an
inscription (trruLslated I, 799). I can find no
mention in Tod regarding the language in which
he Wl"'ote. Ii 1
The alleged Misra Bandhu's Kavi Klrtan or Sahiya
Ithas 2 is also Quite silent about it. All that it says while
tracing the origin of Hindi is that Uit has been accepted to
have been born around 700 V; because the first Hindi poet
named Pund or Pushya, flourished in 770 Vo~ but no correct
account nor any poem of this poet has yet been discovered.
Shiv Sinh Sengar has given an account of this poet, according
to which some Sanskrit Alankaras written in Hindi dohas are
attributed to him. 1I3
Examination of Shiva Sinh Saroj has also revealed
nothing to support the claims of Karamat Ullah and Mohan Singh.
Shiva Sinha Sengar has almost the same information which has.
already been mentioned by Grierson and Misra in their
respective works. That is lIPusha Kavi resident of Ujainpuri
flourished during 770 Vo Tod Sahib in his book, Rajas.than,
writes on the basis of old records of AvantlpurI that in 770 V.

1. Grierson, Sir G.A., The Modern Vernacular Literature of

Hindustan in J.A.ScBo, Pt.I, 1888; Calcutta - 1889, p.l.
2. The correct and full name of this work is Misrabandhuvin-
oda athwa Hindi Sahitya ka It has tatha Kavi-Klrtan,
4 Vols., GoV.Misra etc., Allahabad - Lakhnow, 1914-34.
3. Misrabandhu Ninoda, op.cit, Vol.I, 1914, p.105; Hindi
Sahilya ka Sanskshipt Itihas~ p.9.
 566

Raja Man Singh, r'luer of the AvantlpurI was a great scholar of

porosody. Pushpa Bhat studied the first S~~skrit work on
prosody under his guidance and rendered it into dohas in

.
Bhasa Raja Bhoj was born of this Raja Man Singh in 770 v ....
To us he appears to be the root of Bhasa because we do not
•
know any other Bha~a poet or poetical work earlier than that. lll
Thus, this poet Pushpa mayor may not be the alleged
'Root of Bhas.a but it is quite clear that he is neither
•
the 'root' of Sassi-literature nor the versifier of its
version in Hindi. Moreover the "Hindi dohas" attributed to him
do not relate the story of Sassi, but incorporate the Hindi
rendering of the first Sanskrit work on prosody. On the top
of it, nobody has so far even vouched for their availability.
Even Shukla has stated categorically that "no proof of it is
available anywhere. 1I2
So the entire statement proclaiming the romance as a
"Greek tale ll and attributing its Hindi versions to Pushpa
appears to me a misleading jumble of conjectures. The conclud-
ing part is also no less confusing and misleading. It does not
mention even the name of the alleged "first muslim poet of
Hindwl" who according to them"did undoubtedly versify the
story of Sassi in 1180 V.S.iI Mohan Singh, however, named him
earlier in 1930 3 as Masud and later in 1932 in the text of the

1. Sengar, SoS., Shivasinh Saroja, Lakhnow - 1878, pp.77-8.

2. Shukla, R.C. Hindi Sahitya ka Itihas, 8th ed., Benares -
1952, p.3.
3. Oriental College Magazine, Lahore, Vol.VII, No.1, November
- 1930, pp .1-2.
f'ootnote carrying the above statement bracketted him thus
with Push: lithe romances of Sassi Punnun by Pushya and
- 1
Masud"0 He al so added in 1930 that the same Hindi verse-
version of' Masud was later adopted and reproduced in Hindi
prose by a pupil of' Ga~ga Bhat, a celebrated prose-writer
during the reign of' Akbar the great. 2 But strangely enough,
in a still later work he did not include mention of' it in the
writings of' Masild, described there separately under a heading
bearing the poetts name. Furthermore, under a subsequent
heading, viz. Authors of' Romances, while commenting on the
romantic tragedy of' Sassi Plli"'TIlUn, he stated that "this tragedy
was f'irst versified in Panjabi by a Muslim poet about 1123
A.D. II .As noticed under the Panjabi version, Mohan Singh has
neither mentioned the name of' the alleged tMuslim poet!, nor
the title of' his poem on Sassi.
But taking all his statements together, one can
saf'ely conclude that he meant by him Mas fud (1047-1121), the
c,elebrated author of' Habsiya~ But here too, neither he nor
Karamat Ullah have either indicated any source of' their
ini'ormation or given any evidence in support of' these high-
sounding but airy claims o This investigation can thus lead u~

1. A History of' Panjabi Literature, op.cit~, po19.

2. Oriental College Magazine, op.cit., p.2.
3. See No. 100 Persian Version.
to c,onclude that no such poet, Pushpa 01' r,:as lild, has ever
versified the romance of Sassi,l neither in Hindi nor in Pan-
jabi. Even if we agree, for argmnentls sake, that they have
done so, we have no proof, no evidence, nothing in fact to
sUbstantiate it.

RoB. Hittil Ram has also mentioned the existence of another

version in Hindi. 2 But, as he has also not given any description
or mentioned any source for his information, it has not been
possible to trace ito
Shri Agar Ghand Nahta hinted at the availability of a
Hindi version in the Anilp Sanskrit Library, Bikaner;3 but a
perusal of the catalogues of that library has· revealed nothing
of this nature except for the Rajasthani version of the romance
which has already been described and utilised under that
section.

1. Mohan Singh, .An Introduction to Panjabi Literature,

Amritsar - 1951, pPo44-45.
2. Hittil Ram, Tarikh i Balochistan, Lahore - 1907, p.47.
3. In his letter to me, Bikaner dt. 28.10.1957.
 569
-B-
URDU VERSION

Urdu, an official language of Pakistan, is one of the most

popular and highly developed languages of the Indian sub-
continent. It has been described by Grierson as one of lithe
three main varieties of Hind5stani ll which, according to him,
"is primarily the language of the upper Gangetic Doab, and is.
also the lingua franca of India [as a whole], capable of being
wri tten in both Persian and Devanagari characters. Urdu is that
form of Hind5stanl which is v~itten in the Persian characters,
and which makes a free use of Persian (including Arabic) words
in its vocabulary •••• It is spoken chiefly in the towns of
Western Hindostan by Musalmans and by Hindus who have fallen
under the influence of Persian culture.!!
Tractng its literary development, Grierson observed
that lithe earliest specimens of Hind5stahl are in Urdu or
rathe:::' Rekhta,
o
for they were poetical works. Its cuI ti,ration
began in the Deccan at the end of the 16th century, and it
received a definite standard of form, a hundred years later,
principally at the hands of Wall, commonly called the 'Father

.
of Rekhta,.J [His] example was quickly followed at Delhi,
where a sci!ool of poets took its rise, of which the most
brilliant members were Sauda (do17BO) and Mlr Taqi (d.18l0)o
Another school (almost equally celebrated) arose in Lucknow
during the troubled time at Delhi in the middle of the 18th
1. A collection of his verses is preserved in BoN., Paris
(MS. No oB36/Ind. ) ..
 570

century.1I According to him, "Urdu prose 1 came into existence,

as a literary medium, at the beginning of the last century.

Like Hindi prose it was due to English influence, and to the

need of the text-books in both forms of Hindostan'i for the
College of Fort William. 1I2

In spite' of consistent efforts, I have not, so far,

been able to find any version of the romance of Sassi in the
!Dakhan'i School t. 3 It may, probably, be due to the fact that

the story as a whole, does not seem to have travelled beyond

1. Az'iz has claimed IiVajh'i' s Sab Ras, an allegory of courtly

love with a striking resemblance to Romance of the Rose
[as] the first pro se-narrative in Urdu. II - See The Cultural
Heritage of Pakistan, Karachi - 1955~ p.121.
2. Grierson, Sir G.A., Lin[4istic Survey of India, Vol.IX,
Pt.l, Calcutta - 19l6,~ -7. See also Garcin de Tassy,
Histoire de la Litterature Hindouie et Hindoustanie,
Paris· - 1870; Saksena, R.B., A Hi8.tory of Urdu Literature,
Allahabad - 1927; Sh'iran'i, H.M., Panj,ab men Urdu, Looore -
1928; Mas'ud Husain, Tar'ikh i Zaban i Urdu, Aligarh - 1945;
0

Ha.shim'i, N .Do, DakkanIii.8n UrdU, Lahore - 1952.

3. A perusal of the following catalogues and works has also
revealed nothing on the point:
Stewart, C., A Descriptive Catalogue of the Oriental
Library of the Late Tippoo SuI tan of Mysore,
1809;
A Catalogue of Arabic, Persian and Urdu Books in the
_ Asafiyah Library, Hyderabad - 1900;
Qazmi, ToH., Fihrist i Kutub i Arbi, Farisi ViTa Urdu Makh-
zunah i Kutubk_h.anah Asafiyyah, 3 vo1s .. ,
Hyderabad - 1914-29;
Hashimi, N.D., Europe Men Dakkan,i Makhtutat, 1932;
Zore, 8.1'1., Ahd i tUsman! men Urdu ki Taraqqi, Hyderabad -
1934.
Zore, SoM., Tazkirah i Ma..1dltiitat (A descriptive catalogue
of manuscripts preserved in the library of
the Idara i Adabiyat i Urdu, Hyderabad Dakkan),
3 vol s co, 1951-7; ._
Hash"Il'i, N.D 0, Kutabkhana Nawwab S8.lar i Jang ki Urdu Qalmi
Kitabon ki Vazahiti Fihrist, Hyderabad - 1957;
Zore, SoM .. , Urdu Shfu'l.pare (i.e. Urdu literature to the
time of Wali), Lahore - 1956.
 571
the range of the Vindhyas towards the south of India. But as
far as the 'Lakhnavli 1 ~ 'Dihlav'i' and !Panjabi Schools t (of
Urdu) are concerned, a good selection has, fortunately, been
procured.
2.
First on the list, and also the best and the oldest available,
hails from the 'Lakhnawi School'. It is a famous masnawI,
••
entitled ASrar i Mahabbat (i.e. the Secrets of Love) by an

eminent prince and poet, Navvwab Mahabbat Khan 'Mahabbat f . It

•
1
was· written in 1197 A.Ho/1783 A.D., as stated in its colophon
which contains its chronogram in the second line and reads as
under:
~~ u:- t .--:. (! L~ /sf'
~...
/y I d.:- ~3W,
l.
---V.f:..
.•

Mahabbat was the eldest son of Nawwab Rehmat Khan,

the famous Chief of the Rohillas, and was bnrn in 1750. 2 He
moved from Bareilly to Lakhnow, ~Ul~ing the reign of Nawwab
Asaf2d-daula, after his father's death in 1774 A.D. ~~e

Ii terary and c~ul tural atmosphere of the place induced him to

write in Urdu and Persian under the guidance of 'Hasrat ' and
TFillDlir' res~ectively. In addition to the above ma~~awl, he
compiled a grammar and vocabulary of Pashto 3 in 1806 and
10 Not in 111187" A.H./1773-4 A.D., as stated by AoSprenger(in
his Catalogue of Arabic, Persian and Hindustany Manuscripts
of the Libraries of the King of Ou~, vol.I, Calcutta -
1854, p. 642) while describing his copy bearing No. 726. He.
has, however, quoted the correct date (viz. "1197") while
describing No.653 on page 620.
2. Mohani, H., ~lmu5. Llas1J.awi Sarapa-so~, Aligarh - 1911,p .. 3.
3. Viz., Riyaz-ul-Mahabbat, written in Persian for Sir Charles
Barlow in 1806 - a copy is preserved in I.O.L. (MS.No.
2670). See also Bausani, Storia Delle Letterature Del Pa~­
ist~, 1958, p.328.
 572
composed three Diwans, one eQch in Persian,l Pasht0 2 and
Hindostani. 3 According to 'Ali Ibrahim IiliEin, 4 who met him at
•
Lalmnow, I:lahabbat was very well ]r~1.own in the literary and
cultural circles ~or his gallru1.try, generosity and re~ined

manners on the one hru}d; and intellectual attainments ru1.d

literary abilities on the other. The Nawwab o~ Awadh loaded
h~ with honours &~d granted him a pension commensurate with
his rruL~. According to Garcin de Tassy, he had been named
Governor o~ Bareilly be~ore his death,5 which occurred in
1818. 6 A street in Lakhnow, Katra Mahabbat Khan,
o
still
commemorates his name. 7

1. It contains Persian ghazals, intermixed with a ~ew qat'as -

an autograph copy is preserved in B.L.O. (rviS. No.119b)" It
was completed in 1801 and presented to his ~riend Sir G.
Ouseley on 1st October, 1801 at Lakhnow.
2. It consists chie~ly or ghaza1s. A copy is preserved in
BoL.O. (MS. Hoo 2353). It was also presented to Sir Ouseley
on 1st October, 1801.
3. It is a collection o~ ghazals, rubaiyat and qat'as etc.
Tw') copies are preserved in the I.O .. L. (NlSSo··Nos. p/1696
and p/2195), one in B.L.O. (l~S. No.2332) and another in O.L.L
(MS. No 0653). The I.O.L i.IS.No .1696 is dated 1196AolL/1782
0

A.D., while the BoL.O. MS.No.2332 appears to be a present-

ation copy, dated 1802 A.D.
4. lilian, A.Io, GuIzar i Ibrahim, B.Mc MS.No. Addo/27319,
i'. 229/b.
5. Garcin de Tassy, Histoire de 1a Litterature Hindouie et
Hindoustanie, 'rome II, Paris - 1870, pp.349-50.
6. According to T,lahabba t 's YOLLl'lger brother, Allah Tar ~an,
who has mentioned it in the prei'ace o~ his OWl1. book, Viz.
'Ajaib-ul-Lushat (A Hindostani PaSfto Dictionary) dt.1813.
(See B.IL ~:lSo NOoOr./399, dt. 1819, i'~. 3/b-4/a).
Garcin de Tassy has given 1221 A.H. /1806-7 A.D. as the
year or his death (See ibid., Tome II, p.350), which does
not appear to be correct.
7. Iv"as1ud Hasan, Urdu, Aurangabad, Vol.II, July, 1931, p.461.
 573
As already mentioned, the masnawI Asrar ,i E:ahabbat
••
was wri tten at the install.ce o:f his :friend, TvIr. Richard
- h nson, 1 as is evident :from the author I s own introductory
Jo

remarks and also the :following contemporary evidence: 2

.}~, ~ J1J:> ~ \~ -));> r;/ )'-: ,...L~>.3 ~I;J y;;0>
'-~.:. v/"1 ' . '( \
y~.;J ~ ~ ~_ b~ rl C--~ ./..r-' I '-: '.(y--':r f.5 ~ ':" >r
\ b;> ~j l»~ ()e;,~ "I) r
'-ff', L'--:' ~ A ).9..,J, ; l:.-.A-'> 0> r ~

1. But Garcin de Tassy tells us that "according to IbrahIm and

Lut:f, Mahabbat wrote it at the wish o:f Master Janas,
apparently Sir William Jones. II (Histoire de la Li tterature,
op.cit., Tome II, p.350). Similarly Sprenger has also stated
that he composed it Hat the request o:f lVIr. Jones who it
would appear had the title o:f Mamtaz al-dawlah ll (OUdh Cata-
logue, op.cit., p.25l)0
Garcin and Sprenger have thus, obviously, identi:fied
him as Sir William Jones (1746-94), a :famous judge o:f Cal-
cutta High Court, a great Orientalist and the :first English
scholar to master Sanskrit. (See National Biography,
London - 1892, pp.174-6). But in view o:f the above evidence
I do not see how it Call. possibly have been this 'Jones'
instead o:f Richard Johnson. Moreover, the :fly-leaf' o:f I 00 .L 0
!viS 0 No .p/1696 (Dlwful i Mahabbat - Hindostani) also bears
his name and mentions him thus: 'l(' t
$-(I~~)t?~ J.,.JI ;Iw. . ~Lo ~~~ / r ~ =:~.
,cJ~~l r:'> /)~ ~La ~~ )J~/ ~
He is the same scholarly o:f:ficial to whom Mlr Qamar ud DIn
Minnat, another :famous poet o:f the time, also dedicated his
issa Hlr 0 Ran 'han (dto1781), composed in Persian verse
TIIlS.B.M. No. Or 348 & I.O.L. No.1724). He was a banker to
Governor-General Warren Hastings (vide Lawson, Sir C.,
The Private Li:fe o:f Warren Hastings, London - 1911, p.140)
and possessed a good personal collection o:f Indian manus-
cripts, some o:f which were later purchased by the India
O:f:fice Library on 27th Feb., 1807. (Blumhardtfs Catalogue
o:f Hindustani Ma.n.uscri ts in India O:f:fice Library, London,
192 , pp v & 9 • He is mentioned as "Sarkar Nawwab Sahib,
0

Mumtaz al-daulah, Mu:fakhhar al-IviUlk, Husam i Jang Mister

Richard J-ohnson, Sahib Bahadur ll on the :first J?age o:f the
I.O.L. r,~S.No.p/l036 (viz. Nau ira~z i IvIura~~a) also in exactly
the same words and terms as we :flnd on the :fly-lea:f o:f the
above mentioned manuscript. (viz. No.p/1696 - Dlwan i
lvlahabbat). He died in 1807 A.D.
2 .. Gulzar i IbrahIm, op.cit., B.ll. MS.No. Add/27319, F.229/b.
 574
It appears to have been very popular during his time.
Sayyld Miranjan Allahab"adl while appreciating it r.lUch in his
Tazkira, Ehazlna tul Shuara has remarked:

,
-,
C'J 0-~":")J;-;; /h 2.-",
,,- - \~
'-y (~
I 1
\"

.
--
,J (JY~ ~ 0~ .:.
1, ~
. .;,

I)~
~r/.J(?r~""'~/ / c./:J/U.£;oU 1/ r C:. ~"tl:'
,;:...AJ If-r ,
,
It is also apparent from the availability of a substantial
number of its copies, noticed here and there. The oldest
manuscript copy is preserved in the India Office Library,
London (No.1318, ff. 1-25). It is dated 1197 A.Ho i.e. the
year of its composition. Another preserved in the Bodleian
Library, Oxford (No. 2332, ff D 151 b- 176 b) is dated 1217 A.H.
/1802 A.D., having been transcribed during the author IS 1ife-
time. It appears to be a presentation copy as is evident from
the following note given on the top of the first folio:
-~~r/'>L,r. u~ ~ '-;"~ ~ ~>;~
Still another dated copy (dt .. 1829) is preserved in Hyderabad
Deccan (No" 872.):- Sprenger noticed two in his Oudh Collection
and described them under 653 & 726, but he has not given their
dates of transcription. 2
As regards the printed copies, Garcin de Tassy

observed in 1870 that iithere are several octave editions from

Lakhnow and Delhi. li3 But only two have come to my notice so
faro The one was lithographed in Bait-us-Saltanat, Lakhnow

1. HashimI, NoDe, Kutabk~ana Nawwab Salar i Jang ki Urdu almi

Kitabon ki Vazahiti Fihrist, Hyderabad - 1957, p. 91.
2. Sprenger, Oudh Catalogue, op.cito, pp.620 & 642.
3. Histoire de la Litterature Hindouie, opocit., Tome II, 3500
 575
and the other in Urdu Press, ~~igarho A copy o~ the ~ormer

is preserved in I.O.Lo) London (Vern. T-racts, Urdu, No.160).

It bears no date of pUblication .. But it is bound with a number
of other such publications bearing various dates ranging from
1846-49; illLd the first tract in the volume bears an official
stamp (indicating probably the date of its receipt in the
library), dated 30th December, 1850. Hence, we can ascertain
the date of its publication to have been within that span of
years, viz. 1846-50.
Strangely enough, moreover, it does not bear the name
of the author. As Sayy'id Mas Iud Hasan who possessed a COpyl
of the same, was probably unaware of the above material and
information, he had to resort to various c,onjectures and
arguments in order to establish its authorShip.2 But as is
quite evident from a perusal of the published and unpublished
text of the masnaw'i and from some other works of the author,
" 0

there is also absolutely no doubt about it. A copy of the

latter edition is also available in I.0.L. 3 It forms a p,art
of JliIajmua i MasnawI i.e. a collection of three masnaw'is,
~~-~~~~=oo--- o. the
second being -.0-
Masnan Asrar i Mahabbat" It was: compiled by
Sayy'id Fazal al Ha.san Hasrat Mohan'i, Editor, Urdu i ]I;1u lalla,
Aligarh and vras published in May, 1911.

1. The personal copy mentioned by Rizvl in his article (in

Urdu, Aurangabad, July - 1931) is not a manuscript a~ Narang,
probably, mistook it to be in his article (in Pasban,
Chandigarh, May-J-une, 1960, p .24) •
2. See Urdu, Aurangabad, July - 1931, p~459o
3. Under Vern. Tracts - HindostanI No. 3911, received and
stamped in London on 19th May, 1913.
 576
l\1ahabbat T S masnawl begins with a signific8.11.t descrintion
~e .I::'

of the manifestation of love with the following couplet,

followed by the praise of the Prophet and appreciation of the
//
romance itself:
c!-
,
6-J.:
-
(.>
c.J
/1 /:;
'
(I;.

~
_ to
Jl~Jf c=
According to IVIahabbat' s version, there lived in Jhang-
Siy81, the land of love and beauty, a young damsel, named
Sassi. She was a niece of Hlr, the beloved of Ranjha, and was,
indeed, "a flame of beauty from tip to toe. if Once, a girl told
her about the arrival, in her garden, of a Balochi caravan
cons.isting of some very handsome young men. She went and found
there one, named Punnun, who looked like Ita bouquet of the
gardens of beautyil .. They soon fell in love with each other.
During a long and loving conversation, Punnun said that they
were due to go back the next morning and asked her to spend

the night with him. Sas.si said that it was against the custom
of the land .. But on his insistence, she agreed to meet him
again in pitch darkness. They met and fell fast asleep in
each other's embrace. Pum1.un t s companions came to know of
this and felt much afraid and embarrassed lest any of her
relations should discover what had happened 8.l1.d take them all.
to tasko In order to save both PunnUJ.l. and themselves from any
awkward situation, they seiz,ed him and carried him away.
V'Jhen Sassi awoke and found him no longer there, she
cried and rushed out madly in search of him. Her parents
pursued and overtook her in a pitiable condition~ They did
 577

all they could to induce her to f'orget him, but Sassi paid no
heedo At last s..1J.e was brought back home where she became even
more miserable. She was burning with love and with the pangs
of' separation. She used to go out through sheer madne.ss, roam-
ing everywhere, and asking way-f'arers if' they knew where her
Punnun was o In order to console her and keep her indoors, her
parents promised to trace Punnun and marry her to him. IiSO
she coul d stay a t home 11, they said, III est Pw1l1.un shoul d 1 earn
about her wanderings and doubt her f'ide:li ty and chastity; and
thus become angry with her. 11 At this, Sassi :Eel t some relief'.
She stayed at home and began waiting f'or PUl1l1.un' s return. A
messenger was sent out who after some time returned with the
news that he had been able to discover Punnun's whereabouts
and, later on, would again go and :Eetch him bac.ko Sassi
continued waiting but when Punnun did not come, she cried
much and lef't her home in complete despair. Her parents over-
took her and again tried their best to bring her back. No
e~f'ort, no advice, no entreaty. however, had any ef'f'ect.
I

Meanwhile, a mfuL who happened to pass that way, told

Sassi that he knew Punnun and knew also the place where he
lived in Sindh. This brought new lif'e into Sassi and at her
insistence, she was allowed to set out f'or Sindh in the
company and under the protection of' some of' her caste. Sas.si
reached PunnUlL'S place and sent him her ring as a token of'
her arrival. It so happened that this was PumLun's wedding
 578

day. On hearing this, Sassi's grief and despair exceeded all

limi ts; and she collapsed and diedo \lJhen Punnun received the
ring, he hastened to go ruld meet his sweetheart; but reached
there only to learn of her death;
. /'
IS.>G..?u-I W ~ ~~. L~
t5>~ Lt~- u-d r ~ rl..,.s
He too fell dead upon her corpse. Vmen his newly-wed bride
learnt of the tragedy she also breathed her last and thus
an occasion of re joic.ing and happiness changed into one of
overwhelming grief and mourning.
Mahabbat seems to have introduced mrulY innovations into
his version of the story. He has shifted the scene itself,
from Sindh to Panjab, and has linked the romance with the
c,elebrated house of Hlr in Jhang-Siyal. He has said nothing
about Sassi's birth, astrologer's predic.tion, river-episode
and all that happened after her rescue by the washerman. The
lovers have been made to meet just by accident and separated
the sgme night by the same companions because they feared the
possible exposure of this romantic meeting in a foreign land
might have provoked complic.ationsa Sassi is portrayed as
having been overtaken and brought back home by her parents
who are 8aid to have made efforts to trace Punnun and send her
on to him in Sindh (not Balochistan as stated usually) under
escort. She is shown to have reached her destination,
indicated her arrival and died on hearing of Punnun's wedding
- so that a triple tragedy occurs which, however, has nothing
 579

to do with the inter-caste or inter--clan conflict, indicated

by most of the other versions.

Mahabbat was followed by Maqbul .Ahmad !MaClbul, a celebrated

Maulawi of Delhi, with his Qissa Sassi Punnun in 1848. 1 He
was the son of Maulwi Qudrat FaruCll and hailed from Gopamauvi,
district Hardoi (U.P.). He had already written a similar
composition, viz. ,gissa Hir Kanjha. 2 As he himself says in
his prefatory remarks, he was reluctant to write compositions
of this kind and felt no interest in sUc,h themes. But "some
friends insisted upon my writing them and I first thought of
composing them in Persian verse. After writing a few couplets,
I felt inclined to write them in :prose, which was the fashion
of the day and had ample sc:ope for such compositions. ,,3
MaClbUl's narrative begins thus:
... I ,~' ~ /'I "'.:. f l . .... t I \
~ <.f'~~1 [cJ I~ ~ f-; ~-.p u~ c::: t..Y;'- L>~ U,> '.A ~ .:.,U
, . .." -P' .... ,,; J...:4J iJ ;:r:, \,;) -&I lo
~~ La .9 !Y.'~ I..-J_L,; /-{ ~.r. ~, f.r'" ~ & . - -' .. -,'
(1) if-'" ~.~
- \..T
t £ l)\r,....J>
1../ /-"'" I 7
~/,.- J ~_r (SU'
lJ l_
~ ~..[~ _
~ u '; ~ J".-~ ~b
- J........
~ ~I(;/j> -=..; 0 > / j>~'?-~~r ~"l r:.y al fSV I .0.,)1'" 2-f#..r..
..
The entire narrative runs in the same ornate and flowery
style, and is interspersed with some couplets by the author
himself and some quotations from various other well-known

1. A copy of his composition is preserved in India Office

Library, London (Vern. Tracts-Ur~ No. 1065). It was
printed by Matba i Hasani in 1848.
2. Preserved in the same volurrle (i.e. I.O.L. Vera Tract. Uo
No .1065).
3. Ibid., p.4.
 580

poets. I
Maqbul 's Q,issa is prac tically a paraphrase of'
Mahabbat IS masnawl. The story starts almost exactly in the
• 0

pattern set by Ma...lJ.abbat without mentioning even the drarnatis

I?ersonnae and plunges straight into the fateful meeting of' the
lovers who are shown addressing each other in verseo Sassi
responds, to Punnun's approach in such romantic phraseology:

~/;~~>J ~ j'~:;;~ d-()1

~ / >- •
\~ >/~':" r~ .?-- ~~ ~ J;> r \1. oJ· .t- 0
She is similarly made to express her feelings af'ter Punnun T s
departure, in the f'orm of' a ghazal which begins thus:
I
!
~.rr:.('.
jrJ_:?y..d..> L-'
- /'W~
\..-> I...)
I f ' " '"' /'
. ~ ~ ~ (>/ll.l} H (5(,
\f;;I/?~~J?--1t~~) ! '-:-"';~J~~ Of, u>"$!.>
l\t1aqbill, however, has'departed a little f'rom Mahabbat's version
in the last episode. Vfuen Punnun arrives to receive his

beloved and f'inds her unconscious and surrounded by grief'-

s'tricken people, he hastens to get some attar of' roses and
sprinkles this on her body. When it produces no effect, he
rushes to the house of' a hakIm (a doctor) who, af'ter eramining
her, declares her dead. Punnun c,ries bitterly and f'alls
senseless. The people think that he too has expired and the;r
begin raising a hue and cry. But Punnun gathers strength,
opens his eyes and

1. eog. Kesho Das (Hindi) and Momin Khan (Urdu). For instance,
when Sassi, on reaching Sindh, her destination, indicates
her arrival (by sending her ring to Punnun) and while
waiting eagerly to meet her beloved learns of' his wedding,
II rec ites the following couplet of' Momin ~an1!.
 581
Instead of :falling instantaneously dead on her corpse (as has.
been stated by almost all other versions), he keeps on waiting
for four hours and then expires~ His newly-wed bride follows
suit and all the three are cremated together and share a
single graveo
Maqbill f S .9.i~~a of HIr-Ran:iha and Sassi-Punnun
fascinated Garc.in de Tassy who mentioned them firs)t in his
History of Hindustani literature (1839)1 and then in his
introduction to a French translation of the former in 1857. 2
He appreciated the romance of Sassi too, but could render into
French only the one dealing with HIr and Ranjha and for Sassi
and Punnun he claimed to have translated the version of Nawwab
Mahabbat :[p,an,3 ila man distinguished by birth and talent tl , 4
which has been discussed fully elsewhere. 5
4.
Mahabbat's version belongs to the YLakhnawI School' of Urdu.
Maqbill, though, lived in Delhi and wrote his qissa there,
••
yet he practically followed the plan a~d pattern of Mahabbat.
So as :far as the 'DihlavI School' of Urdu is concerned, a
later compos.i tion, viz .. MasnawI Nasim i Sehr, has got to be
-00

cons;idered to represent it.. It was composed by Pandi t Jia Lal

Khasta Dih1a vI at the instance of his :friend, MIr Sadiq .Ali.

1. Garcin de Tassy, JoH.S.V., Histoire de la 1itterature

Hindouie et Hindoustanie, Tome I, Paris - 1839, pp.357-8;
Tome II, Paris - 1870, pp.351-2~
2. r:laqbil1 y s fi'ir et Rfuljhan - Legende du Penjab in the Revue
de 1 'Orient, Paris, September - 1857, pp.1l6-7.
3. Histoire de 1a Litterature, op.cit., Tome II, Paris - 1870,
pp.349-50.
4. l!JIaqbill, Hir et Ranjhan, op.cit., p.116.
5. See under Seco12 - French Version.
The colophon, conveying the date of its completion (viz. 1293

It contains 506 baits 8.l1.d was printed by Matba i Iftifhar,

Delhi, in 1884 A.D.

Khasta, according to N8..rang, 1!versified the story,

1
probably, just as he heard it in Delhi 11 0 He has described
the first part i.e. the heroine's side of the story, in detail
and mostly in accordance with the general pattern followed by
most of the other versifiers. He also associated it with Sindh

and Bhambhore, unlike Mahabbat (his Lakhnawi predecessor) and

S8.1ik (his Panjabi successor) who shifted the scene to Panjab
and 1 inked it with the Chenab and RavI, instead of' the Indus,
respectively.
Just like Hashim, Khasta has portrayed the ruler of

Bhambhore as childless when the story opens, and blessed with

the gif't of a daughter after long prayers. He is told by
astrologers tha.t she would bring dishonour upon him by falling
in love with a man of' another class and countryo The baby is
set afloat, rescued by Atta, a washerman, and lives after
a ttaining puberty in a garden-palace provided by her real
father. Punnun is also introduced in almost the same way.
Soothsayers have predicted Sassi! s marriage to him and he is
brought from TKecham' by the merchant (his own brother) in

1. QaumI Zaban, Karachi, Vol.Arv, No.11-12, I-16th December -

1959, p~5.
 5 0')
o~

order to appease Sassi and so obtain their release. The lovers

meet in the garden and are fascinated by each other:
/" ,,/
J
~,-.J
- 'Ia
I J 0"'t .• 7~
.....---.'
-.
D';-p\"...;
'
_." r''-
l...----

~.q-' i7"U" ( if~'-C-? J-:", C5(/

•
Mter some days' courting, they decide to marry. Punnun
undergoes the washerman's trade test and is accepted in
marriage. His brothers, on their return home, are induced by
their mother (not the father, as generally stated) to go back
and fetch him at all costso They return to Bhambhore in the
guise of female dancers. Sassi on hearing of their artistic
abilities, invites them to her palace. Music, dancing and
drinking ensue; and at midnight the intoxicated Punnun is
carried away, leaving Sassi to bewail her loss.
~asta now hurries straight to the ·final episode,
without doing justice to the vi tal and all-absorbing section
of the story which has all along been the pivot of intere:s.t
and artistry in many other versions. Sassi is shown crying
and pursuing her sweetheart in the desert. Thirst, exh9.ustion
and despair overcome her delicate frame which, at last, gives
way. After a while, when she regains her senses, she breaks
her head by striking it against a stone:
/ ~
v1.. J -. \ (/1
U'1' b---. "'7 ~ .rr~ .f,r-- --e ,
-. . . I i
crv ;L' ~ c/"/ .;L-- pi
'- --./ $ "-,

u~ C &/1 Ow-- I Oft ~r

~
u f-,. . .-'>. .;\ I .
~ or:'
.. .
fI ~ (..J I
She is cremated by a shepherd. Punnun returns from Kecham and
learns of her tragic end., His cries and prayers bear fruit, the
 grave opens and engulfs hi.m along with his lady-love.
T'nus Khasta T s departure from the general pattern lies
mainly in his introducing the two merchants as Punnun r s own
brothers, presenting them again in the guise o:f :female d&~cer&

and showin.g Sassi committing suicide in despair. As regards

the literary &~d artistic value of this masnawI, it hardly
• 0

deserves comparison with that of Mahabbat; and yet it has

something original and interesting to offer.

5.
The 'Panjabi School' of Urdu has also produced a full-fledged

.. --..
masnawI on the theme. Styled as MasnawI Sassi Punnun, it was
'~~--~~----~=
c.ompleted on 25th August, 1890. Its author, Salig Ram Salik,
was a favourite of Sardar Shamsher Singh, Private Secretary
of Maharaja Rajindra Singh of Patiala. As he himself' tells us.,
it
he l.'VI'ote/at his patron's instance. The manuscript copy which
I have used (now in the keeping of' Pritam Singh in Ludhiana)
bears Shamsher Singh's signature too. It runs into 106 pages

of large size, written in nastalIg.

Salik appears to have written a number of other books
as well. A prose-version of the well-knoML story of the heroism

of Padmini, the queen of Chi tor, bearing the title: Fa.sana i

Hairat-afza Hosh-ruba Padmavat, is preserved in the British
~;Tuseum (No. 14112. C.43/3). It was printed by the Haftavar
Press, Lahore, in 1898. The title-page mentions the author
as "Munshi Salig Ram Salik wa [i.eo and] Musafir i Duniya;
Headmaster, Sabha High School, Kapurthala; author of Bivah-
 585

Siksha, Sair i KashmIr, wa Padmavat o 1i It was written at the

instance of Babli Hari ChruLd, Collector, Kapurthala State and
the Manager of the author t s school. He seems to have, shifted
his residence ruLd allegiance to the state of Kapurthala some
time after the composition of the masnawl
.. .under study •
Salik's masnawI
o •
contains a complete version of the
romance. He appears to have depended for its story, mostly,
on the Persian version of JOt Parkash and Panjabi version of
Hashim Shah which was then the most popular in the Land of the
Five Rivers. But he has made some alterations here and there.
For instance, Sassi has been shmm as the daughter of a Rajput
ruler of the Panjab; and the heroine's side of the romance has
been associated with the river RavI instead of the Indus. He
has also introduced some interesting 'correspondence' reported
to have been exchanged between Sassi and some relatives of
Punnun. In spite of its Hindu colouring, the influence of the
YUsUr-Zulaikha tradition is obvious.
In Salik! s version, a long-hoped-for child was born
to ChruLderbansl Raja Saspal, ruler of Bhambhore, a famous
ci ty in the Panjab (instead of Sindh). The as;trologers predicted
that she would become a source of his dishonour. The Raja, as
a precaution, had her shut up in a box and thrown into the
RavI. Atta, a childless wa&~ermru'l of Bhambhore, saw the box
and brought it ashore. Its possession made him rich and happy
on the one hand; but a target of jealousy and heart-burning
on the other.
 586
The YOUlLg Sassi's blooming beauty was reported to the
Raja who felt very much enamoured of her and sent his officials
to bring her to his palac.e. But he was soon put to shame when
he found that she was none other than his own daughter. A
soothsayer told Sassi that she was destined to be married to
Pup~un, the handsome prince of Kech. She, at once~ set her
heart on him; and wrote to her real father asking him to allow
her to reside in his palac.e .. The Raja, afraid for his honour,
refused; but he had a beautiful garden and royal house made
for her on the bank of the Ravl and granted her permission to
collect customs on the riverside. One day she happened to see
a portrait of Punnun painted on a wall of the garden-house.
She fell madly in love with him and longed to have him
immediately by her side.
It so happened that two merchants, named Babban and
Bambiba, chanced to come that way from Kech. As a result of an
argument with the custornsofficials, they came to Sassi for a
decision. During the interview the conversation turned by
chance to a mention of Punnun. The merchants in order to
appease her, praised him highly and revealed themselves as, h':s
relatives, whereupon Sassi arrested them and promised to
release them only if they could arrange that Punnun should
visit Bhambhoreo Babb~~ returned to Kech to appeal for help.
He praised SassiTs charms and spoke of her feelings for Punnun.
He in turn became enamoured of her and decided to go to
Bhambhore. His advisers tried to dissuade him, fuLd his mother
offered to send her other sons instead of him. But he had
become so love-sick that he could feel no peace until he
reached Bhambhore and saw Sassi with his own eyes.
Eventually, Punnun reached Bhambhore and encamped in
Sassi's garden. His camels did so much damage that the gardener
went to Sassi and complained about it" She came in a fury,
accompanied by her maids and took the camelmen to task. They
retorted. that they had encamped there in compliance with the
orders of their master. They pointed to where he was lying,
and Sassi's fury increased yet further when she saw that he
was asleep on her own bedo But when she went near and glanced
at him, she forgot all anger and was overjoyed to see at long
last, the hero of her OVl'Il dreams. She took him to her house,
served his companions well, saw them off and began to enjoy
his charms and his company. When Atta came to know that his
daughter was having an·affair with a Baloch, he was very much
distressed .. Her foster-mother, too, did her utmost to dissuade
her, speaking at length of the treacherous dealings and the
mean mentality of the camelmen, but Sassi paid no heed either
to advice or to threats.
Vfuen news of the affair reached Kech, Punnun's parents
and relatives felt themselves. dishonoured. It was at first
proposed that Punnun's brothers, Amru and Tamru, should fetch
him back. But later it was decided instead to despatch a strong
letter to Sassi on behalf of Punnun's mother. Sassi replied,
!!Punnun is my faith. He is my soul, my heart. If you agree to
 588

marry us and P~~un agreed to return to Kech, I shall have no

ob jection .. II Punnun! smother vTi'ote back in stronger terms,
saying, uYou are an ordinary vrasher-maid. It is better that
you should forget the very idea of marrying Punnun, a prince. II

Sassi retorted, "11' Punnun is a prince, I, too, am a princess. 1i

Punnun's sister-in-law and other rela.tives also wrote at
length to Sassi and Punnun, but it was all of no avail. At las;t
the brothers themselves came to Bhambhore, and ~~un received
them heartily. When night fell and feasting started, the lovers
were given a kind of wine that made them unconscious, and in

that condition the Baloches carried PurL1J.un away.

When Sassi awoke and did not find him there, she began
weeping and lamenting; and then went out in search of him.
During her wanderings in the, desert, she came across a shepherd,
named ~aka. She had hopes that he would help her, but he became
afraid of her and took to his heels. Scorched by heat, exhausteci

by thirst and disappointed of ever finding him, she collapsed

and breathed her last. Villen the shepherd looked back, he was
overcome by pity and remorse. He returned to the spot, cremated

Sassi and a~ecided to s.tay there as guardian of her tomb.

PunnQn saw Sassi's miserable plight in a dream. He
took courage, esc,aped and turned his camel towards Bhambhore.

On seeing a newly-built grave on the way, he enquired about

it from the guardian. Kaka told him that he had raised it to
commemorate the sacrifice of a beautiful lady who collapsed
there crying "Punnun, Punnun". On hearing this, Punnun' s grief
 589

and passion exceeded all bounds o He cried aloud, HSassi,

Sassi, Sassiuo The grave opened, engulf'ed him and closed with
the lovers, united only after death:
J.-P ",y:.
. . I \ ;. \ I'
J-r:..3 L~ CJ-:& 3 ~.~ cf-,o 1 /-: Y y.>
J ~ Vc:pt. ~ ~ .::d ~ > Ji>~ '--~~C-:; J ~
This ma~l}awI was produced by Ma tba Kherkh8.h i KashmIr, Lahore 0

The date of' its composition is given in a chronogram on p ..

135 of' this editiono

Amjad !.Ali Qalaq has stated in his Masnawi Mehr 0 MushtarI,

--"0---------------------
(dt. 1860) tha.t he was :fascinated by the romance of' Sassi and
had actually commenced its versif'ication at the instan.ce of'
-
Saa'd ud DIn Shaf'aq, RaIs Kalpi. Unfortunately, however, the
untimely death of' the RaIs distressed and unsettled him, and

One assumes that an uncompleted manuscript existed, but if' so

we have no knowledge of' ito
Another vers,ion of' the story is available in Ta'rikh i
Balochistan. 2 It is in prose. The author, Hittli R&~, has
based it on the story lias [then] current in the provinces of'

1. Qalaq, AoAo, lilasnawI Mehr 0 Mushtari, Lakhnow - 1860, p.8.

2. Hittu Ram, T'artkh i Balochistan, Lahore - 1907, pp.45-49 ..
 590
Sinelll and the Panjab" 11 He has linked the tale with the reign
of the Seva dyn.asty and Sehwan in Sindh 0 The narrative begins
from the heroine's side" He has associated Sassi's journey
and the lovers! grave with the topography of Balochistan.
It is also available in Sindh Desh Ke Purane Deha:~..i
~~~e by Babu Shiv Brat Lal. l It is an Urdu adaptation of the
version recorded in English by Justice Kincaid 2 discussed
later ..
Lala Ram Ditta and Maul awl 'All ~,luhammad published a
prose-version of the romance under the title Qissa Sassi Punnun
from Lahore in 1904. It does not bear the name of the author.

In addition to the above-mentioned masnawls, .. ~issas and

dastans, efforts have al so been made by Kartar Chand Si tam,
Lal Singh and Ghulalll Muhammad to present the romance in a
dramatic form.
Kartar Chand's Mukarnmal Drama Sassi Punnun, containing
'~'<=-->
85 pages, was published in 1928. 3 jMaster 9-hularn Muhammad's
Mukammal Drama Bolti Film Sassi Punnun bears no date of
composition or publication.
"7""")';X Sardar Lal Singh was a lI:Ilr Munshl at the Kashmir .
~'.J<.

Residencyo He entitled his dramatic version as 1'1"8.1'8.. i MehjUn'~ 4

A copy is preserved in the India Office Library (No. Urdu B.

1. Lal, S.Bo, Sindh Desh Ke Purane Dehatl Qisse, Lahore (?)

2. Kincaid, S .A • ., Tales of Old Sind., Madras - 1922.
3. Oriental College Magazine, Lahore) Vol.VII, No.2,
February - 1930, p.47.
4. Ibid., November, 1930, p.2.
3083) CUl.d bears two stamps, viz. nPanjab 3 IvIQI 193411 and

"I.O.L. 27 Feb., 1935. 11 So it can be c,onsidered to have been

produc,ed sometime around 1934 A.D. It was printed at the
Milap Steam Press and published by Gurdial Singh & Sons,
Lahore.

In Ghulfun Muhammad's version, the scene opens in the

•
court of SuI tan Adam Jfun, Shah of Bhambhore, a.."Yld follows"
mostly, the same general pattern, as set by HaShim Shah in the
Panjab. True, the names of some characters have been changed,
e.g. Hayat has been substituted for Atta (the washerman) and

Saklna is the name given to his wife. Sassi is shown to have

seen Punnun first in a dream, then in a portrait and finally
on his arrival in Bh2Jnbhore as, a diamond-me:rchant. The author
has thus combined the most prominent devices, so far used in
this connection~ Her adoptive parents are depicted as being

angrily and strongly opposed to their me'etings and their love-

affai!'. Punnun is banished and Sassi interned; but she jumps
from the window and overtakes her beloved~ Punnun's brothers
find them out, kidnap their brother and leave Sassi lamenting
and wanderin.g in search of him. The Tdr3.ffia' ends with a
referenc,e to the goa.therd Y s overtures. Sassi T s prayers for
protection, and her interment in the earth which opens, again
to receive Punnun and so to unite them afte,r death $

The !drruna Y runs into 58 pages with directions in

prose and dialogues mostly in verse, within which some songs

are also interspersed.

 592

Some mention of the romance, some extracts from it, or some

detailed accounts of it ho.ve also found the'ir way into a
number of prominent Urdu journals, e.g.

1. Dilgud'5.z , monthly, Lakhnow, edi ted by MuhaDmad !Abdul

Hallm Sharar, Vol. VI, No.9, pp.8-13, 1898 A.D. It contains
an Urdu transla,tion, with the translator! s preface, of the
version as given in Tuhfat al-Kiram by All Sher QanI. l
2. Tarjuman, monthly, Lahore, February, 1927.

3. Oriental College Magazine, quarterly, Lahore, 1927-30,

1943-4, edited by Muhammad ShafI.
4 .. Urdu, quarterly, Aurangabad; edited by Abdul Haq; Vols.
9 (36) - Oct., 1929; 10(40), Oct., 1930; 11(43) - July,
1931.
5. Nigar, monthly, Lakhnow, edited by Niyaz Fatehpuri, July -

1949.
60 Quami Zaban, fortnightly, Karachi, Vol.15, No.l1-12,
dated 1-16 Dec., 1959, edited by Abdul Haq.
70 Pasban, monthly.$ Chandigarh, May-JUne, 1960, published by
Panjab Government Public Relations Department.

The romance has also figured in metaphorical or allegorical

use, like Lai1a Majnun of Arabia and HIr Ranjha of the Panjab.
MIr Karamat Ullah tells us that Sardar Kesara Singh JahangIr
composed a gata' using its characters and situations in an

1. Not by MalilldiimI, as stated by Narang in QaumI Zaban,

Karachi, i-16th December, 1959, p.3.
allegorical form~

EuhrullElad Husain ltzad J the celebrated author of Ab i

Hayat, once recited off-hand the following verse:
,do.,:.~
il..S-.v ,;,.L pf;'-a"" I%'. ~ h 0.,.-'
iJl;' Uf';/ v

.?Ut.~~(r: t~f;~~d ~f.J~;:~

That is, limy condition is almost similar to that of Punnun
~an, as my kin folk have also deprived me of my beloved's
company. II

A number of other Urdu poets have also used various

motifs and situations of the story in a similar allegorical
or metaphorical mrumer. 1 For instance:
1. Bearing on the river episode:-
L~ .>N/'~ d. ~ ~ ~'.> /~l.b ~~~.
! ~ ~// (I~ (.>1 .,5 J.:, (}>u- I t~,~
i.e .. HHad not the seekers after world considered it to be the
dearest, Adam Jam would not have set his daughter afloat on
the river

i.eo "If God wills, one can come across a treasure without
any effort on his own part as Atta found the box full of
diamonds (just by the way) .. n
2. Bearing on GodTs grace in helping the helpless:

I. :rarjlllnan, Lahore, February - 1917, pp .. 93-8, Oriental

College Eagazine, Lahore, November - 1930, PPo2-4.
 594

ioe.i~e himself makes provisions for the helpless as he did

in providing mille for Sassi from the l)reast of the washer-
woman 0 II

30 Bearing on the tragic effect of drunkeness:

~};;; t,f} ) .l~ ;1 .d.~ ~
,
d-
1 /' ,,5 r.
U f'!:?» I uL-~~ ~ I .>~ ~
".r- u r:::=-- .:! f/
1

i. eo lilf you have sense, beware of becoming senseless by

over-drinking. Look how much had Sassi and Pun~un to suffer
just because of this1"
4. Bearing on Sassi's wailings and wanderings in the

ioe. "0 blood-stained hands! pray do not ask me about the

cruelty of the sky. He even caused a rare beauty like Sassi
to die wailing in the desert!!!
5. Bearing on Punnun's trade-test on washermanship:
! ~~/0 0 !~V 1. th ..d.. ~ if f
4; It' .l-(J~
- 0'; I .J- >r.:S.r
i.e. HWhat miracles, 0 friend, have been wrought by this
emotion of love! L'Iahmud romanced with .kfyaz and Punnun had to
wash clothes. II
10.
All this is enough to testify to the currency of the romance
in the domain of UrdU, too, and also to counter the assertion
of Hilr IlahI aIld ljuhammad Umax' that ~i t did not catch the fancy
of Urdu and Persian poets; otherwise a fine and attractive
ma~m.~wi would have been produced on the theme. n 1 It has
rather found an honoured place even in the following official
and non-official Urdu books, published after the establish-
ment of Pakistan:
i. Panjab Ke Ru.man, TAbdus Salam Khurshid, Lahore - 1950,
pp .51-68.
ii. Panjab ke Romani Afsane, anonymous, Lahore - 1951,
pp.25-48.
iii. Pakistan ki Awami Kahaniyan,Pakistan Publications.,
Karachi - 1951, pp.77-85.
As regards its place in Persian poetry and its
popularity with the Persian writers, that will be discussed
later. 2

1. Urdu, Vol.9, No.36, 1929,p,763.

2. See under Sec. 10 - Persian Version.
 --9-
P .ASHTQ VER§ION 596
"Beyond the Indus", observed Sir D.C. Thbetson in 1881, tlwe
meet with Bilochi in the south and Pashto in the north fl • l It
is true even today in spite of all the demarcations and re-
demarcations of the Pashto-speaking area.
Pashto (or 'Pukhto r , 'Pushtu') is the language of the
greater part of Afghanistan and a considerable part of West
Pakistan which is now called by some as PakhtUnistan. It is
the principal language of the former North West Frontier
Province and is spoken in all the five cis-frontier districts;
and the tract known as yaghistan. In all it is said to be
"spoken by over 20'1000,0001l people.
There has been a lengthy controversy among scholars
and linguists about the origin of this language. It has for
a long period been admitted as a member of the Aryan stock
but was for some time a matter of dispute whether it belonged
to the Iranian or to the Indian branch. It was Darmesteter
who "proved conclusively [in 1890J that Pashto [like BalochiJ
belongs to the Eastern group of the Eranian family and that
it is derived from Zend or from a dialect closely allied to
Zend". It has borrowed largely and freely from the languages
of North-Western India among which "Sindhi takes first placel!~
1. Ibbetson, Sir, D.C.J., Outlines of Panjab Etppography
(being extracts from the Panj abe.Report of 1881, -treating
of religion, language and caste), Calcutta - 1883, p.159.
2. See Grierson, Sir G~A., The Linguistic Survey of India,
Vol.X, Calcutta - 1921. ppo5-9; Darmesteter~ J., .9hants
Populaires des Afghans, Paris - 1888-90; Trumpp, E~,
Grammar of the Pushto or language of the Afghans, London
& Tubingen - 1873; Bellow, H. \{., Afghanistan ana the
Afghans, London - 1879; Afghan Information Bureau,
Pakhtunistan~ JJondon - 1953') p e 47; Gilbertson, G",\1.,
Th~-EaK~~iO--Language, Hertford - 1929; Encyclopaedia
~FitaIh~ica, London, Vol o 18, po783o
 2~ 597
This ample borrowing from Sindhi justifies also a hY-.Qothet-
ical transmission of the Sindhi romance of Sassi to its vast
-O:rY'&~
and varied domain. Moreover, the contiguity of its ~

with the basic locale of the romance, might also have contri-
buted to its migration; as we see, lion the north it is bounded
by the Kafir and Dard languages ~ on the east by \{est Panjabi
or Lahnda, on the south by Balochi and on the west by
Persian. III
But this domain has cherished its own romances too;
such as Musakhan-Gulmakaee and Adam Khan-Durkhani. The latter
has been called by Darmestcter the lIRomeo and Juliet of
Afghanistan ll ? Such romances, fascinating legends, heroic
ballads and folk-songs form in fact, the bulk of the literary
activity of the valiant Pathans.
Even apart from them, Pashto has, according to
Grierson, "a fairly copious literature, partly original ancl
partly translated.,,3 Kaleem has divided its history into
three periods, each with its own distinctive feature: the
first begins vd th the earliest times and ends in the SL"'C-

teenth century with Babar's invasion of India; the second

extends to the advent of the British Raj over the sub-conti-
nent, and the third covers the period from 1840 up to the

1. Rose, H.A., A Glossary of the Tribes and Cas~esy'f the

Panjab and North west Frontier Provinc~, Vol:IlI,
Lahore - 1914, Pc2B5; Encyclo~aedia of Islam, London -
1913, p.155.
2. ChaRts populaires des Af3hans, op.cito, p.117.
3. The linguistic Survey of India, opocito, p.lO.
present day. 1
Pashto literature can feel justly proud of the greatest
of its poets, Khushal Khan Khattak (1613-91), lTho is said to
have left 360 books, ranging from translations to his OvTll

collections of poetry, a gifted daughter and a good number of

sons and grandsons most of whom have contributed much to the
enrichment of Pashto literaturea 2 Rahman Baba who flourished
somewhat earlier, is by far the most popular lY-Eic poet of
Pashto, the voice of the community !lfor wherever the Pashto
language is spoken, the odes of this celebrated bard are SUl'lg1l3
and tTlistened to with rapt attention in the Hujra, on the
battlefield, and over the hilltops.n 4 Abdul Hamid (d.1732)
was another eminent lyricist who is known to have expanded the
vision and scope of life of his people. 5
As far as the popular literature is concerned, the
warrior people of this land have not lagged behind in Singing
the tales of love along with those of chivalry. TtTheyare;!,
according to Rose, lithe genuine expression of popular feeling
in war, politics or loveo u6 Their dUms (professional Singers),
II who are principally Afghanised Indian s 1~ can often be heard

1. Ikram, S.11. & Spear, P., The Cultural g~.r-itage of Pakistan,

Karachi - 1955, pa1450
2. Ibida, p.147; Pakhtlinistan, opocit., po48; Raverty, 11aj.H.G.,
Selection from the poetry of the Afghans, 2nd ed~, London -
1867.
3. 11aulislvi Ahmed & Hughes, T.P., Divvan i Abdur RahmaI"l: or the
Poems of Abdur Rahman, Lahore - 1877, p. 10
4. The cultural heritage of Pakistan, op.cit~, p.147.
5. See for more Biddulph, C.E., Afp;han Poetry of the 17th
century, London - 1890.
6. Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes, op.cit., p~208.
7. Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, opocit", polO.
 599
reciting the love tales of Persial and India tooo Some of
2
these tales have been collected and also committed to script ..

Among the Indian tales, as I have been informed by Maulana

Abdul Qadir (Director, Pashto Akademy, University of Peshawar),
3
some versions of the romance of Sassi-Punnun and Sohni-Mehinwa1
•
are also available in Pashto verse o He has ascribed the compo-
sition of the former to Mian Maghfur Shah and of the latter to
Mullah Niamat Ullah. But in spite of consistent efforts and
entreaties~ have not so far been able to obtain copies 3 of them.
I am still looking forward to receiving them and introducing
them here before this leaves my hands. As it is~ I have no
doubt about the availability of such versions in the realm of
PashtoG Sir R.F. Burton vouched for it as far back as 1851. 3

1. For instance yusuf-Zulaikha. See Raverty, H.G., The Gulshan

i Roh, 2nd edo, London --r867, ppo149-64o The echoes of the
romance of Laila Majnun can be heard even in the folk
ditties. For instance, IlFrom afar a letter came, the priest
reads it and Laila weeps!!., (See JoR.A.S., London - 1907,
Pt.ii, p,,811)e
3. A Pashto version of SohnI-Mehinwal has also been mentioned
by Abd Ur-Rahim in his iist of books published by Islamia
College, Peshawar. (See Lubah al-r1uaraf al-llma, Lahore -
1939, p.230, NOo194)o
2d See Mason, C., Legends of the Af~han Countries, London -lytr- 8J
Darmesteter" Chants populaires des Afghans, op"cit", Roos-
Keppel, Capt. Go & Qazi Abdul Ghani Khan~ Translation of the
Ganj i Pakhtu; or T~easury of FUs~tUi Allahabad - 1901;
Howell, E. B., Some Border Ballads of the North ~.Jest Front-
iers in J.R.AsS., London - 1907, Pt.ii, pp~20Effe;Malyon,
F.H., Some Current Pushtu Folk-Stories, Calcutta - 1912;
Starr, Lo, Tales from Tirah, London - 1923.
40 My meetings In London with Col. Klhattak (Registrar, Peshawar
Uni versi ty) and correspondence ~li th him and vJi th Maulana
Abdul i~adir at Peshawar ..
5. See Burton, Sir R.F., Sindh, and the Races that Inhabit
the Valley of the Indus, London - 1851, po5?
 -10-
PERS IlJ:J VERS ION

India and Persia have been linked by age-old bonds of history

and culture. Persian and most of the north Indian languages
both belong to the Indo-European family. Their literary heri-
tages, too, have much in common. tloreover, Persian has been the
court-language and the vehicle of literary, cultural and inter-
provincial activity of the Indian sub-continent throughout
almost the whole period of tluslim rulee Persian literature has
been much admired in India. llIndia [herself] has produced
almost as large a number of Persian poets as Persia herself;
and some of them have left as deep an impress upon Persian
literature in general as any poet of the sister country.,lll The
number of old manuscripts available in libraries and private
collections allover India, together with those I'Thich have
found their way to other parts of the world, forms perhaps the
largest collection of its kind. Finally, Persian has had a
marked inf:uence upon the development of most of the modern
languages of India.
This linguistic influence, literary interest and
cultural relationship became significant in Indian life and
letters with the conquest of the Panjab, in 1021, by Sult~n

tlahmud of Ghaznl (971-1030). Lahore, like Thatta and l'Iultan,

became an important centre not only of political and social

10 I'ilirza, NL W., The Life and Worl{:s of Amlr Khusrau, Calcutta -

1935, p.i.
but also of literary and cuI tural activities. 1 Kashf al-~ilahjub
of Hujviri 2(c. 1000-1070) and Hai)siya of Lias 'ud 3 (1047-1121) set
the stage for the development and the enrichment of Persian lit-
erature in India. 'l'he writings of Amir Khusrau 4 (1253-1325)
strengthened its roots still more. He introduced the romantic
ma~~awI and his 'Ashiga 5 (dto1316), describing the tragic romance
of Dewal-ranI and Khizr Illian 6 blazed a new trail for others to
follow.
The material and moral support of the Mughals attracted
more and more Persian poets and writers to India. 7 Hindus, like
8
Chandar Bhan Brahmin (d.1662), also joined hands in the

1. See Ghani, M.A., Pre-Mughal Perstan In Hindustan, Allahabad -

1941. _
2. Abu 'I-Hasan 'Ali ibn Usman Al HujvirI, better known as Data
Ganj Bakhsh of Lahore, whose Kashf al-Mahjub has been
acclaimed by Nicholson Has the most ancient and celebrated
Persian treatise on Sufiism H • (See Nicholson, R.A., The Kashf
al-Mah jub, London - 1911, p. b. ) •
3. "Lahore", says Arberry, liproduced a far more eminent poet in
1Vlasud-i Sad-i SalmaJ.1. 1i who nby his desperate prison-poems •
<> •

will always live". (See Arberry~ A.J .. , Classical Persian Lit-

erature, London - 1958, PP o 81-2}o
4. Abu 'l-Hasan YamIn aI-Din Khusrau who is regarded as the
greatest Persian poet ever~orn in the sub-continent, and is
fondly called the 'Parrot of India'. He was appointed poet-
laureate at the age of thirty-six and composed more than
400,000 Persian verses of every kind, besides writing Hindi
verse and Persian prose, too" (See Mirza, The Life a....'1.d Works
of Amir Khusrau, op.cit., PPo148-9o
5. I have recently seen a good manuscript copy of this work in
the Bayerische Staats Bibliothek, Ivlunchen, W. GermaJ.1.Y (No.65).
It was transcribed in 1586.
6. Deval-ranI (ioe. DevldI) was the daughter of Raja Karn of
Gujarat and Khizr Khan was the son of Sultan Ala-aI-DIn
KhiljI (1295-1315)-of Delhi.
7. See GhanI, M.A., A History of Persian Language aJ.1.d Literature
at the Mughal Court, 3 Vols. Allahabad - 1929-30.
8. A litho copy (dt. 1877) of his MasnawI Rai Chandarbhan Brahman;
and manuscript copies of his Chah~r Cham~n (dt. 1711) and
Insha (dt.1752) are preserved in the British lvluseum (Nos.
14837.e.l1/4; MSS. Add.16863 and 26141 respectively).
appreciation of PersiaD lore and the production of Persian
l
literature. Hindu works and themes also began to be rendered
into Persian. Faizi (1547-·1595), the poet-laureate of .Akbar,
versified, among other things, the romantic tale of Nala and
DamayantI in the form of MasnawI Nal u Dalnan 2 in 1594. In the
subseQuent years a vast body of literature based on popular
legends and local romances came into existence. Romantic tragedies

.
like those of Hlr-Ranjha and Sohni-Mehirrwal of Pan jab ; 3 Sassi-
Punnun and LIlan-Chanesar of Sindhj4 and PadmavatI 5 of Rajputana
began to take the place of Laila-Majniln of Arabia and Shlrln-
Farhad of Persia. Balochistan, Frontier, Panjab and Sindh were
neares,t to the home of Persian which remained their official and
literary language until the advent of the British. It was only
natural, therefore, that their popular lore should find

1. So much so that "at the end of the eighteenth century the

contribution of Hindus to Persian literature was eQual to
that of their Muslim compatriots" Ii (See Abdullah, S.M.,
Adabyat i Farsi men Hindilon Ka Hissa, Lahore - 1942, p.30).
See for more ibid., pp .13,29,30,81-7. See also Roy ChCtudhury,
MoL., The HindUContribution to Persian. Literature, Jon.O.R.S.,
Vol.29 - 1943, pp.120-6.
2. Nal u Daman consists of 4,200 verses, and was composed at
.Akbar 1 s (1556-1605) instance within 5 months. lilt is a
masmawI Ii, says Bada iunI, his contemporary historian, lithe like
ofowhich for the last 300 years since [A]mlr Khusrau, no poet
has composed· i • (See Badaiunl, AoQo, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarlkh
(dt.1595), Vol.II, Eng. Trans. by Lowe, WoH., Calcutta - 1884,
pp.410-11. A manuscript copy of the 17th century is preserved
in the Bolvi. (No.Add. 23981)0
3. For install.ce, 1',;Ita's 'Ishgia Panjab (dt. 1698); and ZIrak's
Arzang i lIshg (dt.1859) about the romances of Hlr Ranjha and
SohnI Mehinwal, respectively.
4. For" example, Beglarlis Chanesar ~ama (dt. 1601) and Rizai's
ZIba wa Nigar (dt.1660) about the romances of LIla-Gnanesar
and Sassi-PunnUll., respectively.
5. For instance, Husain Ghaznawl is Q,issa i Padmavat (in verse)
and Gobind lilunshI is Tulcfatu i Halilb (in prose, dt.1652).
expression in Persian,l too.
2.

The romance of Sssai thus received its due share of attention

and attrcated a large numoer of writers.
The earliest reference to its versification dates back
to Mlr Muhammad lYia I SUrj} Shah NfunI BhakkarI. He was a man of
versatile genius, a man of arms and also of letters. He was the
"orthodox and noble son 112 of 1'IIr Sayyld Safa Ii ul-Husaini al
TirmizI, the then Shaikh ul Islam at Bhakkar (Sindh). 1ramI was
born there in 1537. His literary and military achievements won
him the esteem of the Sindh ruler and a MansabdarI, in 1 '595, from
Akbar. On his return from a successful ambassadorial mission to
Persia, he was honoured with the title of '.Amir al Mulk' by
Jahanglr (1605-1628). He retired to Bhakkar in 1606 and died soon
after. 3
In addition to various metrical inscriptions which still

1. "Perhaps the most popular masnawI of this period", cla:iJns

Ikram, li was written by GhanL-nat ll • (See Ikram, S.M.~ The
Cultural Heritage of Pakistan, Karachi - 1955, p.l05r:-
Ghanlma t was the poetical name of Muhammad Akram who hailed
from Kunjah (Panjab) and was popularly l-cnown as ! Gh anlm a t
PanjabI I. He composed his lIasnawI Nairang i i Ishq, describing
the love-story of Shahld and IAzlz, in 1684. A mruluscript
copy (dto 1851) and a litho copy (dt. 1878) are preserved in
Bol\:lo, London (Nos.Or.1904 and 14797. H. 14, respectively).
It has recently been edited and published, ~Ulder the title
I:lasnawI i Ghanima t by Panjabi Adabi Akademi, Lahore 0

2. BadaiunI, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, op.cit., Vol.III, Eng. 'I'rans.

oy Haig, Sir W., Calcutta - 1925, p~498.
3. See Sprenger, AoJA Catalogue of the Arabic, Persian and
Hindustany I:Ianuscripts of the libraries of the King of Oudh,
Vol.I, Calcutta - 185L~, p .. 37; Garcin de Tassy, Histoire de la
litterature Hindouie et Hindoustanie, Paris - 1870, Tome I,
p.356; Ross, Sir E.D., & Browne, E.G., Catalogue of two
collections of Persian & Arabic I,Januscripts preserved in the
India Office Library, London - 1902, p.145; Storey, C.A.,
Persirul Literature, Se c .II-3, London - 1939, po652.
adorn certain moscrues and buildings, Nami has also left us a

book on medicine, a history of Sindh and some poetical works.

His history, 'Tarlkh i SinCLh (dt.1600) has been regarded as "the

most copious history of Sincli1 which we possesslf. 1 His poetry

also brought him fame. BadaTunI has ascribed to him the author-
ship of Ha dIvan and a masnawI in the metre of the Yiisuf-u-
o "

Zulaikha (of NizarnI)H2 GunjavI (1140-1201). "This was the Husn

o Naz 1t , says Sir W. Haig on the authority of Riyazush-ShuTara

and TaqI Ts. 'l'azkira. 3 According to Sayyld Tahir Muhammad lTisyanI

(b .1582) ,l1L1Ir Sayyld Ma SUJll BhakkarI versified this romance [i. e.

Y

Sassi-Punnun] and entitled it Husn 0 Naz1lo4 TAlI Sher Qanl (1727-

1789), a subsecruent historian, has confirmed this by stating

that IYj\fllr lias 'Um Bhakkarl composed this romance in the form of
a masnawl,
o 0
called Husn 0 Naz_o li5
Nami I s history is available in various manuscripts,

edi tions and translations, both in India and elsewhere .. But as

regards his other workS, "there seem to be no recorded manuscripts,

1. Elliot, Sir H.Mo & Dowson, J., History of India as told by

its own Historians, VoloI, London - 1867, p.212e
2. Bada'uni, ~~untakhab-al-Tawarlkh, opocit., Vol.III, op.cit.,
p.500. See also Sprenger, Oudh Catalogue, op.cit., p.37.
SadaranganI, however, maintains that it was written on the
lines of NizdillI's I{husraw-wa-Shlrln. (See Sadaranganl, Holo,
Persian Poets of Sindh, Karachi - 1956, p.29~
3. Ibid., p.500" fn. & 499 fn. i!'l'he Riyazush-Shu'ara and 'racri's
I'azldra (i.e. I{hulasat aI-ashlar) say that he composed a
Illiamsah •• 11 i.e. a collection of 5 masnawls. ibid., P .499 fn.
0

S0~ also SP.T'Gnger ,Oudh Catalogue, op. cit., po 37 0

4. NisyaIll, T.IL, 'Tarlkh i TahirI (dt. 1621), BoM. 11S.No.Or.1685,

f.16(b). -
5.. Qanl , A. S ., Tuhf at al -~(r i am (d t. 1 767 ), Pt. I I I , B l\:I MS.
0 0

No.Add.21589, f.261(a). But in his lVIaqa1ata1-Shu-rara (dt.1760)

Qan.l has entitled it Haz 0 lTiaz carrying the same theme, viz.
the roman.ce of Sassi-Punnun. See Bo]\L MS. No.ADD.21589, Pt.II,
f.520(b) •
 605
except possibly the Diw~.i.)T8ml. \1 1 A Sindhi pupil of Sadar-
angani told him once that "he possessed a manuscript copy of all
the five mathnawls, but for reasons best knovvn to him, [he]
2
failed to show the same. I! I have recently been told that Sayyid
c£~{2. 0-,
Hassfun Din Rashidi has been able to :f}roeure a c.opy of Husn 0 Naz

but it is still unpublished; and a reply to my letter (dt.l.12.

1963) to Rashidi is still awaited. 3 The existence of lrami's
Husn 0 Naz can, however, not be denied, particularly in view of
its mention found in an inscription at Nager set up by the poet's
son (Mir Buzul"g) in 1013 A.H./1604 A.D. 4
'The following quatrain, included in Bada Tuni 's history
llnder ~IamI!s writings, seems to allude to the tragedy of the
romance:
110 thou who has laden thy camel,
And hast fallen asleep, forgetful of the march,
Wake, and set on the road the foot of search,
For all have gone and thou too art of this caravan~5
3.
The name of Sayyid TaJ.1ir I\~uhaIIl.Inad Nisyani,6 another celerrated

1. Storey, Persian Literature, op.citG, p.652. See also Daudpota,

U"M., Ta'rllm i Sind best known as 'ra'rikh i Maisumi, Poona -
1938, preface, p.25.
2. Sadarangani, Persian Poets of Sindh, op.cit., p.29 fn.
3. On obtaining this information from Dr. N.B. Baloch (University
of Haidarabad, Sindh) , I wrote about it on 1.12.1963 to
Sayyid Ra&1idi, Director, Sindhi Adabi Board, Haidarabad,
asking fUrther information in this connection.
4. Vide Balochls letter (dt. 1.9.1964) to me from Haidarabad
(Sindh).
5. Bada'uni, liJ.untalL.lJ.ao, op.cit., Vol.III, p.,506.
6. Sadarangani has given his names in the reverse order -
'Nluhammad 'rahir! (See Persj.an Poets of Sindh, op .ci t., p .50) 0

I have adopted the name as given in Qani's Maqalatal-Shu lara

op.cit.,f.500(b). But he is mentioned as H1Iuhammad Tahir H in
Qani1s later work, viz. '1'uhfat al-lCiram, op.cit., Pt.III,
ff.264(b), 274(a).
historian of Sindh~ has also been associated with a similar

contribution.
NisyanI was the son of Sayyld Hasn of Thatta and was
born in 1582. He served for some time under the Govern~r of
Sin~~ but left his job in his twenty-fifth year ffild devoted
most of his time to literary and historical pursuits. He com-
pleted his history of Sindh, Ta.rIkh i Tahirl, in 1620 at the
instance of his patron, Mirza Shah IJiuhammad Beg.
In it, after mentioning the poetic versions of Mlr
Sayyld Mal.~iirn BhakkarI's Sassi-Punnun (Husn 0 Na.z) and Mlr
Abul Qas;j.m T s Lilan-Chanesar (Chanesar W"ama) 1 Nisyfual continues 0

wi th his statement which Sir HelL Elliot has translated as

follows: iiI also have written (these legends) in prose and named
my work Naz Niyaz (coquetry and supplication). May men of
0

genius view it favourabl Yo li 2 In the original, however, the

whole passage reads: 3

;:O..90-;;(~~ ~f.:'0~Jff ~ ~:~ ~:u:
,

~\;I~~y ( o)i ) \: y ~ 0.\ ( l ~ \ (-,t~ ~./ lr'~'

.\ I.' '~1
.,
,-;. \.; ~-u I' ( L ~ (~~ ~.J'~ r-fi>'; iJyJ./ / .(-' \~ I.; 1 ,° 1"-:' AI ~
j- . \ ' .... !'
- I .... ,-J.\, "\- ,-(I' -,. '-> ~J::~ -O>,r
v..,.,., 1/..:> )...r> 1 - '-"'.-..J J u)/ J' I ) vJ~ / - ..J' ,....,.----' s. ./ -.J - I . _
- - . >X C' ~b ~ 1 (..7./2.;. .....1
The bracketed words "these legends l1 are evidently Elliot's

1. Qani has attributed this work (Chanesar l~ama) to Idraki

Beglarl ThattawI, and this is correct. See his Maqalatal-
Shu 'ara, op.cit., f.450(a) and Tuhfat al-kirrun, op.cito,
Pt.III, f.266(a); Storey, Persian Literature, op.cit.,
p.654; SadaranganI, Persirul Poets of Sindh, op.cit., po33.
2. Elliot, History of India, op.cit., Vol.I, po263.
3. This passage has been copied from B.M. MS. No. Oro1685,
fo16(b). The other copy of the slliDe-{viz.Tarikh i Tahir~),
bearing BoM. MS.No.Add.23888, is wanting in the portion
containing this passage.
 -'
interpretation of the wholly vague ( ; / =
NisyanI himself has, Ul~fortunately, not na~ed the romance or
romances which he versified. Hor is any such romance extant.
It is only in the work of a later historian, TAli Sher Qani
(1727-1789), that we find a precise statement that NisyanIYs
1iaz lifiaz relates to a similar but quite different love-story
0

(viz" Qf Umar-MaruI) and that it is in verse: l

~ --"/f~ r~ l.?v U~) /-> /~:; U.7.J L ;:V~Jo\:d.1
A.:- .}l

\~ >ty r L' ..; ~ -,I; l: ~~ /; (Ji,0/.> ~ r--Py ~ I J ~ ~ ~b A.A..S-

Now, Nisyani as we have seen, was in error about the
authorship of the romaDce of Lilan-Chanesar. 2 Qani, on the
other hand, has already assigned this title (viz. Naz 0 Niaz)
to lrarni 1 s masnawi of Sassi-PunnUl~, also~
• 0
Elliot's attempted
interpretation is doubtful in view of the title of the work
(Naz. 0 Niaz), the singularity of the pronoun (an) and the
content of the authorTs oWl~ statement. Sadarangani is also
wrong when he says that this worl{ is Hin Persian prose ll and
lI wonders how Qani in his other worl{, Tuhfat al-kirarn (Vol. III,
p.37) writes that Naz-wa-Niyaz was written in verse.\!4 In
fact, Qani has nowhere said so. He has rather asserted in his
~uhfat al-Kiram, as stated above, that NisyaniTs Naz 0 ~]g;5
1. Qani, Tubfat al-kirilln, opocit., fQ264(b).
20 See fn. l,p. 563.,
3. See QfuLi, l:Iagalatal-Shu1ara, op.cit., f.520(b). The text
__ .r~~~ \,. ) I U;.v7~ ~ J Y I ,/) ) t; » I; r! ~AA 15'y~.3 d \: ~ h ;7" .,
4. &;; QanI, ,+'uhfa t al-l;:irarn, op. cit 0, f. 264 (b) •
50 This has been a fairly popular title for such compositions.
See, for instance, l'1az 0 Niaz (dt .. 1524), describing an
allegorical didactiC-story (See Ivanow, W., Concise
Descriptive Catalogue of the Persian Mru~uscripts in the
Collection of the Asiatic Societ. of Ben al Curzon coll-
ection, Calcutta - 192 , P .18 ; Naz 0 Nia!8:., desc.ribing the
romance of H'ir-Ran:ha(See B.J{o Ms~nooOr.348 & 1.0010 MS. No.
1724); NB.Z"O Njaz dt.1882)(See BoU. NOg14783oe.14). But they
have notl~'ing to do with the romance of Sassi and Punnuno
 r, ('.'<
6 '.I
(:.' 10

is in Persian verse.
i'he confusion which thus exists can be solved only by
the discovery of a text of lTaz 0 l'Uaz itself, or by finding
some evidence about its exact form and detailed contents.
However, QanI f s statement is not entirely unsupported. A later
poet, lVlaulana Plr Muhammad AwadhI, in describing the circum-

..
stances that led him to compose his masnawI about Sassi-Punnun,
has stated in 1862 that the wise liiisyanI composed in verse the
story of Umar and MaruI in his well-kno'VVll book, Naz 0 Niaz.
AwadhI's original statement reads: 1
t; 13' cJ~· )/;1 l(1iJ ~I
/'
.... ./.:r :. l~O~ .{..-J:J
,', J.> 0-.
l.--'...... _
Thus, such evidence as we have, points to the conclusion that
NisyanI did not write any version of the romance of Sassi and
Punnun.
4.
Th.e next reference relates to one Sayy'id 'All of Thatta. Rieu,
describing a manuscript of HajI Huhammad Rizai IS Ziba Nigar
(dt.1643), has remarked (in 1881) that this nis founded, as
stated at the end, upon a prose narrative, due to Sayyld tAli
of Thathru~, a holy personage, who was a contemporary of the
heroes of the tale.\?2 Ethe's account (in 1896) followed Rieu,
stating that the basis of Rize.i T s m0~31tawI was an earlier prose
recension v~itten in Persian by Sayyld !AlI of Thatta who had

10 AwadhI, P.M., IilasnawI Liehr 0 M8.h, Lakhnow - 1878, p.38.

2. Rieu, C., Catalogue'· of the Persian Manuscripts in the
British lI!.iuseum, London, Vol. II, London - 1881, po 684.
seen the events of the story with his own eyes. l QazI ]'azal
Haq went further in making the categorical statement (in 1930)7
"Sayyld 'All, a holy man of 'rhatta in Sindh, was the first to
translate this romance from Sindhi into Persian prose before
1053 A.H. [1643 A.D.]. He was followed by a poet named Rizal
who composed a ma~~awl, called Ziba Nigar, on this theme. It
was based on the above-mentioned prose narrative of Sayyld 'All
and was completed in 1053 AoH. 1I2 Qazi has not quoted the source
of this information, but clearly it is based entirely on that
of Rieu. Rieu, for his part, probably, based it on Rizai's own
statement given thus at the end of his own masnawi .3
••
~\:~/>j~.)~ t ..)~)~ if~, ~\~ ~-
-\ ~~, .~ r-' b
l5 ~0j'~()-,..>.u\h/> >}> Y; 0\.9~y-~:'J 5 ~'Lel ~ ~
~~~-,tJ.>r. ,Vu~ ~\b~ul;/~"'-Z}~
That is, a famous and highly-placed holy man of Thatta heard
about this story and felt strongly impelled to visit their
tomb and see them with his own eyes. The statement goes on to
say that

That is, he was over joyed to see them at close quarters and
came bacl;: happily to Thatta. He related this e:x:perience to the

1. Ethe, H., ITeupersische Litteratur , in Grundriss der

Iranischen Philologie, Vol.~I, Strassburg - 1896-1904, p.253;
Persian 'rrans. by Shafagh, S.R., Tarikh i Adabiyyat i Farsi,
Tehran - 1958, p.94.
2. Urdu, Aur angab ad , Vol.X, No.LtO, October - 1930, p.724.
3. Rizai, H.~fio, Ziba Nig-ar, B.I\IIo, MS. No.Or./337,f.141(a).
 6 0
people, telling them that he had seen Zlba (ioeo Sassi) alive
in the tomb and found her enjoying the bliss of true love.
This statement does not warrant the conclusion which
Rieu drew from it that Sayyld IAlI actually wrote a pI'ose
narrative and that Rizai and others based their own versions
on ito According to Rizai himself, Sayyld 'All (if ru~y such
person existed) only "related" his ovm Hblissful" experience,
and that is all.
This experience has also been ascribed to one Isrna'il
(as we shall see presently) by Qazl Murtaza Sorthl and Plr
•
Muhammad Awadhlo To me, however, it appears to be simply an
imaginary seQuel to round off the tale. For, we find that in
the case of a similar romance, viz. of Hlr and Ra~jha,l some
versions of which end in a similar wayo As already stated,
these celebrated lovers of the Pan jab "have long been looked
on in the Panjab and Balochistan as saints which are still
alive.,,2 Moreover, says Temple, I1there is nothing unusual in
this in India, for folk-tales of this kind are occasionally
repeated as personal experiences~H3

If references to earlier versions seem unreliable or insuffi-

cient, we do come to something Quite tangible with a full-
fledged ma~1Jawl, written by Maulana M-ulJammad Rizai, copies of
which are available both in India and abroad.
1. The Indian .Antiquary, Bombay, Vol.LV, 1926, pp.14-9,36-9.
20 Ibid q p,,14. See al:1o Temple, Sir RoC., The Legends of the
Pai1}ab, Vol.II, Bombay - 188L~, pp.177-81; Rose, H.A.,
The Indian Antiquary, op.cit., ppo36-8; Longworth-Dames,M.,
ibid., pp" 38-9 ..
30 The Indian Antiquary, op.cito, 1926, p.14.
 Rizai hailed from Sindh and belonged to the line of

Ha'zrat Nizfun ud Din Auliya. Ee composed this masnawI in 1053 • 0

1
A.H 0/1643 AoD 0, as is evident fror] ! gul' and 'Ba@! in the
l' ollowing chronogram..2 . .-;_
u..~J.
;., \
l-....J>..It
q
I~~.;
• '.J:. ~ L /~, I
c· J?
. ~~rt ~~ f_~t- r;' /
Rizai loved his c01L~try, this ~ale and the language in which

he found it Pl'>esented; and in order to mal~e it accessible to

non-Sindhi readers, he decided to versify it in Persian, as he

himself tells us in the introductory lines: 3

\0:' _. ~ \
(~ rl ~ " ~ y ~
'-I -

v:. 1 F~ T" tf~

• l:'--.< (J.> (j' ~J1 df:.
\ -:, . - -, /
J
~
I
'..7 '- "'.

c2 ~. "C- ~ LS/ ~
r!-- u-' ~// cf>~ 1p..Qj ./r. ,.J
u~Cv-lif~L A--;~ u:r::~!~ Q)~UI~/·
"'" - - .. ! .. -'"

He also says that "from fear of offending Persian ears by

outlandish names1!, he has changed the names of the hero, the

heroine and her city from Punnun, Sassi and Bhambhore into

'Nigar I, 'ZIba' all.d 'Husnabad 1, respectively, and entitled the

poem ZIba Nigar accordingly.

Rizai's version is not only the earliest (in Sindhi,

as well as in Persian) but also the longest available in

10 There is some uncertainty about the date of its composition.

The copyist of QazI HapbI Bakhsh! s manuscript and Lutf Ullo.h
BadwI in his Tazkira i LutfI (Ptoii, p.132 fn.) have given
it as 1061 A.H.; whereas Sadarangani has given it as 1071
A.H./1660 A.D. (See SadaranganI, Persia~ Poets of Sindh,
op.cit., p053). He apparently derives this date from reading
"gul az bagh it in place of 1!gul andar ba@1i and taking the
whole phrase as the chronogrrun.
2. Sprenger has also taken the whole of the latter phrase (viz.
HGul andar ba@it) as the chronogram (See S':prenger, Oudh
Catalogue, op.cit., pG544) which is equally wrong, as ngul
andar ba@1? comes to 1308 A.H. which is clearly impossioleo
3. These and subsequent quotations have been taken from the
B.M. MS. No. Or.337 (ffo141/b, 30/b & 31/a, respectively).
The text differs, here and there, from Rashidi's copy_
 6
l
Persian. It appears to have been quite popular; and the
availability of an appreciable number of its manuscripts in
various places also confirms this. 'rhe oldest available copy
is preserved in the British Museum, London (MS. No.Or.337). It
was transcribed in Alamglrpur during the 28th year of Aurang-
zebfs reign (i.e. in 1096 A.H./1684 A.D., about 40 years after
the date of its composition); and was obtained from the widow
of Col.A" W.Hamil ton, a former Commissioner of ~'lul tan, in 1868.
This copy was prepared by Jaikarn who has al so appended an
eulogy on the poem.
Another copy, dated 1835, has been stated to be in the
possession of Qazl NabI Bakhsh in Karachi and has been used and
referred to by Sadaranganl. 2 Sprenger noticed another at
Lru{hnow in the library of the King of Oudh 3 and Stewart also
found one at Mysore in the library of TIpu SuI tan. 4 I have
noticed another in 1959, in the library of the Asiatic Society

1. Varlous manuscript copies differ from each other regarding

the number of verses. But they are in all cases more than
four thousand. The copies of Qazl and Rashidi contain about
5,500 and 4,691 verses, respectively. (See Sadarangani,
Persian Poets of Sindh, op eci t., p 053; Baqir, l'L, Panjabi
Q,isse Farsi Zaban Men, Vol.II, Lahore, - 1960, p.,2).
2 .. See Sadarangani, Persian Poets of Sindh, op"cit., biblio-
gr aphy, p. 9 0

3. See Sprenger, Oudh Catalogue, opocit .. , IVIS.No.472, p.544.

4. See Stewart, Co, A Descri~tive Catalogue of the Oriental
Library of the late TIp~oo SuI tan of Mysore, Cambridge -
1809, p.73. He has recorded it along with Asghary's romance
of Manohal'"' and Madhumala under Kissenai Zeib Va Negar Va
IvIinuher Va Madillaleh (MS. No. XCIX & C).
 (",

6 ,j

of Bengal, Calcutta~l It is a presentation copy, intended for

Prince Muhammad 'Azam (son of Aurangzeb, 1659-1707) and bears
the seal of Fort William College, Calcutta. Still another is
said to be in possession of PIr Sa~~Id Hassam DIn RashIdI
at Haidarabad (Sindh). 2 It was transcribed by Muhammad A I zim
who has not given the date of his transcription.
Rizai's masnawl
o 0
is composed of about five thousand
couplets. Its sections are linked by a few verses addressed to
the SaQI (cup-bearer). He has described the entire romance
tastefully and artistically. The story, in brief, runs thus:
A rich and accomplished Brahman of Husnabad was very
anxious to have a child. After prayers and much longing, a
pretty girl was born to him. He cast her horoscope and was
deeply shocked to discover that she was destined to marry a
Muslim youth .. In order to save her, himself and his caste from
humiliation, he decided to dispose of her there and then. He
first planned to throw her in the well, but the idea of

1. BaQir, probably, did not know it when he stated in 1958

that there was no manuscript of any Persian version of this
romance available in the li-brary of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal, Calcutta. (See BaQir, M., Panjabi Qisse FarsI Za~an
Meg, op eci t .. , Vol. I, p. 2)0 But he has now mentioned it in the
appendix of his ib.id e , Vol~II~ Lahore - 1960, p e 87, on the
authori ty of Ivano'v.
Ivanov asserts that Sprenger has 1!described this
particular copy7i in his catalogue 0 - (See Iva.'YlOw, W.,
Concise Descriptive Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts
in the Collection of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Calcutta - 1924, p.33'b01S. No. Naa.5b77"43).
2ooThis, according to BaQir, is the only available manuscript
of this masnawl in Pakistan. He has subseQuently added that
this is probably the only copy available in the entire
Indian sub-continent. (See BaQir, Panjabi Qisse FarsI Zab~
men, op.cit., Vol.II, ppoa & 2~ He does not seem to
know of the above-mentioned copies of Rizai1s ma~~awio
 t.:
l~ ,~

murdering an innocent i~~ant horrified him; so he put her in

a box and set it afloat on the river 0 A childless Muslim washer-
man, washing clothes on the river-bank, noticed the box, pulled
it ashore and was overjoyed to find a lovely girl in ito He
took her home, named her ZI1)3. and brought her up as his ovvn
daughter. She grew up into a beautiful young woman and was
attached to the Princess of Husnabad o Merchants from foreign
countries passing that way and visiting the palace with various
dainties, used to see ZIba and carry memories of her uni~ue

beauty to the distant lands. She became a legend and young men
all around felt enamoured of her charms.
Nigar, the handsome favourite son of the ruler of Kech,
also heard about her matchless beauty. He fell in love, even
without seeing her, and pined to go and see her in Husnabad.
But the strong attachment of his aged father stood in his wayo
He fell sick and began to pine away 0 No medicine, no entertain-
ment could cure him; as "when one is afflicted with the malady
of love, all measures H , says the poet, Ifexcept meeting with the
beloved prove futile·. H
i year passed, the son pining to see his beloved and

the father longing to see his son happy and healthy. Their
misery was further aggravated by a terrible famine that gripped
the land. It was decided to send a c.aravan to Husnabad to fetch
some corn. Nigar persuaded his father to let him go to lead it,
arguing that a chru~ge in climate and environment might improve
his heal tho
 The caravan reached Husnabad, JUgar pondering all the
way over meeting the lady or his drefuils. The rragrance or the
musk, the dignified demeanour or the camelcade and the personal
charms of Nigar became a talk of the tovvn. and it reached ZIba,
tooo Her sympathetic interest was aroused and she helped them
in obtaining some concessions. She also invited Nigar to a
party. Nigar thanked her for the invitation, but expressed his
wish for a personal meeting, prior to the :groposed reception.
They met and exchanged their feelings for each other. One day,
Nigar while passing through ZIbars street in the hope of seeing
his love on some pretext, shot a bird sitting in a tree in the
courtyard of her house. When he went in to pick it up, he was
noticed by ZIba and her mother. ZIba said nothing and when
Questioned, expressed her ignorance about the man. In reply to
her mother! s catechism, the huntsman said, liMy nfuile is Nigar.
I fuil a washerman by caste and a merchant by profession. I came
out hunting and unintentionally shot this bird and thus dis-
turbed you for which I am sorry and beg to be forgiveno li Some
time later, he took a further step~ Using an old woman as a go-
between, he sounded Zibars feelings towards him, ffiLd then
approached her father, through a messenger, asking for her
hand in marriage. Her father agreed on condition that Nigar
should first satisfy him and others of his caste as to his
professional skill in washing, because he could not marry his
daughter to a person outside his caste and profession. Nigar
was helped in the test by ZIba who assisted him not only in
 () G
carrying the clothes but also by suggesting to him that he
should place gold pieces inside the tattered clothes in order
to win good reports from the people concerned. Meanwhile,
Nigar 's companions became impatient for the caravan to return
to Kecho But Nigar refused to go with them and in order to save
them from the wrath of his father, he gave them a letter stating
the actual cause of his having stayed behind.
The chief of Kech read the letter and determined not
to tolerate the situation. He directed a number of his servants
to go straight to Husnabad, under the leadership of Nigar's
brother, and bring him back at all costs. On their arrival in
Husnabad, they rented a house and kept a regular watch on the
lovers. One night, when they found Zlba fast asleep, Nigar's
brother approached him cordially with an invitation to spend
some time with him as he had come there o~~y in order to see
him ~nd had to go back soon. Nigar did not suspect anything
underhand and accompanied him accordingly. He was given some-
thing lntoxicating to drink and fell into complete unconscious-
ness. A~d in this state he was at once carried off.
When Ziba woke up and found him absent, she suspected
treachery and crying aloud went out to look for him in her
brother-in-law T shouse. Failing to find him there or anywhere
el se in the city, she followed the track of the caravan into
the deserto Unfortunately, she lost the track in the thick of
the desert and fell dovm bewildered and panic-stricken. A
shepherd saw her and full of pity for her miserable condition,
approached her. Zlba related to him her tale of woe and misery.
Then delivering a dying message~ ruld wishing Nigar all health
and happiness, she collapsed. The shepherd was deeply moved,
he buried her blistered body and made the place as his own
abode.
Nigar, by that time, had reached Kech •. When he recovered
consciousness, he realised what treachery had been practised
against him g He resolved to go back to his sweetheart and
managed to slip away. While passing by a hut, he saw a newly-
raised tomb and a shepherd sitting beside it .. On enCluiry, he
was shocked to learn that it was the tomb of none other than
his own beloved. He heard her dying message, sighed and fell
dead on the tomb.
According to Rizai, there are several differing tradi-
tional accounts of the death of Nigar and he has related one
of them, besjde the above, in his poem. As already mentioned,
he has added a 'conclusion I describing how Sayyid Ali was
affected by this tale~ This is followed by lines in whi~h he
expresses his gratitude to the Creator and his confidence that
his poem will keep his memory fresh in the world:
A-&r~~v (\ ~bU~/ ~::"U;r'~) k/~~/Ai r~.
'7~~ A~~ (JI-" />,5' 7 ~ 1:-:/ 0"'" r4f
6.
The next version to be considered is that of Shaikh Vahid Ud
Din Batalavi. According to Mir Karamat Ullah, he wrote his
version in 1113 A.H 0/1701 A.D 0, and entitled it Ghunchah i Umid
(The Bud of Hope) to indicate its date of composition.
 618
Mir Karamat Ullah has acclaimed it as the first version
of the romance in Persian prose I I have not been able to lay
0

my hand upon i t /
~ 5[:

Copies of the next in chronological order, are available,

however, both in India and abroad. It is a fairly long masnawi
••
enti tIed Dastiir i ! Ish9, i. e. the Law of Love. It was composed
2
by Lala Jot Parkash in 1136 A.H./1723 A.D., as is indicated
in its chronogram:
/\ ' ~ ,L((c3-~~
(.>~t~·j/ ""
(0 1; ?~M4J1)J
Nothing more is known about the author or his other works,
he
except that/was a well-known poet and a Munshi by profession.
His masnawi consists of 2,348 counlets
• 0 .t' divided into .

various sections which are linked by some vers~s addressed to

the ~>a.9..i. They sum up the gist of the section just completed
and indicate the substance of what follows.
This masnawi is clearly based on the version of the
• 0

story as then current in the Panjab. The author has, however,

introduced a number of alterations and modifications in its
frame in order to make it more interesting and exhaustive.
Sassi! s father has been called King Parwez; and she is shown as
having approached him, accompanied by her fo ster-mother, to

I. See Tarjuman, Lahore - February, 1917, pp.93-98; Oriental

College Magazine, Lahore, Vol.VII, No.1, November - 1930,
p.2.
2. l'Lalla Jout Perkash H is given on the title-page of the 1812
edi tion and is recorded as HLallah Jent Perkass H by Sprenger
which is not correct. (See Sprenger, Oudh Catalogue, OPe
C it., p. 452)
 6 9
obtain his authority to levy customs at the river in order to
watch for her dream-beloved. Instead of following the usual
account in which the MakranI merchants are arrested and one of
them is compelled to go back to fetch Punnun, Jot Parkash has
depicted them as being made the bearers of a letter suggesting
a meeting at Bhambhore. (Rizai, as we have seen, has not men-
tioned any such things in his version). After Punnun's arrival
when he and Sassi have fallen in love with each other, Punnun
is shown as suggesting to Sassi that she should accompany him
to Kech. But Sassi persuades him to stay on there, disguised
as a washerman, and to ask for her hand. Punnun has to pass not
one but three tests in various trades in order to earn the
acceptance of his proposal for her. Supernatural forces have
also been brought in to help Punnun in his final test and to
protect Sassi from the clutches of the goatherd who has been
described, unlike Rizai, as a villain. He, when transformed
into a faQlr, after Sassi's miraculous disappearance, is shown
as having gone to Kech to inform Punnun's parents about the
tragedy. They rushed to the place and are soon joined by
SassiYs foster-parents who are already journeying in search
of her. There is great lamentation which is silenced by a
mysterious voice heard from inside the grave, saying that lit
is an occasion not for lamentations but for rejoicings on
account of our blissful union'.
Thus, Jot Parkash has diversified the story, weaving
into it various strands gathered from various sources and
using also his power of imagination.
 Three manuscript copies of his masnawi
•
are nreserved
~l:'

in the Panjao University library, LW1ore. The first, oearing

No.P i VI 292/33L~1, was transcrioed in 1831 at .Amritsar. The
second, viz. P i VI 173/634, was transcrioed by Aodul Samad
Khan Muhammad in 1873. The third (SP i VI 106/4811) contains
some selections from the masnawi.
o 0

BaClir has stated that he ootained one from Dr. Mohan

Singh while he was residing at LahoI'e. l He has also ooserved
that Hone manuscript copy of D~stiir i Il?hCl is preserved in the
iiorary of the British Museum. \1 2 But I have not so far oeen
aole to trace it there, an.d the statement seems to oe erroneous.
Sprenger has mentioned it in his Catalogue of Oudh Manuscripts
as follows: HDastoor-i-Ishk, or the loves of Sussee and Panoon,
a Persian poem oy Lallah Jentperkass, Calcutta, 1812, 8 Vo 0 I
have never had an opportunity of seeing this oook.,,3
This masnawi
••
was printed first in 1812 at the Hindoo-
stanee Press, Calcutta and a copy is preserved in the British
Museum (No.14787. C.8.). It oears the following wording on
its title page: 4

The
1. See Oriental College Magazine, Pt. I, Lahore, August - 1943,
p.4.
20 See BaClir, Panjaoi Qisse Farsi Zaoan men, Vol.I, op.cit.,
p.2 fn.
3. Sprenger, Oudh Catalogue, op.cit., MS. No.301, p.452.
4. That is, printed under the orders of Mr. Janksan.
5. 'I'here is, however, a minor difference in the spellings. The
hero r s name is given as "Punoon" and the author I s as "Lalla
Jant Perkass H•
given by Sprenger under the above-quoted reference. It seems
obvious that Sprenger f s entry does not refer to any manuscript
but to a printed volume which could be none other than the
one just noticed. Another edition, published in 1865, has also
l
been noticed. It was published from Feroz~ur, Panjab.

Lala Jot Parkash was immediately followed by Munshl Indarjlt

with his Ma~~awl trama i 'Ishq which has also been called Masnawi
Sassi Punnun or Sarguzasht i Sassi PunnUl~. It was composed in
the 10th year of Muhammad Shah's reign, i.e. in 1727, according
to the poet's OWl! statement, given at the end:
6 1..:>-;-- Jb u·~; ? u---
I
U ~0l~ /tlL: 0'; i~ ~\.: ~

The poet tells us that he belonged to Nakodar (district

JullundGlr) in Panjab. He served, as a Munshl (Secretary), for
19 years with Sheikh 'Bim 0 He left Lahore for Mul tan in 1140
A.H. 2/1727 A.D. in order to take up a similar job with the
newly-appointed Governor, Nawwab 'Abd us-Samad Khan (d.1737).
He further tells us that he was very much impressed with the
tale of Sassi, a colourful story of love and beauty, which he
heard there from ~laming lip~ and versified it afresh in the

1. See Panjabi QJsse Farsi Zahan Men, op.cit., Vol.I, po268.

2. Not in 1141 A.H. as stated by Qazl Fazal Haq in Urdu,
Aur angab ad , Vol.X, No.40-1930, p.725. The poet has himself
stated this fact quite clearly.
 MUnshl Indarjlt and his Hama i 'Ishq have been
curiously confused with the name and work of another Bunshl,
called J-aswant Rai .. S'prenger while describing, in 1854, the
Oudh manuscripts of Jaswant's DIwan (Eo.399) and Indarj'it's

Masnawl (No .400), unfortunately and without any obvious reason,

identified the two men. In his account of NO.399, he observed,
liThe Dywan of Jeswant Ray I/Iunshiy. He is probably identical
wi th the author of Sassy and Panu_ o III In his description of No"
400, he stated IISassy and Panu, a story in verse composed in
1140 by Munshiy, who was familiarly called Andex'jyt, and is
probably identical with the preceding poet. u 2 His learned con-
temporary, Garcin de Tassy, basing his observation on Sprenger's
statements, confused and complicated the matter further by
naming him, in 1857, as HMunschl J-aswant Singh Indarjlt H• 3
Ethe went still further by ascribing, in 1896, the authorship
of his masnawi clearly to Jaswant Rai ~iunshl. 4 In a subsequent
• 0

statement, dated 1903, while describing the I.O.L. manuscript

of the said Dlwan, he again stated quite wrongly that its
author (viz .. Jaswant Rai }dunshl) His probably identical with
the author of the popular epopee Sassi wa Punnun u5 (viz. Indar-
jlt Munshi) 0 This later statement of Ethe is obviously an almost
verbatim reproduction of Sprenger's observation in the same
1. Sprenger, Oudh Catalogue, op.cit., p~507.
2. Ibid., po508.
3. Garc,in de Tassy, J oIL.S .. V., lVIaqbul T s 'Hlr et Ranjhan' in
Revue de 1 'Orient, Paris - 1857, p.116.
4. Ethe, H. 'FfeupersiE?che Li tteratur I in Grundriss der Irani-
schen Philologie, Vol. II, Strassburg - 1896 - 1904, p. 255;
Shafaq .. R.Z.) Tar'il-ill i Adabiyyat i FarsI, Tehral'l - 1958,
po94.
5. Ethe, H., Catalogue of Persian lIanuscripts, in the library
of India Office, London - 1903, MS. No.1454, catalogued
under 1695, po917.
context. But one f'eels surprised at this strange conf'usion
when one f'inds that the correct and respective names of' the
authors of' both of' the said compositions are clearly given in
the manuscripts themselves. It looks all the more strange when
one notices the name of' the author of' the romance clearly
mentioned by the poet himself' in that very verse which f'orms
the f'irst line of' the Quotation given by Sprenger in his
description of' the manusc.ript concerned. l It reads:
~, 1 I,..... .1
L..:...-~ I ( ' ~ l.--I~/ ,A.J
~~
'L,::.I ./:>
1->
J

..
L-.~
! (Y';
. \// J i f '-'JS.... .:::.'
~.-Ar
\

So when the poet himself' says that his name is Indarjit and
his takhallas is 'Munshi I , we have no reason to doubt its
correctness and to identif'y him with someone else merely on the
ground that both of' them being l\1unshis (secretaries) used their
prof'essional title as their pen-name too. So f'rom the above
discussion we can saf'ely conclude that the masnawi,
.... under study,
is def'initely the c,omposition of' MUl1.shi Indarjlt who has nothing
to do with the Dlwan of' MunshI Jaswant Rai.
Indarjlt's masnawI
o ..
is a concise and well-knit narrative
consisting of' 982 coupletso 2 It is better both in literary
Quality and narrative power than that of' Jot Parkash o He too
has used two linking couplets, addressed to the saQI, between
each of' his sections. The story of' his version dif'f'ers somewhat
here and there f'rom others. For instance, the f'ate of' Sassi is
shown to have been predicted even bef'ore her birthday and the

1. Sprenger, Oudh Catalogue, op.cito, p.508~

20 Not 1982 as erroneously stated in Qureshi, W., Nama: i 'Ishg,
Lahore - 1959, p.7.
king has already ordered that she is to be killed when she is
born. She escapes death only because her nurse, affected by
the baby's beauty and innocence, cannot bear to kill her and
secretly sets her afloat on the river. Punnun has been des-
cribed as the king (not a pr ince) of Kech Makran. The marmer
of the lovers I meeting is also portrayed differently. Punnun,
hearing much about Sassi's beauty, sends her a letter proposing
marriage. The hero is abducted by his own ministers (not broth-
ers) who are already there at Bhambhore. The masnawI
o
concludes
0

with the joint burial of the lovers, without any sequel or

concluding incident as we find in the earlier masnawis
o
of 0

Rizai and Jot Parkash.

Indarjit's masnawI also appears to have remained quite
••
popular. As many as ten manuscripts have been traced or noticed.
Two of them are preserved in the ShiranI Collection of the
Panjab University, Lahore. The first, bearing No.SPI VI 108/
4182, was transcribed in 1265 A.H./1849 A.D. at Lahore. The
second, No.SPI VI/I08A/3586, is dated 1849. Qazi Fazal Raq of
the Panjab EdUcation Service had also one in his possession at
Lahore. It bore Qisa Sarguzasht i Sasi Punnun also as its title,
given as such by its scribe at the end. l Another c,opy has been
noticed with Ghulam Dastgir rrarnl. It was trru!scribed in 1839
by Sadar ul Dln. 2
A finely adorned copy is preserved in the Sikh History
Research Department, Khalsa College, Amritsar (NooS.HoRo/2257).
1. See ~rdu, Aurru!gabad, op.cit., October - 1930, pg724.
2. See Oriental College Magazine, Lahore, op.cit., August -
1943, p .4.
It appears to have been written in 1853 and consists of 62
folios with golden marginal lines illLd golden lines in between
the verses .. It has been beautifully transcribed in about ten
different nastalig styles which change after every few pages.
The manuscript does not bear the name of the author either in
the beglluLing or at the end; and the cataloguer appears to have
failed to notice the title of the masnawi which is given there
" 0

in the last verse o He has therefore listed it without mentioning

the names of both the author and his work. 1
The first of the two c.opies found in the possession of
Muhammad Hasan Saddiqi of Lahore was transcribed in 1859 by
Tara Chand .. It is bound with Sehr ul Bayan. The second bears
the nalIle of Ghulfun Ghaus Ghulfuni as its sc,ribe and 1867 as the
date of trfuLscription. It is bound there with Rizamnfunao The
one in the possession of WahId QureshI does not bear either the
name of its scribe or the date of its transcription. Ahmad
Husain Ahmad is also said to have possessed two copies of this

.
masnaw'i,
"
transcribed by the members of his family. The first
was copied in 1899 by Maulana Muhammad llam. The transcription
of the second. was completed in 1946 .. It is, virtually, a copy
of the former; but is full of' mistakes. 2 The one described by
Sprenger under Oudh l1S. No.400 does not mention the name of the
scribe or the date of its transcription. 3

1. Kirpa1 Singh, A Cata10gne ot Pe.rsj an and Sanskrit Manuscr-

ipts in the Sikh History Resear.ch Department, Khalsa College,
Amritsar, Amritsar - 1962, pp.90-1o
2. See Qureshi, W., 1rama i lIshq, Lahore - 1959, pp. a-c.
3. See Sprenger, Oudh Catalogue, op~cit., pe50 8 •
 C) (',
6 C tJ
Indffi~jit's }ram§~!Is~ has recently oeen puolished oy

the Panjabi Adaoi Akadem;T, LahoI'e in 19590

-1
According to Ali Sher Qani, "Qazi l:IuI'taza Sorathi, resident
2
of village lChi tyan (near Haidaraoad, Sindll.), versified the
romance, in a peculiar style, during the reign of King Muhammad

Shah ll (1719-1748)0
3 PIr Muhammad Avvadhi also speaks of it in

his MehI' 0 bah (dt.1862) in

/""", ·t,· ~
7-~ .3 ~r" U ":j /A..l/,;4..
crl~~H u..;~}=>1~
;; ~,.;~ U ,>/~ (J;;~
lS;y,-~ >.r: tJ--1
.. ~~
l)/.J? (~~ ,,.,'( >~JJ3;
u ~ l' c....- . A.t >f~-, . / / u ~
...
That is, I found the story of Sassi-Punnun superior and much

better, in its beauty and cOCluetry, than that of Umar-Marui.

But I could not find any of its poetic version in Persian,
though it was available in the languages of Surat and Kechh" I
tried my best to find the details about it, and at last was

able to procure one version vvri tten by Qazi Murtaza, a unique

person who was honoured and rewarded much by Muhammad Shah

Ghazi for having veI'sified this attractive tale so nicely. Bu+'

as it went behind the curtain of anonimity and by the passage

of time it was forgotten, it became rare rul.d met the same lot

as did confront Sassi who was set afloat on the rivero As the

1. That is, hailing from Sorath by which name the peninsula

of Kathiawar (Gujarat) was· then known to the Muslims. It
is also the name of a district in that region.
2~ According to N.B. Baloch, it is Kutiana in the Jilll.agarh
state of Kathiawaro
.
3" Qani, Tull.fat al-1Ur~, Pt~iii, B.H. MS. Add.2l589/261/a.
as did confront Sassi who was set afloat on the rivero As the
tale struclc much interest in me and its charm enlightened my
heart, I felt interested ~Dd inclined to versify it myself. 1
NilI' Illahi and lvluahmmad Umar have observed that Qaz'i
Murtaza Sorathi 1l raised the palace of his lliasnawi
o ~
Shahid i Naz
on the foundations of Masnawi Husn 0 Naz of :Mir Ma1silm Bhakkrio 2
But they have neither mentioned any basis or source of this
information nor given any other information about the poet and
his composition.
In fact, nothing more than what is contained in the
above statements of Qani and Awadhi, is known about Murtaza and
his masnawi.
o0
He flourished during the first half of the 18th
century. We have not been able to lay our hands upon any copy
of his work. However, Awadhi did find a copy in the sixties of
the last century and had evidently based the story of his own
Masnawi Mehr
--oo'~~~~~~~=
C) 1,Iah on Murtaza! s version.
We are indebted again to the historian Qani who has
left us a Ucopyl! of probably an extract, rather a Iconc~usion I ,

of his version which in prose reads 3 as. follows: HIsma 111, a

darwesh from II,/lul tan, came on a pilgrimage to see these two
wonderful persons of the domain of love and affection. He left
his camel at a distance, sat beside their tomb, fasted for
three days anet longed to see them. After three days 1 vigil, an
old lady appeared and offered him bread and water, but Isma.'il
refused to take anything before seeing Sasui and Pannun. She
1. Awadhi, P.M., Mehr 0 IvI8.h, Lakhnow - 1878, pp.38-9.
20 See Urdu, Aur angab ad , Vol.IX - October, 1929, p.764.
3. Already used in a ~ summarised form under' the Motifs
(Sec.XII) in PtQI.
told him that she herself was Sasui and asked him not to expect
Pannun because II have lost confidence in the world ... I can no
longer trust anyone. I a'1l much harassed by my kindred who alone
are responsible for my present misery!. The darwesh said, 11
cannot believe you, for Sasui was young and beautiful, while
you are an old crone.' Sasui then trruLsfigured herself to appear
in all her pristine youth and beauty; again she tried to per-
suade him to break his fast. But Isma!ll said, 'I would rather
die of fasting than eat before seeing both of you, according to
my own vow.! After repeated adjurations, Sasui descended into
the grave. She brought Pannun out and showed him as far as his
waist. She kept him tight, all the time, in her embrace, clasp-
ing her arms around him, lest he should be carried off again.
In short, many good-hearted elders have thus seen them. None
can pass that road while riding on a camel. Anyone keeping
awake by night at the tomb, is served with food by some unseen
hand, in spite of the fact that the place is a desolate
desert. III

This episode which in Qanl's own words "is copied

from him" (i.e. Sorathl),
o
is obviously a post-script to the
main composi t:i.on which is still inaccessible to uSo This, in
substruLce, is the same episode as has already been noticed in
discussing the evidence for a version by Sayyld 'All. We saw
that this was a post-script by Rizai to his ma~~awI ZIba Nigar
(dt .1643). We shall find it repeated in two subseQuent versions,

1. See for the original text, Tuhfat al-kiram, Pt.iii, B.T,:.

MS. Add.21589, opGcit., 260(b)-261(a); ed. Pt.iii, pp.25-6.
 6?9
too, viz. Jairamdas Daulatram's manuscript (dt. 1817) and PIr
1\iuharni11ad AwadhI IS Llehr 0 L'§.h (d t. 1862) c 1 All this, as noticed
earlier, is in line with the practice adopted in the case of
some other such popular tales by some of their tellers or
2
versifiers. This has been done, probably, to indicate the
popularity of the tale, the immortality of the lovers, the
spiri tuali ty of their relationship and the devotion of the
people to them; and also for the enhancement of the overall
interest of the tale.
100

Another MUllshl of the Panjab, viz. Jaswant Rai, has also had
a rnasnawl
o •
of Sassi Punnun attributed to him.
Jaswant Rai was the son of Munshl Bl1agwant Rai of
L~hore. He migrated to Karnatik in 1706 and obtained the pat-
ronage of Sa 'adat .All'iili Kl"lan (dt. 1732), the then governor of
the state. He composed in verse a history of his life and rule,
entitled Sa'ld }rama 3 (dt~1723). Some more works are also
ascribed to him04
But as far as the alleged MasnawI Sassi Punnun is con-
cerned, nothing SUbstantial has, so far, come our way. It was
Ethe who, in 1896, first stated unambiguously in his survey of

1. Awadhl has also n~1ed him Isoa'll but he has gone further in
linking him withatffe main character of the story itself.
According to him, he was a favourite friend of Lala, Sassi's
foster-father, and became the guardian of the lovers! grave
after the death of his friend.
2. See Indian Antiquary', Bombay, Vol oLV-1926, PPo14-l9;36-39.
3 .. A manuscript copy of this work is preserved in BoM. (No 0

Or ./1409) •
4. See Gleanings from 'Sa 'Id Nama in the Islfuilic Culture,
Hyderabad, Vol.XVI, No.4, October - 19~ppo430-1o
Persian literature that J-aswant R'8.i 1iunshI versified this ro-
mance in 1140 A.Ho/1727 A.D. and entitled it Dastan Sisi Wa
1
Puno. He was followed lJy 1,:aul0l\i Hidayat Hosain who in discuss-
ing Munshi Y s Sa TId Nama, associatecl a poem on Sassi Punnun with
him in these words: "Sassi Vila Puno - a popular epic e It was com-
posed in A.H. l140/A.D. 17270 For copies see Ethe, India Office
Catalogue, No.1695 and Sprenger, Catalogue, PPo507-508. 112
As is obvious, both Ethe and Hosain have based their
statements on a misilllderstanding and a mis-statement made first
lJy Sprenger in 1854 which has been fully discussed and refuted.
But Jaswant Rai has also lJeen sho~L as the author of
u
two other love-stories, viz. Qissa Saif al lVi'filk wa Badi Tal-
J-am8.l and Qissa L8.l 0 HIra 3
0 Hence one can say that he may
also have tried his hand upon that of Sassi and Punnuno But as
it is not available ~vhere (not at least to my knowledge) and
as there is no reliable evidence of its existence, there are
very slender grounds, to say the least, for any such supposition.
11.
We can, now J turn safely to the most popular of the Persian
versions, that of II1Ir !AlI Sh'er QanI (1727-1789).
QanI IJITas one of the most versatile and prolific writers
of Sindh. He was a court-poet of some local chiefs; a famous
historian of the land, a literary figure of repute and an
expert in the art of chronogrruns. He was the son of Sayyid
1. Ethe, GrillLdriss der Iranischen Philologie, opocit., Vol.II,
l896~1904, po253.
2. Islamic Culture, Vol.XVI, op.cit., OctolJer - 1942, p.431o
30 Ibid., p.43l.
Izzat Allah iTI;atawi and was educated by the distinguisged
scholars of' the day. Qan'i began vvri ting while he was only
twelve and wrote about 30 books on various SUbjectso l His
Maq8.1at al Shu'ara (dt. 1760) is the most important tazkira of'
Persian poets and anthology of' Persian poetry of' Sindh. His
Tuhfat al-Kiram (dt. 1767) is a well-known and indispensable
history of Sindb. in 3 parts 2 The third part, dealing with the
0

rulers, nobles, saints, scholars and the folk-lore of Sindh,

has been acclaimed by Elliot as lithe most comprehensive and con-
sistent of all the histories of Sindh. 113 And it is with this
part of his work that we are concerned here.
Qani's history and tazkira are the first and the only
knolvu works to contain a mention of the two early (indeed, the
earliest) Persian versions of the romance, those of' Mir Muhammad

.
Ma 'sUm Bhakl{ari and Qazi Murtaza Sorathi" Qani himself versi-
fied the romance of Kamrup and K~~latta,4 not that of Sassi
and Punnun. But he wrote of Sassi-Punnun as the most celebrated
and highly popular rom~~ce of his Ovvn land, and gave it the
most honoured place in his history, and related the complete
story.
His account is important in many ways. It is, in fact,
the first liLd best known Persian prose-version. It caught the

1. See Storey, Persian Literature, op.cit., pp.138 & 656;

Sadarangani, Persian Poets of Sindh, op.cit., p.125.
2. A beautiful manusc.ript of both is preserved in the British
Museum, London (Add.21589). The history comprises ff.1-338
and the 'razkira ff 448-527. It was transcribed in 1830.
0

3. Elliot & Dowson, History of India, op.cit., VoloI, p.327.

4. Viz. Qissa i Kamrup, consisting of about 3,000 distichs,
written in 1775.
eye o~ the subsequent writers and historians, was quoted the
most, and was regarded as a reliable account. Ensign Postans
was probably the ~irst to have Hrender'ed H it into English some
time in 1838,1 though his summarised rendering, as discussed
earlier, is in ~act, mostly taken ~rom his wi~eYs account o~ a
2
Kachhi version. Sir HGllfio Elliot translated it almost literally
and included it in his famous History o~ India in 18670 3
Maulana Sharar translated it into Urdu and published it in 18980 4
It has also been reproduced in Sindhi many a time. It was pub-
lished in its original Persian ~orm in 1886-70 5 In view o~ its
importance and popularity, it is reproduced below in Elliot's
translation duly collated with the original and revised
thoroughly:
HDuring the reign o~ Dalii Rai in Sindh, a Brahman, named
Tanya, and his wi~e, Mandhar, were living at 'Bhanbarwah'o They
held a good position in society but being issueless, were very
keen to have a childo After a long time they were blessed with
a daughter who was the envy o~ the ~ull moono But, ~or·tunately

her horoscope revealed that she was destined to marry a Muslim

youth. In order to avoid the impending disgrace, she with
wounded hearts, was enclosed in a box (as i~ they encased the

10 See oJ oAo S oB Calcutta, Vol VII, ITo. 74, February - 1838,

0, 0

pp.99-100.
2. See under Sec.4 - Kachhi Version in Part II.
3. See Elliot & Dowson, History o~ India, opocito, Vol.I,
pp.332-5.
4. See Dil~Gudaz, Lakhnow, Vol. VI, No.9, September - 1898,
pp .8-13"
5. Two copies o~ this edition (Lakhnow, 1886-7) are preserved
in IoOaL. I have used the one bearing No. Pers.D.55. The
story appears on pp.23-5 o~ Pt.III o~ this edition and on
~f.260/b-261/a of BoIL Add.21589, op.cit.
uniQue pearl in a shell) ffi~d thrown in the river.
By chance, the current carried it towards the city of
'Bhanbore I where there lived a waSheI'mffi~, named "'1Y1anhya, also
called(Lfu~a~ He had 500 apprentices but had not one child. When

the box passed in front of one of his apprentices, he brought

it ashore and presented it to the master. On opening it they
found the moon as if shining out of it. He named her 'SasuI',
signifying the moon, and adopted her as his own.
V\lhen SasuI grew up into a blooming youth, the lancet of
her love pierced the hearts of' the flower-cullers of beauty.
Vfuosoever saw her wished to possess hero People surrendered
their hearts to her affection. V1Jherever she sat, men surrounded
her like the cluster of pleiades, and hovered around her like
the constellation of the Eagle.
During that time and state of affairs, some caravans
from Kech-llVlakran arrived there for purposes of trade. On their
return, they conveyed the praises of that piece of the moon to
the ears of 'Punhun', son of the Chief of Kecho As soon as he
heard this he lost his heart and reached Bhambhore in the guise
of a caravan~mano H~ saw Sassi, and was much enamoured of her
charms • Fortunately, the seeker found place in the heart of the
sought. In order to remain always near to her, he entered the
apprenticeship of her father and dressed himself as a washel.'m3.L~.

I leave out many incidents, connected with this affair~ in

order to avoid prolixity. But the short of it is that Sassi

1. Sharar has mistaken it for IIKash 11 (See Dilgudaz, Vol. VI,

No.9, pp.9-l0.)
returned his love vri th more than eQual ardour 0 It is said that
a goldsmith's wife, with a view to gratify her own amorous
inclinations, tried to create a wedge between themo She excited
Punnun's jealousy and estranged him from her. The love-lost
Sassi came out of this ordeal unsullied, like the pure gold from
the high raging fire, and became an example to the world. After
some time the lovers were married.
When Punnun1s father learnt about this, he asked his
other sons to bring the love-lost Pu.nnun back home, by any
means. They reached Bhambhore, met Punnun and became his guests.
At night-fall, while Sassi was fast asleep, they bound him on
a camel and set off for their OVVIl country.
Sassi awoke in the morning and found in utter grief
that she had been robbed of her treasure. She lost control of
herself, tore her garments in despair, and set off alone in
search of her lost beloved. She traversed the rugged hills with
affectionate zeal; but fell exhausted from thirst and fatigue
after covering a distance of about 40 koso While she was
striking her feet on the ground in the agony of death, by the
power of God, a pool full of water soon appeared there. She
Quenched her thirst and foruLd fresh strength. People say that
the pool remains full of water to this day, and is never dry
even though no rain should fall for years. It is said, that
Sassi had seen these things in a drerun on the night on which
she was presented with heruLa (at her marriage). The branch of
henna which she had slept with in her hand, according to custom,
and which she retained after she awoke, and which she carried
wi th her all along, she now planted on the bank o:f this pool.
By the power o:f God the branch grew to be a green tree and still
remains a monurnent o:f that bleeding heart~ To cut the remaining
matter short, a:fter being thus re:freshed, Sassi hurried :forward.
She accomplished six or seven kos :further through those very
hills, but was distressed again by thirst.
A shepherd, accidentally, saw her :from a distruLce and
cast longing eyes on her, and approaching desired to carry her
o:f:f. Sassi said, lito unjust creature! I am :feeling restive with
thirst and you are restless :for possessing meo Fetch me :first
something to drink t . The shepherd hastened to his :flock to get
some milk. Meanwhile Sassi having been despaired o:f :finding any
trace o:f her lover, and :finding hersel:f thus :fallen into evil
hands, expressed her anguish be:fore the Almighty (the com:forter
o:f the helpless); and appealed :for protection :from that demon
o:f the desert. Instantly, by the power o:f God, the hill was
rent asunder, and engul:fed that bleeding heart, as i:f a ruby
was encased in the matrix. A corner o:f her scar:f was left
visible as a ~roo:f o:f Godls power, a warning :for the shepherd
and a direction :for her lover. ~men the shepherd returned with
the mill\: and noticed that instance o:f Divine power, he repented
much and reproached himsel:f bitterly. He raised a tomb o:f
stones over her, according to the custom.
The tellers o:f love-tales, which cut the heart like
sharp diamond, relate that when Punnun, all in chains, was
carried be:fore his :father, his restlessness began to show
itsel:f to such a degree that his father was alarmed :for his
life. Finding himself helpless, he asked his brother to accom-
pany him back to Bhrunbhore and Banage to restore his beloved
to him, by some meffiLS or other.
During the journey, when PUIULun arrived at the spot
where SassI was entombed and saw the fresh traces, he stood
amaz,ed. The mutual attraction of hearts revealed this to him.
For outward evidence, he set about enquiring into the circum-
stances. nLe above mentioned shepherd happened to arrive just
then, and related everything as it had occurred. Punnun
instantly dismounted from his camel, and begged his brothers to
wait for a moment as he wished to pray and pay a pilgrim!s
visit to this tomb. Having thro'N.n himself upon it, he cried
aloud to the Almighty, lJeseeching for a union with his beloved.
As no petitioner before God is ever left without hope, so by
His wonderful power the hill reopened there and then.

After admitting him in, it closed all at onceo Both of them

were thus encased, as it were, like twin almonds in one shell.1!
QanIYs version is followed by a sequel and some obser-
vations about the position and popularity of the romance, whi~h

have already been noticed in the preceding pageso

12.
QanI's century closed with what seems to have been ~~other

versified version of the romance in its O~L land.

 Nathan CI'owe,l the then political and commeI'cial agent
of the East India Company in Sindh, olJseI'ved in 1799 that it
was undeI'taken at the inst8J.1.ce of the then I'uleI', MIl' Fa tteh
.Ali Khan himself 0 liThe pI'ince with chaI'acteristic inflation and
ignorance, conceiving himself the Rustrun of the age, and the
exploits of the TalpoOI'i worthy of transmission to posterity,
has employed a poet, a Sundian [i.e. a Sindhi] of more presump-
tion than learning, to record them in veI'se like FerdosI and
called the book in rival distinction to his immortal work, the
Shah I'ramah,the Futteh Namah. With some vanity he has lately
diI'ected the loves of a Belochee pair, as related in some of
the country tales, to be translated into Persian verse, upon
the model of JamIYs Eusuph and Zule~ha, that tbe diffusion of
these poems may establish the fame of Sind as well in letters
as in arms. II We have no further infoI'mation whatever, either
about the poet 01' the poem, here referred to, and theI'e is no
evidence to show conclusively that the romance was that of
Sassi and Punnuno
But Sir R.F. BUrton linked it with the tale of Sassi,
observing in 1851 that it His probably the one alluded to by
NIr Crow"; and reproducing the above paragraph 2 which had
0

earlier been reproduced in 1831 by DrQ J. Burnes,3 as well.

10 NIr. Crowe was in charge of the East India Company! s factory
at Thatta in 1799. He compiled a long report about the his-
tory, government and conditions of Sindh for submission to
the Company's Government at Bombay -See Mlrchand'fulI, BoD.,
l1Crowe!s Account of Sind 11 , in J-oS.HoS., VoloI, PtoII,
OctobeI' - 1934, po49r:--
2. Burton, SiI' RoF., Sindh 8J.1.d the Races that inhabit the
Valley of the L71dus, London - 1851 ~ po 57.
3. Burnes, J., A Narrative of a visit to the Court of Sinde,
1828, and A Sketch of the History of Cutch, Edinburgh - 1831,
p.46.
 638
l.3.
Another version from Sinill~ belongs to the early nineteenth
century. It is in prose and runs into 93 pages.
I saw it at New Delhi in the possession of Shri Jair-
amdas Daulatram, a former ~dnister and Governor of Assam and
Bihar 0 The narrative is entitled: Nuskha i Punhun Wa Sasui,
YAshiqan i Sadiq, which in itself deserves a special mention.
The change in the seQuence of the names of the lovers1 on the
title has so far been noticed only in this version. It begins

It associates the romance with the reign of Dilu Rai; and

speaks of Brahmanabad as Sassi's birth-place, and Bhambhore as
place of her adoption.
This version is anonymous and appears to have been
transcribed in 1233(?) A.H./1817 A.D. Bound with it in the
sMle volume is another composition in verse. It bears the
following headline!

That is, tale of the Darwesh who became the keeper of the
lovers' tomb in order to see Sasul ru~d Punhun. This obviously
is an epilogue to the main tale and is almost of the same nature
1. As already pointed out under The Title in Part I, it is on
the lines of the titles of the romances like those of
IvIirza-Sahiban of' Panjab; Umar-l~arui of Sindh; Esma-Zeyjan
of Turkey and Romeo-Juliet of Italy in which the hero's
nfulie precedes that of the heroine.
as already noticed in ZIba Nigar and Tuhfat al-kira.mo It begins
as under:

and ends with the following couplet, on po98 of the manuscript:

(I('U/;A.::'~ (J ~//~) u-.:~

:. t .' /'
( L. /~ ~t.?>r;J",-f~ r>
The volume bears the name of Muhammad Amln, at the end, but it
is not clear whether he is the author or the scribe; or whether
both the prose and the verse versions are his work. It has
previously been in the possession of Girdharimal Dharmdas Bhatti
of Thattao

14.
Next on the list is a work by two authors, Muhammad Husain and
Shahbaz Khan. It is entitled Waga 1 i Punnun, and is the only
version, of which I am aware, that bears the name of the hero
alone in its title.
Husain was deeply touched by the tragedy of Sasoi. He
wrote of her agony after the abduction of her beloved in
pathetic verses, beginning with:

Shahbaz,la later poet, found them very appealing and decided

to complete the story, as he himself tell s us: IIBefore this
Husain Wali related the tale of Sassi. But he did not commence

1. Shahbaz Khan was born in 1796 and was a resident of Badomali,

districtSialkot (West Panjab). He was 40 years old at the
time of its composition.
it f'rom the "beginning and versified only the concluding part
of the storyo His fine, artistic, and no"ble composition is f'ree
f'rom errors. It serves as a "balm f'or every "broken heart and as
a guide f'or every seeker. I, a poor, worthless, hum"ble man
conceived the desire to complete it.1i His desire was strength-
ened f'urther "by the insistence of' his friend, Pir ud Dln,l and
he accomplished the task at the age of' 40 in 1251 A.He 2/1835
A.D. as his chronogram says:

ub/~IJ> J,Jt}>'j;> (A..;:/~/~ (~~U~

J ,L.> '-"r~ Il ..1>~
U 7// 'I (, . ./ - I
(~(1;~ 0:1/01.;l:
Baqir has expressed surprise that the concluding part
should have oeen written f'irst. 3 But this should "be no cause
f'or surprise. Husain1s work descri"bes the most pathetic and
popular portion of' the romance, and he is not the only or the
f'irst poet to have treated this part of the story alone. AditTs
Panja"bi versLm, Sassi Majhan Adi t Kian, f'or instance, also
presents only this :gart. Fazal HaC±., on the other hand, has
suggested that Husain perhaps wrote a poem telling the vvhole
story, the f'irst portion may have "been lost or destroyed, and
LC 4
that Shah"baz later completed~ This supposition is equally in-
""
correct, in view of the internal evidence, availa"ble in the
statement of' Shah"baz himself, as given a"bove. A newly-f'ound

1. That is, Fir Bakhsh Qazi of' Jalalpur, according to a margin-

al note given on p.ll of' the 1876 edition.
2. Not in 1250 A.H. as stated "by Hiir Illahl and Muhammad Umar
in Urdu, Auranga"bad, Octo"ber - 1929, p.764.
3. Orien:tai College Magazine, Lahore, Vol.20, No.1, Novem"ber -
1943, pp046-47.
40 Urdu, AurruLga"b ad, Octo"ber - 1930, p0723.
 l
manuscript includes only Husainis portion and thus confirms
Shahbaz's assertion. Moreover, some other roma.nces also appear
to have been treated in this way.2

The entire ma~~awI is v~itten in a rhymed pattern and

it is interesting to note that it is a Panjabi metre which has
been adopted ~or this Persian composition. Baqir has expressed
a poor opinion o~ its language, its style, its structure and
its metre. 3 But Shahbaz himself tells us that Husain's verses
were very popular, some o~ them even becoming current in

possibly be due to his

unwillingness to recognise that it is based upon a Panjabi
metre, as Maulana Salik has noticed in his introduction to
BaqirVs work. The metre may indeed seem stra.nge to poets of
Urdu and Persian, but the Panjabls familiar with its rhythm
and charm would ~or the most part find it attractive.
Husain's part in the complete composition consists of
80 verses and Shahbaz' s of 642. Shahl)az has been rather at pains
to indicate this~ "After this you read the verses of Husain who
I. I saw it in 1958 in the possession of S. Rruldhlr Singh,
Research Scholar, ShiromanI Gurdwara Parban~~ak Committee,
.Amritsar.
20 For instance, Padffiavat or Shama' 0 Parwana (an Urdu masnawI
o~ more than four thousand couplets, describing the love-
story of Padmani and Rattan Sen) was begun by Zia u Din
'Ishrat V Rampuri. He died after writing 1,200 verses. It
was completed later by Mlr Ghulam Ali v Ibrat! in 17960
(See S.O.A.S. 1,lS. No.636). 2A&',.,
3. BaQir, h;:-Panjabi Qisse Fal"siJmen, Vol.I, Lahore - 1957,
p.36.
is noble and sweet-tonguedQ \I He appears to have based his story
largely on the Panjabi version, probably that of Hashim whose
Qissa Sassi Punnun was highly popular at this time. He has
himself said that i1Before this many poets like Hafiz and Hashim
have admirably versified this romance in Panjabi language. If
Shahbaz, too, gives Ad&~ Jam (the king of Bhambhore)
as the name of Sassi's father and Atta (a washerman) as that of
her foster-father 0 Wl.len Sassi discovers her royal birth from a
document found in the box, she feels distressed at having been
brought down to such lowly surroundingso She appeals to God:
o Lord! Thou hast already deprived me of the loving
care of my parents.
\Nhy this further cruelty that I should fall into the
bondage of one so low?
She consults an astrologer who tells her that she is destined
to marry Punnun Hot, the king of Kecho Advised by her friends,
she writes to her real father to take her into his palace. He
refuses, but provides her instead with a separate palace and
a garden. He also, at her request, appoints her the administ-
rator of highways8 Sassi sees Punnun in a dream in which he
promises to meet her soonv The merchants are arrested and told
that they will be released only if they produce PUlulun in
person, or if they repay a huge sum which he had allegedly
borrowed from her long ag08 Punnun has adopted the name of
ghulam Islam and 'sappal 1
as his caste in order to show that
he is a washerman ffild thus obtain Sassi in marriagec The ver-
sion ends with the union in
That is, Punnun fell into Sassi1s grave as a pearl drops into
its shell 0

Three manuscripts of iNaqa i Punnun have been noticed!

by Niir-Illahi-Muhamud Umar,l Fazal Ha~2 and Mohan Singh,3
respectively. A fourth is preserved in the ShlrfulI Collection
of the Panjab University, Lahore (NO.1240).4
Copies of each of the following lithograph editions are
preserved in the libraries of the British Museum and India
Office, London::
i 0 Matba i Samadi, Sialkot, 1873 (BolloNo .1487 .d.13/42;
I.OoL:-No.20SS/S)
ii. Matba i lTiir, Lahore, 1874 (I.O.L. No.210S/6).
iii. Matba i SultfulI, Lahore, 1876 (B.M. No.14837, f.ll/11:;
I .0 .L. No. 2107/6) •
iv. Ibid., Lahore, 1877 (I.O.L. No.2170/4).
v. lviatba i Qadri, Lahore, 1881 (B.M. No.14797.g.24/1).
vi. :iVlufId i ihlam, Lahore, 1923 (I.OoL. No. Per.E.83).
The title of all these editions is the same, viz. Waqa i Punnun,
but the first alone bears roL author's name and that too gives
only that of lIChaudhrI Shabaz,!I.
lS.
Another poet of the Panjab, Plr Farah Bakhsh 'Farhat' has also
versified the romance 0 Farhat was born in 1777 at Lahore. His
1. See Urdu, Vol.9, Noo36, October - 1929, p.764.
2. Ibid::-Vol.lO, No.40, October - 1930, p.722.
3. See Oriental College Magazine, Lahore, op~cit., Vol.19,
No .. 4., August - 1943, p.4o
4. Vide ProLjabi Qisse Farsi Zaban men, Vol.I, op.cit'$ pc30.
I have not been able to find it mentioned in the relevant
catalogue, viz. Abdullah, S.JiL., Catalogue of Persian
Manuscripts in the Panjab University Library, Lahore - 1942.
 644
father, PIr Karam Shan (knovm also as Ivlaslta Shah) migrated
to Lakhnow in l781~ Farhat returned to Lahore in 1789 and
probably passed the rest of his life there. He is said to have
died about 1840 and to have been buried in Ratta Piran, district
Sheikhupura.

Farhat wrote both in prose and poetry, and is the

author of the following works: Azkar i Qalandari; Qissa Abi~­

allah and Radhan, Q,issa Jang 0 Jadal Sialkot, Ma1~tubat and

Sassi wa Punnun o These are still unpublished and their manu-
scripts are in the possession of Ghulam Dastglr Nami .. a de;s-·
cendant of the poet. 1
According to BaQir, Farhat has not followed any
particular modelo 2 But a study of his poem shows striking
similarities to that of Hashim in many respects. The Panjabi
Qissa of Hashim who was his close contemporary and was residing
also Quite near to him in Jagdeo (Amritsar) had become very
popular in Farhat!s timeQ Farhat's poem as a whole is on a
compardtively larger scale than Hashim's, but at places there
is virtually a word for word correspondences Most of the names
of the places and persons tally though where Hashim has Babban
and Bambiha (the merc.hants), Farhat has Bakram and Akram. Both
versions alike have a new character, a merchant named Ghazni,
who laid out a garden in Bhambhore and had its summer-house
adorned with beautiful portraits of some princes of distant
lands. The main situations also are almost identical. In both,

1. See Oriental College Magazine, Lahore, Vol.20, No.2,

February - 1944, pp.40-44.
20 See Panjabi Qisse. Farsi Zaban Men, Vol. I, op~cit., p.42.
the reason for Sassifs falling in love with Punnun is a port-
rait of the prince which she happened to see in that summer-
house. The description of the first meeting of the lovers in
that garden is also similar, though Farhat!s picture is,
naturally, rather more detailed. He has begun his account thus:

u~ 0; L· u 1 c;J ).f> ~~
/. ,-J ' .
~J~LJI~~)J ~7u-,t;.
.I'

! ~_)-:()t::-:I/)A_;: ~~ U~ , b,~';: L () t-? 1: ~A f

/
, . . . . I.

That is "when she learnt about the position of the garden from
the gardener, she, the delicate-formed one, said to herself,
"How could the merchants be so bold unless my lover is amongst
them?H A perusal of the following stanza from Hashim! s,

That is, "on hearing their complaint, Sassi pondered deeply:

"How could these mean and good-for-nothing Baloches be LO bold?
Perhaps, my lover is amongst them, and that is why they are
exceeding the proper limits. Otherwise how could such poor
fellows think of ravaging the garden thus?tI
Similarly, the following couplet from Farhat's masnawi:
o "
,\.9"\: ,~ .1'",/
~)I\.) 1:'-:' ,) f> ~.NV ~ ~; /1 ./}

J - . ..
!.-J~ ~J ~-.8 X£{ ~,
' l. ___G-'
/:., I
, / - / .
(i.e. HEach one of t.hem was carrying a twig of rose which
looked like a sharp shining sword H . ) tallies almost exactly
 l! r)

U_Q

with Hashim IS verse ~uoted below, as if the one has been trans-
lated from the other:
"v _~
7Te:,T' ;;-;;l ~ '';]"I:} HI ~{. I~ ('\' d I
~?-?7' nrn7?)- 41 ci! ~\\l I
(i.e. "Each one of them was carrying a twig of Chinar, bright
and shining like a sword. II).
Again, in their descriptions of the lovers' first sight of
each other.>, the two poems are closely similar. Farhat tells us:
~ 10' L, ,~\: r. '.f.:''; ~ ~ 1.;;' /.,c 1 V ~ 6-~.r. ""-:' >
~ r .
~ ~~ ..J~> -' /> /1 .).r. 0)~)I U yf!
,
r...r~ ()
fr
yP;
\

That is, "When she saw him asleep with his face covered, it
looked like the moon covered by cloud. His radiance shone
through the covering and brightened every nook and corner."
While Hashim describes this scene in the following verses~

=;fHt ?'n~ W~ t1.~~, ~#-;r~r?J-,

7jdH
-
~JT?f}if'
--
~,-JA)} ~j ~JJJ 2/ct~r--h~~
-
If
That is, "Sassi saw the Hot asleep and w rapt up in dreams. His
radiant beauty shone through the covering like the rays of the
sun shining through a veil of clouds. 1I
These examples lead us to believe either that Hashim
based his Panjabi g,issa on Farhat Y s Persian ma~I}~~ or that
Farhat attempted a free and extensive translation into
Persian of HashimYs Panjabi version e Farhat and Hashim died
respectively in about 1840 and in 1843~ but we do not know
the dates of the composition of their respective works. So it
is not possible to say with confidence which is the earlier.
 (! .' l'j
lO!1i I

However, on the oasis of Shahoaz!s afore-cited evidence, we

can safely say that Hashim!s Sassi was written Defore 1835. 1
So it seems prooaole that Farhat followed Hashim. The over-
whelming fame and popularity of Hashim's poem also perhaps
makes this more likely.
From a literary point of view, Farhat's masnawI is no • 0

match for Hashim's Qissa. It is somewhat colourless and devoid

of the masterly touch. Farhat has not oeen able to convey the
tragic effects and artistic touches so characteristic of
Hashim's. The story is there in all its details, out it has
not that pathetic appeal or that lyric.al power which has made
Hashim's Sassi the most popular version in the Panjao, and
second only to Latif's Sindhi Sur in the enti:'e literary
treasure Dearing on the romance.

The Persian Poets of Awadh(now in Uttar Pradesh) have also

contriouted their share of the Persian versions. Maulana Pir
Muhammad AwadhI wrote his version, under the title Mehr 0 Mah,
in 1280 A.H./1862 A.D. AwadhI, as he himself tells us, went
in 1260 A.H./1844 A.D. to Sindh, the land of Sassi. He heard
her tragic tale and found it on everyoody's lips. He felt
inspired to versify it:
i! ' .-.-'" :../
..; ~J~ b ~ -I~"> -IAJ' I(A-:~ ..J ~..: ->/.J:::>:> L;:-> I A:;'"' (/\-::"J
-.:;::;
)~,..J ~~ 61J.-~ . I,;. fi
!
"""//..-'';'''1../ I '
/~ ~, ~t''>r' (~.A!
J.;;./) .> \;.; I ~1.j ~.,k; J-P
\70' J ~- c}; J ~ r"~·~.-1
1. Shahoaz Khan, Waqa i Punnun, Lahore - 1873 (BoM. 1487d.13/4).
The then ruler of Sin~~ also asked him to versify it. But as
his hands were already full, he could not accomplish it there.
On his way back, when he reached Nehrwa1a (Gujarat), he was
urged to write by the lovers themselves, who appeared to him
in a dreamo The Nawwab of Radhanpur, Bismil1ah Khan, also added
his persuasiono

<£;L·~~l J 0> ;' /.<J) (~

.)j-J l.rr -' Cl\..a"; J u ~y~

The last line, mentioning 'Mah' and 'Mehr', appears to have

given the title to the masnawI (though arranged there in a
• 0

reverse form), which was c.ompleted in 3995 bait.§o It was 1itho-

graphed under the Nawwab's instructions in 1295 A.H. 1 /1878 A.D.
from Matba Bahrul 'UIUffi, Lakhnow. A copy is preserved in the
British Museum, London. 2 Another is available in Nadwat ul
'Ulama, Lakhnow3 and was brought to my attention in 1961 by
AmIr Hasan Abidi of the Delhi University.
The story of Mehr 0 Mah is based, as stated by the
author himself, on the 'Sindhi-Persian' version of QazI Murtaza
Sorathia
o
It begins with an account of the Muslim occupation
of Sindh (from p.50 - the previous pages having been devoted
to various panegyrics and introductory remarks on themes of
love, lovers, love-tales, and so on) G Sassi I s father is called
Nabha Rai, a Brahman by caste, and minister of one Da1u Rai

1. This date in chronogr~~s has been repeated more than forty

times at the end of the text (See pp.199-200).
2. Under No. 14797. e.11.
3. Under No. 3910
(the then governor o~ Bhambarva)0 Her ~oster-~ather, Lala (not
Atta) is Muslim by religion, a washerman by pro~ession and a
resident o~ Bhanur (or Behnur)0 Sassi is depicted not only as
a captivating beauty, but also as one highly educated and
accomplished, and possessing certain miraculous powers. Nabha
Rai is shown to have visited her himsel~ a~ter hearing o~ her
miraculous ~eats. Punnun, the son o~ the Chief o~ Kech, also
comes (covering a distance o~ one hundred kos) to see her in
Bhambhore, on the pretext of a hunting expedition a~ter hear-
ing much about her charms, miracles and other accomplishments.
They meet and fall in love. A goldsmith's wi~e, already
enamoured o~ Punnun, accuses Sassi o~ in~edility in order to
estrange Punnun ~rom her. Sassi proves her innocence and
chastity by passing through the ordeal of fire. Punnun' s
father cannot agree to this inter-caste marriage, and hence
Punnun is kidnapped and abducted. Sassi is shown as having
disappeared into the hill in order to save herself from the
clutches of the wicked goatherd. Punnun, on his hurried and
anxious return from Kech, joins her in death when her grave
opens to receive him.
As already stated under 'The Sequel', when Lala, the
washerman, learns of this double tragedy, he arrives there,
builds a grave and an inn, and settles there as the guardian
of the place. He is succeeded, after his death, by his favour-
ite apprentice, Isma'il. He wins the confidence o~ Sassi and
begins to enjoy her hospitality. Once when tempted by Sassi's
charms, he tries to embrace her, she disappeal"s in the twink-
ling of an eyeo Many hungry and forlorn travellers are said to
have been served food by Sassi, who appears and disappears
miraculously 0

AwadhI claims to have composed this masnawl

o •
only after
ac~uainting himself with its various versions and sources. We
have already noticed his observations in previous sections.
As regards the sources, he tells us;

U~~~f" ~~J.6)1)1 u~)J~J~I>~

J • ~ ~

(A:) ~~/::..>
(~~f~*V?/Z~ [;Y

)
\:..~ ( ~ U,,"t'
tL, (~L/
-
,J~. &;1'~..It{}>f
That is, "I have en~uired about the details of their tale from
the residents of Sindh, Surat and Kech Makran. I have also
read the history of the territory of Sindh; and thus made my
way to gather the desired information from all possible sources.
At last, after taking a lot of pains, I was able to versify
the present version, all by myself. 1I
170
/~-;;:7"

The last to be considered is the Ma~~awI Tur i 'Ishg (~ of

Love), written by MaulawI1Si Muhammad Salamat All Khan
Salami T. It was compo sed in 1313 A.H 0/1896 AoD., as stated
by the poet himself:

The writer also composed four other ma~~awls in emUlation of

Nizami Ganjawi, and T$.{ir i TIshq forms the third part of that
Khamsa, as he himself tells:

-
It was published in 1901 from the J-agjit Press, Kapurthala. 1

The author was then a Naib Tehsildar (a district official) in

Phagwara
o
(now district Jlil1 undur, Panjab) and was also connected
wi th the court of Hyder ab ad , Deccan. The masnawi
o 0
is preceded
by a panegyric in praise of Mir Mahblib Ali Khan, Nizam of
Hyderabado
It also contains a dedication to him indicating further
that it was written to show that he could surpass the Masnawi
a Q

2
Nal 0 Daman of Faizi, the poet-laureate of Akbar. Salami has
found fault with Faizi's masnawi and has begun various sections
••
of his own masnawi
•• with a couplet designed to be matched with
the corresponding one of Faizio For instance:

) l£:G~ ~ c53{ $ J;) L'

; ~~~ 1 L9~ lJr~ V-~ ~
;-

He has also used the same metre as that of Faizi IS Nal 0 Daman.
Salami has prefaced every section of his composition with a
long introduction and has ended it with a ggazal, summing up
the gist of the respective section. Thus it has developed into
a very long composition.
Salami has based his story on a previous version about
which he himself tells us:

1. See Panjabi Q,isse Farsi Zaban men, Vol. II, Lal10re - 1960,
pp .15ff.
2. See BeM. MS. No. Addo/23981.
 ~ 'L·
L>"'~'J ..) r •
~l
/' '.
'~e; - vArt uP
; C" • \. j

iJ;. U , f ,
':!XJ
'-~ -
- ~. 71\\ !\.A' \ '" .",.,
(~ t>J/i:~ ~...c;.~.) - r/\~...) ~.r.3 ~e.P";

That is, HS ome one wrote the story of Sassi in the peculiar
language of India. Her personality seemed to be naked and I
clothed it in the gOiiffi of Persian." .AI though he has not
mentioned the name of the said 'Indian version', it appears to
be that of Hashim and its great popularity in the Panjab may
have induced SalamI to produce what he thought a more elegant
version in a classical language. The names of places and persons
are entirely the same, viz. Bhambhore, Adam Jam, Atta, Kech-
Makran, Babban, Babiha, Kaka, etc. The trend of the story,
S?P'7eAf,:{""I-
its basic plot and main incidents are also~similaro

SalamI has, however, added a few new strands to the

fabric, most of which are the product of his own fancy. For
instance, this is probably the only version which tells us
that when Sassi T s royal parents come to know of her presence
in Atta's house, they send a lady and then a minister to bring
her back to the palace 0 On Sassi's refusal to return, tLe
Queen, her mother, herself visits her and fetches her to the
palace. There are great rejoicings and feastings on her
return, but she remains all the time unsettledo Her mother,
in order to divert her, orders the laying out of a special
garden for her. It is al so adorned with various portraits.
On her very first visit to the garden, Sassi is much touched
by one, portraying the Icing of Kech-Makrano Her mother tries
her best to divert her attention but without avail. In order
to arrru~ge a meeting with him, Sassi, on the advice of her
girl-friends, takes over the management of the ferry. Babban,
the trader, on agreeing to return to Kech to fetch Punnun,
asks to have Sassi's picture to show him. The desired picture
is painted by the same artist and is given to him accordingly.
Babban approaches Punnun' s parents and proposes Punnun' s
marriage with the princess of Bhambhore. They refuse and he
meets Punnun, describes Sassi's charms, and shows him her
portrait. Punnun falls instantaneously in love with hero Sassi
engrossed in the bliss of union with Punnun, forgets her
promise to release the traders and they are set free only
after a renewed appeal.
Salami's account of Sassi's death is somewhat different from
most of the Persian versions. He shows her having fallen dead
from the unbearable heat, fatigue and thirst, and buried by
Kaka, a kind-hearted goatherd who later becomes the guardian
of her grave. This is just as we find the incident described
by Hashim in Panjabi. But Salami differs a little from Hashim
when he shows Punnun as having reached Kech and seen Sassi's
tragic death in a dream. Salami's account of the parting of
Sassi's

But in
reached the standard either of Faizi's Nal 0 Daman or Indar-
ji t 's Nama i t IShg.
 18.
There may well be other Persian versions unknown to me, but the
decline of princely patronage, the discontinuation of Persian
as an official language, the emergence of Urdu and the advent
of English have all contrib'J.ted to the decline of Persian
literature in India for the past 100 years and more~ while
the post-Independence emphasis on the national and regional
languages is now an additional factor.
Thus while it is quite possible that in future some
other old Persian versions may c,ome to light, it is unlikely
that any more versions in Persian will be produced in the
Indian sub-continent.
 -11-
ENGLISH VERSION

The romance of Sassi has also attracted the attention of those

Englishmen who have visited the domain of Sassi and who have
evinced an interest in the folklore and popular literature of
the land. According to Justice C.A.Kincaid, it was "the first
to come to the notice of Englishmen,,;l and according to Sir
R.C.Temple, !lit really occupied a good deal of [their]
attention".2
This interest and attention can be guaged even from
the period of the East India Company which maintained a factory
in Sindh, long before its annexation in 1843. crowe1 its
political and commercial agent, referred to it in 1799, in his
valuable report which he submitted to the Company's Government
at Bombay.4 The passageS containing this reference was later

1. Kincaid, C .Ao, Tales of Old Sind, Madras - 1922, P .1.

2. Temple, Sir R.C., The Indian Antiquary, Bombay, Vol.XI,
October 1882, p.291.
3. Mr. Nathan Crowe of the Bombay Civil Service was appointed
as the Supervisor of the Company's factory at Thatta on its
re-establishment there in 1799. During his stay there, he
collected a good deal of material on the history, govern-
ment and condition of Sindh and compiled it in the form of
a report. (See Hughes, A.W., A Gazetteer of the Province of
Sindh, London - 1874, p. 35; l\!Iirchandani, B.D., Crow is
Account of Sind, Karachi - 1934, p.l).
4. See Bombay Record Office Selection, No.93 of 1802;
J.S.HoS. Karachi - Vol.I, Pt.ii, October 1934, p.49.
5. For the relevant passage, see Persian Version.~
reproduced by Burnes in his Narrative l in 1828 and by Burton
2
in his Sindl1 in 1851.

The tale, however, found what was probably its first clear and
complete mention in 1820 in McMurdo i s3 paper on the river
Indus, published posthumously in the very first volume of the
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London. 4 Supporting his
earlier observation about HBhamb5r having been on the bank of
a branch of the Indus", he referred to it as a circumstance
from which he inferred that lithe L5hanna Deria did actually
flow past the city in ques,tion. 1I5
Proceeding further, he stated that lithe circumstance
to which I allude, is that of the female infant of an inhabi-
tant of a town on that branch having been floated to Bhambor
in a chest or basket, where it was saved by some washermen,
and carried to their master, under whose care it was reared,
and afterwards gave rise to one of the most popular ballads in

1. Burnes} JoAoJNarrative of a Visit to the Court of Sinde,

1828, and a Sketch of the History of Cutch, Edinburgh -
1831, P .46.
2. Burton, Sir RoF., Sindh and the Races that Inhabit the
Valley of the Indus, London - 1851, pp.56-7e
30 Captain James McMurdo (1787-1820) was appointed agent for
Kachh affairs in 1812. He was an expert in matters relating
to Sindh, Kachh and Kathiawar, and he wrote their accounts
in various papers and reportsg He died on 28th April, 1820
while serving the East India Companyis Military Service on
the Bombay Establishment. (See Transactions of the Literary
Society of Bombay, Vol.III, London - 1823, ppa543-50) 0

4. Dissertation on the River Indus, in J.RoA.So, London, Vol.I,

1834, pp.20-44o
5. Ibid", po25.
the Sindhi language. It appears that the parents of the child
wished to destroy it; but being saved as already described, in
a few years she displayed a degree of personal beauty far beyond
the common standard, and received, in consequence, the name
of Susi, or the Moon. The legends relate an attachment between
her and Pannu, the son of a chieftain of Makran, who came from
the neighbouring country to ascertain if fame spoke truth of
her charms. He became her slave; but the cruelty of his father
brought both to an untimely end. 111
McMurdo appears to have based this brief summary of the
1I1ove-storyll (as he has called it) on his acquaintan.ce with
Qani's Tohfat al Giram (as he has entitled it) and the
"ancient legends and ballads of Sinc3.ll". As he was not concerned
with the details of the story itself, he did not bother to
describe the circumstances which led to the tragic end of its
hero and the heroine.

In effect, however, Mrs. Postans 2 was, most probably, tIle

first Britisher to record the complete tale in English lIduring
[herJ residence [in l837J 3 in one of the northern provinces of

1. J.RoA.S., Vol.I, opocito

2. Mrs. Marianne Postans was one of those early British officers
wives in India to be fascinated by the charm and variety of
the land and its peopleo She seems to have been gifted not
only with an insatiable curiosity, but also with a lively
pen and an even more graphic brush. She wrote extensively
and has left behind in her books a good number of pen-
pictures of the places she visited and the people she met.
Her works include Cutch or Random Sketches ••• (1838);
Western India in 1838 7 2 Vols. (1839); Facts and Fictions,
3 Vol s. (1844)
0

3. Rushbrook-Williams, L.Fo, The Black Hills; Kutch in History

and Legend, London - 1958, p.228.
Western India. II She based her narrative on a bardic version
related to her by Bhats of Kachh, and published it in her
'admirably diverting boole! in 1838. 1

This was followed soon by her husband's2 version,

claimed to be a translation of QanI's Persian Version;3 but
in fact mostly a reproduction4 of that of Mrs. Postans?
4.
The British con~uest of Sindh in 1843 awakened much more inter-
est not only in the political situation but also in the social
and cultural affairs of the province. "To it we oweYl, says
Sorley, !1the magnificent works of Burton, full of minute
information which only a man with his peculiar brand of
curiosi ty and linguistic sl{ill could have obtained. 11 6

1. Postans, Mrs. JIll., Cutch or Random Sketches taken during a

Residence in one of the Northern Provinces of Western
India, London - 1838. IiHer little book H , says Rushbrook
while admiring it, !1well deserves a place of its own in the
scanty literature which deals with the part of India in
which she spent several years H (See The Black Hills, op.cit.,
p.232).
2. Mr. Thomas Postans (1808-46) was a lieutenant in the Fif-
teenth Regiment Native Infantry of the East India Company's
Bombay Establishment since 1837. (Viae. The East India
Register and Directory of 1840, London - 1840, p.34). He
served as a line-adjutant at Bhuj(in Cutch), and as an
interpreter and Assistant to the Political .Agent at Shikar-
pur (in Sindh). He was known to be a keen artist, good
linguist, and an amateur archaeologist. He also evinced
keen interest in the Indian scene and left us a good
collection of facsimiles, sketches, paintings (now preserved
in the India Office Library, London) and books such as
A Panoramic Sketch of Surat, 1830; Personal Observations
on Sindh, 1843.
3. Published in J.A.S.B., Calcutta, Vol.3Ell, No.74, Feb. 1838,
pp.99-100.
4. QanI, A.S., Tuhfat al-KiraJll :Pt.iii, B.M. MS.No.Addo21589,
j

already discussed under the Persian Version.

5. As alre.ady discussed under the Kachhi Version.
6. Sorley, H.T.; Sh8.h Abdul LatIf of Bhit, London - 1940, p.2l.
 l
Burton·1e s penetrating eye and ear could not miss such a popular
matter and he recorded its Sinoni version in his three books
on Sindh, published successively between 1851-1877. 2 His first
recording is based on a bardic version and the second on an
anonymous Sindhi manuscript. 3
It was followed in 1863 by a metrical translation in
English of a complete Sindhi ~issa4 by Sir F.J.Goldsmid. 5 Its
printing Rnd publication in the form of a respectable book
under its indigenous title, i.e. SaswI and Punhu, from London

1. Sir Richard Francis Burton (1821-90) was a great explorer

and an even greater Orientalist. His appointment as an
assistant in the Sindh Survey enabled him to mix with the
p~opl'e, and he fre~uently passed as a native in the bazars.
His seven years in India laid the foundations of his
unparalleled familiarity with Eastern life and customs.
Besides Government reports and contributions to the Asiatic
Society, his Indian period produced a number of books
including A Grammar of the Multan'i Language, and Falcony
in the Valley of the Indus. His account of Sind is remarka-
bly vivid and faithful. But Hby far!! says Lane-Poole, lithe
most celebrated of all his bool<:s is the transl-ation of the
Arabian Nights (The Thousand Nights and a Night, 16 VolSe
1885-88). As a monument of his Arabic learning and his
encyclopaedic knowledge of Eastern life, this translation
was his greatest achievement. 1I (See Encyclopaedia Brittan-
nica, Vol.IV. London, pp.446-48. Lady Burton, I., The Life
~ir Richard Fe Burton, 2 Vols. London - 1893; Penzer,
N.M., .An Annotated Bibliography of Sir Richard Francis
Burton, London - 1923).
20 Scinde or the Unhappy Valley, VoloI, 2nd ed., London,
August 1851, pp.82-9; Sindh and the Races that Inhabit
the Valley of the Indus, London~ October 1851, pp.92-106;
Sind Revisited, Vol.I, London - 1877, pp.127-33.
3 .. See under the Sindhi Version ..
4. Sasw'i and Punhu, London - 1863.
5. Major General Sir Frederic John Goldsmid (1818-1908) joined
the .t£ast India Company is army in 1839. He showed a marked
faculty in the study of Oriental languages. He se~ved for a
number of years on some administrative and judicial posts
in Sindh. In 1865, he was appointed director-general of the
Indo-European telegraph. (See Dictionary of National Biogra-
~, London - 1901-11, Vol.I, pp.124-6; Thornton, ToH., in
J.R.A.S., VoloXL" April, 1908, pp.619-29).
itself brought the subject into the limelight. The English
rendering, according to the author, approached the original
both in measure and literal mealling as nearly as was practic-
able without violation of intelligibility.l It appears to
have been very well received. 2 The original text, included
therein, also became popular and as stated earlier, was later
adopted by the Talimi Committee of Sindh and Sindhi Vernacular
Li teraturc Committee, Karachi,3 because Goldsmid claimed it to
be the first ever recorded and settled version of the romance.
In a paper On the Preservation of National Literature in the
East, read by him at a meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society,
London, on 30th November, 1863, and published later in the
first volume of the new series of the Society's Journal, he
asserted that tlunless where one manuscript had been transcribed
from another manuscript, or prepared in duplicate, it would be
almost impossible to obtain two copies exactly alike. The story
had hitherto existed solely in the memory of the minstrels, er
or in single copies obtained at different times by different

1. Goldsmid himself observed later that "in rendering the tale

into English metre of not unfamiliar nine feet measure, I
must disclaim any more ambition than that of endeavouring to
imitate the rhythm and convey some notion of the character,
as well as ~o follow the literal meaning of the original;
making the version useful, if need be, to the student of
Sindi. Here and there I have been compelled to deviate from
the precise letter of the verse, but not, I hope, to that
extent to nullify the last nailled object ••• 11 (See J.R.A.S.,
London, NoS., Vol.I, 1865, pp.36-7).
2. ~ven Garcin de Tassy mentioned it in his famous History.
(See Histoire de la Litterature Hindouie et Hindoustanie,
Tome II, 2nd ed., Paris - 1870, p.242).
3. See under ~ Sindhi Version.
 If,;. '~.""
uul

pe.rsons. Like the Sindhi language itself, spoken by many,

written by few, and without a common character acknowledged
by any; so was the traditionary poem. It was recited by many,
seldom criticised, and no set version recognised. Not improb-
ably, the story was a mere theme, and the more the narrator
could vary his words from recital to recital, the greater was
his professional credit. II Describing the source of his own
version, Goldsmid stated that it Hwas obtained by the agency
of two intelligent natives in the office of the Commissioner
in Sind during a recent cold weather tour throughout that
province. Two papers were written down from two recitations,
each independent of the other, and the results collated~nl
Proceeding further and mentioning Burton's contribution on the
subject, he sketched the story in the following words:
HSasw'i was the daughter of a Brahmin of Tatta. At her
birth, it was foretold by the astrologers that she would
forsake the religion of her fathers. This prediction so
terrified the parents that they placed the infant in a
coffer, and committed her to the waters of the Indus. She
was found by a washerman, taken to the town of Bha~bhora,

and brought up there. Some years afterwards, PU1~hu Khan, a

young Beluch chief of 1[ekran heard of the charms of the
foundling, then verging on womanhood, obtained access to her
house in disguise; wooed, won, and married hero His indig-
nant father, Jam Ar'i of Kedje, on hearing of the match,
 68,::-;
caused him to be seized and carried ~orcibly to his horne.
Saswl, wild at the separation, started o~~ on foot in
~uest of her lord. On her journey, after various mishaps,
she came in the way of a hill barbarian, who attempted to
gain possession of her. She prayed for relief, and was
instantly swallowed up in the earth! A similar fate awaited
Punhu, who soon after arrived at the same spot, like Romeo,
found his Juliet departed and courted death as the only
remedy for his woe. ,,1

5.
The subject and the story then found their way into official
publication as well. Hughes 2 in 1874 introduced it in his
Sindh Gazetteer. 3 It was further upheld by Aitken4 in his
Gazetteer of Sindh, published in 1907. 5
It was through this later publication that the romance
found in Kincaid~ another admirer and promoter in 1918. Kincaid

1. See JoR.A.S., op.cit., Vol.I, 1865, p.37.

2. Mr. A.W.Hughes was the Inspector, Cotton Department, Sindh,
during 1877. (See India List, July 1877, pp.150 & 171).
3. Hughes, A.W., Gazetteer of the Province of Sindh, Bombay -
1874.
4. Mr. Edward Ha'1lil ton Aitken, was an Assistant Collector in
the Salt Department of the Government of the Bombay
Presidency during 1881-1907 (Vide. the India List, Civil
and Military, July - 1889, London - 1889, p.165). He also
worked as the Superintendent of the Gazetteer - ~ revision
in Sindh during 1906-7. (See The India Office List for 1909,
London - 1909, p.427).
5. See Gazetteer of the Province of Sindh, Karachi - 1907,
p.484.
6. Mr. Charles Augustus served as an assistant collec~or an~
magistrate in Sindh, ffil additional member .of the V~ceroy s
Legislative Council during 1917-21 a~d a Jud~e of the
Bombay High Court from 1924-6. Kinca~d cont~~buted an.
appreciable number of books and papers bear~ng on Ind:an
life and literature. For example, An Anthology o~Ind~an
Tales A History of the Maratha People, The Ind~an Heroes,
etc. -(See the India Office List for 1932, London - 1932,
p.700).
 683
himself remarks that lion my transfer to Karachi in 1918, I
happened to read Mr. Aitken's Gazetteer. In that delightful
work I found a reference to the tale of FUnhu and Sasw~. The
writer said that the story was too long to ~uote and therefore
l
did not give it. I was determined to find it and I asked the
help of my friend Mr. Hasomal. He was able to get a copy of the
vernacular ballad, that tells the s.tory, from the Educational
Sooiety's Depot". 2

The first part of this statement seems to be misleading.

Aitken, instead of saying that lithe story was too long to ~uoteYl,

not only referred to its availability and over-popularity in

Sindh, but related it also, fully though not in deatil, in the
following words:
liThe best known perhaps is the story of Punhun, the prince
of Kech who fell in love with Saswl, the lovely daughter
of a washerman, and engaged himself to her father as a
servant that he might always be near her. He could not wash
clothes, but she helped him and they were too happy for
mortals. Then his relations, ashamed of the base alliance,
c.arne from Kech and carried him off. She followed him,
inconsolable till she crone to the Pab hills, where falling
into danger and growing desperate, she prayed Heaven to
shield her and was forthwith swallowed up by the kindly
earth. Punhun, unable to live without her, escaped from his
unkind friends and followed her tracks until he reached the

1. Gazetteer of the Privince of Sind, op.cit., 1907, p.484.

2. Kincaid, C .A., Tales of Old Sind, Madras - 1922, preface,
p.v.
 spot and knew oy suoterranean voices what had happened.
Then he cried to the Earth to swallow him too and it did."l
Kincaid did find a puolished version in Sindhi. He trans-
lated it into a free prose narrative and produced it as the
first story in his collection of some popular Tales of Old
Sind in 1922. It was reproduced later under Tales of Old Ind , 2
puolished in 1938 with the same frontispiece depicting Sassi's
capture oy the washerman with the c:aption: "He 1 if ted her out,
and then Saw the oag of gold and jewells ll •
Kincaid does not appear to know aoout the availaoili ty
of any previous versions in English or aoout the authorship
of the version and translation of Goldmsid, when he ooserved
that "with the exception of Punhu and Saswi of which a verse
translation was puolished when Sir Bartle Frere was Commissioner
in Sind, the stories have never oeen put into an English form. 113
It may not oe out of place to mention here that Goldsmid
dedicated this "Verse translation" to Sir Bartle Frere and
Kincaid, in all prooaoili ty, used the original Sindhi text of
that very (ioe. Goldsmid's) version which was later adopted oy
the Talimi Committee, i.e. the Educational Society of Kincaid's
description. 6.
In addition to that and those already mentioned, at least two
more versions in English were also availaole much oefore
Kincaid's OvID acquaintance with the story. The first was
1. Gazetteer of the Province of Sind, op.cit., p.484.
2. Kincaid, C.Ao, Tales of Old pind, Bomoay - 1938, pp.I-7.
3. Ioid., preface to 2nd ed., p.viii.
pu~lished in 1881 oy Hart-Davies l in the appendix of his
collection of some Sindhi oallads 2 and reads thus under the
title, The Story of Suswee and Punhoo:
"Suswee was oorn of Brahman parents at Tatta. At her ~irth

it was foretold that she would oecome a Mussalman and marry

a foreigner. Her parents with the view of preventing this
disgrace placed her in a oasket and sent her floating down
to the river Indus ••• The oasket floated safely down to
Bhambora, and Suswee was rescued and orought up in the house
of a washerman. She had grown up, and was sitting with her
companion maidens one day, when a Biluch trader named
Baoilo passed oy, and was invited i~to show his wares. He
comoined intrigue with ousiness, and spent some hours after
disposing of his goods in descrioing his master's son, a
youth to whom he ascrioed every conceivaole grace and
-.
virtue. This was Punhoo, the son of Ari, Chief of Kech, in
the Mekran country. Suswee proved as inflammaole as Jul iet,
declared her love for Punhoo, and sent him an embroi~ered

jacket with an intimation that he might come to visit her.

Punhoo, acc~ordingly came in disguise, domic iled himself as
a servant in the washermanfs house and eventually married
Suswee. Ari, naturally indignant at such a misalliance,
sent his orothers to take him away and oring him home, which
1. Mr. Thomas Hart-Davies served in the Bomoay Presidency as
Assistant Controller and Magistrate from May, 1876. He also
worked in Sindh as educational inspector and as a judge and
sessions judge in 1891. He was MoP. foy' N. Hackney in 1906 4

(See India Lis~, London, July, 1889, pp.14l & 165; The India
Office List for 1907, London - 1907, p.525; ioid., for 1910,
p .531) •
2. Hart-Davies, To, L Sind Ballads, Bombay - 1881.
 they succeeded, in doing and Suswee I s woe "began. After indul-
ging in lamentation, she started in pursuit, reached the
Pu"bb mountains, and there met a goatherd, whom she asked for
some milk. This goatherd, descri"bed as a kind of Cali"ban,
had "been told "by his mother before leaving home, that he
would meet a "beauteous "bride on the hills. Not unnaturally
concluding that Suswee was his destined fate, he proceeded
to makp. overtures of love, which were received "by Suswee with
disgust and repugnance Q As, however, he "became more and more
pressing in his suit, Suswee had nothing for it out to pray
to the gods, who at once caused the earth to open and
swallow her up. The disappointed goatherd as a last attention,
piled up a heap of stones over the place where she had dis-
appeared, and departed, prooaoly meditating on the unsatis-
factory nature of his mother's prophecies. He had hardly
gone when Punhoo, who had escaped from his father, arrived
on the scene in a vain search after Suswee. He heard the
voice of his oeloved "bride oeneath the earth, prayed that
he might share her fate, and the kind gods c,aused the earth
1
to open again and swallow him up as well. 11

Hart-Davies has not mentioned any source of his version

out it seems to have been oased on those already published oy
Burton and Goldsmid. As is oovious, the oeginning of Davies
summary coincides with that of Goldsmid, pU"blished earlier in

1865.
1. L. Sind nallads, op.cit., pp.42-4.
 The second was produced in 1890 by a scholarly native
l
official, named LalwanI in his work on Shah Abdul Latlf. 2
LalwanI has also not indicated any source of his story; but
being a native and a responsible judicial officer, he might
have sifted it well before passing it out in print. His version
is given below so that it can be read in comparison with the
above, contributed by a foreign official.
"During the reign of Dalorai, a rich Brahmin, named Nau,
got a daughter from whose horoscope he was informed by the
horoscopists that she was destined to be the wife of a
Mohammadan. On hearing this the Brahmin was shocked, and
resolved to get rid of such a daughter without taking her
life with his own hands. He therefore covered the child with
rich clothes, put it into a box, and caused it to be thrown
into the river. The box came floating to a place c,alled
Bhambh6ro
The box was seen by a washerman, named Mah¢med, who
took it out and opened it. He was greatly surprised to see
a living child in it, and brought it at once to his wife
who being herself childless adopted it as her own. It is
said that the washerwoman, though very old, got milk in her
breast by the grace of God and nurtured the child well, and
gave her the name Sasiii. Another version of the story is
that when the child grew up a little, the Chief of Bhambhor

10 Mr. Lllaram Watanmal LalwanI was a sub- judge of Hala

(Sindh), when he published his work in 1890.
2. The Life, Religion and Poetry of Shah LatIf ••. The Greatest
Poet of Sindh, in 2 volumes, Karachi - 1890, pp.75-77.
hearing of her beauty, adopted her himself, and afterwards
gave her the reins of the government of the place. This seems
to be more probable~ Otherwise, it is difficult to believe
that a washerman's daughter could rule over the country and
exact custom duty from persons exporting corn; for it is
related that when SasuI was in her full vigour, the people
of Kech, hard pressed by famine, came to Bhambhor for the
purchase of corn, and she demanded an extortionate duty from
them. The leader of the caravan, named Babal, succeeded in
inducing Sasui to permit a portion of the corn purchased to
be carried to Kech on condition that he would bring to her
village Panhu, the son of ArI Jam Rotani, the Chief of Kech,
of whose beauty she happened to hear a good deal. Babal
himself went back to Kech with some corn, and entreated Ari
Jam to allow his son Punhu to accompany him to Bhambhor as
Sasui had detained the rest of the caravan till his appear-
ance at that place • .ArI Jam and the members of his family
most reluctantly gave their permiss,ion and Punhu cam3 to
Bhambhor with all the pomp and dignity of a chief.
At the very first sight Sasui became deeply enamoured of
him, and Punhu himself fell madly in love with her. The
result was that the caravan was obliged to go away to Kech
with Babal, and. Punhu remained behind with Sasui. Those who
believe that Sasui ever remained with Mahmed, also add that
c,'.,
Punhu accepted the task of washing clothes for him, but~he

tore them in washing, Sasui assisted him in the work, and

thus they passed some time happily.
 When Babal went back to Kech without Punhu, Ari J-am
pitched into him and immediately sent him back to Bhambhor,
with Punhu1s brothers, Hoto, Lalo and Chanro to bring Punhu
to Kech by any means. They callle to Bhambhor and put up with
Sasui and Punhii on pretenc.e of a friendly visit to them 0

They passed a few days in revelry and merriment, and one

night made both Sasui and Punhu drink much liquor, under the
influence of which they fell fast asleep. At dead of night
they carried away Punhu stealthily on a camel. In the morning
Sasui found her beloved gone, and like a mad woman left her
home and directed her steps towards Kech on foot ••••
It is said that Sasui did not reach Kech, but on her way
she met with a shepherd, nfu~ed Elpowhar, who attempted to
outrage her modesty, whereupon she prayed to God to take her
unto Him, and the earth opened before her, and she went
down and the breach was covered up. A tomb was soon erected
at the place by the passers-by. It is further related that
at Kech, Punhii became quite mad after his separation from
Sasiii and was for some days locked up and closely watched.
At last he managed to escape and turned his steps towards
Bhambhor. When he reached the place where the newly-erecteo
tomb of Sasui stood, he was fully informed of Sasuits
wanderings and wailings and her departure from the world.
He wept most bitterly, and at his prayer the tomb opened
itself, and he also went in and was united with Sasiii in
the Everlasting unknown. 111
I. La.lwa.ni, Shah Latif, op.cit., pp.75-7.
Kincaid was followed soon by Gidvani who like Lalwani,included
a short summary of the tale, entitled Sasui and Punhu, in his
l
book on Shah Latif, published in London in 1922. It also
contained an English rendering of some of Shah's poems, bearing
on the romance of Sassi, and this version itself formed a part
of the Chapter lTales on which the poems [given therein] are
based' 0

2
Sorley followed suit and he also gave in 1940 a summary
of the story under Sasul and Punnhun in his masterly work on
Shah Latlf. 3 It appears there as an introduction to his English
translation of selections from Shah's Surs, bearing on the tale
of Sassi. Sorreyhas not mentioned the source of his story but
it seems to have been based on Lalwani's version,4 as given
above 0

8.

The latest contribution to the narration of the Sindhi aspect

of the story by an English scholar, to my knowledge, was made
by H.T.Norris who versified and published it in 1949. 5 Norris

1. Gidvani, NL~iL, Shah Abdul LatIf, London - 1922, pp.27-30.

2. Dr. Herbert Tower Sorley, C.I.E., was born on 12th April,
1892. He joined the Indian Civil Service in 1915 and served
the Bombay Presidency in various capacities.
3. Shah Latif of Bhit: His poetry, life and times, London -
1940, pp.36l, 362-91.
40 The presence in it of some of Lalwani's phrases and motifs
also speak of this influence or borrowings. For instance,
the adoption of Sassi by the Chief of Bhambhore and the
arrival at Bhambhore of Punnunis brothers on the pretext of
a friendly visit. (See Lalwani's pp.75-6 and Sorley!s p.361).
5. Punnun and Sassi in (Indian) Art and Letters, London, Vol.
XXIII, No.1, 1949, pp.32-9;
 671
based his veI'sion, as he told me peI'sonally, on the stOI'Y
I'elated to him in Sindhi "by two Sindhi peasants who dwell on
the shores of the Arabian sea, not far from BhamboI'. They are
the sole custodiaIls of a l'uined 'Tell f or mound, the site of
ancient Bhambor, a rich field foI' an enteI'prising archaeolo-
gist." 1
Norris f S story being based on a local tradition, handed
down to the present residents of the ruined site of its locale,
deserves special mention. He has described it as 'a legend of
Sind under the Kilafate'. Sassi, the heroine of his poem, was
the daughter of Jam Adrun, king of Bhambor, who, on asking,
was informed by the Chief Astrologer that she was destined to be
very harmful to the honour and welfare of both the king and
his kingdom. The scheme for her disposal was also submitted by
the chief astrologer himself at the same time and Sassi, with
an inscribed amulet tied around her wrist and laid inside an
inlaid box, was delivered to the waves of the Indus at dead
of night. The box was brought out by Atta, a childless washer-
man who adopted and reared her as his own daughter. Sassi grew
in beauty and grac.e, and Norris f s narrative, as already noticed
under various motifs, indicates a marked departure from the
traditional versions in the narratiotl of the subsequent situat-
ions of the tale. In many ways, it is quite peculiar, though
the essentials of the plot are almost all the same. No other
version has mentioned, for instance, the watery reflection of

1. Art.~nq Letters, Vol.XXIII, opocit., p.32.

the would-be-lover, the escape of two traders, Punnun's horse-
riding, fishing and farming, and the plan and occasion
adopted for his abduction. No hill or ground is shown to have
parted to take Sassi to its bosom. It has its Ovvn emphasis,
its own exposition, its own interpretation; and it resounds with
the spirit of the time 'when the streets of the far Baghdad
rang with the clash of steel and horses' hooves.'
The last on the list of the English versions, deriving
from Sindh,is a prose-narrative written in 1957 by Zainab Ghulam
Abbas and included in her collection of some Pakistani folk-
l
tales. Zainab 1 s story is not based upon any particular tradi-
tional version; and, in narrating it in the form of a modern
short story, she does not indicate the source of her basic tale.
However, it appears to be a fairly free English rendering of a
script in Urdu, written and broadcast by Shaikh Ayyaz from
Radio Pakistan around 1950. It was later published in a
collection of such tales by the Pakistan Publications, Karachi. 2
Sassi has been shown in it as the ill-omened child of a
well-to-do blind Brahmin of Bhambhore. She was found and brought
up by l\fluhammad, the head washerman of the same city. The fame
of her beauty, carried far west by the travelling merchants,
drew Punnun, the prince of Kech Makran to Bhambhore, in the
guise of a merchant of musk and perfumes. He posed as a
washerman in order to obtain her in marriage. He is shown

1. Folktales of Pakistan, Karachi - 1957, pp.55-69.

2. Pakistan ki Awami Kru1aniyan, Karachi - 1951, pp.75-85.
to have been abducted by his three brothers. Sassi in her
frantic efforts to run away from the wild overtures of the
herdsman, has been described as having fallen lley,.hausted on the
sand and the next moment she was deadlY. She was buried by the
repentant and awe-stricken herdsman. On learning from him about
her tragic end, 1Ia piercing shriek of pain ensued from him
[PunnunJ and he fell dead, upon the grave of Sassi.1I Thus any
mention of the miraculous opening of the earth first to hide
Sassi and then to unite Punnun with her in a common grave.
mentioned by Shaikh Ayyaz 1 and a host of other writers, has
been omitted by Zainab, in order probably to avoid any super-
natural element from her description of the tale.
9.
Temple 2 was probably the first to enter the Panjab scene, with

1. Pakistan k~ l~vami Kahaniyan, op.cit., pp.83-5.

20 Lt.Col. Sir Richard Carnac Temple was born on 15 October,
1850, at Allahabad; and served in various military, judic-
ial and a&~inistrative posts in India. He was selected in
1879 for the post of Contonment Magistrate in the Panjab,
where his life-long study of Indian history, foll-c-lu-re and
ethnology was initiated. He founded and conducted the
Indian Notes and Queries, the Roman Urdu Journal and kept
on editing his famous Indian Antiquary from 1892 till his
death on 3 March, 1931 in Switzerland. He wielded sword
and pen with e~ual skill ruld courage; and he contributed
much to the recording and research of the folk lore of the
Land of the Five Rivers. (See Proceedings of the British
Academy, London, Vol.AnvII, 1931; The Dictionary of
National Biography, 1931-L~0, London - 1949, pp. 850-51.
the reproduction in 1881, in Roman script, of Panjab's most
popular version, Uthe well-knovm ll and 11 ce l ebl'ated work H
according to him, under the title: The Sassi Punnun of Hashim
Shah. It was preceded by a note about the transliteration and
a summary of the Hstory of Sassi and Punnun H and was published,
in regular instalments, in his Roman Urdu Journal. l
The next year saw the article, A Panjabi Legend in the
Indian Antiquary.2 A few years later,ioe. in 1886, he produced
an English translation and Roman transliteration of some stray
stanzas of Hashim's Sassi in his "monumental ll Legends of the
Panjab 3 under the caption: A Version of Sassi and P~mnun,
as told by a bard from the Hoshiarpur District.
It was· again Temple who, while introducing it to the
English-speaking people, observed in its preface: "This bardic
version of the very celebrated tale of Sassi and Punnun,which
properly belongs to Sindh and Southern Baluchistan, is specially
valuable as showing a folk-tale, after becoming a literary
story, in the process of returning to the people. In this case
it is the literary Panjabi version of the tale by the poet
Hashim Shah that has become the property of the bards and is
reproduced in 3. terribly curtailed., confused and mangled
shape. i14 Temple also added an outline of the story. A Etanza

1. See The Roman-Urdu Journal, Lahore, Vol.IV, 1881- July,

pp.19-3l; August, pp.34-L~3; September, PPo12-20.
2. See The Indiap Antiquary, Bombay, Vol.XI, 1882, pp.29lff.
3. See The LeITends of the Pan~ab, Vol.III, Bombay,
1886, pp.2 -37.
4 .. The Legends of the PanjalJ, Vol.III, op.cit., p.24.
as a specimen of his transliteration and translation, is repro-
duced below:-
104. Kujh behndi, Kujh digdi, dhaindi, uthdi te dam laindi;
Jiuilkar tut sharabon ave, pher utte wal dhaindi;
Dhunde y~6j shutar da phir ke; Kitwal bhal na paindi;
(Hasham) jagat na kiulLkar gaven, pit sapuran jinhen dI?
Sometimes sitting; sometlifies falling about; getting up
and resting;
As when intoxication from wine comes and overcomes
the strength;
She searches for the footprints of the camel, and
finds them nowhere;
Shall she not be sung throughout the world, whose love
was perfect?l
The text being faulty at places, the transliteration and trans-
lation could not be expected to be better. It is almost the
same as we find it inserted in the Roman-Urdu Journal, Septem-
ber, 1881 (p.16), except that the spelling varies slightly and
the poet's name is not bracketed as it is here.
And yet in the same year, the Folk-Lore Journal,2
published his Bibliography of Folk-Lore which included a
synopsis of the romance of Sassi as well. It was bas,ed on
Qissa Sassi wa Punnim, compo sed in Panjabi by Maul\vd Ghulam
RasUl and published from the Mustafa i Press, Lahore in 1880.
It is given below to serve the comparison with that of Hashlm's.
H:A.dam ja.,n, the king of Bhambor) had a daughter born to
him of whom the astrologers prophesied that she would go
astray. So they called the infant iSassi', put her into a
box and floated her down the river. A washerman named Ata
came across her in the box, and took her home and brought

o~o.cit., p.28.
1. Legends of the Pan jaD , Vol.III,
2. The Folk-Lore Journal, London, Vol.IV, Pt.iv, 1886, p.278.
 her up as his OVID daughterQ It, however, got noised abroad
as to who she really was; and when she was groVID to woman-
hood she wrote a letter to her father announc h'1.g her exist-
ence. He gave her a p~ce to live in, where her attendants
told her of PUILnun, and sung hiB praises to such an extent
that she fell in love with him. The same thing happened to
Punnun; so he visited her disguised as a faC].ir, and married
her secretly. After a while his people found him out, and
induced him to desert her and to return to his native Kecham.
She tried to follow him up, on foot, but died in the desert
on the road, and was buried on the spot out of pity by one
Kaka, a shepherd. After a while remorse seiz,ed hold on
Punnun, and he ran away from home again to search for her,
and at last died at her gravel!.

10.

But Ghulam Rasul's Sassi could not captivate the interest of

any other writer of English at home or abroad. Hashim's Qissa
held the field in spite of many conscious efforts on the part
of poets and writers; so much so that some of its verses have
been mistaken for those of folk-songso For instance, the
following song, given in Roman transliteration and trooLslation
under the heading: The Heart of Punun, in an anthology of songs
published in 1912,1 is actually an English rendering of stanza
No.45 from Hashim's gissa Sassi Punnun:

1. Rattan Devi, Thirty Songs from the Panjab and Kashmir,

London - 1912.
 There is separation f s melting flame in the heart of Punnun
who daily lights its sacred fire -
The fire of disunion giveth no peace, as straw stays not
its flame.
He himself is fire as fire-maker, he himself burns and
causes to burn,
How then may Hashim sleep sound, who hath drunk of Love's
cup?
The text of this piece was sung to the authoress, in
Behag or Malkaus Ragjby Abdul RahIm, Kalant of Kapurthalla. 1
This return to the bardic recitals naturally causes the text
of a literary version to lose some of its accuracy and the
English rendering suffers as a conseCluence. This does, however,
speak for the popularity of the story as told by Hashim in his
own inimitable way.
Some stray passages from Hashim's Sassi were also trans-
literated and translated by Budh Singh in 1922, LajwantI Rama
Krishna in 1937, and M.L. Peace in 1961. Budh Singh wove them
into his summary of the version for his paper on the poet,
presented at a meeting of the Panjab Historical Society,
Lahore on 31st October, 19220 A stanza (rendering of No~94)

is given below as a specimen:-

I will rather die than retrace my steps from the path of
love,
I have placed my life in the hollow of my hando
So long as there is a breath in this body, I will not be
afraid of death.
If God responds to the hearing of Sassi, I will catch the
end of my Punnuu's garment.
Oh Hasham,otherwise I will die like a martyr in the desert
of ThaI.

10 Thirty Songs from the Panjab and Kashmir, op.cit., p.26.

 It was later published in the Journal of the Society
1
in 1923. LajwffiLtI translated some passages in connection with
her thesis on Panjabi Sufi Poet~, presented to the University
of London in 1934-35. These were later published in her book
on the subject. 2
Peace translated some in a rh~ned form and used them in
the framework of his summary of Hashim's Qissa Sassi Punnun. 3
One of them, forming the beginning of the story and bearing
No.14, is given below as an instance of his style of rendering:-
IICasting off fear the soothsayers, at last revealed what in
their mind did lie:
'Sassi shall have romance perfect and true when youth will
give her charms its dye.
Maddened with love and in bereavement sharp, roaming the
desert she shall die'.
Hashim the sag~ of her love shall remain as long as remain
the earth and sky."

11.
But as far as any original and creative contribution is con-
cerned, none could eQual Puran Singh's excellent poem,
published in 1921 under the title, The Woman, given earlier in
Part I. It describes a common scene of a Panjab Trinjan, where
the sisters of the spinning-wheel, the maidens of the town,
gather lito spin and sing love songs of olden days; ... to raise
from their virgin throats the ancient notes of human love; to

1. See Bawa, B.S., Hasham Shah in J.P.H.S., Calcutta - 1923,

Vol.IX, Pt.I, pp.21-35.
2. La jwantI , R.Kc, PanjabI SufI Poets, Calcutta - 1938. It
also includes a brief summary of the story in a~ appendix.
3. Peace, MoL., Sassi Punnun in The Spokesman Weekly, New Delhi
- 16.1.1961, pp.5 & 11.
rouse the hearts of men to womenis greatness •••• to sing of the
woman her greatness for song, for love, Tor tenderness of
heart and for her faith in men, and her worship of him, how
steadfast she is, like the patient earth in his service ••••

Each girl a princess whirls her spinning wheel and hums to it

some simple tragic song of Love! the story of 'Sasi' and
'Punnun' • ,,1 According to Piiran Singh, Sassi is immortal; she
daily visits the Panjab; every Panjabi girl is an embodiment
of Sassi's spirit and wishes herself to be a 'Sassi'in the course
of time. She has been her ideal throughout.
12.
We do not find anything more than an incomplete outline of the
story in any English study of Bahawalpuro 2 As far as Balochistan
is concerned, I have not, so far been able to find any version
or treatment, in English, other than Mayer's ballad3 and
Minchin's sTh~mary,4 already mentioned or given under the
Balochi Version.

1. Puran Singh, The Sisters of the Spinning-wheel, London -

1921, pp. 8 & 11.
2. See Panjab State Gazetteers, Vol.36-A, Bahawalpur State
(1904) Lahore - 1908, p.359.
3. See Baloch Classics, Pt. iv, Agra - 1903, pp.40-4.
The Rev. T.J".L. ~Eayer was a missionary of the Church
Missionary .society, London at Fort-Munro around 1900. He
collected and edited Baloch Classics in 1900-3, produced an
English-BiluchI Dictionary dl..1.I'ing 1899-1909 and also trans-
lated and published some of the Scriptures into Balochi.
4. See Baluchistan District Gazetteer, Vol.VIII - Las Bela,
Allahabad - 1907, pp.42-3.
Lt. Colo Charles Frederick Minchin was first commissioned
in 1882. He worked as the Superintendent of Gazetteer
Revision, Baluchistan in 1906. He was "the Deputy Commissioner
of Bannu in 1908 and the Divisional and Sessions Judge of
Derajat Division in 1911.
(See The India Office List Tor 1 0 , London - 1909, p.589;
Ibid for 1912, p.599 •
 68u
The summary given by Macauliffe stating that when
Guru Gobind Singh took up his residence in the fort of
Bathinda, Hat night some Baloches sang of Sassi and Punnun it , 1
can, however, be stretched towards the contribution of the
Balochi side.
13.
Among the latest contributions from some eminent persons
belonging to various other regions, we can mention the sum-
maries of the story presented by three art-critics, viz.
Coomaraswamy,2 RoK.,3 and I{handalavala. 4 R.K. 's summary has
already been referred to in Part I and those of the latter two
have been given and discussed in Part III.
They were followed in 1959 by St. Nihal Singh in the
Foreword of the second edition of my book on Hashim's Sassi. 5
The Saint has based his summary and its exposition on the
version of Hashim. It has its own style, meaning and
fascination. Regarding the composi tion and character of the
heroine, he maintains: "Sassi, particularly as she was created
by Hashim, may have bones formed of lime, some of which was
imported. But she is Indiru~ to her finger-tips. In word and
deed she is of the race racy. In spirit she measures to the
1. Macauliffe, M.A., The Sikh Religion, Oxford - 1909, Vol.V,
p.221.
20 Co omar a sw'8.my , A.K., Catalogue of the Indian Collections
in the Museum of Fine Arts, Bosto.n, Pt.V, Cambridge - 1926,
3. See Hupam, Calcutta, No.30, .April, 1927, p.70. ;';'tr?
4. Khandalavala, K., Paharl Miniature Painting, Bombay - 1958,
p.46.
5. Shan, HoS., SassI-Hashim, 2nd ed., Delhi, 1959, Foreword,
pp.xii-xvii.
 681
highest standards evolved by our forbears. 0 1
Proceeding further with his interpretation, he tells
us, "There are, in fact, two Sassis. There is Sassi of the
Senses. She throbs with passion. There is also Sassi of the
Spirit. Never of the earth earthy, she rises to the region
ethereal.
Sassi of the Senses surrendered her person without
any maidel1ly ~ualm or reserve to the lover from across the
border or 'Blocha Zalma' as shein her lament calls him. In
his embrace in her own pleasure-garden her rapture was com-
plete. He was abducted virtually from her side as she lay
fast asleep and carried to his father's country. When she
discovered her loss, sorrow did not paralyse her. Out she
went in search of the beloved. Her feet, with only the henna
V .v/}\
for covering--feet that Hasham calls ??fla: l./<::l ~?>fq 1?'11! ;Z.
[Sassi1s tender rosy feet] were parched by the burning desert
sand, as gram or maize is popped by the Bhatiari. She fainted
•• 0 fell ••• was buried. But she did not perish. As her

beloved tracked her to the tomb, her arms thrust out of the
grave side, pulled Punun to her breast and the twain became
one -- one for ever and a day.
The sinews, nerves, heart, arteries and the veins
that Hashim put into the skeleton of his contrivance answered
the purposes for which they severally and jointly were made.
They worlced -- worlced incessantly and efficiently. There was

1. Shan, Sassi-Hashim, op.cit., p.xv.

no slackening -- no shirking, much less a bl-'eakdown "I
0

Appreciating the way in which the poet has presented

this unbendable contrivance, this unbreakable soul, Nihal
Singh says, "Once Hashim mounted Sassi upon the stage -- the
stage was never without her. Action went on and on. There was
no intermission. The tempo increased. It stopped only at
crescendo. And the crescendo was the peace eternal -- the
peace that comes from union, from final fulfilment.
His art has the merit of being artless. In movement it
is irresistible.· As a vehicle for mortal love it is superb. II 2
About the poet's identification of his own being with
that of Sassi and his associating his own search and striving
with that of his heroine, he proceeds, "But Hashim has created
something else than what I have called the Sassi of the
Senses. Within that Sassi there is another -- a subtler
Sassi.
This Sassi is the product of the Pir-o-Murshid that
the Poet was -- teacher and pupil in one, as every Sufi worth
the name is. His concern was with the All-Soul. He strove for
union (wasl) with Him.
That striving was in a wavy, zig-zag line -- not a
straight one. The ephemeral appeared to him in an ever-
changing guise, each guise more beguiling than its predecessor.
Each object of adoration was more irresistible than the one
before.
1. Shan, SassI-Hashim, op.cit., p.xvio
2. Ibid., p.xvi.
 In bis journey, toward. tbe Imperisbable, be criss-
crossed bis own tracks. Again and again be stumbled and fell.
Witbout making any excuses, witbout adducing extenuating
circumstance, loss witbout cursing tbe 'statuettes' ('but')
tbat took bim to tbe tavern (maikada), be lifted bimself,
rubbed tbe mud off bis person, wasbed bimself, retied bis
turban and continued in bis quest.
And finally came tQ. tbe fulfilment. It was dead of
nigbt. Tbe moon was at tbe full. Sassi (anotber name for tbe
moon) was Punnun (Pooran) full. Batbed in tbe lunar effulgence.
Motber Eartb looked transfigured. But at tbat moment Hasbim
bad no longer eyes for tbe Eartb. Tbe statuettes bad ceased
to exist for him. Taverns bad turned into the Tavern -- tbe
abode of the Absolute. With bowed head he entered the holy of
the bolies. He had sight of the Beloved. More. He became
uni ted with the Beloved. For him the ques.t ended. Hashim was
absorbed in the All-Soul.
Of this consummation (wasl) I have had tidings from
Hashim himself. And not only, I. Anyone -- everyone -- who
has the ears thin enougb (as say we of the Five-rivered State)
to catch bis wbisper during the time across the gulf dug by
twelve decades' spading. In telling of Purmun's union witb
Sassi at her graveside, the Poet has told of his own quest
and the fulfilment~ III

1. Shan, Sassi-Hashim, op.cit., pp.xvi-xvii.

 liM soon as she fell, she breathed her last,
Thank God, Hashim, thank a thousand time,
The pledge to Love achieves fulfilment!H 1
There can hardly be a fuller identification of the poet and
the romance, a finer appreciation of the poet and the poem~

1. Shan, SassI-Hashim, op.cit., p.6S8, stanza No.lll.

 -12-

FRENCH VERSION
The romance did not fail to attract the attention of Garcin
de Tassy, the most eminent French Orientalist of the 19th
century. He was, rather, among the very first, next only to
the Postans, to appreciate and introduce it to Western
readers. He not only referred to it as "very well known in
India" in his French translation of Maqbul's 2j-ssa Ranjha-
Hirl and in his famous history of Hindustani literature,2
but also provided French-speaking people with a su~ary of
the story in 1839 in the first edition of the latter work. 3
M. Joseph Heliodore Sagesse Vertu Cariess de Tassy
was then the Professor of Hindustani in the Ecole Imperiale
et Speciale des Langues Orientales Vivantes, Paris~ He was
born in 1794 at Marseilles, and the study of Oriental lore
captured his interest at a very early stage. He not only
attained proficiency in Arabic, Turksih, Persian and Hindu-
stani, but also rendered some of their prominent writings
. t 0 .J:lrench 4
In TI
0

He never visited Hindustan, but he vJaS probably the

first to init~_ate scientific research and critical studies

1 .. Garcin de Tassy, J.H.S.V., 'Hir et Ra:qjhan - Legend~ du

Pe.njab, Revue de l' Orient de t"'7i:lp!;erie et des Colonles,
Paris - Septembre, 1857, pel17.
2. Garcin de Tassy, J ,H.S. V. ,fIistoiE,e de la litterature
hindouie et hindoustanie, Tome I, Paris - 18j9, pp.357-
8; Tome II, Paris - 1870, pp.351-2.
3. Ibid.
4. See Zor~ G.M., Garcin de Tassy aur us ke Ham - tas~
Bihikhwan i Urdu, Haidarabad - 1941, pp.32-5.
in Hindustani literature, and contributed a large number of
books and papers in this field. l He was the first to intro-
duce i,JalI, the father of Urdu poetry, by editing and produc-
ing his works in 18340 2 His popular French translation of
the romance of Kamrup Kamlat~ by Tahsln u DIn was published
first in 1834. 3 It was followed in 1839-47 by his Histoire de

_
la Litterature .
hindouie et hindoustanie
- - of which the revised
and enlarged edition came out in 3 volumes in 1870-710 It
was probably the first work of its kind in any Western lang-
uage and it brought its author both name and fameo He was
appointed a member of the French Academy and was also honoured
by the Governments of Portugal, Sweden, and India. He founded
the Asiatic Society of France and continued to review and
survey Hindustani literature.in the form of an annual
address 4 till his death in 1878.
2.
The story of Sassi Punnun given by Garcin de Tassy in his
history of Hindustani literature reads as under! in its
original form:

1. Ibid., pp.33-4. See for a complete list of his works,

Gri~rson, Sir G.A. t~n~istic Survey of India, Vol. IX,
Pt.l, Calcutta - 19 ,pp.13-14 9 20, 27-8, ~-40c
2. Qfwan i Wall les 0 euvres de i.Jali :Rubliee~:s en Hindoust.a&,
Paris - 1834.
3. Les A2;ventures de Kamru~ par Tagcin-u£din2.. trB.dui~es de
~~~ustanil Paris - 1. 4: His Legende de Eakvn~aIa(fr
apres la version hindoule du Mahabharata was publlshed
In 1852G --
4. Discours a l'ouverture de son cours d'Hindustani a
llEcole des Langues OrientalesVivantes, ParIs - rE"50-69;
la Langue et"!a Litterature hindoustanies Revue annuelle,
Paris - 1871-78.
These have .been collected, translated and edited
in Urdu and published under Khutbat i de Tass2 by MaulawI
'Abd al-HaQ in 19350
nUn puissant Hindou qui n1avait pas d'enfants, quoique marie
depuis plusieurs annees~ eut enfin une filleo 11 consulta les
astrologues sur le sort futur de cet enfant i don't la
naissance comblait ses voeLL~, et auquel il donna le nom de
Saci Clune), pour exprimer la beauts qulon distinguait deja
dans ses traits enfantinsg 11s predirent qu'elleepouserait
un musulman. La douleur du pere en apprenant cette triste
nouvelle fut si grande, que pour prevenir ce malheur il se
decida a faire perir sa fille. A cet effet, il la plaga dans
un coffre qu'il jeta dans la riviere. Par hasard, ce coffre
fut recueilli par un blanchisseur, qui l'ayant ouvert, y
trouva la petite fille vivante encore; ~ comme cet homme
n'avait pas d'enfants, il l'adopta.
Saci devint, en grandissant, d'une beaute vraiment
extraordinaireo Une caravane de marchands ayant passe par
l'endroit ou elle se trouvait, quelques-uns d1entre eux
eurent occasion de la voir, et, a leur retour, en parlerent
au fils du gouverneur de leur province, lequel etait
musulman.Celui-ci, enflamme par les discourse de ces
marchands, voulut aller juger par lui-meme de l'exactitude de
leur description. 11 se deguisa en marchand, et partit avec
la pro chaine caravaneG Pour parvenir plus ~acilement a son
but, il se mit au service du blanchisseur qui avait aiopte
Saci, et eut ainsi l'occasion d'admirer sa beaute~ qui etait
reellement tres remarquable~ Bientot il lui fit connaitre
l'amour violent qu'il avait congu pour elle; il eut la
satisfaction de la voir partager ce sentiment, et de llepouser
ensuite. Cepelldant la nouvelle de cet etrange mariage parvint
aux oreilles du pere de Panlin, et il envoya demc autres de
ses fils pour ramener Panlin.
Ceux-ci prirent si bien leurs mesures, qulUL~e nuit
ils enleverent leur frere, et l'ayant place sur un agile
"

chameau~ ils le conduisirent a leur pere. Lorsque Saci apprit

le depart de son epoux, sa douleur ne connut point de bornes.
 68,3

Elle resolut de suivre ses traces; et apres avoir marche

l'espace de quarante kos 1 epuisee de fatigue et de soif,
elle tomba sur la terre: mais une source miraculeuse
jaillit a ses pieds. Elle continua sa route vers les mon-
tagnes, et la elle fut de nouveau assaillie par la soifo
En ce moment un berger voulut lui faire violence; mais elle
l'engagea a lui donner d'abord a boire. Pendant qutil allait
prendre du lait pour elle, Saci pria Dieu de la delivrer
des malheurs de tout genre auquels elle etait en butte.
Dieu exau~a sa priere; la montagne sur laquelle elle etait
s'entr'ouvrit et se referma sur elle, laissant seulement en
dehors le bord de son vetement. De son cote PanUn alla a la
recherche de sa bien-aimee, et arrive au lieu ou elle avait
ete engloutie, il pria Dieu de lui faire partager le me me
sort, ce qui eut lieu en effeto"l
Garcin de tassy has neither mentioned the basis of
the above summary nor given any other source of his informa-
tion in this connection. He has inserted it under his account
of the poet Mahabbat and in the context of his Asrar i
Mahabbat, a versified Urdu version of this romance. 2 But,
strangely enough, he has not adopted the outline of Mahabbat1s
version, nor has he utilized for this purpose, a later prose-
version written by Maqbu1 3 and referred to by Garcin himself,
as stated above, not only in his History but also in the
introduction of his own French translation of its companion
composition, Qissa Ranj~ Hiro4 Unlike them and almost all

1. Histoire de la Litterature hindouie et hindoustanie,

Tome II, Paris - 1870, pp.351-2.
2. See Urdu Version.
3. Maqbul Ahmed, ~issa Sassi Pugn~, Delhi - 1848 - also
already discussed, ibid.
4. Hir et Ranjhag, op.cit., p.117.
 <):7C:C-/",?<_.
other ~~ or writers 1 Garcin has not given any character-
names other than those of the hero and the heroine, nor has
he mentioned the name of any place connected with the hero
or the heroine. The trend of his narrative seems, however,
inclined towards the Sindhi rather than to the Balochi or
Panjabi version of the romance.

Garcin's reference to the romance of Sassi in his French

------------~--
1
translation of the romance of Hlr Ranjha also deserves
attention. He has stated that llthere is in the same volume
(containing Maqbulis qissas) Les Aventures de Sacl et de
PanUn, lovers still more unfortunate than the former (viz.
Hir et Ranjhan) , and just as well-known in India. I made this
latter story (i.e. of Sassi and Punnun) known in my Histoire
~e la Litterature hindousta~ie (Tome I, p.357ffo); for it
was brought to light, amongst others, in Urdu verse by a man
distinguished by birth and talent, the Nabab Mahabbat Ullah
Khan son of Rahmat Khan, sovereign of Rohilkhand, famous for
his war against the English,,1l2
While repeating the above summary in the revised and
enlarged edition of the History, Garcin has enlarged his
previous footnote given there on its introductory sentence,
by adding 111 have myself given the translation in extenso
--------"--------,------"----- -------- - ---- .,.~

10 It was not of IViuq,bal is as misunderst)ood by Faz~l H~q,h(dsee

Urdu, Aurangabad, Oc t., 1930, po 71 7 ~ ~IUClb~l ~ .LourJ..~ e"
much earlier than lVIuClbal and he versJ..fJ..ed J.. t J..n PanJabJ...
2. Hlr et Ranjhan, Revue de ll0r ient, 1857, op.cit.,
preliminaries, pol17.
of the romance of Mahabba t in the Revue de 1 i Orient, 1858 Ii .1
Apparently, however, it is not to be found in that journal.
It contains, instead of the alleged French translation of
Asrar i Mahabbat,a French rendering of Nihal Chand's
Gul e Bakawli under the caption La Doctrine de 1 'Amour ou
Zain-ul Muluk et Bakawali, Ruman de philosophie Religieuse
par Nihal Chand, de Delhi. 2 It begins from l6e Annee - No. IV
- Avril, 1858 (p.2l2) and continues in serials up to l7e Anne6
No. IV - Avril, 1859. A search in the Vol s. 1844-60 has not
revealed this translation. A careful look through Grierson's
lists 3 in which he claimed to have IItaken special care to
include everything written by Garcin de Tassy - the great
French scholar ll4 has also revealed nothing~ The General
Catalogue of the British Museum, which contains a very long
list of publications under Garcin's name (on pp.1010-1013

1. See Histoire de la Litterature Hindouie Hindustanie, op.cit.

Tome II, 1870, p.351 fn.l. This footnote in his first
edition, dated 1839, contained only a reference to "ti"he
J.A.S.B., Calcutta, 1838. See ibid., Tome I, 1839, p.357.
The complete reference in original reads: Voyez Ie 'Journal
de la Societe Asiatigue' de Calcutta, loc.cit., J'ai donne
moi-meme la tra~tion in extenso de ce roman de Muhabbat
dans la 'Revue de l'Orient', 1858. - Ibid., Tome II, Paris -
1870, p.35l fn.
2. See Revue ce 1 'Orient, Paris, opocit., Tomes, VII & VIII,
1858 up to Tome IX, 1859.
3. See Grierson, Sir G.A., Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. IX,
Pt.i, Calcutta - 1916, pp.13-14, 20; 27-8; 30-40.
4 • Ib i d., p .13 •
5. Griersonis entry from Revue de 1 'Orient, 1858 mentions the
above-quoted French translation of Gul e Bakawali only.
See Linguistic Survey of India, op.cit., p.38.
Moreover, Garcin's ovm opening lectures, presenting
an annual survey of the development of Hindostani Literat-
ure, spread over the years 1850-1869, do not mention any-
thing like this. Abdul Haq, the editor of their Urdu
translation has also nothing to say on this subject.
 691

of its Vol.G/7) is also silent on this point, so the footnote

reference appears to be an error.
Though it is still not safe to conclude that Garcin
actually did not publish the alleged French translation of
~Eahabbat IS Asrar i Mahabbat, it seems curious that his
summary of the story as given in his History, which was re-
vised, enlarged and republished in 1870-71, i.e. about 12
years after the alleged publication of a translation of
Mahabbat's complete version is, as we have already seen and
discussed, not a summary of Mahabbat T s version, though it
stands included in the History under the section bearing on
Mahabbat's life and work.
Hence we can also not subscribe to Prof~ J. ·Filliozat
who, while reviewing the second edition of my Sassi-Hashim,
has recently observed that uGarcin de Tassy has analysed' it
!

l
in his HistOl'Y of Hindi and Hindostani Literature 1t • Obviously,
Filliozat appears to have been misled by this very reference.
He is similarly misled in saying that Mahabbat Ifhas probably
composed ll his Asrar i Mahabbat lion the 'instigation I of
Will iam JOon::: s" e 2 As discussed earlier, and proved from
Mahabbat 's ovvn writings, 3 he vvrote it clearly at the instance
of Richard Johnson.

1. Journal Asiatique, Paris, Tome CCLI, Annee, 1963, fs.No.2,

p.287.
2. Ibid.
3. See under Sec.8 - Urdu Version.
 -13-
ITP;.LIAN VERSION
We find a summary of the story in Italian also. It is given
in Bausani IS StoI'ia Delle Letterature del Pakistan.
Alessandro Bausani of Rome University is an eminent
Italian Orientalist and an author of various publications
including this history of Pakistani literature.
The story of Sassi Punnun as reproduced below is given
there under his account of the life and work of SayyId Hashim
Shah:
"
liLa storia di SassI e Punhiin si puo riassumere come segue:
SassI era la figlia unica di Adam Giam, governatore della
citta di Bhanbhor, sull'Indo. La bambina, a causa di un
infausto oroscopo, appena nata fu affidata, in una cesta, al
fiume. Presa e allevata da alcuni lavandai, quando fu
adolescente vide un giorno l'immagine di un giovane beluci di
nome Puhniin, 0 Punhiin, e se ne innamoro. I due finiscono per
incontrarsi e vivere per un po f felici assieme, ma poi Punhiin,
ingannato dal fratello, viene ricondotto in patriae Sassi 10
segue da lungi a piedi, affamata e assetata, nel deserto,
finche muore. Punhiin fugge ai parenti e torna a Bhanbor dove
frattanto SassI era stata sepolta, e vi muore disperato.
La tomba di Sassi viene riaperta e i due possono alfine
riposare assieme uni ti dalla morte. ill

10 Bausani, A., Storia Delle Letterature Del Pakistan,

Milano - 1958, p.266.
 694

PART III

NU~TIPE8TATION

-- A REVIEW Olil 'EEE POPULAR FORMS --

l~ In hearts and homes

2. In open-air gatherings

3. On the stage

4. On the screen

5. On the radio

6. In pictorial representations
SPECIMEN OF PICTORIAL REPRESENTATION USED IN MANUSCRIPTS
OF THE ROMAf\TCE
 695

Apart from such an overwhelming manifestation in the legendary

and literary forms] the romance of Sassi has also maintained
its oral tradition and pop"l::.lar appeal almo st intact.
It is still as popular in the land of its origin as
it was when, for instance, Qani,l MclVIurdo 2 and Burton 3
observed it !!fresh on the lips of all sorts of people 1t in the
18th and 19th centuries, respectively. In fact, what Nicholson
observed concerning the constant pop~liarity of the romance of
Laila-Majntin in Arabia, stating in 1930 that it "may be
heard in the streets of Beyrout or on the banks of the Tigris
to the present day", 4 Cousens observed the same about the same
time in Sindh regarding the romance of Sassi-Punnun describing
it as still i1a favourite story in the homes of Sind. 1t5
This does in fact confirm a previous observation made
by a local scholar, Kaliich Beg, who stated in 1902 that
Sassi's lILove for Punhun is still sung everywhere in Sindh. 1l6
Gidvani followed him in 1922 to maintain that lIthe very air
of Sindh is full of the echoes of Sassi and PUnhung ll7
1. Qani~ A.So, Tuhfat al-kiI'§.m (dto 1767),BoM. MS. No.21589/
Add. f.,261/a.
2. McMurdo, Capt.J., Dissertation on the River Indus in
J-.R.A.So, I,ondon, VoloI, - 1834, po25.
3. Burton, Sir R.F., §in~k-and the Races that Inhabit the
Valley of the Indus~ London - 1851, p.57.
4. Nicholson, lL.A., A Li te,rar,;Y History of the Arabs,
Cambridge - 1930) p9238.
50 Cousens, Ho, The ~tiquities of Sind with Historical
Outlines Calcutta - 1929, p.81 o
j

6. Mirza, K.F., A History of Sindh, Vol.II, Karachi - 1902,

p.28.
7. Gidvani, 1LlvL, Shah Abdul Latif, London - 1922, p.28.
 These are the -very SSLme echoes which we hear in the
Tri~jans of the Panjab from where, according to Puran Singh,
"still pass the camels of Punnun laden with the treasure of
Sassi's heart, and behind them comes Sassi, Princess of the
Panjab, bewailing herself ~ n l
The pathetic account of her bewailings, narrated by
the folk-singe~s and popular poets of Bahawalpur, is said to
be so heart-rending that, at times, it brings tears to the
eyes of narrators as well as listenerso It looks as if they
still feel the pain and pangs of Sassi; and they cannot resist
the expression of their strong feelings of pity and fear.
2.

In Sindh particularly, Sassi and Punnun have become almost

household words, and their tragic love-tale has become
essentially a household tale, a tale of the people. It forms
an important part of their symbols and similes.
It is one of those favourite tales and legends which
are told and retold in the village hujras (guest-houses) on
winter nights "when the young men of the village community",
in Swynnertnn I s words, "gather round the blazing logs to be
charmed by the vo ice of some wander ing minstrel, to listen
agape to his incredible descriptions of the miseries and joys
of hapless love or to the fantastic tales of giants and
fairies 112
0

10 Puran Singh, Prof~, Sisters of the Spinning Wheel, London -

1921 J poll.
2. Swynnerton, C., Indian Nights' Entertainrnen t; or Foll-c-
Tales from the Upper Indus, London 1892, p.xi.
OM
 Sf-) '7
<J •

Ibbetson, Quoting from Beames, tells us that 1!through-

out all the country of the Rajp'lUs, far down to the mouths
of· the Indus and the confines of Bilochistan, the Indian
bards wandered about singing, and a considerable Quantity of
their poems still lives in the mouths of the people, and has
in these later times been printed. This, as far as I know,
is all that Sindh c,an show of ancient literature. III The
romance of Sassi, undoubtedly, forms a part of this oral
tradition and 'ancient literature'.

1. Ibbetson, Sir D.C.J., Outlines of Panjab Ethnography,

Calcutta - 1883, pe1700
 698
-2-

IN OPEN-AIl1 GATHERINGS

These bards and minstrels have been reciting the story in

open-air gatherings also. Their songs and ballads, centring
round the tragic adventures of these immortal lovers, are s~mg

with such gusto that at times their Sarangis and Yaktaras

look like speaking Hin almost human voice!!. The following
song once heard by Devendra Satyarthl, an eminent folklorist,
f'rom a wandering misntrel, is enough to illustrate this:
"Mother advises Sassi,
'Daughter! give up your love for the Balocho
First half of the night they stay,
Second half their journey they resume.
Sassi! climb the top of the Katur
Punnun goes with the caravan mount~
Sassi; You will wander in the desert,
All your life you will shed tears."
Thus his songs present "long memories and essential passionel! e
Satyarthl maintains, "Listening to him I feel that the
national spirit never dieS', for in his song lies the bright
promise of tomorrow. He rules the scene. His feet are o:eep in
the soil like a tree, yet he moveso lil His harmonious inter-
lacing of voice and string keeps the l~steners spellbound
for hours on end.
It cast a similar spell on Sir R.C.Temple, too, who
once heard and recorded Hashim's Sassi from his mouth at
Hoshiarpur. 2 He similarly could not resist its charm and
1. Satyarthl, D., Meet My Peopl~, Hyderabad - 1951, PQ140.
2. Temple, Sir R.C., T.he Legends of the Panjab, Vol.III,
Bombay - 1886, p~24.
 699
never seems to have ceased to talk about it in appreciation
and admirationo l
2.

Apart from this kind of public singing by such minstrels or

professional bards, the tale has also been sung by the people
themselves in open-air gatherings held on festive occasions
or after the day1s work is over.
Bake~ discussing the epic in A.sia, remarked: "Where
the continued existence of traditional lore does not depend
entirely on the survival of a single professional caste, long
narrative stories, sung by the people themselves, and as such
part and parcel of the life of the community as a whole~ may
remain alive very much longer,," He illustrated his point from
the existence of this tradition in the Panjab, II which has
been in the midst of cultural changes for centuries, and,
surprisingly enough, not only in the villages but even in
big towns like Lahore, there is a living tradition of the
singing of a group of stories, ••• usually centring roulld a
pair of lovers called SassI and Punnun, Hlr and Ranjha or
Sohni
w:
and Mehiilwal ,,2
Q

The popularity of the romance of Hir-Ranjha in this

1. See The Roman-Urdu Journal, Lahore, Vol.IV, No.38, July,

1881, pa19; The Indian Aiitiquary, Bombay, Vol.XI,
October, 1882, p.290; The J:l'olklore Journal, London, Vol.IV,
Pt.iV, 1886, pc2770
2 .. Bake, A., 'I'he Epic in Asia, BoB.C., 3rd Programme, London,
dated 8~6ol963.
 7 0
tradition of the Panjab 9 is, of course, indisputable. l The
place of Sassi--Punnun in itj however, is both amazing and
fascinating. Commenting on this extreme popularity and ever-
lasting charm of the Qissa Sassi-Punnun, written by Hashim,
NUl" Illahi and Muhammad Umar observed, in 1929, that "in the

Panjab, on the Lohri festival, Hindus and Muslims join together

in performing a §.wang (mimic.ry) of Sassi-Punnun, and sing
Hashim IS Sassi on that occasion. That is why these verses are
well-knovm and recited even by children~ In the ?Wang, Sassi
and Punnun are made to ride on one camel while a camelman
holds its nose-string. All those accompanying it recite
Hashim's verses in a kind of d:i.alogue formo u2 This was already
vouched for in 1913 by Karamat Ullah in the first, though
brief, history of Panjabi literature. 3
The Lahore tradition, as I understand from Keshav
Malhotra, an immigrant from the historic metropolis of the
Panjab (at present a student at the University of London),
was associated with the spring festival of Holi during pre-
Independence days~ It comprised public singing and amateur
performances in the form of a huge procession which used to
pass through the main streetso Large drums of coloured water,

1. Even Swynnerton admitted when he observed, in 1903, HOf

all traditional tales dear to the hearts of the people of
the Panjab, there is not one more deeply enshrined in the
affections of that manly hospitable race than the love-
story of Hlr 2nd Ranj£la.. II (See Swynnerton, Rev. C.. ,
Romantic ~ales of the Panjab, Westminster - 1903, po20).
20 UrdU, Aur angab ad , Vol.IX, October - 1929, po772Q
3. Karamat Ullah, Chashmah i Hayat, published as an appendix
to Kusht'8.'s Hir-Ranjha~ Amritsar - 1913, pp.16-17.
 701
carried on push-carts, accompanied it for sprinkling colour
all around and colouring the passers-by. The roles of 'Sassi l
and 'Punnun' were played generally by young boys who sung
verses relating the tale of Sassi with passion and zeal.
Dhanpa t Rai, a bool{-seller from l\f[ul tan, and the
publisher of the sec.ond edition of my Sassi-Hashim, has told
me of another tradition prevalent in that part of the Panjab,
bordering on Sindh and Bahawalpur. According to him, the
Hindu residents of Multan used to celebrate the anniversary
of Sassi-Punnun regularly before the Partition of India and
their evacuation from that part of the country in 1947. Every
year on the last day of the Holl festival, they used to
present, with eagerness and enthusiasm, the §.yvang of these
lovers. Two notable persons, dressed in special attire and
disguised as Sassi and Punnun, rode on the camels. They were
then taken out in a procession which used to pass through
prominent streets of the city to the accompaniment of drums,
trumpets and a great deal of tumult and noise. 'Sassi' and
'Punnun 1 , each riding on their oml camels, competed with each
other in tbe reciting of Dohras relating the various phases
of the romance. In order to afford them some respite, several
other gallant youths used to accompany their camels along the
route. They usually recited the dhoras composed by Nur DIn,
a popular poet of Iljultan. Girdharl Lal, a gram-seller, now
settled in Delhi, was reno\vued for the best recitation and
usually took the part of IPunnun'o
 702

This procession also used to visit the homes of the

people, particularly of those who, being issueless, would
pledge an invitation and service to it on the Holl which
followed the resultant birth of an heir? Such blessed
families welcomed and served those taking part in the proces-
sion very cordially.
3.
The people of Bahawalpur, too, are said to have another
tradition, cherishing the memory of the romance of Sassi.
Azlz, a native of the territory and at present a post-
graduate student at the University of London, tells me that
the story is highly popular among the common folko It is
recited and presented in mfu~y forms.
The most common form is known as Qissakhanl (ioe.
the public recital of the legend). The audience gather
together in an open place about night-fall and the recitation
begins around 10 porn. Two of the people keep the audience
enthralled with their loved and passionate recitals tiil day-
break. Sometimes it is even continued on the following night.
They sing t.heir verses while playing Yaktaras, accompanied
continuously by the regular beating of a pitcher, known as
ghar~~ The pitcher-player springs up from the audience and
is replaced by another enthusiast whenever he feels tired.
The pitcheI'-player is sometimes doubled with the addition of
volunteers 0

Altogether this is an absorbing scene ~nd the noise

 7 3

produced can often be heard a long way away_ There are

intervals to mark the e~d of various phases of the romance
and also to give some respite to the singers and pitcher-
players.
These singers are generally professionals who wander
about the countryside earning their living by this means.
They are invited mostly to marriages or other festive
occasions e One ca..Tl well imagine the scene: the audience
hushed and silent in the thick of night under the open star-
lit sky; the area illuminated by a few lanterns or oil-

--
torches, lightening mostly the Pir (arena) or the Chabutra
(platform) around the singers and players; the narrative
being told in ornate prose and the striking utterances,
embalmed in poetry, being chanted to the accompaniment of
wind and stringed instrumentso
 -,3-
O='T THE STAGE
-------
1
As told by Baloch and Jatoi personally, the romance of Sassi
has oeen and still is a favourite theme for dramatic perform-
ances even in the schools and colleges of Sindh. The teachers
and the taught ooth join in their production and presentation.
It is no less favourite even outside the academic
circles; and the theatrical societies of runateurs as well as
professionals are often seen performing it oefore crowded
audiences, not only in Sindh out also in the Panjao.

In Bahawalpur, too, it has long oeen an ever-fresh theme of

popular entertainment in the form of dramatised performances,
a'S we find in the case of the romance of Vidya-Sundar in the
Bengal of the 19th century.2It has usually oeen presented
there in two forms:
The first form may be termed 'Folk Performances'. It
is produced oy the professional, traditional and hereditary
actors, called Nats. They are 4 to 6 in numoer and act out
the entire story on a chaoutra which supplies a ready-made
stage for their performances. There is no lady memoer in the
party of actors, the part of Sassi "being played by an
unoearded charming youth who has a high-pitched feminine
voice. The narration is done in verse while the dialogue is
10 Dr. H.B.Baloch, Director, Institute of EdUcation and Mr.
A.H. J-atoi, Head of the Sindhi Department, University of
Sindh, Haidara"bad, West Pakistan.
2. See Ghosh, J-oCo, Bengali Literature, London - 1948, p.149.
 7D5
presented in pro se. They s.re often invited to marriage cere-
monies where they present their performances usually on fine
moon-lit nights. During the singing of a fascinating song or
the presentation of some lovely scene, they are often encour-
aged by some wealthy members of the audience in the form of
presents of money. In this way the elite compete with each
other either in showing off their richness or in displaying
their own appreciative faculties and generositieso The per-
formance is always free and is so captivating that it keeps
the onlookers and listeners spell-bound for hoursQ We find a
r
close parallel of such popular performances in the Khyal-
performance!, during the Holl festival, in Rajasthan,l
The second form of the Bahawalpur'i presentation of
the romance of Sassi may be called 'Theatrical Performance I 0

This kind of performance is presented by professional theat-

rical comp8J.1.ies in improvised theatres. The roles of Sassi
and other female characters are in this case played by female
actorso Admission is always by ticket and it does not lead to
any shortage of audienceG

10 See Robson, Rev. J., A Selection of Kh$.yals or I:larwarl

Plays, Ajmer - 18660
 706
-4-
ON THE SCREE~T
----_.
In addition to these other media, the romance has not failed
to attract the attention of the film industry.
Niir IllahI and lviuhammad Umar referred in 1929 to its
brilliant success on the screen. According to them, HAlthough
the theatre has not treated the romance well., the cinema has
done full justice to it. Today the cinemagoers greatly admire
the film Sassi-Punnun and consider it the best product of
Indian cinematography. "I I do not know of any cinematic
production earlier than that of 1929, but their observation
is enough to indicate the currency and popularity of one
during that period. Dr. Mohan Singh has also vouched for it
by stating in 1930 that the Iltale of Sassi-Punnun has also
been filmed and put into dramatic form. It has long been
produced on -:'he stage.jl2
Commenting on the film version, NUr-Umar tells us
that the screen-story begins with Sassi's recovery from the
river by the wa.sherrnano The events preceding this episode
have been justly ignored~ During Sassi's sickness, a physi-
cian is shown to have visited her. His visit entails a great
deal of humour which is in rather bad taste and out of tune
with the rest of the tale. Such boisterous jokes are, in
fact, out of place in the production of such an intense
tragedy.3
1. Urdu, Aurangabad, October - 1929, p.788.
20 or:Lental College IvIagazine, Lahore, Vol. VII, February -
1930.1 P 048. .
3. Urdu, op.ctt~, p.788.
 707
In the United Panjab, I happened to see a Panjabi
film of the romance, in the early forties, at Rawalpindi.
The following verses of one of its popular songs, are still
echoing in my ears~

Recently, an Urdu version was prepared by the Ever-

ready Production of Lahore. It was on the screen around 1955
both in India and Pakistan; and has been watched and enjoyed
by crowded houseso
The script for it was written by the late Babu Feroze
Din Sharaf, a Panjabi poet of considerable eminenceo It was
produced by Jagdish Anand. The r61e of Sssai was played by
Sabiha and that of Punnun and Atta by Sudhir and Ghulam
Muhammad respectively. Shah Niwaz also did well in seeing it
through.
Its songs were published in Urdu language (Gurmukhi
Script) under the title Sassi by Messrs. Lekh Raj Khazan
Chand Mehta, Jullundar City.
As will be evident from the following summary, the
story has been much altered and modified in view of the
demands and reqUirements of the screen and. the cinematographic
art:

In the city of Bhambhore, situated on the bank of the Indus,

everybody is in suspense and expectation. Suddenly, with
beating of drums and resounding of bugles, the birth of a
 708
long-cherished child is announced fI'om the palace of King
Adam Jalll.. The whole town is aglow with all kinds of festivi-
ties. and rejoicings.
Meanwhile, certain ill omens, which include a shooting
star and the breaking of a plate, occur. The birth of the
princess is thus held to be ominous. The atsrologers also
predict that she will be inauspicious both for the king and
the kingdom. After long deliberations she is encased along
wi th many precious ob jects in a box which is set afloat on the
river.
As fate would have it, she is carried to a childless
washerman, named Atta, who is washing clothes on the bank.
Regarding himself as very lucky to find such a pretty child
and so many valuables in this way, he adopts her, announces
her as his own daughter, and names her IISass i II in view of her
moon-like beauty.
Sassi grows into a model of elegance and loveliness.
Her gr"ace and beauty become the talk of the town and her fame
spreads far and wide G Peopl e from the washermen community ask
for her hruLQ. Dara, a foppish ruLobl, clings to her and pursues
her relentlesslyo Sassi, however, rejects his proposal and
thus becomes a target of his enmity and jealousy.
An astrologer then tells her that she seems to be a
princess and shall be married to a prince. She comes to know
of Punnun, the prince of leech-Makran, through seeing his
picture and d.reaming of' him. Punnun also sees and meets her
 709
in his dreams and hears stories of her matchless beauty. Thus
they become enamoured of each other without the one ever
having seen or met the other. A song describing their intense
love of the unseen partner runs:

c ~~ ~ <:ftl'l (:)7.'~ .A'v' ~ - c ~.J J.J ~ c..~.J ~ F ~~

~-t;) db IS.:. - ~y UY,-? U:! IS.:. - ~ __..b.) c:'J~ ~ ~ ~l.~
. 1~~-.b.J ..)L~ ~
r;::., 'J' p,.!:)
I
Ja
Punnun at last becomes restless at being separated
from his dream beloved. He eventually obtains permission from
his reluctant parents to journey somewhere for a change of
climate. He sets off with Shergul, his confidential friend
and jocose companion, and a few comrades. Ghazala, the
dancing-girl of his court, who has been cherishing a secret
love for him, also joins his caravan stealthily.
Hunting, sight-seeing and Ghazala's cOQuetry are
unable to detain him on the way or to divert his mind from
his craving for the earliest sight of Sassi. He is rushing
towards Bhambhore in order to meet her as early as possible.
On reaching Bhambhore, he orders a halt and, stealing
away from the caravan, accompanied by Shergul, enters the
city where Sassi lives. His luck holds and the lovers meet.
In order to maintain contact, Punnun and Shergul join the
service of Chaudhry Atta.
Such a clandestine love-affair, however, could not
remain hidden. Dara gets to know of it and bec.omes very
jealous and inimical. He poisons and provokes Sassi IS foster-
father, so much so that one day Atta even goes to the Ghat
 7 0
(washing-place) to do away with Punnun; but Sassi!s timely
arrival saves the terrible situationo At long last, Atta is
convinced of the devotion and sincerity of Punnun, and so
promises him the hand of Sassi.
As soon as Dara learns this, he flies into a rage and
his spirit is inflamed with the urge to wreak vengeance. He
challenges Punnun to a contest in camel-riding which Punnun
accepts. Sher Khan, an accomplice of Dara, makes an unsuccess-
ful attempt to kill Punnun on the night before the contest.
Dara, however, is utterly defeated in the contest.
Making a political profit out of the old enmity
between Bhambhore and Kech, Dara and his accomplices approach
King Adam Jam and complain about the treacherous deeds of
Atta. The King send.s for all. Atta and Punnun try to defend
themselves; but the King commands that they be imprisoned.
He himself b8comes enamoured. of Sassi's beauty. His Prime
Minister advises him to take her in marriage. The lCing is
already prepared for this but thinks it impossible to ~revail

over Sassi as long as Punnun is alivec ConseQuently, he orders

him to be shot dead with a volley of arrows.
As good luck would have it3 Attals wife produces a
ring, the sight of which saves the dangerous situation.
Sassi's real mother recognises it and orders Punnun's
release. VVhen the lCing learns that Sassi is in fact his own
daughter, he also is repentant. At last he agrees to the
marriage of Sassi and Punnun.
 711

But fate is still not on their side. Punnun's

dancing-girl prepares a horrible plot in collaboration with
Dara. They inform Punnun!s parents about their son's ignoble
doings at Bhambhoreo Punnun's brothers arrive there to take
him back to Kecho Punnun, elated by the preparations of
marriage, is made to take some medicine mixed with wine,
which causes him to lose consciousness. They carry him off in
the dead of night.
When Sassi learns about this treacherous abduction
of Punnun, she sets out, crying trPunnun, Punnun" in search
of him. One of the songs thus tells" of her agony:

~bJ:, Il.:IW~) \s'~ _ ~~ ~ ~ ?:;,) ~

~bJ:, l\,)~ \:;~ Is' ~:;i> e ~ Jo ~ (;)~~ ~,J C :? ~~

On her way to Kech, she is caught up in a terrible

storm. When PUl~~un regains his senses, he rushes back to be
with Sassi. While traversing the desert and crying nSassi,
Sassi" he also encounters the storm. Both of them try their
best to reach each other but they fail in their efforts to
be reunited. At last this same storm causes their deaths and
finally, their burial.
 712
-5-
OlT TEE HADIO

The romance has been produced on radio with equal success 0

The credit goes primarily to the All India Radio, Jullundur.

They have presented it in the form of an opera or a
lyrical featureo It was broadcast for the first time on the
2nd September 1957, and was repeated on the 14th February,
1958. The script was written by Takhat Singh, a teacher and
a poet of Panjabi. It was produced by Harbans Singh Bedi.
Sassi was represented by Ajit Kaur and Punnun by Janki Das
Bhardwaj; Pritam Dev, Bhupinder, Lal Chand, and Moti Sud also
took part in its production.
In view of the special requirements necessitated by
broadcas.ting, the story has been al te.red" and modified in this
medium as well. A summary of its version is given below:
2 ..
Outside the city of Bhambhore, a washerman named Atta, is
washing 810thes. His wife, Phatan, comes and begins to wring
out the clothes and hru~g them up for dryingo While spreading
one of the queen!s sari, she is reminded of her childlessness
•
and talks about it to Atta. She herself is childless and
tells him that the queen is expecting a child. Meanwhile,
they see something curious floating on the river. Atta hastens
towards it, and brings it outo It is a box containing a newly-
born girl and many valuable objects. They are dumbfoQnded
and overjoyed at the same time, to find all their aspirations
 713
fulfilled. They thank God for this unexpected gift, adopt the
girl as their o~~ daughter, calling her Sassi in view of her
moonlike beau tyo When the beautiful Sassi reaches womanhood,
she attracts everybody's attention.
A caravan from Kech-Makran reaches and encamps there.
Sassi's girl-friends persuade her to accompany them to visit
it. There they are introd.uced to Babban, the leader of the
caravan. Babban on seeing Sassi thinks that if Puru~un, the
son of his chief, could once see her, he would sacrifice any-
thing for her.
The caravan returns to Kech. Punnun is sitting in a
dancing party. The coquettish Ghazala is entertaining them
with her dances. When the performance comes to a close, Babban
speaks enthusiastically of the incomparable charms of Sassi.
As soon as Punnun hears of her peerless beauty, he sets his
heart upon her and leaves for Bhambhore.
On arriving in Sassi's city, he disguises himself as
a merchant, encamps in her garden and exhibits his perfumes.
Sassi's girl-friends inform her about the arrival of a very
handsome perfume-seller. So she goes to see him. They meet
and fall in love with each other. Punnun tells her that he
is in fact a son Of Hot Ali, the ~ing of Kech-Makran; and
has three more brothers who live in Kech. Sassi prevails upon
her parents for permission to marry Punnun. In order to fulfill'
their condition of marriage, Punnun proves himself as a
washerman by his successful washing of some clothes. The
owners of the clothes, on finding coins in their torn
 714
garments, are also happy with his performance. Sassi and
Punnun are married and commence a happy life.
Punnun's parents, 011 the other hand, are very much
upset at his separation. When they learn that he has married
a washer-woman of Bhambhore and has settled there permanently,
their anger and anxiety exceed all limits. They ask their
other sons (Hotu, Notu, and Chunnun) to go and bring him back
to Keche They first write a letter to Punnun and then go
there themselves.
On their arrival at Bhambhore, they are very well
received. During a night party, the brothers serve Punnun
with wine mixed with some highly intoxicating substance. He
becomes unconscious and falls asleep. His brothers carry him
off on a swift camel. When Sassi rises and finds him gone,
she bursts into tears ffiLd l~~ents. Angry and repentant at her
own negligence and gullibility, she sets out in search of him.
While cursing the treacheI'ous abductoI's, she says:

liO dishonest Hotul

o deceitful Notu!
You haventt treated me well.
o you cruel persons!
o you smooth-tongued and promise-breakers;
You have drawn the 1 ife out of me! II
 715
She happens to meet a herdsman, called Kaka, and
asks for some water from him~ Then still sobbing convulsively
and crying "Punnun, Punnun H , she breathes her last and dies
on the spot. The herdsman is astonished at her tragic end
and goes to fetch his brothers in order to make arrangements
for her bUl~ial.

Meanwhile, Punnun, crying I1Sas si, Sassi!1, also reaches

the place. After hearing the tale of woe from the herdsman,
he too breaks down and gives himself up there and then to
death. The herdsmen bury them together in one grave on that
very spot.

This version ends with the following epilogue which I gave

for the first time at the close of the first edition (dt.
1956) of my work on Hashim's Sassi. It has so far been
noticed only in manuscripts and is most probably an apocryphal
composition. l However, it is worthwhile to insert it here in
an English rendering, as a fitting finale to this great and
glorious love-tragedy:
"Those who have been perfect in love, they are
imperishable in this world.
Hence Sassi and Punnun should not be considered
as dead.
They went to heaven hand-in-hand; the world calls
them immortal s.
Hashim, those who are adorned in songs by the folk,
they are ever-green on this earth. II

1. See Shan, H.S., Sassi-Hashim, 2nd ed., Delhi - 1959, p.672.

 /,

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SPECIMEN OF PICTORIAL REPRESENTATION USED I N TITLE- COVERS
OF THE PRINTED VERSIONS
 716
-6-
IN PICTOHIAL REPRESEN'rA~'IONS

This remarkable tale of 'ever-green' love has no less

fascinated the wielders of the brush.
But unlike the cine or sound artists, the fine-
artists have generally portrayed the two scenes bearing on
the climax of the story. Some of them have depicted only the
abduction of Punnun, while others have portrayed only the
search of Sassi. There are others who have combined both the
scenes in a single picture. Some manuscripts and litho-prints
carry, however, the pictures or sketches of various other
scenes as well.
These paintings, pictures and sketches have been
found noticed or procured from four types of sources;
1. Manuscripts of various versions
2. Title-covers of various prints

3. Illustrated litho-texts
4u Collections of miscellaneous paintings or
albums of miniatures.
2.
Perhaps, the oldest and probably the finest is now preserved
in the National Museum, New Delhi.
It depicts the unconscious Punnun sitting on a camel
in the clutches of one of his brothers. The camel being
ridden in haste, is flanked and accompanied by two of his
brothersc Sassi is also portrayed as crying and pursuing it.
 717
She is being obstructed. by three ladies who are endeavouring
to dissuade her from the pursuit. One of them is probably
her fo ster--mo ther •
This picture forms the frontispiece of the present
work. It seems to sum up in paint, the following lyrical cry
as expre ssed by Hashim in the following words: 1

~ ~ ~~ \, ~~~ ~t§'
~. 'c[\~ ~ ~~o

That is:
"Listen °
people~ listen to my lament;
I stand robbed owing to my sleep till morn. 1I
It was reproduced, probably, for the first time in the Rlipam
in 1927 by the courtesy of Samarendra Nath Gupta. 2 Commenting
on its artistic and historical value, R.Ka remarked that it
"is in the manner of the Mughal artistll and that "there is a
surpassing depth and dramatic lntensity in the presentation."
He further stated that Hthe story illustrated in the picture
1
was at one time taken to be the 'Capture of Dara Shuko , but
there is no doubt that the identification offered here [that
it is an illustration of Punnun!s abduction and Sassi!s
pursuit] is mnre probable.,,3 To me R.K. 's identification
does not sound only !probable t, it is quite certain. The scene
and its interpretation, as depicted by the artist, can be of
none other than the two tragic phases of the romance of Sassi.
But as far as its style is concerned, Khand alavala,
differing from him, tells us that "it is not a Moghul
1. Hashim Shah, Darya i Haqigat, 5th impression (Chanan Din),
Lahore ..
2. Rup~, Calcutta, No.30, April 5 1927 facing p.70.
3 • Ib i d., p. 71
0
 718
~iiniature. It is a Kangra painting of the last <luarter of the
18th century A.D. but evidencing the Moghul influence, which
resulted from the considerable migration of artists from the
plains to the hills from 1740A.D. onwards. ,,1
This picture is reproduced there at the bottom of the
sheet facing page 70. It contains another, somewhat shorter,
minature at the top of it. This also has its bearing on the
same theme; but it 'bespeaks a late Kangra <lalam,.2 .= - - - - ,
Khandal-
avala has described it as Iran early 19th century miniature
in a local folk kalam e ,,3 Punnun is shown as being carried
away by a swift camel. He is held fast by one of his brothers
while another is shown as going in front of the camel. Sassi,
with her hair dishevelled and arms spread ?is rushing towards
it; but is being held by her foster-mother, followed by
another lady~ It was reproduced there by the courtesy of
"
Prof. W. Rothenstlen.
/

This was noticed later in 1951 by W.GoArcher in his

CatalGgue of the Sir William Rothenst i 1e n Collection of Indian
!;
Paintings and Drawing§ exhibited, in conjunction with the
Royal India, Pakistan and Ceylon Society, at the Indian
section of the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, in 1951 by
.,
the courtesy of Lady Rothenst ~ en. Describing it under item
j

No.28, Archer remarked, "Two men on a camel, with ladies

1. See Khandalav§.la, K., PaharI Miniature Painting, Bombay,
1958, pp .. 46-7.
2. Rupam, op.cit., p.71.
3. See PaharI 1'1iniat21re Painting, op.cit., p.46.
 719
bidding them good-bye. Illustration to the Northern Indian
ballad of Sassi ana. Punnun. Pahari, eighteenth century. til
Archer thus identified its association with our romance quite
correctly, but he seems to have misunderstood and misinter-
preted its theme.
Summing up the summary of the romance which inspired
these two pictures, R.K. observed in 1927 that "it is rare to
find the same theme being treated by two schools of painting
and. particular interest attaches to the interpretation of the
story by the brush by two divergent schools. II Elaborating his
point further, he stated that both the artists adopt the same
convention of depicting the two phases of the story simultan-
eously in the same picture. The kidnapping of the hero on the
camel takes place at night and the mad grief of the heroine
as she runs out into the desert to find her beloved takes
place, in the story, the following morning when she discovers
the losso In both the pictures p the two elements of the story
are juxtaposed. In the Kangra picture~ the two incidents are
separated by the introduction of a rock. Anyhow the simultan-
eous juxtaposition of two successive scanes is a very
interesting survival of Central Asian artistic convention.
In the YMughal version I , there is a surpassing depth and
dramatic intensity in the presentation, lacking in the naive
yet less forceful treatment of the story in the fKangra
version l • 2 The latter is reproduced in Part I, Section VII,
1. Art and Letters, London, Vol.XXV, No.1, First issue for
1951, p e 8.
2. Rup~m~ op.cit., April - 1927, p.71.
 720
Motif No IX - Separation of -:the Lovers~ sa /::-.
G 273,

Another illustration of the romance is preserved in

the Museum of Fine .Arts, Boston, under No.CLI. According to
Coomaraswamy, it depicts Punniin on a camel, add.ressing Sassi
who stands before him holding the bridle. Punnun wears Jiama
and trousers, Sassi jagulI ruLd khes. It is a fully coloured
Panjab painting of the nineteenth century. The names of the
hero and. the heroine are inscribed on it in Nagar! character. 2 .
It is a gift of A.K. Coomaraswamy and is probably the
same which he mentioned first in 1916 in his Rajput Paintings
as under:
"SassI - Punnuno I have seen one PanjabI version.1!
He neither described it nor did he give any other information
about it on that occasion. 3
BoN. GoswamI told me here in November. 1962 that he
has recently noticed a painting bearing on the romance of
Sassi in the Panjab Museum, Patiala~ It is preserved there
under Painting No o 1345.
3.
The manuscript No.M/373/4445 of the PaLjab Museum and Record
Office, Simla (now at Patiala) contains four pictures,
1. For the exposition and illustration of love in separation,
as depicted by the painters of Kangra, see Randhawa, M. So,
Kangra Paintings on Love, New Delhi, 1962, pp.98-129. The
Fig.b2 - The Utter DeEola~ion of VirahinI given on p.109
deserves special attention, being in sharp contrast to
Sassi!s condition, depicted by various painters.
2. See Coomaraswamy, A.Ko, Catalogue of the Indian Collect-
ions in the Museum of Fine .Arts, Boston, Pt.V, Cambridge,
192b, Nos. 26-", 49-: p.118.
3. See Coomaraswamy, A., ~put Painting, Oxford - 1916,p.64.
 721
portraying four different scenes of the story as versified
by Hashim Shah Q The one depicting the bewildered Sassi rushing
out in search of her sweetheart and her anxious foster-mother
holding her back seems to be the best of them all. It is re-
5~ ,b- 67'1<,- -
produced in PartllI, Se-e-tiGR-~V-JI,---Nero*-~..ge-aPeh--and Pm'-su1:-t--.
It appears to have been painted in an effort to represent in
colours the following lines of Hashim: l

\:.IJ.J\. .;d t_.-J Jp - J:;.J o..c:t' ..r- .J~' 5~

(::I'~ ~_.b ~ ~ _ ~,~ J L.~ \:.I"t- ~ l.Cl

That is:

"Sassi cast away her ornaments, dishevelled her

tresses;
Left her hearth and home, and rushed out all alone & U

The RajasthanI manuscript No.166, preserved in the Anup

Library, Bikaner, also contains some illustrations. 2 These
illustrations are in line with such other illustrated manus-
cripts of Persian and Indian romances. See for instance, an
illustrated manuscript of the romance of Madhu MalatI by
Pandi t Keshava Prasad Misra 3 0

4.
A beautiful portrait of the poet Hashim, painted by Ram Lal
Artist, also 0ontained, as a background for the poet's
imagination, the scenes of Punnun's abduction fuLd Sassi's
pursuit.
1. Hashim Shah, Sassi Punnun., Stanza No .86 (See Shan, Sassi-
Hashim, opocit., p.631).
2. See Khatri $ D.No, 9ataloaue of the Ra 'asthani Manuscri ts
in the Anup S~skrit Library, Bikaner - 19 7, PQl •
3. See RURrun, op.cit., Nos.33-34, Jan-April, 1928, pp~9-11.
 722

It was exhibited in a special function arranged in

honour of the poet Hashi.Dl by the 6th All India Panjabi Sympos-
ium on the 20th }'larch, 1956 at New Delhi. It was attended by
the late Prime Minister and Home Minister of India. The
Statesman reported its unveiling ceremony as under:
uMr c Nehru attended the KavI Darbar and Pandi t Pant
unveiled a portrait of the Panjabi poet, Hashim of
the court of Maharaja RanjI t Singh. 11 1
It is reproduced in Part II under the Panjabi Version: Hashim
Shah. See ~~ cr'l,l,

Out of the pictures so far seen printed on the title-covers

of the popular gissas, I have liked the three given on Natha
Singh f s Sassi-Punnun (published by Bhai Partap Singh, .Alllri t-
sar), Fazal IllahI f s Sassi-Punnun (published by MunshI AzIz
DIn, Lahore) and Indar Singh Maskln's Sassi-Punnun (published
by Bhai Chattar Singh - Jeewan Singh, Amritsar). The former
two are all in blUe while the latter is multi-coloured. All
of them depict Sassi roaming alone in the desert in se&rch
of her sweetheart 0 The last two are reproduced here as
specimens of such illustrations published on versions printed
in the Persian and Gurmukhi Scripts. 5 u /,/,' 71S- ,Co ) 722 c{ •

The picture given on the jacket of my critical

edi tion of Hashim's Sassi has al so been much apprec ia ted. It
was painted in three colours by Dallp Singh Artist of A~ritsar,

and expresses with brush the meaning of the following popular

ditty. (It is also reproduced here as a specimen) • .rQ~6,3i:.'~:;;L-L_
1. See The Statesman, New Delhi, dated 21.3.1956. See also
The Hindustan Times, New Delhi, dated 21.3.1956.
 7[;:4-
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SPECIMEN OF PICTORIAL REPRESENTATION USED IN TITLE- CO-v.ERS

OF THE PRINTED VERSIONS
 723

"
--.:;'

--~
-, I

That is:
liyoup city of BhamDhore stands rODDed,
Awake, awake, U heedless Sassi!"
6.
Out of the illustrated litho-texts, I have found the follow-
ing fairly good:
I. Qissa Sassi Punnun by Hashim Shah:
1. Lahore, 1874 ~ I.O.L. No. Ver.TroPbo1500.
2. Lahore, 1879 ~ I.O.L. No o Ver.Tr.Pb.1502.
3. Lahore, 1879 - B.M. No.14162, b.20(2).
4. Lahore, 1907 - I.O.L. NOePan. F.744.
II. Qissa Sassi Punnun by Lakh Shah:
Amritsar, 1876 - I.0.L.No.Ver.Tr.Pb.1500.
They contain only black-and-white sketches produced
on litho. The sketches are inter-woven with the text of the
Qissaso They are preserved, as indicated above, in the
libraries of the British Museum and Commonwealth Relations
Office, Londono

Some of the sketches and pictures have also received the

attention of some well-known art-critics. Not only have they
commented upon their art-value, but have also contributed
swnmaries of the tale in their works.
Some salient features from R.K. ! S summary, 1 dated
1927, have already been noticed under other sections.
Coomaraswamy I S summary was published a year earlier and is
given below verbatim:
1. See ;B.ypam, Calcutta, 1\[0030, April, 1927, p .. 70.
 724
HIt is prophesied to a certain Br8hman that he will
have a daughter who will marry a Musalman. To avoid this,
when the child is born, he sets it afloat in a box on the
Indus. The child is rescued and fostered by a Musalman washer-

Punun, the son of a local chief, falls in love with

her, by hearsay; he visits her village disguised as a merchruit,
and she ~eturns his love, and the two are married. Pununfs
father and brothers regarding this as a misalliance, carry
him off, and separate the lovers.
Going on foot in search of her lord, Sassi is assaulted
by a goatherd; she appeals to Allah to open the earth and the
earth opens and receives her. Punun meanwhile sets out in
search of his sweetheart and comes to the place where the
earth has received her, where he sees and recognises a piece
of her sarI sticking out of the ground. He too prays that the
earth may receive him; the earth opens, he springs into the
chasm, and the two are united in the grave. Represented by
No .CLI. ,,1

Coomaraswamy seems to have followed the Sindhi

version of the romance. His summary is followed by that of
Khandalvala which c,ame out in 19580 Khandalvala has drawn not
only upon Coomaraswamy but has also referred to the Sindhi
versions of Goldsmid and Kincaid. His summary runs thus:
liTo avoid a prophecy that his daughter would come to

1. Coomaraswamy, A.K., Catalogue of the Indian Collections

in the Museum of Fine Arts - Boston, Pt.V, Cambridge,
1926, p.49.
 725

disaster in consequence of a love affair, the ruler of the

ci ty of Binor set his newly Dorn girl-child afloat in a DOX
on the river Indus 0 1'11.8 child was however re scued and reared

Dy a washerman.
Punnu, the son of the ruler of Kucham in Bokhara,
falls in love with Sassi who has lured him to her city Dy
strategem, and thereafter marries her.
Punnu's father disapproves of the marriage and separ-
ates the lovers Dy carrying off Punnu o
Sassi goes in search of her De10ved out on the way
is assaulted Dy a goatherd who covets her. She prays to God,
who opens the ground De10w her feet, and receives her into
the womD of the earth.
Punnu also sets out in search of Sassi and finds a
piece of her garment sticking out where the earth had opened
to engulf her. He prays to the earth to receive him and the
earth opens out at that very spot and entomDs him. In the
grave the tragic lovers are reunited"n 1
ODvious1y, Coomaraswaroy has shown Sassi as the
daughter of a certain Brahman, while according to Khanda1va1a
she was the new1y-Dorn child of the~ler of the City of
Binor. The former has scrupulously avoided giving the names
of persons and places associated with the story; while the
latter has shown Punnun as the son of the Ruler of Kucham in
Bokhara, which is positively wrong. Both of them have,

1. Khanda1ava1a, K., Paharl haniature Painting, BomDay - 1958,

p.46 ..
 726

however, shown Sassi as being set afloat on the Indus,

assaulted by a goatherd during her search and entombed by
the earth at her own reQuesto Punnun has similarly been
described by both as having followed her beneath the earth,
thus enjoying the bliss of union in their common grave.
 727

APPENDICES

1. Glossary

2~ Bibliography

i. Books and Manuscripts

ii. Periodicals
iii. Maps

iv. Versions
 79 8
("'"

GLOSSAcT:{Y

(Explanation of' some indigenous words and technical terms)

Apsara: A nymph, a f'emale dancer in the court of' Indra;
a courtesan.
Bat: A tale, story~ romance; RajasthanI equivalent
f'or a popular composition like a gissa in PanjabI
and dastan in Urdu.
Bait: (Also baita in SindhI and baint in Panjabl):
In Arabic means couplet, a distich~ In Sindhi
and Pan jab I, however, the number of' ver se s varies
considerably. In Sindhi it also applies to a
peculiar triplet in which the f'irst line rhymes
with the second, and with the third at the
caesura of' the latter, the terminating portion
of' the third line remains rhymeless. In Panjabi,
on the other hand, all lines of' a stanza rhyme
with one another.
Barahmah or A verse-composition of' twelve stanzas, correspond-
Barahmasa or ing to twelve months of the year and expressing
BarahmashI: the f'eeling of' a separated soul, indicating the
change in its mood with the change of' the season.
In Panjabi, particularly, it has achieved remark-
able success and popularity_ Besides being
descriptive of' the emotions of' a love-lorn wif'e
or a love-lo st beloved, it dep icts the character-
istic changes of' the season, the scenery and
the pastimes which d.istinguish each month. Some
of' them are f'ull of' noble poetry, characterised
by pathos.
Biban, V:h.-man: A car or chariot of' the gods.
Chabiitra: A terrace, an improvised platf'orm; a raised and
levelled piece of' ground to sit, sing or converse.
Chilla: A period of' f'orty consecutive days passed in
f'asting and divine worship in seclusion, in a
cell or a mosque.
Dastan: A f'able, romance, tale, story.
Dhol: A large drum or tabor.
Dhola: Name of' lvlaronI! s (MaruI s) lover; a lover,
gallant; a darling; a kind of romantic song.
 729
Dholl{i: A small drum.
Diwan: A complete series of odes and other poems by
one author l'unning through the whole alphabet;
the collected writings of an author.
Doha,Dohra! An old and popular Indian metre; a couplet,
distich the two verses of which rhyme.
Ghara:
o
A pitcher, a large earthen vessel with a small
mouth, used for storing drinking water.
Ghazal: A~ amatory short poem, an ode, a sonnet.
-
Guru: A religious Master, Guide and Instructor; The
Enlightener.
A short lyrical poem with a frequently recurring
refrain. It is often recited in Sufi assemblies
and the refrain is taken up by all those present.
Khamsa: An aggregate of five poetical pieces, a collect-
ion of five ma~~awis, versifying generally five
famous romances.
Masnawi:
-00--
A kind of poetry composed of distichs correspond-
ing in measure, each consisting of a pair of
rhymes The term is also used as a title of
0

several works of this kind.

Pir: A spiritual guide; founder or head of a
religious order.
Pir:
-0
A place where men wrestle or play or where
animals fight, a battle arena; a threshing floor,
a place where grain is stacked.
Qasida: An ode, a poem being a kind of longer g£azal.
Qawwal: A professional story-teller; a kind of musician
who sings, and plays on the sarangi or tambura;
a singer.
Qawwali: A lyrical poem sung in chorus, especially by
Qawwals and dancing dervishes.
Qissa: A tale, story, narration; a romance, a fable;
a chap-book.
Qissa-kh~anI: story-telling.
A cup-bearer, one who gives to drink.
 730

Siharfi: A verse-corJ.po si tion of thirty stanzas (generally

of four lines) each begiruling with a letter of
the Persian alphal)et, arranged in alphabetical
order. The fixed Persian order is implicit even
where the verses are written in a different
script.
Siratri or A verse-composition of thirty stanzas, each
Tri-raton: referring to one night of a month, emphasizing
the mental and physical state of a separated
soul.
Sur: A collection of some lyrical poems in Sindhi,
bearing on a particular theme, arranged under a
musical mode.
Surud, Sarod: A collection of some lyrical poems in Sindhi,
almost similar in form and content to the sur;
a musical mode; melody; a lyre. ---
Tazkira: A biographical memoir.
Trinjan or A hall or a common place where the girls of a
Tin;ian:
o
Panjabi village, ward or locality sit together
each with her own wheel to spin the cotton-yarn.
Once it used to be the heart and centre of a
home industry, as out of the cloth made by the
spinnings of these girls the parents used to
make the marriage dowry for their daughters;
women's club where they gather to Sing, spin
and converse; a party of women or girls for
spinning, sewing, knitting.
W8.i:
- .- Refrain of a ~ in Sindhi.
Yakta:ra: A single-string musical instr~~ent.
 731
BIBL 10 GRl-J.PIIY
I. BOOKS AliD MAlillSCRIPTS
~--"..-.:.--

- ..
1 Abbott, J., Sind : A Reinterpretation of the
Unhappy Valley, London, 1924.
2-.. :A19d1:11 Al I , g •L • ,

3.. Abdul HaQ, Maulawi, Khutbat i Garcin de Tassy, 1850 1877,

3 Vols., Aurangabad Delhi, 1935 43.
4. Abdullah, SoL., Adabiyat i Farsi men Hinduon ka
Hissa, Lahore, 1942.

50 A Descriptive Catalogue of the

Persian, Urdu and Arabic Man!1 scri pts
in the Panjab University Library,
Lru1ore, Vol.I, Lru10re, 1942-48.

6. Abd ur-Rahim,MaulawI, Lubab al-Muaraf aI-lIma, Lahore,

1939.
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8. Adit, lVlajhan SassI Klan, S.R.L.,
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12. Ahmad, Q.H. , Abdul LatIf Shah, Bhita'i, Shah-jU
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Shikarpur, 1929.
13. Ahmad, R., Persian Poets in India and their
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14. Ahmad vo;=:
J..ar, Qissa Ahsan ul Qissas, Lahore, 1918 ..
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46. Revue de 1 'Orient de 1 'Algerie et des colonies, Paris,
Sept. 1857.
47. Roman Urdu Journal, Lahore, 1881.

48. Rupruil, Calcutta, No.30, April, 1927.

4:9 • Rural India, Bombay, Vol.III, 1940; Vol.V, 1942.
50. Scottish Studies, Edinburgh, Vol.IV, Pt.II, 1960.

51 • The Spokesman, New Delhi, 16-1-1961.

The Statesman, New Delhi, 21-3-1956.

53· Tarjuman, Urdu, La~ore, Feb. 1917.

54. Transactions of' the Literary Society of' Bombay, London,

Vol.1, 1819; Vol.III, 18239

55. Urdu, Aurangabad, Vol.IX, Noo36, October 1929; Vol.X,

No.40, October, 1930; Vol.XI, No.43, July 1931.
Zeitschrif't der Deutschen Morgenlfuldischen Gesellschaf't,
Leipzig, Vol.43, 1889; Vol.47, 1893.
 III. MAPS
1. Atlas of Baluchistan, Lahore, 1951 - Syed, I.H.
2. Baluchistan, Calcutta, 1936 - Couchman, H.J.
3. The Baluchistan Agency with Sind, Calcutta, 1908,
Longe, F.B.
4. Baluchistan District Gazetteer, New Series, Vol.VIII,
Las Bela, Map showing the terri tory of Las Bela,
Allahabad, 1907.
5. Index Chart of the Cutch TopograJ2hical Survey,
Dehra Dun, 1881.
6. India and Burma, National Geographic Society,
Washington, 1946.
7. India and Pakistan, Gover~~ent of India, New Delhi.
8. The Indian Empire, The Edinburgh Geographical Institute,
Edinburgh.
9. The Indus Delta Country, M.R.Haig, London, 1894, p.31.
10. Map of Cutch, Col.F.B .Longe, Calcutta, 1906.
11. Map of Kutch and the Runn, Poona, 1.854 - J .Holland.
12. Ma of the Indus River and of Nei Countries,
Graham, J., 183 •
13. Pan "ab States Gazetteer, Vol.36-A, Bahawalpur State
1904 • Map showing the territory of the State,
Lahore, 1908.
14. Preliminary report on Banbhore Excavations, by F.A.Khan,
Karachi, 1960, p.4.
15. Sind Survey, sheet Nos.3, 4, 10 and 11 (etc.) of Cutch
( 2nd ed.), Calcutta, 1886 - Thuillier, H.R.
16. Sketch Ma of the osition of Mt. Eiros in
'The Indian .Antiguary, Bombay, Vol. ,1917, p .133 -
G.E.L. Carter.
17. The Times Atlas of the World, Vol. II, Plate No.31,
London, 1958.
 IV. VERSIONS
(An alphabetical list of the writers and versifiers of the
romance of Sassi, in language-order)
I• BAHAWALPURI
1.

2.
Anon. MS. (found wi th ShafI)
Bahawalpur Gazetteer.
6. Ghulam Farld,
7. Haidar
-Khvvaja.
3. Bakhsh. 8. Hotii Ram 'Himma t'
4. Barat All 'Barat'. 9. Maskln
FaClIr. 10. Purdard

11. Wasil

II. SINDHI
12. Abdul RahIm Akhund 28, Jethiimal Parsram

13. Abu BaClar 29. Kalhora

14. T-0.im 30. Kamal
15. Anon. MS. (found by Burton) 31. Khuda Bakhsh, MunshI
16. Anon. Qissa (published by 32. Lalchand Dlnomal Jag-
Hamen Das) tianI.

170 Ashraf 33. Mahmud FaCllr

180 Asghar 34. Muhammad Wasil Dars
19. Bheriimal Meharchand AdvanI 35. Moryo FaCllr
20. Fateh 36. Muhammad
21. Fazil Shah 37. Muhammad Amyal Ullah
22. Gul Muhammed 38. Muhammad Qasim
23. Gulrajanl, J.P. 39. NabI Bakhsh LagarI
240 Hafiz Abdullah 40. Ram PanjwanI
25. HajI FaClIr 41. Sachal Sarmast (Sachii)
26. Hamal 42. Shru~ Abdul KarIm

27. H5tchand GurbakhshanI 43. Shah Abdul LatIf

 "," "';0,0
'1:

44. Shah Inayat Ullah 47. Usman

45. Umar 48. WahId Bakhsh lVIushtaq
46. Umed All 49. Yusuf

III. BALOCHI
50. Anon~ oallad (recorded oy 59. Iviuoarak Gungo
Hi ttu RfuI1)
51. Anon. oallad (recorded oy 60. Pinyo
Mayer, T. J .L • )
52. Anon. story (recorded oy 61. Shaikh Bakhar
Minchin, C.F.)
53. Anon. story (referred to oy 62. Shaikh Hamar
Macauliffe, lVI .A. )
54. Ahmad Shah, SayyId 63. Shaikh IorahIm
55. Izzat 64. Shaihl1 Sabio DIno
56. KaoIr Shah 65. Sidqi
57. Mangio Bradio 66. Wat
580 IvlIbii 67. Yilsuf JVlandro
IV. KACERI
68. Dilo Rai KaranI 69. (Mrs.) Marianne Postans
v. PANJABI
70. Aodul HamId TurkI 80. Bhagat Bakhsl1i
71. Aodul KarIm 81. Channan
. .. S~ngh-Jaswant
Slngh
72. Adi t 82. Chiragh All VahId

73. Ahmad DIn 83. Chiragh DIn

74. Ahmad Tar 84. DevI Dayal, HakIm

75. M{oar Shah, SayyId 85. Dharam Singh, Bhai

76. Allah Ditta 86. DIdar Singh

77. Amrita PrItrun 87. Fazal DIn
78. Aqil MuhalI1Tfiad JogI 88. Fazal IllahI, HakIm
Hafiz
79. Behoal 89. Fazal Shah, SayyId
900 Ghulfun 117c Mit Singh, Bhai
91. Ghulfun Rastil Niaulana 118. MIl" Husain, Sayyld
92. Ghulfun Rasiil, LlaulawI 119. Mohan Lal, Pandi t
93. Gurbakhsh Singh 120. Muhammad Abdullah
94. Gurbakhsh Singh tpreetlarI'0
121. Muhammad Bakhsh (1 )

95. Hafiz Barkhurdar 122" Muhammad Bakhsh (2)

96. Harnam Singh 123. Muhammad Balrnsh FarshI
97. Hasan 124. Muhammad Biita, lVlian
98. Hashim Shah 'Hashim t 125. Muhammad-DIn 'Dardi!
99. Hashim Shah, Ivlaulana 126. Muhammad Din, Malik
100. Hashim Shah 'Mukhlis' 1270 Muhammad DIn, Mifu1.
lOl. Hashmat Shah 128. Muhammad DIn, SafrI
102. IllahI Bakhsh 129. Muhammad li"afiz· Ullah,
Maul awl
103. Indar Singh Nlaskln 130. Muhammad IsmaIl
104,. Kahan Singh 1310 Muhammad Ramzan
105. KarIm Eakhsh 132. Natha Singh
106. Khuda Bakhsh 133. ITur DIn, Maul awl
107. Kha1Vahish All 134. NUl" , Muhammad
108. Kishore Chand 135. Raflq
109. Lakh Shah 136. Raj Muhammad, Faqlr
110. Lakhu 1370 Ram Chand BhasIn
Ill. N~ajld 138. Rehmat Ul1ah fRehmat'
112. Maskln 139. RikhI Singh
113. Maul a Shah QadrI 140. SabaI' All
114. Mehr DIn 141. Sada Nand
lIS. Meraj DIn Bedam 142. Sada Ram, Sadhu
116. MilkhI Rarn 143. Sain-lok (Ju"1.on. author
of Sassi Sa.in 10kan dI)
144. Sewa Singh 150. Sundar Das Aram
145.. Shah llluhammad 151. Surrindar Singh KohlI
146. Shakir 152. TaJrJ.1at Singh
147. Sharar (?), Screen-story 153· Teja Singh & S.S.Amol
148. Sher Muhammad, 1'1ian 154,. Waris Shah
149. Sultan Ahmad 155. Zatlm Shah
VI. RAJASTHAlU
156. Anon.lvIS5. No.40. Blkaner 159. No.291, Bikaner
157. No. 166, Bikaner 160. No.122, London
158. No.167, Bikaner 161. Prohit KhetsI
VII. HII'IDI
162. Guru Gobind Singh (in Dasam Granth)
163. Rererred to by Hittu Ram
164. Mentioned by .Agar Chand I\Tahta
VIII. URDU
165~ Abdus Salam 'Khurshld' 175. Kartar Chand 'Sitam'

166. Amjad All 'Qalaq' 176. Lal Singh, MIl" IviUllshI

167. Anon., published by 177. Mahabbat Khan ~lVlahab­

Ram Ditta bat!, Navvwab
168. Anon 0 Panjab ke RUmanI Msane 178. MaClbul Ahmad 'Maqbul'
169. GopI Chand Narang 1 79. Muhammad Abdul Hal 1m
'Sharar'
170. Ferozedln 'Sharar', Screen- 180. Nur IllahI-Muhammad
story. Umar

171. Ghulam Muhammad, IvTaster 181. Salig Ram 'Salik'

172. Hittu Ram, RoB. 182. Shaikh Ayyaz
173. Jia Lal 'Ehasta', Pt. 183. Shiv Barat Lal, Babu
174. Karamat Ul1ah, Mlr
 7'70
IX. PASHTO

X. PBRSIMT
185. All Sher QanI 194. 1vluharnrnad Riza Rizai
186. '&""1on. IvlS. (with Jairamd.as 195. l\~uhammad Salamat All
Daulatram) SalamI
187. Farah Bakhsh 'Farhat' 196. Murtaza SorathI, QazI
•
188. Indarjlt, Munshl 197. Plr Muhammad, Maulawl
(AwadhI)
189. Jaswant Rai, Munshl (?)
198. Sayyld All (ThattawI)
o
190. J-ot Parkash, J!iiunshI
199. Shan Baz Khan
191. lViuharmnad .Amln
2000 Tahir Muhammad, MIr
192. Muhammad Husain CNisiyanI) ?
193. lIuharnmad lJIas 'fun, MIr, Nami 201. W-ahld u DIn (BatalawI)
(BhakkarI)

XI.
202. Aitken, A.H.
203. Budh Singh, Bawa
204. Burton, Sir R.F.
205. Coomaraswamy, A.K.
206. GidvanI, M.M.
207. Goldsmid, Sir C.Fo
ENGLISH
2l5. Mayer, T. J-.L.
216. McMurdo, J.
217. Minchin, CoF.
218. Nihal Singh, St.
219. Norris, HoT.
220. Peace, iVI .L •

208. Hart Davies, T. 221. Postans, Iv! ~ .

209. Hughes, AoWe 222,. Postans, T.
2100 Khanda1avala, x. 223. Pur an Singh, Prof'.
211. Kincaid, C.A. 224. R.K.
212. LajwantI, R.K. 225. Sorley, H.T.
213. LalwanI, L.W. 226. Temple, Sir R.C.
214. Macau1if'f'e, ILA. 227. Zainab, GoA.
 Xllo FRENCH
228. Garcin de Tassy, J.H.SoV.

Xlllo ITALIAN
229. Bausani, A.