Ei 29 1951-52 PDF

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So. 1. Two Pala Spates from Bdwa. B7 D. C. '

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„ 2. Kdlupur loacaiptioii of Sibliaa Bb<^ 11 ; 8bbk 13

IKIcahi^ Snngar.
3. Maser lasexôn of a Snlki Chief. B7 H. YaBha<MaMa^y7 »»-' Ojnt^rti'îaT-i 18

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PLATBS
So. 1. Two Pda PUtafrom Bdwa :
() PhtaoSUdhifdal; Btgitd YomrS
„ 2. Two Pda FttOesfrom Bdwa :
() PtalotfV^reAapda III ; Begad Yaaa 11 MUmTl

,, 3. Mom tneeriflkm efa Sdd CU^ . . .
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APPENDIX .;
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I ii Ytew 0/ tIU SaiuduiHki €kat, Thgituua/idm
II A Fmw ofoaeeftiia PopSiome, Bagaeammim

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OoteGaanad.
6. Two Soilodbliava Gluts from Bsiqtnt
n 6> Alag nm InsciiptMm of Ananfamoinu

Outscsmimd, snd EL Itstli srfls fiHs^ Ftow'y.'ft
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vs-r;
T. Bangson Plate «rf Vignlapala IH; Bagit4 /'iro«.:ltj?4îP^'’^^^
Ootacsmimd.
7, maavm inaenmm oj
8. Bangaim Plate ^ VtgrahafolaHjt
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BajapnaastilBaoE^timofUdaipar. Bf K. B. OUwiaUL
TKaiiaaiiMT i
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& C9k CSihelm^ OotaeaBHflad. ’

mu Tlfrr ^
DEPARTMENT OF ARCa®OLOGY
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
.• ,
VOL. XSIX PART m

JULY I9S1
EDITED BY
B» C3B> CHHAjm^ M M.DJuf fat

Govenna^ Ep^raphist tar ladEi
PoUislied by the Manager M Pnb&ationa, DeUrt*

Piiirted by Em Government ai Indln Pr»M* Calcnttat
1954.
Mtx Rs. M or 16 sK
CONTENTS
• \ Paob,
No. 7. Plate of VJrabapala HI; Begnal year It By B. C. Sfii^
votacamnnd —eofidd, . , ,
•
'
• • * , .
,
,
^
OT
a Kalidmdi Grant of
“oiaaayB, Ifadras
Eastern Oabiya Ba^ja X By N. Vidkat*-
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^
.
- . -i, ^ ^
„ 9. Srirangam Ina<a%>tion of Sadasiyaraya
V
; Sata 14CT. By g. Q, fj
„ 10. Santiraim«naGTi«t«fn»»^j«.i..j-^
Br P. G } 7^
pLAtm
No. a
•m m ma ^
M M '
Do. Da.
'« -'
f
7»
--
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•'. .. j: -I
APPKNDEIt
tion of Udidpor; By N. P.
B.Gfa.
Chhahra, Ootaearaimd v
PMÂTM
SvopmuuH Inxriptim ^ Udaipur:
iy-9lebX7I
CELLXXBC.^
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY
EPIGRAPHIA INDIGA
VOL. XXIX PART IV
OCTOBER 19S1
EDITED BY
Dft. B. CB. C^HABSA, PllfDaf-
GoimrmnwiEfi^npt^totlBi^
-j
. -4' , Bi^Rfa«dt»f .tE»Mnukôf PiilEicitti(m»Dclki

.
v^' Ptte^l^tBe GevmiflMot of Uriia Press, GfttettttaÎadfai

1954
.-•4' '
'c'T' Mee Its. IS «n> 10 aft.
/- -V
,
CONTENTS
Pase.
No. 10. Santiiagrama Grant of Dandimahadevi—
By D.C. Sircar, Ootacaxnnnd—cimcH. 86
„ 11. Beyiim Grant of FaUava Narasimliavarman ; Year 12—By P. B, Desai ’
Ootacamnnd . 89
„ 12. BilaigMh Plates of Kalachnri Pratapamalla
Baigarh, and P. B. Desai, Ootacamnnd
;
....
Trair 969—By L. P, Pandeva.
^
, 97
„ 13. Siddheswar Inscription of Narasimlia IV ; Ajka Year 19
Ootacamnnd, and K. B. Tripathi, Cnttack .
—Bt D C
'
Sirear
!'
. . . . 106
„ 14. Sangalooda Plates of Rashtraknta Nannaraja; Saka
016—By M. Vrafeta-
rama3rya, Ootacamand - ^
109
PLATES
No. 11. Santiragrama Grant of DandimahK^
„ 12. Reyuru Grant of PaMava Narasimhamrmm; Yem 12 » „ kmiiS7

„ 13. BilaigarA Plates of Kalaehuri Pratapmmdla
; Year 9^9 » „ matfihs
„ 14. Siddheswar Inscripion of NarasimAa IV
1 ArAa Year W mmdm$
-».
appendix
CSBL
m
0K»ARTlVfENT OF ARCILEOLOGY
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VIM^XXIX
PART V
JANUARY 19S2
K»1TED BY
N. LAKSBEMINARAYAN RAO
haiahrl iy ib Mwwtf •iPiiicrtioM, Dell

tte C iifwiiii Pitwg. CklaBla» Mbi
1*55
PMee B»» <• or m •*.
— , ' ;
„
'.
f, % '•'
,v' •'•/
CONTENTS
,
•
...•> fIsk
No. 14. Saiôoda Plates of Bashtrakota Nannaraja; Saka 615. . -'jltS
ramayya, Ootacanumd eonM. ^ • ;.
.''.
,, 15. Maudakbede Plates of Sendiaka Jayasakti ; Saka 60S. By Y. Y. 1lij»a«;kij 116

'
Nagpm. '
,
•
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„ 16. Ckatesvara Temple lasciqttHm. By B. Ch. Oihabta, New DdBn > -

. ^ . ^
„ 17. Epigrapkical Notes. By B. Gk. Ghhabra, New Delhi . . . . .133
, , 18. Nagaijaiukonda Image Insci^tioa. By H, K. Banidpiltasiraii^

„ 19. More lascriptmiis at Ablor. By P. Bi.DmI^ QeûsmBsemA ,
„ SO. Parbatiya !^tes of YaDamalavaimade^. By P. Ik .
mid D. Ootac^mnnd.
G. Sirear,
wui5PJiS;-y
No. 14. SatâUnida Plate$ of SasikviiBla Nmnai^ ; Sît ^5> belwem ']N^ 0i^mi4lJS
„ 15. Mund<AJtedePlate$ of SendniiaJi^me^.iSfAi^X^f^
„ 16. Chatesvara Temple hMerifîB * . ^
„ IS. NiUfatjumkonda Image
„ 19. Mon Itumjtknt at Mdmr ^ ? betweeapoffoe 1001^01

'
APPKo^
Bajapiasasti Btsi^lien of Udaipur. By N. F. (SiihwM, Noir Mi. and ffl-SO
B. Cb. Chhabrs, New Belbi->-eane2d.
CONTOTO
No. 20. Fubatiya PIat» <rf YanmnalaTannadeTO. P. D. C3uHe3hitiy,

and D. C. Sbau;, Ooiaetuaimd cenold. — . . . . . .. la
« 21 . Tnriraella Inseriptioa of Ghaloâ Yiferamaditya i ; Year 2. By H. TT.
Narasmhasvaiiu, Madias
160
•» 22, Puri Plate of Kulastamblia. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacaonmd 164,
» 23. Bhadiak Inscription of Gana ; B^nal Year 8. By D. C. ffiroar, Oot|cam^ 169
.. 24. Bin^ Beidi Plates of Bashtrakota Vibkniaja ; Year 3, By Hot^Wiir’ &
I^kshii^ Sangar \ m
Ajmer Stone Insra^tion. By D. C. Kicu, Ootatimtond . . > 178
Two Grants from Daspalla. By B. C. Sfrear,.Ootacamand
183.
„ 27. Bilaigadi Pistes of Ealadmri Frithvideva ;
'
Ye« 896. By P.
Ootacamnnd ‘
. . . . ;
.
-m:
PliATMS
No. 20. Pofiatiya Plates of Vantmtdemmiia^^
. .
IMomiilSS
„ 21. TurimeBo Insoriftiok of ChMoi I ^ ^
r
^
mtrnim
» 22. Pwi Plate of Kidaâml^ . . , - tofaeepage
„ 23. Bha3tak tn$etif^(^Gam: PtsgtM T -
,
*9
-
n 24.
tou^rve, mSiSr
„ 25. Ajmar Stone InsoHftion . . .. ‘
tofaeepage 189
„ 26. Two Ortaiis from DaspaiBa {!)
A. DatpfOa Plate of Ihvananda Tear 184 - .'A. i ;
; .
„ 27. Two Groats from DaspaNa ill)

Daap^ Plates of StOrtOkmia TrQJmmmo^
talasat Tear 198 : .
»» pi
in PriOmieea ; Je» 896

j’.'
oOj
- •
^0 . 27. Bil^ Hat« of KUadmri
. o V.
Jama InacriptioiM in Tamii^ “ ^ A ?! ?

f. .
Cm ^QlCyift 9 BL44
; ;
H«, 33. Nuidiira Hates of Vtianaoti Bajosdia (%9da
, Saka 1031
Krishwa Ran,
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHEOLOGY
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOLUME XXIX
1951-52
EDITED BY
Dr. B. Ch. CHHABRA, m.a., m.O.l., Ph. D. (Lugd.), f.a.s.

Government Epigraphist for India
(Parts I to IV)
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, m.a.

Goyernment Epigraphist for India
_ (Parts V to VII)
Dr. D. C. SIRCAR, M,A.,Ph. D.

GoTernment Epigraphist for India
(Part Vm)
k\7^05_
~ BZ-
Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi

Printed at the Government of India Press, Calcutta, India
1957
central a ^ OLOGIGAI
LI3R/An.y, uLLHK
A«C. N0
CSOi
— —— —
CONTENTS
The namt of the contributors are arranged dlphabeti:aUy
Page
CHAUDHURY, P.D., M.A L1.B„ Gauhati. and SIRCAR, D.C., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacaraund.—
,
Xo. 20. Parbatiya Plates of Vauamalavarmadeva ......... 145
CHHABRA, B.Ch., M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (Lugd.), F.A.S., New Delhi.—
No, 16. Chates vara Temple Inscription .. .. .. 121
.............
, , . . .
No. 17. Epigraphical Notes 133
DE, S. C., B.A., Bhubaneswar.
No. 30. Two ........

Plates of Tribhuvanamahadevi from Baud 2l0
DESAI, P. B., M.A., Ootacamund.—
No. 4. Sadasivagad Plates of Kadamba Vijayaditya, Saka 1102 29
.......
. . . . . .
Xo. 11. Reyurii Grant of Pallava Xarasimhavarman, Year 1 2 89
Xo. 12. See under PAXDEYA, L. P., Raigarh, and DESAI, P. B., Ootaeamund
Xo. 19. More Inscriptions at Ablur ..... ... 139
Xo. 27. Bilaigarh Plates of Kalachuri Prithvideva, Year S96 ..... 194
..........
.
Xo. 28. Two Jaina Inscriptions in Tamil 199
DIKSHIT, M. G., M.A., Ph.D., Raipur.--
Xo. 2. Kolhapur Inscription of Silahara Bhoj a II, Saka 1101 ..... 13
Xo. 24. Hingni Berdi Plates of Rashtrakuta Vibhuraja, Year 3 . . , . 174
KRISHXAX, K. G., M.A., Ootaeamund.—
Xo. 9. Srirangam Inscription of Sadasivaraya, Saka 1467 ....... 71
KRISHXA RAO, B. V., M.A., Ll.B., Ra jahmundry.
Xo. 32. Xanduru Plates of Velananti Rajendra-Choda, Saka 1091 .... . 225
IjAKSHMIXARAYAX RAO, X., M.A., Ootaeamund, and NARASIMHACHAR, D. L., M.A., Mysore.
No. 29. Talangere Inscription of Jayasimha .......... 203
MIRASHI, V. V., M.A., Xagpur.—
Xo. 15. Mondakhede .......

Plates of Sendraka Jayasakti, Saka 602 116
NARASIMHASWAMI, H. K., B.Sc., Ootaeamund.
No. 18. Xagarjunikonda Image Inscription .......... 137
No. 21. Turimella Inscription of Chalukya Vîkramaditya I, Year 2 160
PANDEYA, L. P., Raigarh, and DESAI, P. B., M.A., Ootaeamund.—
Xo. 12. Bilaigarh Plates of Kalachuri PratapamaUa, Year 969 . 97
(iii)
a2
IV EPIGEAPHIA INDIOA VoL, XXIX
Page
SIRCAR, D. C., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamuiid.—
Xo. Two Plates from Belwa ....... ....

.........
1. 1
No. 5. Two Sailodbhava Grants from Ban pur 32
Xo. Bangaon Plate of Vigrahapala III, Regnal Year 17 .... 48
.........
7.
Xo. 10. Santiragrama Grant of Bandimaiiadevi 79
Xo. 20. See under

Ootacamund
CHATJBFURI,
.............
P. D., :M.A., Ll.B., Gauh.iti, and SIRCAR, D. C., M.A., Ph.D.,
Xo. 22. Pun Plate of ...........

Kulastambha 164
......
Xo. 23. Bhadrak Inscription of Gana, Regnal Year 8 169
Xo. 25. Ajmer Stone Inscription ............ 178
XV. 26. Two Grants from Daspalla........... 183
So. 31. Note on Two Plates of TribhuvanamahadeW from Baud ...... 220
SIRCAR, D. C., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund, and RATHA SARMA, S., Puri.—
Xo. 6. Alagum Inscription of Anantavarmau, Regnal Year 62 . ...... 44
SIRCAR, D. G., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund, and TRIPATHI, K. B., M.A., Ph.D., Cuttack.-^
Xo. 13. Siddheswar Inscription of Xarasimha IV, Anka Year 19 ...... lOo
VBXKATARAMAYYA, M., M.A., Agra.—
X<^. 3. Maser Inscription of a Sulki Chief .......... 18
Xn. 14. Sangalooda Plates of Rashtrakuta Xannaraja, Saka 615 ...... 109
VENKATARAMANAYYA, X., M.A., Ph.D., Madras.—
So. 8. Kalidindi Grant of Eastern Chalukya Rajaraja I 57
IXDP.K —By A. X. Lahiri, M. A ...... 249
APPENDIX— Rajaprasasti Inscription of Udaipur. By the late Or. X^. P. CHAKRA VARTI, M.A.,
Ph.D., and B.Ch. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Pli.D. (Lugd.), F.A.S., New Delhi , . 1—00
Title page, Contents, List of Plates and Additions and Corrections .... ... i xin
ADDITIONS AND OOKRECTIONS IX
Page 93, f.n. 6 . —AM editorial note , —The word nri'pHvara means ‘
a ruler \ Rajaditya was the
personal name of the executor.
„ 95, f. n. 9 . —AM editorial note . —For the correct meaning of the expressions, see The
Sitccessors of the Sdtavdhanas, p. 196.
,, 99, line 26 —For has read have.

.
„ 100, line 9 —For Gorakhapur read Gorakhpur.

.
„ 100, line 28 . — For for read to.
„ 101, f.n. 6 —For danda read danda.

.
„ 112, lines 17 —AM note —-The rule of Govinda of the Aihole inscription cannot be
ff. editorial .
assigned to 630-55 A.D. since he is known to have come into conflict with
Pulakeîn II about the beginning of the latter’s carreer, i.e. about 610 A.D.
Pulakesin II did not meet Govinda in the course of his campaign in the
region of the Reva and the Vindhyas, but in the area about the northern
bank of the Bhlmarathl (Bhima) much nearer his capital.
„ 113, line 31 , —AM note — There no proof that Padmanagara was a capital
editorial . is city.
,, 114, text line 8 —Read Kantah=karunikah=kala.

.
,, 114, text liae 9 — Read rahitah=ketuh=karalo.

.
114, text line 11 . —Read patih=kalpa.

„ 115, text line 18 —AM .
note —The reading
editorial Varmmullaka. . is
,, 115, text line 20 —For karmma[nta](nta) read karmma[nta]°

.
„ 115, text line 20 —Read tachchha(ch=cha).

.
„ 115, text line 23 —AM . note.—The reading seems to be "^tnato^hchhivdhalalîlbhiY

editorial
The name of the locality was theiefore Achchhivahalala and not
Uchchhl(chhi)vahala as assumed by the author (cf. pp. 110,114).
„ —Read Ju(Yu)[ddha]surah.
115, last line .
„ 120, text 12 —For gramakutayayuktaka read gramakut-ayuktaka.

line .
„ 125, 16 —Read sima°

line .
„ 125, line 32 —For Meters read Metres. .
„ 129, 2 —For vijay-avahah read vijay-avahah.

f.n. 9, line .
„ 138, 3 —Add
lines —A ff. of editorial note
type was discovered .
'purna-gJiata this in the course
of excavations at Kondapur and is now in the Hyderabad Museum. A
damaged terracotta female figure
from Bhita (near Allahabad) now in the
Asutosh Museum (Calcutta) and a bas-relief on the wall of the Venkat-
e^vara temple on the Vaikunthapuram hill in the Guntur District
have
the lower part fashioned in the same posture.
„ 138, f.n. 5, line 1. —For Ehuvuja read Ehuvula.

,, 147, line 4 . —Read Krishna.
9 DGA/56 ^
—————— .
X EPIGKAPHIA INDICA VoL XXIX
Page, 147 Kne 36. Read Chudamani.
151, line 34. Read Mahagauri.

153,
152, line 21. Read a geographical.
?5
—For 135 read 153 in the number of page.
55 154, text line 25. For dripta read dripta,
55 155, text line 34.— °bhis=cha read °bhi^=cha.
155, f.n.4, lines i-o.^Read ôtkampabhi®.
157, line 33. Read Vishnu.
55 157, f.n.l. —-Read Purdna.

55 158, line 15. Read subduers*
55 160, line 27. Read Dra vidian r.
55 160, line 31. — Read %hujdyamdnumT=ayina

55 162, line 36. For Cuddapah read Guntur.
163, lines 18 ff. Read — covering a considerable area extending in a north-easterly direction
over a tract from Turimella in the Cumbum Taluk of the Kurnool District
right upto Kocherlakota in the Darsi Division of the Nellore District.
55 163, f. n. 11.— was omitted read had been omitted.
55 174, hnes 29-30.—Jdd editorial note, —-The palaeography of the record seems to suggest a date
in the sixth or seventh century A.D.
55 176, text line 2. -Add editorial note. —Read °kdrasya srimato.

55 177, text line 3. Add editorial note, —Read °rdjasy=dnujnayd.
55 177, text hne 4. —Add editorial yiote, — The name Sydvalahgi stands for Sanskrit Sydmaldngh
She made a gift of 50 golden bars as dakshind to the donee of the
agrahura granted by Prabhavatl.
•5 177, text line 6. Add editorial note. —Read ^kdli{li)nah{yiam).

55 177, hness 7-8. Add editorial yiote. —The intended reading may be °arthi-jayia-hriday-dnandam
samahhirardhayantyd,
fi 177, text hnes 8-9. —Add editorial n-ote. —

The reading is vansdnayata for vamS-onnayantyd. Aryd
Prabhavatl seems to have granted the agrahdra to a Brahmana whom
Syamalahgl gave 50 golden bars as dakshind of the said gift. Prabhavatl
may have been Syamalaiigi’s mother-in-law. There is no reason to
identify Yibhuraja and Mana(na)raja.
55 177, line 11. Add editorial note . — Read °rjit6(ta)-chdra(taybhata-a(t-d)prdveiye(4yay.

55 177, line 13. Read °dane(ke)[na*].
177, line 16.— editorial yiote. —Read °kutasya,

55 178, line 2. For Harkeh read HarakeU,.
55 178, line 17.—iêad inscription. — Omit bracket before Mr,

— .
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
Page 178, line —For nd read and.

23 .
,, 178, 29 —For
line read
. laces places.
,, 178, line30 — For . read inscriptin inscription.
„ 178, f. 3 —Read Vol.

n, . III.
„ 181, text —Read Hiranyakasi(si)pd°

line 11 .
„ 186, line 4. For callecd read called.
„ 186, line 6 —Read pancha.

.
„ 186, line16 — Omit redundant m before mandala.

.
„ 186, line17 — Add . at the end of the the place of apostrophe.

full-stop line in
„ 186, line19 — Read sattva.

.
,, 186, line20 — Read Sandhi®.

.
186, line22 — For descript

. read description. in
„ 186, line22 —For Brahmac^ read Brahmana.

.
186, line23 —For epither read

. epithet.
,, 186,
— mtra read
line 25. ^For two §dstra (in places).
186, line36 —For belived read believed.

,
„ 186, line40 —For Indedda read Indedda.

.
186, 3 —For °smrti read

f.n.3, line . °smriti.
188, text 15 —For atumajo read atmajd.

line .
188, text 16 —For sudha-sarrh read sudha-sam*.

line .
„ 188, text line 21 . — For mandharinay read mandhariâ.

188, text line 22 . —For pulsht-arati read plusht-arati,
188, text line 25.~-For pitri read
pitri.
188, text line 21.—Read Jildnda.
188, text line 27

.— For bhavishyad read bhavishyacl.
188, text line 27 — For ®tra(n^ra)-japutran read ^^^(n^ra)
.
japutran.
188, text line 28.—For ®jivinah read °jmnah.
29.—For vshaya read vishaya.

188, text line
190, line 41. — For Jaipur read Jajpur.

191, f.n.2, line 13.—For suggests read suggest.
195, f.n. 4.—Food Ishadhasya.

196, line 8. —For wich read which.
11.— For callec read called,.
196, line
196, line 21.— -For

Sdrdula^ read Sdrdula!^
196, line 22 . — For andakranta read Manddkrdntd.

196 f.D 3. For ust read musti
:
VI EPIGE4PHIA INDICA Voi>. XXIX
No. 24. Hingni Berdi Plates of Raslitrakuta Vlbhuraja, Year 3 between pages 176 and 177
„ 25. Ajmer Stone Inscription ...... to face page 180
„ 26. Two Grants from Daspalla— Plate I
A. Daspalla Plate of Devauanda ;

Year 184 , between pages 188 and 189
„ 27. „ —Plate II;
B. Daspalla Plates
Year 198 ........
of Satrubhanja Tribliuvanakalasaj
„ 192 and 193
„ 28. Bilaigarli Plates of Kalachuri Pritkvideva, Year 896 196 and 197
„ 29. Talangere Inscription of Jayasimha . . . . . to face page 208
,, 30, Two Plates from Tribhuvanamaliadevi from Baud between pages 216 and 217
APPENDIX
Rajaprasasti Inscription of Udaipur :
I. A View of tke Xaucbauki Gliat, Rajasamudra to face page 2
II. A View of one of tbe Pavilions, Rajasamudra 3
III. Slab III ...... 10
......
?}
IV. Slab XVI 56

——————
—
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
Page 6, text line 4. For Srima® read SrTma®.
„ 9, text line 57. For Srlma® read Srlma®.
,, 16, text line 13. For ®jvala read ®j[j'^]vala.
„ 17, text line 33. For da t tarn read dattarii(ttara).
„ 19, line 31, For i and i read i, i, u and u,
,, 19, line 44. For for chandrasersiiS read for chandra-sirsho.
,, 23, line 18. — Omit comma after predecessor.
,, 24, line 20. For re-conquest read conquest.
„ 28, text line l^.^For kritam read kritam(tah).
„ 35, line 28. For Srikakulam read Ganjam.
„ 37, text line 35. Read (kah |

),
„ 41, f.n. b.—Read ya for ya.
„ 45, line 40. For churni read charm.
„ 45, f. n. 2.—Add note —Pramrta is mentioned in an early inscription from Bengal {Select
Inscriptions, p. 356). It may be the same as pravarti mentioned in 8arva*

nanda*s AmaraJ^dsha-tihd (under verse 89 of Vaisya-Aârga) as equal to 5
Kharis,
„ 47, lines 2-3. For Srikakulam District of Madras read Ganjam District of Orissa.
„ 47, line 21. For Tiruchirapalli read Tiruchirappalli.
„ 47, line 50. Add at the beginning of the last Lines 40-42 of the inscription refer to
the king’s request to the people addressed as well as to the
„ 54, line 1 .—For parts read of parts.
„ 55, text line 24, For sri read sri.
„ 58, line 8. —For ®hkusam read ®hkusa[h].

,, 59, f.n.2.-~For Cola Studies read Studies in Cola Historij and Administration.
viii EPIGEAPHIA INDICA VoL. XXIX
Page 62, f. n. line 3 . —Bead 10th year (1021 A.C.).

,, 64, line 13 . —For D(Ta)rlinadu read Da(Ta)(linadu.
,, 64. line \o.—For D(Ta)dinadu read Da(Ta)dinadii.
,, 65, text line 6 . —For Devaklh read Devakih

65, text line 8 .— For kananam read kananarh(nam).
68, text line 60 — For sa^dvipam read sa-dvipam.
.
,, 69, text line 85 — Bead dandesam=a(sairâ)bhavad®.

.
„ 69, text line 86 — Bead kshanam(nam).

.
,, 69, text line 87 — For vivrie read

. vivri®.
,, 69, text line 88 — For bhntah(ta^=cha)la read bhritabcha(ta4=cha)la.

.
,, 69, text line S9~-For li read ri°.
,, 70, text line 95 - -For Karvna(nna)taka read Kamin(rnna)taka.
,, 70, text line 95 — For “n=a^vike° read °na(n=a)^vike®,

.
,, 70, text 96 — For hastikena read h[a*]stikena.

line .
,, 70, text 108 — For Krovvindleuaiii=basi read Krovv'indletarhbasi.

line .
,, 73, line 10 — Far impure read

. ill.
73, lines 11 and 12.— For purify read cure.
73. f.n.l, line 1. — Omit comma after Bangdchdrya.

73, f.n.l, line 2 — For engaging read engaging themselves,
.
,, 73, f. n. 7, line 1 — Bead born on the occasion.

.
,, 74, f. n . 3. line 10. — Omit comma after Vide,

75. line 38. — For Kllpalaru read Klij>alriru.
,, 75, line 40 —For Melpalaru read Melpalaru.

.
„ 76, f. n. 4 — For after n read after

.
n.
,, 81, f. n. 5 . — Bead year 70 or GO.

,, 84, f.n. l,~-For 820-25 A.C. read 831 AC,
89, line 24 — For importnace read importance .

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXIX 1951-1952
No. l^TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA

(2 Plates)
D. C, Sircar, Ootacamund
The village of Belwa lies a few miles to the west of the Hili railway station on the East Bengal
Railway, in the eastern fringe of the Dina j pur District, not far from the borders of the Bogra and
Rangpur Districts. Some time in 1946, a Santal inhabitant of the village, named Khare Siotal,
discovered two inscribed copper plates while digging the compound of his house with a view to
enlarging a fire-place. Mr. Manoranjan Gupta of Calcutta soon secured the plates with the help
of Muhammad Basir Sarkar who is an official at the Zamindar’s Katchery at the village of Kaslgarl,
not far away from Belwa. Mr. Gupta studied the inscriptions and published both of them in the
Yangiya Sdhitya Parishat Patrikd (Bengali), Vols. LIV, B. S. 1354, pp. 41-56 LVI, B. S. 1356, ;
pp. 60-65, with plates.^ The original plates were also presented to the Museum of the Vangiya
Sahitya Parishat, Calcutta. One of the records belongs to king Mahipala I {circa 988-1038 A, C.)
of the Pala dynasty of Bengal and Bihar, and the other to his grandson Vigrahapala III {circa
1055-90 A. C.). As, however, the inscriptions appeared to me to have been neither carefully read
nor correctly interpreted, I requested, several times, the authorities of the Parishat to lend me
the original plates for a few weeks for examination or to supply me with a set of good impressions
of each of the inscriptions. Unfortunately neither of these requests was complied with.^ At last
impressions of both the plates were available to me through the kindness of Mr. T. N. Rama-
chandran, Superintendent, Department of Archaeology, Eastern Circle. I edit the inscriptions
from those impressions.
A. — Plate of Mahipâ I ; Begnal Year 5
The record is incised on a single copper-plate, measuring 13" x 14-6".

The weight has not been
recorded. The which closely resembles those attached to other charters of the Pala
seal,
rulers, is, as usual, soldered to the upper part of the document. It is the celebrated
dharmachaJcra-mudrd of the Palas who were Buddhists. It has in the centre a circle with raised
rim and beaded border which is surrounded by arabesque work and is surmounted by a chaitya
symbol. The upper half of the inner circle of the seal is occupied by the Buddhist ‘Wheel of the
Law* having an umbrella above it and a deer couchant on either side. Below the central
demarcation line, is the legend hl-Mahlpdladevasya, the space
forming a pedestal for the above,
beneath being covered by arabesque There are altogether 58 lines of writing on both sides
foliage.
of the plate, 33 lines on the obverse and 25 on the reverse. The incision is deep and clear, and the
' For an English version of these papers, see Journ. As. Soc.^ Letters, Vol. XVII, pp. 117-35.
*In December 1950, when I happened to be in Calcutta, I was allowed to examine the original platea in the
Parishat *8 office. My thanks are due to Mr. Gupta and the authorities of the Parishat for this help.
4DGA A
2 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
preservation of the plate is fairly satisfactory. Six lines of writing at the top on the obverse and
five lines at the top on the reverse have a gap in the middle, owing to the space occupied by the
lower part of the seal.
In point of palaeography, language and orthography, the inscription under discussion resembles
very closely the only other copper-plate charter of king Mahipala I so far known to the students
of history. This is the Bangarh plate finally edited
by the late Mr. R. D. Banerji in the pages
of this journal, Vol. XI Y, pp. 326 ff., with plates. The introductory verses at the beginning of the
record, the description of the place of issue, the list of officials and others to whom the royal order
was addressed, the list of the privileges to be enjoyed by the donee and the imprecatory and bene-
dictory verses about the end are practically the same in both the charters. Indeed most of these
are common to ail charters of the Pala family. It is only the actual grant that is different in the
Bangarh record and the charter under review. The present epigraph, like some other Pala records,
usually indicates superscript r by a horizontal short stroke below the top mdtrd of the consonant
towards the left, sometimes making the sign almost undistinguishable.
The date of the record, given in one figure in line 49,

is the year 5 (of the reign of Mahipala I),
the 26th day of the month of Sravana.

Line 46 speaks of the grant being made by the king on the
occasion of a ceremonial bath taken by him in the waters of the Ganges on the day of the vishuvat-
sankrdnti (i.e., which indicates the sun’s equinoctial passage into Mesha on the
vishuva-sarhkrdnti)
1st day of solar Vai§akha or into
on the 1st day of solar Karttika. In the present case, it is
Siriiha
possible to think that the grant had been made on the 1st of Vaisakha, although
the charter was
issued a few months later on the 26th of Sravana. A ceremonial bath and offering of gifts
on the
occasion of the vishuva-sahkrdnti are both enjoined by the Hindu scriptures.^ The action of the
Pala king, who was
a Buddhist, as recorded in the document, no doubt points to the fact, often
noted, that there was little difference between the life of a lay follower of
Buddhism and that of
an ordinary Brahmanical Hindu in the age of the Palas at least in Eastern India. As we have
elsewhere observed,when the Brahmanical and Buddhist philosophers were busy in refuting one
another’s views, the life man appears to have been marked by absolute religious toleration
of the lay
and the Buddhist laity was gradually nearing absorption into Brahmanical society.*
The charter begins with the akshatci fii (an abbreviation of the word nibctddhci meaning
*regis*
tered’) which is also found at the end of line 1 as in the Bangarh plate of the
same king and
in many other records. This kind of double endorsement by the king himself and by one of
his
officials is also known from other records from Bengal such as
those of the Senas.^ The first ni
is followed by the usual symbol for siddkam and the introductory
word svasti. Next come 12 verses
in lines 1-23 forming the introduction of the charter. It is well-known that the fashion of quoting
' Ci. Brahma Parana quoted in the âhdakalpadruma, a.v. sankranti : Nityam
dvayor^yanayormnityam
vishuvaior^vayoh chandr-arkaydr^grahanayor^yaiipdieshu parvaau Aho-ratr-oshitah andnam
1
[jsrdddham dâm
tathd japam \
yah karoii prasann-dtmd tasya sydd^kshayaii^cha tat
jj
See
* Vol. XXHI, p. 235 Ind. Cult., Vol. IX, p. 124
;
; L., Vol. XV, p. 104. Moat of the
grants of the Buddhist Pala kings were made in favour of Brahmanas.
The Manahali plate {Oaudalekhamdld,
pp. 148 ff.) records a grant of king Madanapala to a Brahmana as dakshim for his recitation
of the Mahdhhdrata
before the Paptamahddevi Chitramatikadevl. The Bhagalpur plate (ibid.,
pp. 66 fif. ; cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 309)
of the Paramasaugata king Xarayanapala speaks of his Saivite leanings
and records a grant made by the king
“for the suitable performanance ofpujd, bali, chzru and satra, for the
navakarman (i.e., repairs or extensions of the
temple) and for other requirements of the divine Siva-bhattaraka at
Kala^pdta, for whom Narayanapala himself
has built a Bahaar-ayatana (possibly a temple with thousand pillars) and whom
he has put up there (at Kalaâpdta) •
m order to provide couches and seats, medicines for the sick,

requisites, etc., to the congregation of Paûpata
teachera (at KalafiapoU) and in order to enable the Paûpatas to bestow blameless
;
enjoyments, consisting of a
•hare fixed by them, on other persons as desired by them”.
» Sê Ina. Beng., Vol. Ill, pp. 64, 75, 88, etc.
,
No. 1] TWO PALA PLATES FROM BELWA 3
verses from the introduction of one’s predecessor’s charter became prevalent in the Pala house
amongst the descendants of Vigrahapala or Surapala I {circa 850-54 A. C.) who was the cousin's
son and successor of Devapala {circa 810-50 A. C.)* The first six verses of our record describe the
exploits of Gopala I {circa 750-70 A. C.) who was the first imperial ruler of the Pala djrnasty, his
son Dharmapala {circa 770-810 A. C.), his younger brother and general Vakpala, his son Jayapala
who was a general of Devapala, his son Vigrahapala I and his son Narayanapala {oitca 854-908
A. C.), These verses are noticed for the first time in the charter^ of Narayanapala and are found
quoted in all the later grants of the family. It is as yet unknown whether the first five of these
verses were quoted by Narayanapala from a charter of his father, as no copper-plate grant of
Vigrahapala I has so far been discovered. We have also as yet no charter of the time of Rajyapala
(circa 908-40 A. C.), son and successor of Narayanapala, although the Jajilpara plate of Gopala II
{circa 940-85 A. C.), son and successor of Rajyapala, was published some time ago in the Bengali
journal Bhdratavarsha (B. S. 1334, part i, pp. 264 ff.).^ It is therefore no wonder that verses 7-9
of our record dealing with Rajyapala and Gopala II are also found in the Jajilpara plate. Verse
10 speaks of Vigrahapala II {circa 985-88 A, C.), son and successor of G5pala II, and the following
two verses (verses 11-12) of his son and
monarch Mahipala I {circa 988-
successor, the reigning
1038 A.C.). Verse 11 says that Mahipala which had become anadhi-
I recovered his paternal rdjya,
kfita-vilupta (lost owing to the occupation by usurpers), after having killed aU the enemies in battle
by the prowess of his own arms. Our inscription, dated in the king’s fifth regnal year, shows
that Mahipala attained success against the enemies quite early in his reign. The enemies who
dispossessed Mahipala I of his paternal kingdom are usually indentified with the Kamboja
rulers of northern and south-western Bengal known from the Bangarh pillar inscription
and the Irda plate, although there is a theory challenging the suggestion of Kamboja
occupation of parts of Bengal in the second half of the tenth century A. C.^ Whatever be the truth
of the suggestion regarding the recovery of northern and south-western Bengal by Mahipala I
from the Kambojas, we know that the Pala king very probably reconquered south-east Bengal
from the Chandras quite early in his reign. As I have elsewhere shown, ^ the Chandras originally
ruled over Chandradvipa, otherwise called Vangaladesa, in the Buckerganj region of southern
Bengal ;
but Srichandra, the first imperial ruler of the family, conquered and ruled over wide
regions of south-east Bengal in the second half of the tenth century. There was a short eclipse
of Chandra power after Srichandra apparently owing to the success of Mahipala I. This is suggested
not only by Mahipala ’s claim referred to above, but also by the Baghaura® and Naraya^pur* inscrip-
tions,dated respectively in his 3rd and 4th regnal years, which speak of Mahipala’s rule over
Samatata, i.e., the present Tippera-Noakhali region, although Chandra suzerainty was re-established
in eastern and south-eastern Bengal by Go vindachandra during the life-time of Mahipala I himself.
Verse 12 of our record says that the war elephants of Mahipala I roamed in the eastern countries,
then in the valleys of the Malaya mountain range (the modern Travancore hills), next in the Maru
country (i.e., the Mar war region in the Rajputana desert in the ancient Western division of India)
and ultimately in the valleys of the Himalayas. This has often been taken to indicate aimless
wanderings of the Pala army owing to a great catastrophe that befell the Pala kingdom.’ But,
^ Gau(}alikhamdldi pp. 55 £f.
* See Joum, As, Soc., Letters, Vol. XVII, pp. 137-44.
3 History of Bengal Dacca University, Vol. I, pp. 133 ff., 190 f.
* Ind, Cult,, Vol. VII, pp. 410 ff. The Chandras originally owed allegiance to a dynasty of Harikela kings
possibly represented by Kantideva of the Chittagong plate. See also J.B,A,S.B,, L., Vol. XVII, pp. 90-91.
» Above, Vol. XVII, p. 351.
* Ind. Cult., Vol. IX, pp. 121-25.

’ History of Bengal, of. cit,, p. 136.
2
as I have demonstrated elsewhere,^ to the usual conventional claim of dig-vijaya over the
it refers
chakravarti-k-shetra coverini^ the whole of India. That the claim has not much history behind
it is clear from the fact that the same verse, describing the exploits of Mahipala s forces the m
present record, has been employed in the Bangarh plate of the same king to eulogize the achieve-
ments of the army of the king’s father Vigrahapala II. Again, the same verse is also found in the
Jajilpara plate of Gopala II as well as the Amgachhi^ and Belwa plates of Vigrahapala III
(grandson of Mahipala I) in the description of the exploits of the armies of the reigning monarchs.
Lines 23-27 of the charter introduce the place of issue which was the jaya-skandhdvdra at the
city of Sahasaganda. It is interesting to note that the same description is employed in all the
Pala charters, beginning with those of Dharmapala, although the jaya-skandhdvdras (probably
temporary capitals) themselves were different. This stereotyped description suits only a city on
the Bhagiratbi (^.e., the Ganges) and it suggests that the various some of which
cannot be satisfactorily indentified, were all situated on the Ganges.^ This is supported by the
fact that most of the grants were made by the Pala kings after taking a bath in the waters of the
Ganges. Lines 27-28 introduce the reigning monarch, who was in good health while making the
grant, as the Paramasaugata (devout Buddhist) Paramesvara ParamahJiattaraka Mahdrdjddhifdâ
Mahipaladeva who meditated on (or was favoured by) the feet of the Mahdrdjddhiraja Vigraha-
paladeva.
liines 28-31 give details

regarding the gift land which consisted of three localities all situated in
thePundravardhana hhukii. The first of the three was Osinna-Kaivarttavritti which measured 210
and was attached to the territorial unit called Amalakshuddunga within the Phamta vlthi. The
expression sva-sambaddh'dvichchhinna-tal-opHa (i.e., ‘ land that pertains to the king’s own self
and has its ground not yet alienated’), found in the description of the piece of land, is also known
from other Pala charters. The standard land measure, according to which the area of Osinna-
Kaivarttavritti was calculated to have been 210, has not been specified. The Belwa plate of Vig-
rahapala III, edited below, speaks of the land measures udamdna, ddhavdpa, dro^ (i.e.,
dronavdpa) and kulya {i.e., kulyavdpa) as prevalent in the same locality. Of these, 4 d4havdj>as
made 1 drona, 8 of which were equal to 1 kulya. As I have shown elsewhere,^ about 45 udamdnas
(otherwise called udana or unmdna) probably made an ddhavdpa (originally from 4 to 5 modern.
Bengal Bighas of land). It is difficult to determine as to which of the four land measures has been
regarded as the standard one in the record under discussion, especially in view of the fact that all
the four are known to have been the standard land measure in different localities, although the
area of each may not have been the same in all places. The high number in the specification of
the area suggests that the reference is possibly not to the kulya or kulyavdpa.
The second piece of the gift land comprised the locality called NandisvaminI which measured
490 of the standard land measure and was situated in Shattapanayichatra which incorporated
Panchakandaka and lay in the Pundarika mandala. The third plot of the gift land was the locality
called Gariesvara to which some village tanks were attached. The area of this plot was 151 or
the standard land measure and it was situated in the Panchanagarl vishaya.
* J. R. A. S. B.f L., Vol. V, pp. 407-15, especially p 410.

2 Above, Vol. XV, 295 If.
The following jaya-^kandhuvaras are known to have been places of issue of the Pala charters Pataliputra
3
:
(near modern Patna), Mudgagiri (modem Monghyr), Eamavati (near modern Gaur in the Malda District),
Vata-
parvataka (modem Vatesvar-parvat near Patharghata in the Bhagalpur District), Vilasapura and
Sahasaganda.
The name of the place, whence the Amgachhi plate of Vigrahapala IH was issued, is doubtful but to me it
appears;
to be Vilasapura.
« Vol. XXVI, pp. 309-13.
; ; ;
The list and others associated with the above three pieces of the gift land is quoted
of ofl&cials
in lines 31-40. the same in all Pala records.

This is practically In this list is included servants
like chdtas and hhatas (regular and irregular soldiers, or policemen and peons) of various national-
ities such as Gauda, Malava, etc. These are for the first time noticed in the Nalanda plate^ of Dharma-
pala. The privileges to be enjoyed by the donee specified in lines 41-44 are also common with other
records of the Pala kings.® As in so many other records of the Palas, the above three villages are
said to have been granted in the name of {uddisya) the lord Buddha-bhattaraka for the increase
of merit and fame of the king and his parents. The specified land was made a permanent rent-
free holding in fa-vour of the Brahmana Jivadharadevasarman, who belonged to the Hastidasa
gotra having the Angirasa, Ambarlsha and Yauvanasva j>ravaras and was the son of Dhiresvara-
devasarman and grandson of Vishnudevasarman. The king’s request to the officials and others
as well as to the future rulers of the area for the protection of his grant and his order to the cultiva-
tors to offer in due time to the donee all dues including hhdgay bkoga, kara and hiranya are couched
in the same language as in the other Pala charters. After giving the date {Samvaf 5 ^rdvann-dine 26)
in line 49, the imprecatory verses, found not only in the Bangarh plate of the same king but also
in other grants of the Pala kings, are quoted in lines 50-56. The last two verses of the record
mention the dutaka (executor) of the grant and the engraver of the plates. It is said that Mahi-
paladeva made the mantrin (minister) Lakshmidhara the executor of the charter. The plates
are said tohave been engraved by the artisan Pushyaditya who was the son of Chandraditya hailing
from the village of Poshali. The artisans of Poshali are also known to have engraved some other
records of the Pala kings such as the Bangarh plate of Mahipala 1 and the Amgachhi plate of
Vigrahapala III.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, jaya-skandhavara called Sahasaganda-

nagara, which was apparently situated on the Ganges, cannot be satisfactorily indent ified. The gift
villages, viz., Osinna-Kaivarttavritti (i.e., Osinna which had been once allotted to the Kaivarttas
for their service), Nandisvamini and Ganesvara cannot also be identified. These three villages
^ These are rajan (subordinate king) rdjanyaka (feudatory chief) rdjaputra (possibly, noble man); rdjd-
: ; ;
mdtya (minister or executive officer) mahdsdndhivigrahika (minister for war and peace)
;
tnahdJcshapa ialika (ac- ;
countant) mahdsdmanta (feudatory) mahdsendpaii (general) mahaprailhara (officer in charge of the palace-gate)
; ; ;
mahdkdrtdkritika not mentioned in our record dauh^ddhasddhanika mahadandandyaka (judge) ;

mahdkuindr- ; ;
dmdtya (minister of the rank of a prince of the royal blood) rdjasthdn-oparika (viceroy) ddsdparddhika (minor ; ;
judge) ckauroddharariika (prefect of the pobce) ;

ddridika ;
ddvtdcLpdsika (police officer) ; saulkika (customs officer)
;
gaulmika (officer in charge of a police station) ; kshUrapa (officer in charge of the royal lands) prdntapdla (warden ;
of the marches) ; kottapdla (governor of a fort) khandaraksha or angaraksha ; those appointed or commissioned
;
by the above-mentioned those in charge of elephants, horses, camels, navy and army those in charge of foals,
; ;
mares cows she- buffaloes, goats and sheep dulapreshanika gamdgamika abhitvaramdr^n head of a district
; ; ; ;
head of a village ferry -man chdta, bhata and other servants of such nationalities as Gauda, Malava, Khasa,
; ;
Huna, Kulika, Kariinata and Lata other unnamed subjects and servants of the king.
;
* Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 291 ff.
* ‘up to its boundaries, grass and pasture land’ {sva-sXvid-trinayuti-gdcliara-paryanta) ; ‘with its
These were :
ground’ {sadala); ‘with the space (above the ground)’ {s-dddesay, ‘with its mango and madhuka trees’; ‘with its water
and dry land’; ‘with its pits and saline spots’ {sa-garti-dshara) ‘with the tax from temporary tenants’ {s-dparikara),
although this is omitted in our record ;
‘with da^dpachdra {das-dparddha of other records which refers to the fine
realised for ten minor offences)’ ;

‘with things recovered from thieves’ {sa-chaur-dddhararia) ‘with exemption from
all oppressions’ ‘not to be entered by chdtas and bhafas (usually interpreted as regular and irregular troops, but
;
may be policemen and peons)’ ;

‘iôthing to be taken (by way of tax, etc.)’ ;
‘together with all revenues such as bhdga
(royal share of the produce), bhdga (periodical supply

of fruits, etc.), kara (taxes), hiranya (tax to be paid in coins),
‘according to the maxim of bhumi-chchhidra ; ‘to last as long a time as the moon, the sun, and the earth
"
•
etc.*
shall endure’. Bhumichchhidra-nydya refers to the custom of allowing a person who brings a piece of fallow or
jungle land under cultivation to enjoy it without
paying rent.
were situated respectively in Amalakshuddunga within the Phanita mthl (subdivision),^ in Shatta-
panayichatra incorporating Panchakandaka within the Pundarika mandala (smaller district or its
part), and in the Of these, the Panchanagari vi^haya no doubt had
Panchanagari vishaya (district).
its headquarters at the city of the same name whence the Baigram plate* was issued. We have
elsewhere* suggested that this city is possibly the same as Ptolemey's Pentapolis and is no other
than modern Panchbibi in the Bogra District. The bhukti (province) of Pundravardhana, identified
with modern Mahasthan in the Bogra District, originally comprised northern Bengal, although in
later times its jurisdiction is known sometimes to have extended over certain parts of south-eastern
and southern Bengal. village of Poshali, whence the family of the engraver hailed, seems
The
to be the same as the Poshali gdhi of the Radhiya Brahmanas of Bengal. The village has been
identified with modern Poshela about 5 miles to the south-east of Mangalk5t in the Burdwan
District of West Bengal/ although little can be said in favour of the identification.
TEXT^
[ Metres : Verses 1, 8 Sragdhara ;
verses 2, 3, 6 Sdrdulavikrldita ;
verses 4, 7, 10 VasantcUilakd ;
verse 5Aryd verse 9 Indravajrd verse 11 Mdlini

; ; ;
verse 12 MayiddJcrdnta ;
verses ’3-17, 20, 21
Anushtuhh verse 18 Salim verse 19 Pushpitdgra.]
; ;
Obverse
1 Ni®[||*] [Siddham’ll ] Svasti [||*] Maitrin=karunya-ratna-pramudita-hridayah preyasl[m] ni*
2 sandadhanah samyak-samv6(mbo)dhi-vidya-sarid-amala-ja-
3 la-kshalit-ajnana-pankah |
jitva yah [kama*]kari-prabha-
4 vam=abhibhavam â^vatim=prapa santi[ih] sa srima-
5 l=L5(l=Lo)kanatho jayati daâ-va(ba)ld=’nyas=cha Gopa-
6 ladevah ||
[1*] Lakshmi-janma-niketanam sama[ka*]r6 vodhuih ksha-
7 mah kshma-bharam |* paksha-chchheda-bhayad=upasthitavatam=ek-asray6 bhubhritam |
maryada-paripalan-aika-niratah saury-ala-
8 y6-^smad=abhud=dugdh-ambhodhi-vilasa-hasi-mahima sri-Dharmmapalo nripah |1 [2*] Ra-

masyêva grihita-satya-tapasas=tasy=anurup6
9 gunaih Saumitrer=udapadi tulya-mahima Vakpala-nam=anujah [|*] yah srlman=naya-vikram-
aika-vasatir=bhratuh sthitah sasa-
10 ne .4unyah satru-patakinibhir^ akarod-ek-atapatra disah [3*] Tasmad=Upendra-charitai[r]=

||
jagatira punanah putro va(ba)bhuva vijayi

11 Jayapala-nama |
dharma-dvisham su(sa)mayi[ta] yudhi Devapale yah purvaje bhuvana-
rajya-sukhany=a[n]aishlt 1|
[4*] Sriman=Vigrahapala-
12 s-ta[t]-sunur=Ajataâtrur-iva jatah [|*] su(sa)tru-vanita-prasadhana-vil6pi-vimal-asi-jala-
dharah 1| [5*] Dikpalaih kshiti-palanaya da-
13 dhatam dehe vibhakta[n=gu]n[a*]n 6r[I]mantan=janayamva(mba)bhuva tanayam Naiayanam

sa prabhuh yah k8h[6]mpatibhih 6ir6-mani-ruch=aslisht-a[m*]ghri-pi-
|
1 Mr. Gupta is inclined to identify Phanita with Panitual or PSnitola on the Karatoya and Amalakshuddunga
with Amalgafl not far from Belwa. He also equates gay}4<i in Sdhxisa-ganda with the j^drt-ending of
modem name#,
• Select Inscriptions^ Vol. I, p. 342-
» Ibid,, p. 498.
• N. N. Vasu, Vanger Jdtlya Itihdsaj Brahmana-kanda (Bengali), Vol. I, p. 122.
• From an impression.
• iVt is a contraction of the word nibaddha, “registered,” “endorsed.”
’ Expressed by a symbol.
• The danda is superfluous.
Two Pala Plates From Belwa
A. —Plate of Mahipala I; Eegnal Year 5
Obverse
1 7dt?_
6
T»:qL^^^W‘ 8
5[iL-?7
8
10
10
!,â^^,^^,3J27iJ0aWJ«a;?tI3i>?iaili<Jlf.S^'^«?RS!^^ 2«
28
C<^ c • nN'^-H*! p Sn viev OF Indt* Patott ‘
B (’H Thhabr* I
Ee verse
î5.VV'.5Fvî5iil
\ ^ r$< ^nJ/< 36
38
r i.r} •-•a. \
,
No. 1] TWO PALA PLATES PEOM BELWA 7
14 th-opalam nyay-opattam-alanchakara charitaih svair^êva dharrQm“asanaih(nain) [6*]

!!
T6yaâyair=jaladhi-inula-gabhTra-garbhai[r]=da(r=de)valayai6=cha
15 kula-bhudbara-tulya-kakshaib |
vikhyata-k5[r]ttir=abhavat=taiiayas=cba tasva ^rl-Rajyapala
iti madhyama-loka-palab {{ [7*] Tasinat=pu[r]va-kshiti-
16 dhran=nidhir=iva mahasani Hasbtrakut-anvay-eiid6s=Tunga3y=5ttunga-iaaiile[r]=duhitari

tanayo Bhagyadevyam prasutab [|*] ^rIman=Gopaladeva^=cIii-
17 rataram-avanerêka-patnya ivâiko bbattra(rtt=a)bhuii=iiaika'ratiia'dyuti-khachita-chatuh-
sindhu-chitr-amûkayah I] [8*] Yam svamiuam raja-gunair=aniina-
18 [m-ajsevate [chajrutay-anurakta (
utsaha-maiitra-prabhuâkti-laksbmlh pritbvlrh sapatmiu^
iva îlayanti ||
[9*] Tasmad=va(d-ba)bhuva savitur-vasu-
19 koti-varshT kalcna chaudra iva Vigrahapaladevab uetra-priy^na vimalena kalamayena
j
yen=6ditena dalito bhuva-

20 nasya tapah [10*] Hata-sakala-vipakshah aangare va(ba)hu'da[r]pa(rpa)d=anadhikTita-
||
viluptam rajyam=asadya pitryam(tryani |) nibita-charana-padmo bhu-

21 bbujam murdhni tasmad=abhavad=avanipalah sri-Mabipaladevab || [11*] De§e pracbi
pracbura-payasi svachclibain=aplya toyaih svairam bhrantva ta-
22 d<anu Malay-opatyaka-chaudaneshu kritva sandrair^Marusbu jadataih Mkarair=--abhra-tulyah

|
Praleyadreb katakam=abbajan yasya sena-
23 gaj-endrah ||
[12*] Sa khalu Bhaglrathi-patba-pravarttamana-nanavidba-iiaU'Vataka'sam-
padita-setu-va(ba)ndha-[nihita-5aila]-îkhara-^reni-vibhra-
24 mat |* ni[ra]tiâya-gbaiia-gbanaghana-ghataAyaraayamana-va8ara-lakshml-samaravdha-
(bdha)-santata-jalada-samaya"Sandebat ndicbl-
25 n-aneka-narapati-pra[bhri]tikiit-aprameya-haya-vahiiu*-kbara-khur'6tkhata-dhull-dbusarita-
digantaralat parame^vara-seva-sa-
26 mayat-aêha“Jamvu(mbu)dvTpa-bhupal-ananta-pa[da]ta-bbara-namad-avaneh 6ri-Sahasagan-
damagara'Samavasi[ta*]t ^rimaj - jayaskandhavara-
27 [t|'] paramasaugato maharajadhiraja-^rl-Vigrahapaladeva-pad-anudhyatah parame^vara*

paramabbattaraka-mahara j adbi-
28 rajah ^riman-Mahipaladevab kuâll p ^ri-Pundravarddhana-bbuktau Phaijita-vitbi-samva*
(mba)ddba-*Amaia[ksbuddu]ng-antabpati-sva-3amva-^
29 vicbcbbiana-tal-opeta'[da]^-6ttara-âta-dvaya-praman-Ausi[mia]-Kaivartta^VTitti- Punija-
rika'maijdabantabpa(pa)ti-Panchakandak-adhika-
30 Sbattapanayichatre* navaty-uttara-cbatub-âta-pramaua-Nandisvamini-l^ Panchanagari-

vishay-autahpati-® ekapancbasad-uttara-sa-
31 ta-pramana-6anesvara-sameta-grama-pushki(3bka)rinTshu samupagara(t-a)6e8ha-rajapu'
rushan p ra]a-rajauyaka- p rajaputra- p rajama-
32 tya- p mahasandhivigrahika- p mabaksbapatalika* P mabasamanta- P mahasenapati-

p ulaba-
[pra]tihara- p daubsadbasadbani-
^ The danda is superfluous.

* Originally ni was engraved.
* Sandhi has not been observed here.
* Read sambaddh-aP'
‘ Better read "^chaira-. Chatra m&y be the same as chaturaka (cf. Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. Ill, p. 94).
33 [ka]- p mahadandaaayaka- p makakumaramatja- p rajasthan-oparika-^ p daâparadhika- p
chauroddharanika- daniRka p danda-
Reverse
34 pasi(si)ka- p saulkika- P gaulniika-kshefcrapa' p prantapala- P kottapa-
35 la- p ângaraksha- p tad-ayukta-viniyuktaka- p hasty-asv-oshtra-

36 iiau-va{ba)la-vyapritaka-p ki[so]ra-vadava-go-inahishy-aj'a-
37 vik-adhyaksha- p dutapreshamka-gamagaxnika-p 3abhitva[ra*]-
38 mana-(^ visbayapati-p gramapati-p tarika-p Gauda-P Malava-P

39 Khasa-p Huna-p Kulika-p Karnnata-p Lata-p cbata-p bbata-p sevak-adln P aayam^ch-
p raja-pad-opajlvinah prativa-
aklrttitan
40 sino Vrabman-aitaran* p ^nahattam-6ttaIna-kutumvi{mbi)-pu^5ga-Med-Audhra-Chandala-pary-

antaIl^ yatb-arbam manayati P v6(b6)dbayati sa-
41 madisati cba p viditam=astu bbavatam p yatbôparilikbita^tri-gramah* sva-sima-trinayuti-
gocbara-paryantab sa-tala-
42 s-6ddesab s-amra-madbukab p sa-jala-stbalah sa-gratt-osbarah p sa-das-apacbarab sa-
cbaur-oddbaranab paribrita-sarva-pidab a-
43 cbata-bbata-pravesah p a-kincbit-pragrabah(byah) p samasta-bbaga-bboga-kara-bira^y-adi-

pratyaya-sametah p bbumi-cbcbbidra-nyaye-
44 na a-chandr-arka-ksbiti-sama-kalam p mata-pitror=atmanas=cba punya-yaso-bhivriddbaye
bbagavantam V"u(Bu)ddba-bbattarakam=uddi3ya A-
45 ngiras-Amva(mba)risba-Ya(Yau)mu(va)nasva-pravaraya p Hastidasa-sagotraya ViahnudevV
.sarmanah pautraya p Dbiresvaradevasarmmanab
46 putraya p ^ri-Jivadbaradevasarmmane viû(sbu)vat-sankrantau vidhivat p Gamgayam
snatva sasanikritya pradatto^^smabbih^ (
a-
47 to bbavadbbi[8=sa]rvairêv=aaumaatavyam bbavibbi3=cha bbupatibhib p bbumer=dana-pbala-

gauravat p apabarane cha maba-naraka-
48 pata-bbaya{ya)t p darLam=idani=aniim6dy=auupalaniyarii p prativasibhi^^cha ksbetrakaraib p

ajna-sravana-vidheyibbuya yatba-kala[rii]
49 samucbita-bbaga-bboga-karu-birany-adi-pratyay-opauayah ka[rya] iti ||
Samva(samva)t [5]
JSravana-dine 26 [||*] Bhavanti cb=atra dba-
50 rinma(rmra-a)nusamsinah slokah [|*] Va{Ba)bubhir-va8udba bhukta rajabbib Sagar-Mibbih
j
yasya yasya yada bbumis-tasya [tasya*] tada pbalain(lam) H [13*] Bbu-

51 mim yab pratigribna(bna)ti yas=cba bbumirh prayachcbbati
|
ubbai(bhau) tau punya-karmma-
(rmnia)nau uiyatam svarga-gaminau |(
[14*] Gam=êka[m] svarnnam=e-
52 kan^cha bbumerâpy=arddbani=angulam(Iam) baran=narakam-a(m=a)yati ya(ya)va[d=a*]-
|
buta-samplavarn(vam) ]|
[15*] Sbasbtim=va(shtiin va)rsba-sabaka(sra)ijii svargge modati
bhumida-
^ The damla ia superfluous.
• The designation rdjasthdn-dparika is found as rdjasthdmy-oparika in most of the Pala records.
• jSandAi has not been obser\'ed h ere.
• Read Brdhman-ditardn.
• Originally paryanidh was engraved.
• ^Likhii^-yam grdmah was originally engraved. All the epithets of yrdmafi in the singular in lines 41-43
were later made plural to suit tri-grdmdh by the addition of an d mdtrd. But pTadatidz=^Tndbhih
the engraver’s notice and was left uncorrected.
in line
^
46 escaped
’ Read pradattd aamdbhib*

53 h I
akshepta cli=aiiumanta cha tanyêva narake vaset !|
[16*] Sva-dattam para-dattaru [va*]
yo ]iare[ta*] vasundliaram(ram) |
sa vishthavam kiimir=bhutva pi-
54 t^bhih saha pachyate ||[17*] Sarvan=etaii^bliavinali partbiv'-eudran^bhuyo bhuyah prarthayate-
(ty=e)sba Ramah |
samanyo=yam dbarinma-setur^nri-
55 panam kale kale palanlyah kramena [18*] |!

Iti karQala-dal-anivu~(l-ainbu)-vindu-lolani
sriyamânuvichintya^ ina[nu*]sliya-jlvita-
56 n=cha |
sakalam=idaiii=udahritan=cha vu(bu)ddhYa na hi purushaih para-kirttayo vilopya iti ||*
§ri-MahIpaladevena dvija-sre-
57 shth-opapadite [|*] [srI]mal=La(l=La)kshmIdharo mantrl sasane dutakali kritah ||
[20*] Poshall-
grama-iuryata-Cha[ndra]dityasya su(su)nima |
i-
58 dam sasanamûtkirnnaih srP-Pushyadityena Lipina ][

[21*]
B. —^Plate of Vigrahapala III ; Regnal Year 11

The inscription is written on a single plate which is of the same size as the Belwa plate of Mahi-
pala I, edited above. The seal, which is broken at the top, very closely resembles that of Mahipala's
plat-e. attached to the charter under discussion, reads hi-VigrahapaladHâh,
The legend on the seal,
There are 54 lines of writing on both sides of the plate, the obverse containing 29 lines and the
reverse 25. The preservation of the writing on the plate is not quite satisfactory. Some of the
letters have suffered from the effects of corrosion. Five lines at the top on the obverse of the
plate and four lines at the top on the reverse have a gap in the middle owing to the space occupied
by the lower part of the seal.
Little calls for special mention in regard to the palaeography, language and orthography of
the inscription as they very closely resemble those of the Amgachhi plate,* the only other copper-
plate charter of king Vigrahapala III so far published. In most cases in our inscription, the
left curve of the letter n does not start from its top but from the middle of its central vertical. The
letter s usually resembles in form the conjunct tbh or vbh as found in some inscriptions of the Gupta
age.
The charter is dated on the 19th day of Bhadra in the year 11 of the king’s reign (line 46).
Like the Belwa plate of Mahipala I and several other records of the family, the grant under dis-
cussion was made by king Vigrahapala III after having taken a ceremonial bath in the waters of
the Ganges on the occasion of the vishuvat-sahknuiti It appears therefore, as in the case of Mahi-
pala’s record discussed above, that the grant had been made on the 1st day of solar Vaisakha,
although the charter was issued a few months later.
of Mahipala I edited above, both at the beginning and at the end of the first line
As in the grant
of our charter occurs the letter ni which is a contraction of the expression nibaddha meaning ‘regis-
’
The actual record begins with the siddhcDn symbol and the word svasti which are followed
Ly fourteen verses (lines 1-22). These verses are also found in the Amgachhi plate of the same
king. Of these, twelve verses are common with Mahipala s plate edited above. But, as already
pointed out, the verse referring to the exploits of the king’s elephant force in all the four corners
of the chakravartti-kshetra (verse 14) is employed in the description of Vigrahapala III himself
instead of that of Mahipala Verse 12 of our record speaks of king Nayapala (circa 1038-55 A. C.),
1.
son and successor of Mahipala I, and verse 13 of Xayapala s son and successor Vigrahapala III
(circa 1055-90 A. C.) who issued the charter under discussion. These verses are not only found
^ Read iânuchintya,
* Read vU&pyaJi [19*j iti.
l|
* Omit sri for the sake of the metre.

* Above, Vol. XV, pp. 295
TTRIX B
in the Amgachhi plate of Vigrahapala III, but also in the Manahali plate^ of Madanapala (1141-62
A. C.)/ great-great -grandson of Vigrahapala III. As no other copper-plate charter of the
successors of Vigrahapala III, in which the verses are expected to have been quoted, has as yet
been discovered and as the text of verse 13 of our record could not be satisfactorily read either in
the Amgachhi or in the Manahali plate, the charter under discussion offers the correct reading of
the verse in question for the first time.
The charter was issued from the jaya'shandhavdra of Vilas apura which was also the place of
issue of the Bangarh plate of Mahipala I and possibly of the Amgachhi plate of Vigrahapala
III. Its description (lines 22-26) is the same as in other Pala charters including the Belwa plate
of Mahipala I, edited above. Lines 26-27 introduces the Paramasaugata Paramekvara Parama-
hliattdraka Mdhardjddhirdja iriwad-Vigrahapaladeva as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet
of the Mahdrdjddhirdja ^ri-Nayapaladeva and as enjoying good health at the time of making the
grant. The land granted comprised parts {arddha) of the village called Ldvanikama which was
then recently cultivated and was attached to the Pundarika mandala (subdivision) within the Pha-
nitavithi vishaya (district) of the Pundravardhana hhuhti, Phanita was originally the name of a
vithi (subdivision) but later Phanita- vlthi came to be the name of a vishaya or district.^ It is said
;
that Lovanikama was partitioned {riju-hhandikrita) and that one part measuring 1 hulya (i.e.,
Iculyavdpa) 2 dronas (i.e., dronavdpas) ddhavdpas and 3| udamdnas was left out, while the other
measuring 3 kulyas dronas and 11 udamdnas was made the subject of the grant.
The list of officials and others associated with the gift land (lines 29-37)
and that of the privileges
to be enjoyed by the donee (lines 38-49) are the same as in other Pala charters including the one
edited above. The grant was made in the name of the lord Buddha-bhattaraka for the increase
of the merit and fame of the king and his parents in favour of the Brahmana Jayanandadeva-
sarman who belonged to the Bharadvaja gdtra having the Bharadvaja, Angirasa and Barhaspatya
pravaras and was the son of Sripatideva, grandson of Hrishikesadeva and great-grandson of
Mitrakaradeva. The words ^rl prefixed and harman suffixed only to the name of Jayanandadeva
ajipear to suggest that he was living whUe his ancestors were all dead and that sarman was already
regarded as a distinctive Brahmanical name-suffix, although it was not an integral part of the
family’s cognomen. The donee is said to have been a student of the Pippalada §dkhd and to have
been reputed for his scholarship in mimamsd, grammar and logic. He was an inhabitant
of
Vellavagrama, but his family hailed from Vahodagrama. His epithet srl-Ananta-^sahrahmachdrin
literally means that he was a co-student of a Brahmana named Ananta. It however seems to
me that the reference is here not to a co-student of the donee but to his preceptor.*
The king’s request to the officials and others as well as to the future rulers of the locality and
his order to the cultivators to offer the dues payable to the donee in due time come next in lines
44-46. The date {Samvat 11 Bkddra^dine 19) is also given in line 46. The usual
imprecatory
and benedictory verses are quoted in lines 47-53. The two concluding stanzas in
lines 53-54
speak of the dutaka (executor) of the grant and the engraver of the plates. It is
said that one
Trilochana was made the executor of the charter by king Vigrahapala. The
plates were engraved
by the artisan Prithvideva who was a son of Haradeva hailing from the village of
Tinnidi.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, Vilasapura, whence the
grant was issued,
cannot be satisfactorily identified, although it was apparently situated on the Ganges. The
1 Gaiidalekhamala, pp. 147 ff.
» J.R.A .S.B., L Vol. XVII, pp. 27-31. For the date of Vigrahapala III, see our paper on the Bangaon plate
to be published in this journal. ” ^
3 Cf. Khetak-aMra and
Khetakahara-tPiÂaya Kudur-dAara and KudnT&h^ra.-vi8?iaya in
;
SMccesaorA
^ of
Sdiavahanas, p. 42,
* aee our pap er on the
Bangaon plate to bo published in this ournal.
Two Pala Plates From Belwa
B. — Plate of Vioraiiapala III; Regnal Year 11
Reverse
':^?Is5^(3sK5"
S'
T?iot
3»^5tâ(3!: TO
itâ'
:5^5iri3:(=
[#®M3.i3B>-
aWf5!55H?h?^, ',:
wi2aj^'3ii5(i.i;''-V
ihtNg
iSlIMi
fi/iv -
f
m scS; i^c
A?;. urn
mm .v*-y*'
•
i«-
Js--*
'•
.
'
.v'
Pundravardhana and the Piindarika, mandala are also mentioned in the Belwa plate of
hhuJcti
Mahipala I, The Phanita-vithi vishaya of our inscription is mentioned in that

discussed above.
record as the Phanita vltJil only. The village of Lovanikama and that of TinnidI which was the
original home of the engraver family cannot be identified with any amount of precision. The
village of Vellava, where the donee lived, is no doubt the same as the present Belwa, the
findspot of the charter but the village of Vaheda, whence the donee’s family hailed, cannot be
;
identified.
TEXT!
[ Metres : Verse 11 Mdlini ;
verse 12 Sikharini ;
verse 13 Sdrdulavikndita ;
verse 14 Mandd-
krdntd ; verses 15-19, 22, 23 Anushtuhh ;• verse 20 Sdlinl ;
verse 21 Pushpitdgrd. ]
Obverse
Lines 1 — 17^
18 bhubhujaiii=murdhni tasmad=abhavad'avanipalah ^rl-Mahipaladevah jj

[11*] Tyajan^dosha-
sangam sirasi krita*padah kahitibhritam vitanvan sarw-aâh prasa-
19 bham=Uday-adrer=iva ravih |
hata'dhvanta[h*] snigdha-prakritir=anurag-aika-vasati[h*] suto
va{dha)n[y]ah punyairâjani Nayapalo narapatih H [12*] Pitah sajjana-lochanaih Sma,-
20 raripdh pujasu raktah sada sangrame dhaval5=’dhika6=r.ha Haritah kalah kule vidviaham-
(sham) chaturwarnnya-samasrayah sita-yasah-purair=jjagad=ranjaya[iii*]s-ta-
1
21 smad=Vigrahapaladevamripatih punyaj=jananam=abhut ||
[13*] Deê prachi prachura-payasi
svachchham=apiya toyam svairaiii bhrantva tad-anu Malay-opatyaka-chandaneshu [
22 kritva sandrair=Marushu jadatarh sikarair=arvbha(bhra)-tulyî Praleyadreh katakam=

abhajayi(n=ya)sya sena-gajendrah [|!14*] Sa khalu Bhagirathi-patha-pravarattamana-na-
23 navidha-nau-vataka“Sampadita-setu-va(ba)ndha-nihita-âila-îkhara-6renLvibhrama[t] nirati-
6aya-ghana-ghanaghana'ghata-syamayamana-vasara-lakshmi-
24 samaravdha(bdha)‘santata-jalada-samaya~sandehata(hat) udichin-anekamarapati-prabhriti-
kfit-aprameya-haya-vahini'khara-khur-otkhata-dhuli-dhusari-
25 ta-digantaralat parame^vara-seva-samayat-asesha-Jamvu(mbu)-d\ipa-bhupal-ananta-
padata-bhara-namad>avaneh ^ Vilasapura-samavasita-srima- |
26 j^jaya-skandhavarat paramasaugato maharajadhi(dhi)raja-sri-Nayapaladeva-pad‘anudhya*

tah paramesvarah paramabhattarako maharajadhira-
27 ja-6rImad-YigrahapSladgva[h‘ ku]sali sri-Pundravarddhana-bhuktau Pha[i>i]tavithi-vishay-

antahpati-Pundarika-mandala-samva(mba)ddha^'adhuna'hala-kuli-
28 [t-arddha-L 6 ]vanikamah(ma)^-ri 3 u-khandIkrita-sarddha®‘Udamana-tray-ottara*sapad-adha^ ipa-

tray-adhika-dr5na-dvay“opeta-kulya-praman-amsa-varjjita-sva-
29 samva(mba)ddh-avichchhinna*taLopeta^-ekadas-5daman'adhika'Sarddha-sapta-dron-6peta-ku-
lya-traya-praman-amê j* samupagatâsesha-rajapurushan
Reverse
30 r§,]a-rajanyaka-l*^ rajaputra- rajamatya- mahasandhivigrahika-l® maha-
1 From an impression.
* The reading of these lines is practically the same as that of lines 1-20 of the plate of Mahipala I, edit-ed above
* The is unnecessary,
* The vUarga was at first omitted and later made on fc.

» Sandhi has not been observed here. B2
^
12 EPIGRAPHIA IXDICA [VoL. XXIX
31 kshapatalika-p mahasamanta mahasenapati -|^ mahapratihara - dau-
32 hsadhasadhaiii[ka*]-]^ mabadandanayaka-|^ mahakumaramatya-l^ rajasfcha-
33 n-oparika-]^ da%)aradhika-j^ chaiiroddharanika-|^ d:indika-|^ danda*
34 paîka-j^ saii(saa)lkika-|^ gaulmika-p kslietrapa-p prantapala-]^ kota(tU)pala-( * aiigaraksha-^

tad-ayukta-viniyiiktaka-| ^ liasty-a&v-5shtra-nau-va(ba)la-vyapritaka* |
35 kisora-Yadava-go-mahisky-aj-avik-adhyakska-l^ dutapreskanika-l^ gamagainika-| * abhitva-

ramana-1^ visbayapati*!^ gramapati-j^ tarika- [|^] Gauda-[|^]
36 Malava-p Kbasa-|^ Huna-|^ Kulika-|^ Karmiata-]^ Lata-P cbata-]^ bbata-|^ sevak-adln

anyams=cb=âkirt titan raja-pad-opajivinab prativa-
37 sin5 Vxa(Bra)bman-5ttara[ii] mabattam-ottama-kutumvi(mbi)-[puroga]-Med-Andbra-Chan-

dala-paryantan yatb*arbam manayati vo(b5)dbayati samadisati
38 cba 1
viditam=astu bbavatarii yath-oparilikbito^’yam gramab sva-slma-[tri]nayuti*
gScbara-paryantah sa-talab s-oddesab s-amra-madbukab
39 sa-jala-stbalah sa-da^-apacharab sa-cbaur-5ddbarana}i paribrita-sarva-pldah^ a*cbata-

bbata-pravesab p a-kincbit-pragrajya(bya)h p samasta-bbaga«
40 bboga-kara-birany-adi-pratyaya-sametah |
^
bbumi-cbchbidra-nyayena^ a-[cba*]ndr-arka-ksbiti-
sama-kalam p mata-pitrorâtmanas^cba punya-yaso-
41 bbivxiddbaye bbagavantam Yu(Bu)ddha-bbattarakani=uddisya |

Bbaradvaja-sagotraya p
Bbaradvaj-Augirasa-Va(Ba)rbaspatya-pravaraya p srP-Ananta-savra(bra)bmacba-
42 line P PippaladaAakh-adbya 3dne mlmansa(niamsa)-vyakarana-tarkka-vide p Vabeda>grama-

vini[rgga]taya p Vella va-grama-vastavyaya p
43 Mitrakaradeva-prapaufcraya p Hrisbikesadeva'paiitraya p Srlpatideva putraya p ^ri-Jaya-

nandadevasarmmane Visbuvat-samkrantau vidbivat p
44 Gangaya[m] snatva sa(sa)sanikritya pradatto=’smabbib ato bbavadbbib sarvair= ev=anuman- |
tavyam bhavibbir=api bhupatibbih p bbumer^ddana-pbala-

|
45 gauravat apabarane cba mabanaraka-pata-bhayat p danam-Adamânumodya palamyam |
prativasibbis-cba ksbetrakaraib ajfia-srava'
46 na>vidbe}ibbuya yatba-kala[m] samucbita-bbaga-bb5ga-kara-birany-adi-pratyay-opanayati

karya iti !| Samva(Sainva)t 11 Bbadra-dine 19 [j|*]
47 Bbavanti cbâtra dbaim-anusamsinab slbkab |

Va(Ba)bubbir=wasudha datta rajabhis-Saoâr-
adibbib |
yasya yasya yada bbumis^tasya tasya tada pbala-
48 m 11
[15*] Bbumim yab pratigribnati yas^cba bbumim^prayacbcbbati )
ubbau tau punya-kar-
manau niyatam svarga-gaminau H [16*] Gam=ekam svarnnam=eka-
49 n=cba bbumer-apy=arddbamângulam(lam |) baran=narakam-ayati yavad=abuta-samplavam
11
[1"^*] sbashtim=va(shtim va)r.sba-sabasrani svarge modati bbumidab j
akshe-
50 [pta] cbânumanta cba tany=eva narake vuseta(set) ||

[18*] Sva'dattam-para-dattam=va(ttam
va) yo bareta vasimdbaram j
sva(sa) visbtbayarii krimir=^bbutva pitribbib saba pa-
51 chyate |1 [19*] Sarvvan=etan=bbavmah partbvi(rtbi)v-eadr5(ndran) bbuyo bbuyah prarthayaty-

eaha Ramab |
samany6=’ya^^tlbarina-setar=nripanam kale kale pala-
^
^ The nanda is unnecessaty.
* The danda is unnecessary. Stindki has not been ohserved here
* The danda is superfluous.
* Sandhi has not been ob&cred here.
;
No. 2] KOLHAPUR INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA BHOJA II SAKA 1104 ;

13
52 ni(m)yah kramena ||
[20*] Iti kamala-dal-amvu(inbii) vindu-lolam sriyain=anuchintya
manushya-jivitan^cha [|] sakalam-idamûdahritan^cka vu{bu)ddhva na lii
53 purushaib para-kirttay5 vilopya iti^ ||

Sriinad-Vigrahapalemi ksbmriprila-kula‘niauli[iia |)
[krit6*]=tra sasane diitab [sumajtih
54- 6ri-Tril5cbanab ||
[22*] Tinnidl-grama-niryata Haradevasya sfi[nu]iia |
idaiii sasanam-utkir-
nnam Prith\i[de\ ena sijlpina |1
[23*]
No. 2-KOLHAPUR INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA BHOJA U SAKA 1104

Moreshwar G. Dikshit, Saugar
This inscription, now preserved in the compound of the

wall of the Hari-Haresvara shrine in the
famous Mahalakshmi temple at Kolhapur, was December 1945, when I

first noticed by me in
visited the place for the excavations on the Brahmapuri mound, near Kolhapur. The stone bearing
this inscription is reported to have been found while digging the foundation wall of Mr. Panditrao’s
house in close vicinity of the temple several years ago and later built into the outer wall of the
above-named shrine for the sake of preserving it. I edited the inscription some years back in
Marathi in my
book* Select Inscriptions froyn Maharashtra, pp. 73-80. I re-edit it here in English
for the sake of a wider circle of scholars. The text of the record presented here is based on the inked
estampage^ which I owe to the courtesy of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund.
Shri N. Lakshminarayan Rao, Superintendent for Epigraphy, has been kind enough to make several
useful suggestions in preparing the article.
The inscribed area of the stone slab is about 4^ feet in length and 2 J feet broad. At its top,
figures of the sun, the moon, a mahgala htlasa, a milking cow with a calf, and a sword are carved
in high relief and are now worshipped daily by the visitors to the shrine. There are 39 lines of
writing which is fairly well preserved. Some parts of the record, however, are damaged and worn
out, probably on account of the constant watering of the stone resorted to by its worshippers.
A few letters at the ends of lines have also been damaged while fixing the slab in its present position.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, of which lines 1-17 and 34-39 are in verse. The
rest is in prose as also the concluding sentence in line 39. The characters are the usual type of
the Nagari alphabet current in the 12th century A.C. and do not call for any remarks.
As regards orthography, the following deserve mention. Ksha is used for khya in line 5. ^ is
substituted for s occasionally ; e.g., dsit The word Nairritya is spelt
in line 2, tjasyd in line 6, etc.
as Naiyiritya in line 23. The rules of sandhi are often disregarded. The style of the inscription is
in general agreement with another inscription from Kolhapur published in this journal previously.*
The inscription is dated Saka 1104, 6iibhakrit-samvatsara, Pushya suddha 4, Utta-

rayana-sarhkranti. The date which is expressed in words only in lines 20-21 corresponds
regularly to 1st December 1182 A.C.®
The inscription refers itself to the reign of Bhoja II, the Silâra ruler of Kolhapur, who is
stated to have obtained a boon from the goddess Mahalakshmi and is styled Mahdmandalehara.
It was issued from his residence at Valavada. The object of it is to record several donations by
1 Read vilopyab [21*] di,

|1
» Published by the Bharata Itibasa Sam^ddhaka Manâla, Poona, in 1947.

® An, Rep, on Ind, Epigraphy, No. 355 ol 1945-46.
* Above, Vol. Ill, pp. 213-216.
* Pillai Indian Ephemeris, Vol. HI,
, p. 367.
14 EPIGRAPHIA IKDICA [VoL. XXIX
the king to the religious establishment (matJia) founded by Brahmana,

Lokana Nayaka, a Sahavasi
in the premises of the Uma-Mahesvara,
Mahalakshmi temple, for carrying on the worship of the god
a form of Amrite^v'ara (Siva), for maintaining the granary of the matha, for keeping it in good repair,
for feeding the Brahmanas, and for similar other purposes.
The inscription opens with an invocation to the boar incarnation of Vishnu. Then comes the
genealogy of the Silahara dynasty which commences with the Vidyddhara Jimutavahana, its mythi-
cal founder, and is brought down to Bhoja Most of the verses containing this description are
II.
identical with those occurring in the Kaêli plates^ of the same ruler, dated Saka 1116, except
verses 6, 13and 14 which are new in the present inscription. Unfortunately these verses are too
much damaged to yield any coherent sense. Verse 6, devoted to the praise of Bhoja I, son of
Marasimha, contains the names Govinda and Kohgaja. As gathered from the Kolhapur plates^
of Gandaraditya, these persons appear to be some petty chiefs defeated by Bhoja I. Verses 13
and 14 seem to contain the praise of Bhoja II and do not appear to be important historically.
The importance of the present inscription lies in the fact that this is an early dated inscription
of the Silahara ruler Bhoja II. An earlier inscription of this ruler, dated Saka 1101, is said to have
been found near Kotitirtha, a sacred tank in the precincts of Kolhapur ;

and Major Graham in his
StatisticalAccount of the Principality of Kolhapur, pp. 382 ff., gives a kind of a facsimile of this
inscription, but its original cannot be traced now.
The maiha founded by Lokana Nayaka, referred to in the present inscription, is already known
from the town-hall inscription of Bhoja II, ^ dated Saka 1112. Its mention here carries the date of
its existence further back to Saka 1104. It is interesting to observe that the residents of the
matha are practically the same as are mentioned in the town- ha II inscription, except Janardana
Bhatta who appears to have succeeded Lakshmidhara.
The Sahavasi Brahmanas, mentioned and other inscriptions, claim to have arrived in
in these
the south from Ahichchhatra and Kashmir. They seem to have been a fairly well settled community
in the Deccan and Karnatak as can be gathered from the references to them in several mediaeval
inscriptions of this period.* Even now Kolhapur retains a large population of this class of Brahma-
nas who are engaged mostly in trading and banking activities.
The following geographical names occur in the present inscription Tagarapura (line 18), :
Valavada (line 19), Kollapura (line 21), Panaturage-ôZ^ (line 26) and Beleyavada (line 26). Of
these the first three are often mentioned in the inscriptions of the Silaharas of Kolhapur. Tagara-
pura is modern Ter in the Hyderabad State Valavada which was the seat of the permanent residence
;
(sthira Sibira) of the &laharas is taken to be identical with the site of mcdern Radhanagari near
Kolhapur and Kollapura
; is undoubtedly modern Kolhapur- Panaturage, which appears to be the
name of a tract {golla), may be identified with the village Panutra, 14 miles S. W. W. of Kolhapur,
situated on the bank of the river Dhamm. probably modern Sheloshi, about 1\
Seleyavada is
miles further S. W. of Panutra, on the bank of the same river.® The change from Panaturage to
Panutra appears to be natural as suggested by the change from Ajirage to A] re. Panaturage would
thus have some form like Panutare and this is exactly the form in which the name occurs in certain
^ Transactions
of the Literary Society of Bombay, Vol. Ill, p. 393 and the Annual Report of the Bhdrata Itihdaa
Samsodhaka Maridala for 8aka 1835, pp. 222 ff.
* Above, Vol. XXVII,
pp. 176>82 the plates were earlier edited by Mr. G. H. Khare in his Sources of the Mediaeval
;
History of the Deccan (in Marathi), Vol. I, pp. 33 ff.

* Above, Vol. Ill,
pp. 213*216.
* Cf. for instance Ep, Cam,, Vol. V, Hassan
A. S. 1. A. R,, 1927-28, p. 141.
,
» Both these villages can be traced on the

1 inch=l mile Survey Sheets, old Nos. 206 «nd 240 published by the
Survey of India in 1932.

No. 2] KOLHAPUR INSCRIPTION OP SILAHARA BHOJA II ; SAKA 1104 15
old Marathi documents of the ITth^lSth The expression golla can be equated with
century.^
Kannada kolla which means a valley or low land. The Panaturage golla would therefore corre-
spond to the valley formed by the river Dhamni, bounded on the east by the Bhogavati river and
on the west by the Kumbhi river, as seen on the maps. There are several mountainous tracts in
this region which appear to have been mentioned in the Talale copper plates^ of Silahara Ganda-
raditya, as forming the boundary of this Panaturage golla. This golla again seems to have been
mentioned in the Bamani inscription^ of Silahara Vijayaditya, where it is read as navu[ka]- ‘
. .
gegolla wherein the village of Mada[lu]ra was situated.

’ The doubtful nature of the
reading can be seen from the dots and the square brackets enclosing it. So it is possible to restore
the reading as [Pa]natu[ra]ge-5ro?/a and Madalura may be identified with Mandur, which is about
3 miles west of Panutra.
My thanks are due also to Sri P. B. Desai, M.A., of the office of the Government Epigraphist
for India, for his useful suggestions in connection with this paper.
TEXT"
Metres : Vv. 1-3, 10, 15, 18-20 Anushtuhh ; vv. 4, 5, 9, 12 &drdulavikridita ; vv. 7, 8, 14
[
Ufajdti ; v. 13 Mdlini v. 17 &dlinl vv. 6, 11, 16 Vasantatilakd. ]
3 l'^ [1
^TirfoT: ÎT-
4 filMrT rqr ^T: I
'JlPd^rt ^SFTj^FTT^:
5 ^ [IIYII*]
[i«.ii*]
7 44lc| nff ^ [ll^!l*]
Sadhanif Vol. VIII, p. 194.

^ Riijwade, Mardthydnckyd Itikdsdcki
lu this record the tract is referred to as Panaturage-khoUa.
J B B R A. *5., Vol. XIII, pp. I ff.
^
3 Above, Vol. Ill,p. 212.
4 From the original stone and ink impressions.

6 Expressed by a symbol.
8 Readings restored from the Kaêli plates.
7 The danda is unnecessary,
restored conjecturally though it is not actually found in the Kaêli plates.
8 This reading is
16 EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
8 II cTFTFTsrpft M?cr[5nTTTt I P'l'IdH-
5rfsT[G^]-
9 driG: I[l3ir’'] 5iF4[«Rt srfT’ilT ^5TTT]^ ^TTirPlf'y'HI'^^l-E 1
?iTRT
^ ) 5rTlTTwrqxm[
:
10 rif’T:?': ^ *]
I
[
i 1 1
*]
SIPtI^' Wr^j^^TR^T
sD
w. I 5T:
11 fTcnTTr^^T^JT^^^^^q'afpT^T ( WT )
R<?TT5r^; [I*] ^ ( ^ ) ^*^4 ^ WPd H 4) ^ | ift
VT^d+'-MS-E: I[I5.II*] pT5^^^PTT[f^^-]

o
12 I ?fl ( ^ )
^ Jf 9 ij'+^rT (
i
^ )
^^PT: l[l?o|l*]
^^T(fT^)^(JT;) SR^nrPl ( ! ) Pd’+ PCT?['i=^FFft]“^ <irJ|Pc^d4+'=n<: I
13 5i^p4qnrf«r^^RfT??2TPK'ft3P'^s>^?rwt(^) i[inii*]
^q-fwrrR [E?qT]-
14 3T 'T(p3l)^vrTqq^ ^<T^tqTTnT %^[;*]PfsT%: I ^q'[%]g(5Fg)Trfrf^'Tff-
JT^ [1*] E'(^)w: srf?fT^?T ^

f%^[f5[?zr]-
15 ddd (^) ’T'^; ('J|ld) l[l?\ll*] '4''lfd f^'Jl'4^ddfT[4^]^K'HMfd'Jl
w- ww — — — =1 c-'dl d Pd ^ :[| *] Id +iqP)'Ji^s;i^: ^dfsdl-
ttP^-
16 JpTf^^l^T^: l[inil*] W
1'^ ^T '^4d ^dNft' vpl'jKk^ ll[^VI|*] ^nrfsFRTN’-
[E^T%(^)^] 3
18 Tfq’ H ^^’JlHldd'^l'T'iiT diPld^NplP^T . . .l%irT?lT ^H^hI^'E'-

(Êt)<=riM^^d<9G14 [«ftGTTT]-
19 3WT4t^'t(t) f^^lTfelE M<MNîlPd< P^d [:*] I

«f|PFTTÊ¥$?^ ( T: ) «ft-
;>n^> ^^lP’Tl%(f^)[^ g^]-

^ Reading n'storod from otlior ins^rijitions,
2 Reading restorcrl from the town-hall inscription.

3 Read as m other inscriptions.
No. 2] KOLHAPUR INSCRIPTION OF SILAHARA BHOJA II ;
SAKA 1104 17
20
f5^(:) ^[HqTMTJSTRWT
21 51 :jft[TT] . . [^]WTHPiRnf!HnTT5#PiT
[ ( ) .
^rtHe+l Î?r%T ( ^-
)
22 ^<jiA|T'â|*t1 ^ 'Tf^'^BSK'lTl[T .... ^T^^WTHc^T-
23 H3F1 ^Tt^SFTRT^ KS^RTT^^^T^ H[fq’]f^^(^t^)fefl’ >TT^
24
5T^:
]-
25 ['di' ÎT^] ^^>H<=ll<i+i^'t»
26 «T M'Ji'ôi^rr^ .^rr?f^
27 <1cSrRT^(^)5 I B ^JRI^
1 fK^rf?H3nTPiHT^^ ^dcB«4
^ ^TRURiffcr [sn]-
H5#^r(^)?H'TfT^
28 < rij o4^
|
''
H5tH(H)HFT(Fr) TT^5l^?t3TTHnHHTl%t-
^piftiIHT=^TW# ['T^'tT]-
y,«Hls
30 'T^rf%35rRTfÎ^fel(5T)rI^
^. . . . rf^(^)^.
5 . . .
31 i K^l ^fd fn^^PT
5FT5inT]HHt^Fr ^[^]-
32 ?T^ 'T^'wrt H^tTWW^FT
h 4 hh-
33 UERfW^MllRfJTT H5^?t1^5T[5]
^ Reading restored from the towndiall in.scription.

- The letter chha indicates the end of the topic.
4 DO A c
.
18 '
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
34 TT5rf^fFRT[fd^^: [1*]^^ ^TfRTtTRT cTFT
^ 'E^(^)[lir^ll*] ilj5T5rr[:*JTTJTft7-
35 WT qT'IK'l^H'fTITT ^[firTT^rr; l ^ 'TT?raf!=^ ^T]*T «FJTfilW
^vjfr R-3TT II [?îi*]
36 qrJT^'pTTT'iTt ['TPrpftjfT I
(^)^T^Tlw(?T;)qTf2r#5^r-^qT •ffifr qT^[^ tft]-
37 11 [!;CAI*] ^ 'TT^ ^ 5TTT[^*] i^qT^qT^(R^) I
^PTTc^^WT^'Tf^ (^fT) II [5=:ll*] H<<iTlT
WT zft
38 ^ ^?TTt(TrfT) I qf^J^fT^TfSTlftiT l%'-'3Tq’t ^TFI# I [I HU*]

[^^‘T]^5Tq'(fjr)fw m . . . .
39 Ff^f ^^^[3ft]^; ii[ôii*] ?r3l%^^5Af^T^^rf*T . . .
No. 3-MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF

(/ Plate)
M. Vexkatauamayya, Ootacamuxd
This inscription was copied in the year 193')-31 by the Archaeological Department, Gwalior
State, at the village of Maser, Basoda Pargana, District Bhihsa.^ The record is fragmentary and
its concluding portion is not traceable. The existing portions of the inscription are contained in
two broken pieces of a mutilated stone discovered amidst the ruins of a fallen house of a Brahmana
in the village of Maser. The only other ancient relics found in the locality were a few broken
sculptures and carved stone fragments lying near what looked like the basement of a small shrine.
From a perusal of the summary of the contents of the inscription published in the Annual Report
of the Archaeological Department, Gu'alior, for the year 1930-31, I realised the importance of the
At my request
record for the history of Central India and the Deccan in the 10th century A.C.
the Government Epigraphist for India secured two estampages of the inscription which were
kindly supplied by the Superintendent, Archaeuloaical Department, Gwalior State. I edit the
record here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The epigraph must have been engraved on a large slab which later broke into several pieces.
Of them, only two have been found, the rest are not forthcoming. The first of the extant fragments,
which forms the beginning of the record, containing, as it does, the opening lines, measures 3' 6'"
by H" and bears portions of 10 lines of writing engraved on it. The other piece which is a continua-
tion of the first one and has been put together with the first measures 2' 3" by 1' 1" and contains
portions of 12 lines of writing. Both the pieces have suffered considerable damage. Since the
ends and beginning.s of lines do not follow in se([uence, considerable portions of the full inscribed
I An filial Rtpvri of the Archaeoloyical Department, (.>• xltor, 1930-31, Inss. Nos. 1 and 2 : pp. 10 and 22,
No. 3] MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF 19
stone towards the right side of the existing fragments are missing. On their left side, however,
there has been only a slight damage and a little mutilation of the stone extending to a space covering
one or two aksharas and affecting about five to six lines. In respect of the second fragment which
is smaller than the first, still larger portions of the inscribed slab towards its right are missing.
Though the impression of the second piece shows some uniform blank space
at the end of each line,
suggesting thereby that the lines do not continue further, yet becomes clear from the study
it
of the text of the record, which is metrically composed, that the lines must have continued on to
the same extent of space as they do on the first pie ce of which the second is only a continuation.
Evidently the second fragment was touched by some human agency and dressed with a view to
some construction. However, it is fortunate that it is possible to judge the extent
its utilisation in
of the losson the right sides of the two fragments. The record being in verse, the number of
aksharas forming the metrical portions of the missing text can be counted. It would appear that
about eight to ten aksharas in each line up to line 10 are found wanting in respect of the first frag-
ment and about thirty-six to thirty-eight letters from line 11 onwârds in the case of the second
piece. In addition to these losses, some more aksharas are effaced owing to the damage sustained
by the extant pieces. Notwithstanding its mutilated condition, the present record embodies
much historical information, although elucidation is rendered difficult owing to the incomplete
and disjointed text that is available for study.
Altogether we have portions of twenty-one lines of the inscription.^ Of these the last three are
completely damaged, only a few letters here and there being visible. Except for the obeisance to
god Sambhu with which the record opens, the entire inscription to the extent now available is in
verse. As manv as twênty-five verses composed in different metres can be counted. They are,
however, not numbered in the inscription. The first four of them are introductory, in invocation
of the mother divine and her consort, lord Siva. Verse 5 traces the origin of the Sulk? mrhâ
-
and introduces one Bharadvaja, an early ancestor of the family, \erse3 6 to 10 speak of king
Narasimha born of the same family and they embody an elaborate description of his conquests.
His son Gunadhya, famous as Kesarin, is then introduced in verss 11. Verses 12 to 15
evidently contain a description of this chief and his achievements.
The characters belong to the Nagari alphabt^t of about the 10th century A.C. The size of
the letters varies from *6 to -7 of an inch in height. Medial diphthongs and medial vowels (except
i and 1) are indicated by both îro-matrds and
pri.'^htha-mdtrds. Medial and I are indicated by i
prishtha-matrds alone. The consonant ph is written in twô forms phala, line 1 phalanx,
: :
line 7, ^n&phaldya, line 18. Similarly d has two forms the d in vidayhvi{hi)td
;
in line 8 and in
vadavdfialc in line 19 may be compared with the dwx Vida in line 5, mafhdapd in line 6, and
pushpddamvarayd in line 7.
The language is Sanskrit and except for a few words in the beginning, the rest of the record
is in verse. As regards orthography the following points may be noted. The consonant follow-
ing a r is mostly doubled. B is indicated throughout by the sign for v. S is used in place of
sin certain cases e.g., svarggaukasdm, line 4 sruch-aiva, line 6 si
:
nig kdsanarh^ line 11,
:
Gh id ;
The visarga-samlhi is not observed in cases like dharah srimdn,

used for h in simghdsanam, line 11.
in yutaH^Kfishna^,
line 5 yah sudhlh, line 13. There is one instance of the use of jihvdrnidiya
;
where the sign for it resembles d. The anusvdra has been used mostly for class nasals.
line 6,
The avagraha is conspicuous by its absence. There are practically no scribal errors. What
be counted as one such seems to be in respect of the word
chamlra-sersho for chandraslrshd
may
in line 2. Otherwise the record is composed in faultless jSanskrit.
1 Line 10 of the text is divided between the two fiagrar.i... the hrst containing only the upper parts of some
few letters towards the end.
^ -
* This may also be read as \'4a-
20 EPIGRAPHIA IXDIC A [VoL. XXIX
After the obeisance to god 5anibhu in the words Saihhhuve, there follow font mnuyala-
il6kaSi the first of which is in praise of Devi, the divine mother, who pervades the animate and the
inanimate. The second, parts of which are not quite clear, seems to contain a prayer for the
destruction of sins by ^îva who is described as the bee around the lotus face of GaurL The
third stanza is also an invocation of Siva whose glance, though cool and refreshing for Gauri,
acted as the very blazing fire for cupid. The fourth verse invokes the aid of îva^s consort,
Parvati, for the destruction of all evils through her eyebrows which were knit in anger at the
sight of Jahnavi (i.e., Gahga).
Then begins ths historical portion of the record. It is stated that a certain hero, adorned
by Bharadvaja by name, emanating from a drop of water that fell out
the granthi-trika^
of the hand of Dhata (Brahma) adorned the Sulkivarasa and was a veritable death to hostile
kings. In the family of Sulka of the lunar race there arose king Narasirhha. He was
the lord of Vida-dvadasa^ and had his permanent abode at his Kulagrdma, called Golahattl-
Chanaki in the vicinity of Blapura. At the command of KrishnarSja he defeated the enemies
in battle, and as
if entering a sacrificial mandapa^ he entered the a^rena of battle and performed a
sacrifice in theform of a great war and in the sacrificial fire of his rage he offered as ghee the
;
blood of the elephants, slain by him, out of the ladle of his sword and in such a sacrifice he initiat-
:
ed into widowhood the (women of his enemy). Then his prowess and generosity arc described
in the succeeding verses. Then a certain Gui^&dliya described as Kesarin is introduced as son
(of Narasirhha). At the command of Kpshnaraja he conquered the king of Lata (LdteSa) and
a Kach[chha]vglia.
\ erse 15 seems to refer to the founding of a city called Arkavana which was
purified
by Lakshmi and which was, as it were, the birth' place of piety and noble
conduct. Verses 16 to
18 contain important allusions to a number of kings with reference
to whom some facts are stated,
the nature of which it is impossible to make out. Thus Vakpati is stated to have done some
act and the same verse refers to a Tantradhipa in the nominative case. Munja and Ckachclia
are mentioned further on in the genitive case. The hero
(Kesarin ?) is then stated to have met
the sent by Ldlikya, in battle at Pattanaka and to have
destroyed a large army
consisting of horses, elephants, and infantry. Then follows a description of the plight of enemy
women who resolved to put themselves to death. In the battles fought by the
hero (Kesarin ?)
even the skulls of the fallen enemies were not traceable. There is
some allusion to Krishna who
destroyed the pride of Duâsana and Salya (v. 21). The
facts stated further on are important.
The hero (Kesarin ?) is eulogised as one who kept women’s
company only for the sake of progeny
and as one spending his life for the sake of his master ( v.
22). There is again a reference to a Huua
ruler in verse 24, and in the next verse, which
is the last extant, the hero is
described as a lion to
the elephants in the form of hostile kings and as the
foremost of the servants of Kara.
Thus the record embodies the eulogy of a family of gulki (i.e., Chalukya ?) chiefs starting from
Uharadvaja and mentioning Narasimha and his son Kesarin.
While editing the Bargaon temple inscription of

Sahara in
this journal^ some years ago
Profe^r Mirashi assigned to king Krishnaraja of the
present record the date c. 950 A.C
thought that he might be identical with a certain and
Kyiahna-nTipa whose minister Vachaspati
of
* This may also be read as Vila-dradam,

• Posgibly there is a pun on the word mamdapa, referring
to the fort of Maiidu which
or Maodava in some
is alao called Mandapa
records. Above. Vol. XIX, pp,
* Above, Vol. XXV. pp. 279-280.
No. 3] MASEE INSCEIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF 21
the Kaundinya g6tra defeated, according to a fragmentary inscription at Bhilsa,^ the lord of Chedi,
killed a Sahara chief called Simha and restored the chiefs of Rala-mandala and Rodapadi to their
dominions. Professor Mirashi further assumed that king Krishna of the above references was
identical with the Chandella prince Krishnapa, son of Yaôvarman, mentioned in the Dudahl ins-
criptions.- It is quite possible that Krishnaraja, the overlord of Narasirhha and of Kesarin of the
inscription
1 under study, and Krishnanripa of the fragmentary Bhilsa inscription are identical
inasmuch as both fought a common foe, viz.^ the Chedi king And as both lived about the same
period, i.e., the middle of the 10th century A.C. But there is a greater possibility of Krishnaraja
of the present inscription being identical with the Rashtrakuta king, Krishna III (939-967 A.C.).
This depends upon the identification of Narasirhha, the lord of Vida-dvada6a, who was the
commander of Krishnaraja's troops.
Now as for the identification of the chiefs, Narasiihha and his son Kesarin, attention
may be drawn to a Chalukya family whose is origin traced likewise from Bharadvaja
and which figures in the Bilhari Chedi inscription.® The account given there is as follows.
There was a sage Bharadvaja (Drona) whose conduct roused the wonder of the three worlds. Now,
in the water, of which he had taken up a handful (chuluka) in order to curse Drupada for the
insult offered by him, there arose a man from whom proceeded the clan of the Chalukyas and in
that powerful family was born Avanivarman who had as his father Sadhanvan and grandfather
P. R, A. S, /., W. C., 1913-14, j). 59. F. E. Hall {Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal^ Volume XXXI
(1862), page 111, foot-note) writes :
“ At Bhilsa, within the fort, I recently found a fragmentary inscription built into the outer wall of a modern
house, and looking upon one of the streets of the town. Subjoined is all that remains of a record of which perhaps
a full half is missing,
1 ^riyam-ayam=api nanv=a^rita n=a^rit=asya
2 geharh me Vetravatya niyamita-janata-kshobham^sy-apyâjasram |
3 tejomayy=atra ch:=ochchair~vvitatam=iti viditvâdarenâtma-tulyani

4 Bhaillasvami-nama ravirâvatu- bhuvah svaminain Krishnarajam 1
5 Chedisam samare vijitya Sabaram samhritya Simh-ahvayam

6 Rala-mandala-Rodapady-avanipau bhumyam pratishthapya cha |
7 devaih drashtum-ihâgato rachitavam(n)=stotram pavitram param

8 srimat-Krishna-nrip-aika-mantri-pada-bhak Kaundinya- Vachaspatih j
9 Suchiram=iyam kritirâstam ruehira srimad-Gajamkuêyasya |
”
0 Kakukena vilikhita Kayastha-ê ....
C.), mention is made of one
In the Salotgi pillar inscription (A) of Krishna III, dated §aka 867 (945 A.
Gajahkusa who described as belonging to the Kaundinya gdtra and as the chief minister and
Narayana alias is
sandhivigrahin of this Rashtrakuta king. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 60, 62-3. Kauntoya-Vachaspati, who in the
Bhilsa inscription is described as Gajahkuseya (i.e., son or descendant of Gajahkusa) is in all likelihood the son of
Narayana alias Gajfihkusa of the Salotgi inscription. This would favour the identification of Krishnaraja of the
Bhilsa inscription with Rashtrakuta K^shna III.
It is interesting to note in this connection that the
exploits claimed by Vachaspati find some corrobora-
tion from other sources. According to an account about Paramara Siyaka II found in the Xacasakasafikacharita
this prince is credited with the conquest of a certain chief of Rudapati. (Canto XI, v. 89 History of iht :
Paramara Dynasty^ p. 42). Perhaps it was this chief of Rudapati, called Rodapadyavanipa in this Bhilsa inscrip-
tion, thatwas restored to his kingdom by Vachaspati, the minister of Krishna (III). In regard to the Sahara
prince, Siiiiha, killed by Vachaspati, no satisfactory identification seems possible at present. However, attention
may be drawn to the fact that W. Gahga Marasimha II, the feudatory of Krishna III is credited with a victory
(above, Vol. V, p. 171 ; text lines 21, 64 and
over Naraga, a Sahara chief, in an inscription at §ravana-Be|agola
northern campaigns of this Ganga prince. Prof. Mirashi (above, Vol. XXV, p, 280),
96), which also mentions the
with Sahara Siriiha of the Bhilsa
however, identifies the illustrious Sahara of the Bargaon temple inscription
inscription.
s Nos. 185, 186, 191 and 194 of the Annual Report on Indian
Epigraphy for 1946-7 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII,
p. 237.
• Above, Vol. I, pp. 251 ff. and vv. 30 fi.
Siiiihavarmaii. The illustrious Nohala was born of Avanivarman and she became th« beloved
of the Kalachuri prince Keyuravarsha, i.e., Yuvarajadeva I. Queen Nohala is stated to have
endowed a temple of Siva with the villages of Vida, Pondi, Khailapataka and others. It will be
seen that although the story of their origin differs in some particulars from that relating to
Narasimha given in the present record this much seems certain that both the families were of
the same stock and were perhaps even lineally connected.^ Narasimha was a subordinate of a
Krishnaraja who fought against the Kalachuris- and the only Krishnaraja of this period who
could answer to this description was Krishna III (939-967 A.C.) of the Rashtrakuta family.^
Narasiiiiha of our record seems to be a later descendant or a collateral member of the same family
since his area of authority was same region around Biihari over which the Chalukya family
in the
of Nohala exercised sway. Vida-dvadaâ which was the fief of Narasimha seems to be identical
with the area around Biihari itself since Vida may be identified with Vida which was one of
the villages granted by Nohala to the temple of Siva at Biihari, as stated in the Biihari Chedi
inscription referred to above. Though I am unable to identify Vida, the donated village, with
any place near some of the other villages which the princess granted along with Vida
Biihari,
are however identifiable. Thus Pondi and Khailapataka, two of the gift- villages, are repre-
sented by the modern Pondi and Khailwara which are to the north-west and north-east of
Biihari respectively, Vi(Ja must be another village in the same locality.* The exact relation-
ship of Narasimha with the Chalukya family to which Nohala belonged can only be decided by
further researches.”
Now, returning to facts stated in the present Maser inscription, it has to be ascertained under
what circumstances Narasimha had to encounter the Kalachuris under the orders of Krishnaraja.
It has been assumed above that Krishnaraja was Krishna III who claims in his Karhad plates® a
victory over the Kalachuri Sahasrarjuna, who was the

elderly relative of Kis mother and his wife.
Krishna III achieved this victory as Yuvardja, sometime between c, 934 and 939 A.C. It was
i.e.,
evidently in this campaign of Krishna III that Narasimha toolf part and obtained the victory over
the Kalachuris as described in the present record. As Prof, MirashP and Dr. H. C. Ray® have
shown, the Kalachuri adversary of Krishna III may be identified with Yuvaraja I (c. 914-945
A.C.) who, being a member of the family of vSahasrarjuna, i.e., Kartavirya, was referred to as
* I later found that Prof. Mirashi had already arrived at this conclusion ; sc>e Ind, Hist. Quart. Vol. XXVI,
pp. 8-9.
- Although the text of our record at this place is mutilated, there seems to be no doubt that the Kalachuri is
referred to as the adversary and not as a friend. This would be apparent! from the context which refers to the
vaidhavya-dxk-'iha given to the cJuitura-Kalachuri-kshamabhii .... etc.
5 Rashtrakuta Krishna II w as a friend and ally of the Kalachuri king Kokkala. It was Krishna III who
fought the Kalachuris as stated in his Karhad plates (above, Vol. IV, p. 279). The Chandella king Krishnapa
with whom Krishnaraja of our record has been sought to be identified by Prof. Mirashi (above, Vol. XXV, p. 280)
is not known to have fought the Kalachuris, though his father Yasdvarman defeated a Chedi king.
* If the alternate reading Vila-drddaaa for Vida-diadasa is preferred, \T|a may perhaps stand for Biihari itself.
was at first inclined to refer Xarasimha and his son Kesann of the Maser inscription to the Chalukya family
‘ I
ofVemulavaâ, the well-known Rashtrakuta feudatories, and identify these two princes with their namesakes of
that family, Xarasimha and Arikesarin II. This does not appear likely since the latter belonged to the solar
race and were rulers of a much vvider territory, viz., the
Sapadalaksha which they were ruling from their capital
LembulapaUka, i.e., Vemulavada in the Hyderabad
The Sulk! Xarasimha of our record was of the lunar
State.
race and a small potentate ruling Vida-dvadasa, a region which lies in the Madhya Pradesh, a far cry from Sapada-
laksha which was situated in the Hyderabad State {J.O.R., Vol. XVHI, p. 42). Further, in none of the genea-
logical accounts of the Vemulavada Chalukya family is there an allusion to Bharadvaja or to the ehuluka
story.
It seems, therefore, best to iew these families as altogether unrelated.
« Above, Voi. IV, p. 279.
*
A. B, O. R. /., Vol. XI, p. 371 Ind. Ani., Vol. LXll (1933), pp. 36 S.
;
8 Dynast i:> History of yorthern India, Vol. 11 (1936), p. 762.

No. 3] MASER INSCRIPTION OF A SULKI CHIEF 23
Sahasrarjuna in the Karhad plates. The Biiharl inscription of the rulers of Chedi^ expressly refers
to the conflict between Yuvaraja I surnamed Keyuravarsha and the Karnatas, who, in this
period, could only be the Rashtrakutas themselves or perhaps their Chalukya vassals, the chiefs
of Vemulavada. Hence the present Maser inscription affords further confirmation to the conflict
that took place between the Rashtrakutas and the Kalachuris in the time of Krishna III and
Yuvarajadeva I, to which the records of both the dynasties bear testimony. The exact causes
for the conflict between the two pow’ers, who were even matrimonially connected, are not clearly
known. One fact, however, needs elucidation here. How
was it that Narasiiiiha of the Sulk!
family whose area of authority was Vida-12 in the Kalachuri kingdom fought as a general under
Rashtraku^ Krishna III ? There is nothing improbable in this. Although Yuvarajadeva I and
Krishna III were adversaries, prior to their advent into the political arena, there were matrimonial
relations between the families in the days of their predec 3 Ssors, Kalachuri Kokkala and Mugdha-
tuiiga, and Rashtrakuta Krishna II and Amoghavarsha III, as is well-known. It may also be
recalled that Amdghavarsha III, father of Krishna III, was the son-in-law of Yuvarajadeva I.
We have said that the Chalukya family to which Nohala, the queen of Yuvarajadeva I belonged,
was of the same stock with which Narasiiiiha of our record was connected. It may be supposed
that during the early days of friendship and matrimonial alliances between the two families, the
Kalachuris and the R^htraku^s, Narasimha or his predecessor, sought service under the
Rwhtrakuta king, retaining all the time his fiefdom, the Vida-dvadasa in the Kalachuri kingdom.*
Of Kesarin, the son of Narasimha, our inscription says that he conquered the king of La^ and
a Kach[chha]vaha at the instance of Krishnaraja, i.o., Krishna III. As to when these events
could have taken place two views are possible.
The Kach[chha]vaha spoken of here was evidently a scion of the Kachchhapaghata family of
Gwalior. The Lata country alluded to here may be taken to correspond roughly to the central
and southern Gujarat. This region was included in the principality of Khetakamandala, i.e.,
modern Kaira and parts of Ahmedabad District.^ In the time of Krishna II the province was
recovered by him from a collateral Rashtrakuta family and remained within the empire of the
Rashtrakutas of Malkhed.* From the Kapadvanaj grant of Krishna II dated Saka 832 (910 A.C.)
we know that Prachanda of the Brahmavak{?) family had gained the principality of Khetaka-
mandala by the favour of the Rashtrakuta king Akalavarsha and was ruling at Harshapura
(Harsola).^ During the reign of Indra III there seems to have been some trouble in the area as
we are told that his feudatory, Narasiiiiha II of Vemulavada, fought the Latas.* But the region
continued to be under Rashtrakuta control since the Bagumra (Nausî) plates of Indra III (both
sets), dated Saka 836 (914 A. C.),’ and the Cambay plates of Govinda IV, « dated Saka 852 (930
A. C.) record gifts made by them in Lata-desa. Subsequent to this date direct evidence of
Rashtrakuta hold over the region is met with in the time of Paramara Harsha-Siyaka II whose
Harsola grants of V. S. 1005, i.e., 949 A. C., issued by him as a feudatory of Rashtrakuta
Krishna III and recording his gifts in Khetakamandala, indicate that the region was under his
swav. In one of these grants Siyaka II is stated to have made the gifts when he was returning
* Above, Vol. I, p. 256, v. 24.

be pointed out that Jura in the Maihar State of Ma^lhya
Pradesh where an inscription of Raahtra-
2 It may
from Bilhari near which Narasimha of the present
kuta Krishna III was found (above, VoL XIX, p. 287) is not far
inscription held a fief.
^ Above, Vol, XIX, p. 240.
* Bashfrakutas and Their p. 98.
Above, Vol. I, p. 53 Vol. XIX, p. 240.

,
* Journal of the Jfadras Univer-'îty, Vol. XV, No. 2, pp. 118-9.

‘
Above. Vol. IX, pp. 28-9.
" Above, Vol. VII, p. 28.
21 EPIGRAPHIA IXDICA [VoL. XXIX
from his expedition against YSgaraja, who was none other than the Chavda king of Anhilvadapatan
and whom scholars have identified with Avanivarman 11, the great-grandson of Bahukadahavalad
Bahukadhavala was a feudatory of the Gurjara-Pratlharas. Avanivarman II Yogaraja who
continued to be a Gurjara feudatory, was holding Surashtra and parts of Gujarat from his capital
at Anhilvada.2 He seems to have encroached upon Lata and it was evidently to dislodge him
from the area that Siyaka II marched against him and drove him back. Owing to his occupation
of part or whole of Lata for a while, Yogaraja Avanivarman II might have acquired the title of
Iâtesa* and if this was the person that is referred to as Latesa in the present inscription as
having been the adversary of Kesarin, Kesarin must have joined Siyaka II in this expedition,
as both were acting on behalf of their Raahtrakuta overlord Krishna III. If so, these events have
to be placedsometime about 948-949 A.C., before the issue of the Harsola grants. The Kach-
chhavaha prince who was ruling at Gwalior at this date was Lakshmanaraja, the father of Vajra-
daman of the Sasbahu inscription, who being a Pratihara feudatory,* like Yogaraja, might have
been allied with him in his attack on Lata, and was likewise defeated by Siyaka II and Kesarin.
If what has been stated above as the possible trend of events in which Kesarin of the present
inscription encountered the Latesa and the Kach[chha]vaha is correct, it has to be supposed that
the events represent an attempt made by the Pratihara ruler, who on this date was Mahendrapala
II, to attack the Rashtrakuta empire in the region of Lata which, however, failed to bring any
success. On the other hand, the defeat sustained by the Gurjara feudatories seems to have paved
the way for the Paramara reconquest of Malwa. For, evidence of Pratihara control over the
region is up to 946 A.C.^ The absence of their records in Malwa territory after
available only
this date and the evidence afforded by the Harsola grant of the Paramaras dated V. S. 1005 (949
A.C.)’ would show clearly that their hold on it was lost, the Paramaras having established them-
selves firmly over the area by 949 A.C.
The events detailed above which have been placed round about 949 A.C. would, however,
make it impossible for Krishna III to have been present in person to direct the campaign, for on
this date he was in the south fighting the Cholas.^ Consequently, the reference made to him in
the present inscription for the second time in the locative case as Krishnaraje may be construed
to
indicate his absence from the northern campaigns at this date which were fought
by Siyaka II
and Kesarin on his behalf.
Or, in the alternative, Kesarin’s conflict with the Latesa and the Kachchhavaha might have
taken place much later in the reign of Krishna III as shown below.
Now, it is well known that Krishna III effected a second invasion of North
India
sometime after 964 A.C. as proved by an inscription of his at Jura/ near Jabalpur,
Madhya
Pradesh, in the territory of the Kalachuris. It is known that in this expedition he was
ably assisted
by Ganga feudatory Marasirhha II who, in commemoration of the victories secured
his
by him in
the north assumed the title of the lord of the Gurjaras.^^ The expedition
‘
seems to have been

necessitated by the growing challenge to his authority over his possessions
in Bundelkhand, Malwa
^^boverVol. IX, pp. 1 ff, and Vol. XIX, pp. 23(5-38 ; see History of the Paramara Dynasty, pp. 38-39.
2 Hi'itory of Kayuiuj, pp, 230-1, 338-9.
* Prof. Mirashi suggests that the Latesa Chatulravarman, whose -laughter Mrigahkavall married KeyQravarsha
according to the story in the I iddhaSalabhanjUa might be a member of this CUalukya family : See A. B O H I
*
Vol. XI, p. 365.
* Ind. Ant., Vol.XV, p. 36, v. 5 >cq also Dyna.stk Hktory of Northern India,
;
Vol. II, p. 822.
* Pratapgarh inscription of 940 A.C., above. Vol. XIV,
pp. lSO-1.
* Harsola grant, above, Vol. XIX, pp. 236-S.
'
Colas, Vol. I, pp. 157 ff.
•*
Above, Vol. XIX, p. 2H0 Hn^h Irak u fas and Thfir Tlmrs,
;
pp. 120-1.
» Above, Vol. V, pp, 170, 176, text lines 7-8.
No. 3] MASER INSCRIPTION OP A 8ULKI CHIEF 25
and Lata. In fact some successful attempts were made bj the neighbouring pow^s to encroaob
upon them. The earliest attempt in this direction was made by tke Cbandella ruler, Ya^dTarmsB
(c. 950 A.C.). The Khajuraho inscription (II)^ of his son Phahga dated V.S. 1011 states tiuit
Yaôvarman captured the fort of Kalahjara. This fort had been held in bis possession by
Efishna III from about 935 A.C. Yaôvarman followed up this success by overrunning the
kingdom of Malwa which must have been then under the rule of Paramua Slyaka II. The
Khajuraho inscription (II) testiftes to this event for it states that Ya^vamaa was the very
death to the Malavas (v. 23). His son Dbahga seems to have actually occupied a portion oi M&lw&
early in his reign as be is stated in the same Khajuraho inscription (v. 45) to have acquired the
territory as far as Bhasvat on the river of Malava,i,e.,Bhilsa on the Vetiavati (Betwa) in Gwalior.
Besides the Cbandella ruler, the Chedi king Lakshmaiâiaja (c. 94540 A.C.) setting at naught the
authority of the Bashtrakutiis over Malwa and La^ marched across these territories as far as
Somanatha^Patan in »Saur^htra, Kathiawar.^ Not long after Uie date of these happenii^s the
Latik country seems to have slipped from Ba6htrakut;a hold since it is found that Barappa, the
Chalukya chief, evidently taking advantage of the Chedi king’s raid across the Gountry, assumed
the title of the king of La^ some time about 960-1 A.C.^ All these encroachments seem to have
been made at the instigation of the Giirjara-Pratihara ruler. For, we have it exjJicitly stated in
the Kudlur plates of Marasimha II of 963 A.C. that Krishjja III set out on an expedition to the
north to conquer the A4vapati,* The A^vapati was the Gurjara-Pratihara king to whom the title
of Aivapati has to be applied at this period.® The distinguishing appellation, ‘

King of the
Gurjaras ’
by which Marasimha II is stated to have become known by conquering the northern
region for Krishnaraja (III) would support our surmise that the Aivapati against whom Kpishun
III directed his campaign was the Giirjara-Pratihara ruler.* As we have seen, the Jura inscrip-
tion affords some evidence for the conduct of this expedition. Under the above circumstances,
Kârin’s encounter with the Lateâ and the Kachchhavaha might have taken place during this
compaign, the Lateâ being perhaps Chalukya Barappa, and the Kachchhavaha being Lakshmaâ-
raja, both of whom were Pratihara feudatories.
The facts stated further on in the laat part of the present record are important inasmuch as
a number of contemporary rulers are introduced. Thus mention k made of Vakpati and a Tantrl-
dhipa and of some action relating to Munja and Chachcha. The Huâs despatched by Lolikya
are stated to have been defeated at Pattaâka.
Among the contemporaries (of Kesarin ?) figure Vakpati Munja and Chacbcha» both Pafamim
chiefs. Mufija was the well-known Vakpati II Munja whose known dates range from 974 to 995
A.C. Chachcha was the Paramara prince of Naddula, who is mentioned in verse 28 of the
Paâhera inscription of his descendant Jayasimha/ and whose date falls in this period (e. 950-75
* AboTB, Vol. I, p. 128, V. 31.

» Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 102-3.
» A. B. O. R. /., Vol, XI, p. 366.
* Mys. Arch. Rep., ff. text lines 123-4.
for 1921, pares. 41 Knshpa III is here given tie title of Narapafi.
• See Bapson's article Lord‘ of hones, lord 6f elephants and lord of nen ’ in the fToeliMr CommumoraUoit
196-9. The title Bayapati is actually borne by a Garjara-Pratlhfaa king, Wv^jila, who wa. in
Volume, pp.
fact the very contemporary of Krishpa
III (see above, Vol. I, p, 124 and Vol. XIV, p, 180).
• Prof. Altekar believes that the GCrjara king
subdued by Krishpa III and kUraaiibka II was Pamaara
be Chaukya MlUaraj* {MUh(rakula» and Tkasr Timtt,
Slyakall himself. Sten Konow hejd that he might
pp. 120 - 21 ).
’ Above, Vol. XXI, p. 43.
4 PGA 0
,

A.C.). Verse 29 of this inscription tells us that a ruler of the same family, whose name is lost,
gave battle to Khottigadeva at Khalighatta on the bank of the Reva in the cause of Siyaka and
went to heaven. is attributed to the Paramara prince
Evidentlv, the same exploit Kahkadeva
of the same Naddula family Arthuna inscription of Chamundaraja,^ verse 19 of which
in the
relates that Kahkadeva overthrew the army of the king of Karnata in battle on the bank of the
Narmada and in fighting on the side of Sri-Harsha of Malava died a hero’s death. It has been
assumed by some writers^ that Kahkadeva is identical with Chachcha and that it was this prince
who fought against Rashtrakuta Khottiga on behalf of Paramara Siyaka II. It would seem that
the facts narrated above with reference to several contemporary princes, including the fight at
Khalighatta, were incidents of one and the same camj>aign, viz., the one undertaken by Khottiga
against the Pratlhara and other princes of the north, viz., the Chedi, the Chandella and lastly
the Paramara who wâs his erstwhile feudatory. Kesarin too may be supposed to have taken part
in the expedition as can be deduced from the present Maser inscription. These events pertain to
the reign of Khottiga and must have taken place before 972-3. A.C. As Maser where the present
eulogistic inscription is found lies north-east of Khalighatta (modern Khalghat) on the Narmada,
it may^^be supposed that Khottiga was not halted at the Narmada as a result of this battle but was
able to proceed further north victoriously.
Now, the Maser inscription, recounting as it does the exploits of a Rashtrakuta subordinate,
must have been up before Khottiga’s reign came to an end, i.e., before 972-3 A.C., as after
set
this date the chances of a Rashtrakuta subordinate setting up an inscription so far north would
be very remote, the area having come under the rule of the Paramaras by this date.
The mention of Muhja (Miinjorvvipa) in this record, assigned as it has been done to a
date before 972-3 A.C,, would lead to the conclusion that he had already become king in
succession to Siyaka II by that date. Since, neither the latest date of Siyaka II nor the date of
accession of Muhja is definitely known yet, it is not unlikely that Munja ascended the Paramara
throne before 972 A.C., though the earliest date known of his is 974 A.C. It is usually believed
that the Miilava king who plundered Manyakheta in 972 A.C. was Siyaka II Harsha on the
evidence of a reference found in the Pdiyalachchlii, But as surmised by Fleet the Malava king
might have been Vakpati Muhja himself.^
Another incident of this campaign mentioned in the present inscription is the fight against
the Hilnas sent by Lolikya which took place at Pattanaka. If Pattanaka is identical with
Anahilavada-Patan which at this date was ruled by Chalukya Mularaja, it may be supposed that
the armies (of Kesarin ?) marched against this Chalukya chief and his Huna vassals. I am unable
to identify Lolikya who despatched the Hunas.
Of the places mentioned in the record, Golahatti-Chanaki near Elapura may be identi-
fied with Gola and Chanegaon near Ellora, i.e., Elapura, in the Aurangabad District, Hyderabad
State. Vida, as stated already, may be identified with Vida near Bilhari. Or, both Vida and
Vida may stand for Bilhari itself.'* I am unable to locate Pattanaka where rhe Hunas were
encountered. Whether it stands for Anahilvada-Patan or Somanatha-Patan cannot be deter-
mined until more definite data are available. I am also unable to locate Arkavana.
1 Above, Vol. Xiy, pp. 296 ff.

• History of the Paramara Dynasty p. 338.
3 Bom . Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, pp. 422-3. Above, Vol. XIII, p. 180.
*
See above, p, 22, n. 4.
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27
No. 3] MASER INSCRIRTION OE A SULKI CHIEF
TEXT
[Metres : Vv. 1, 4, 6, 7, 23 and 24 Awishtnbh ;
vv. 2, 3, 8 and 11 Sragdhara ;
vv. 5, 9, 12, 13, 16,
17, 18, 19, 21, 22 and 25 Sdrdulavikrldita v. 10 Upajdti; v. 14 Iryn; vv. 15 and 20
Vasantatilakd,]
1 Om^ [ If *] Sa jayaty=asakrid=Devi raatrika loka-visruta

Namah Sambhave I1
|
kar-adibhir=vvarnnair=vvyaptam sarvvarii cbaracharam [1 *] Drishtva || II

kamtbe
suraksham madana-phala-yutarii bliuta-vidravan-akhyarii panau va(ba)ddhaiii priyaya
visbadhara“dama[na —^ ^ |]
2 krityam Nihara-patnyah sakalam-idam-iti pratyajan=panTiag'adin=Gaiiri-vakramvu(ktr
ambu)j-alih prakiratu duritam charadra-se(si)rsho Bhavo vah || [2 il *] Atmany*

pasyatah svair-upayaih svargaukah-prartliane>=pi
atmanam-eva sphatika-vad-amal5
bhrik-kapisa-]ata-dhuma-vartteh kriânuli
3 pato dvidha vah |
Kame=samprapta-kaine
punatu [3 P *]
Sambh6r--ambh6ia-garbha-chchhavir=iva Girij-asy=eiiidu-vimve(bimbe) J|
Jahnavirii drishtva kopa-rakt“
Hamtu Haimadri-kanyaya bLrukutir=duiitani vah patike |
ati[- ^- II ] [4 li
*] [ ^
prii.ii-puta-chyut-odaka-
4 [m=e]chchhato nanu pura svarggaukasam(sam) svamino Dhatuh
Sulki-vamsa-mahodayo-hita-kritam sakshad=Yamo
lavad=dhir6=bhavad=bhutale
^
|
bhubhritam Bharadvaja iti prasiddha-mahima grant hi-trika-alaihkri[tah HJ [5 H *]
^ ^
5 [vam]3e Sulk-anvaya-dharah s.rIman=Narasimh6=bhayau-=nripah H
taradhipa-prabhe |
*] Sa Vida-dvadas-adhisah
Kulagratne=vasach=chiram Golahattyam tu COiana-
[6 !1
|
Pradad=vaidhavya-diksham chatura-Kaldckun
kyam=Elapura-samIpatah [7 H *] !|
kshmabhri ^
6 p[e ?]de sakala-guna-yutah=Krishnaraj-ainaya yah vistTrnn-aji-dhvaj-adhya-pravara- |
vidhi-krite mamdap-ariitah pravisya krodh-agnim

pujya^ samyag-ghata-kan-rudhir-ajyena
khadga-sru(sru)ch=aiva *] Garjjitva guru duram=unnati-bhri

i| [8 ||
_
pushp-adaihva(ba)raya janaya dadati
7 —dhi gajasya dana-samaye samiayate=nur^mmadah
danasya yasy-abhavat
|
mado na kala-haranam
prayah phalani druma n=6tseko na
!1
Kris-asayâtyamta-viruddha-tapaya vi[parii] ^
[9(1*]
vi<lamvi(bi)ta [10 *]
8 — [si]llmukh-asvadita-va{ba)iiidhujlvaya yasy-ari-narl sarada
prajanam
||
bhartta
1|
]ato
Tasmad=vair-ibha-kumbha-sthala-dalana-patuh Kesar=iti
Gunadbyah kshitisura-saranarh kshaiiiti-bhrit=sunrita-ju3h |

jitva yo [yo]
^
^
Kriahijaraje Latesam Kach[chh]avaham samada

^
va(ba)ddha-jata-kalapam=uchitam pret-adhivasa-knyam tikshp-od-
\\[n'\\ *]
bhasita-sula-darita-chitam bhasm-avar[u]ksha-chchhavi [|]

^
mÛmapaterîva vapur^yad=vidvisham maiiidiram |i

[12 ||
*] Kâb snigdh^
1 Expressed by a symbol.
* Better read haia^kari-, etc.
D 2
is EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
11 tarn cha jad^ripu-radhu-sakliya chiram ôchita [13 \\ *] Simghasa(ha8a)iiani=»
!|
adhirudham jamvu{bu)kam-ava[leka(loka)] 7a dvisham bhavane sphutita hyidaye nuna[m] |
12 pu9ya-vinay-odyama-]anma-bhumim Padma-pada'praûchim=Arkkavan**abhidbanam |1
14 [1511*] Satya-tyaga-gujl^’adluko^dbhuta-ya^h 8adhu-[dvi] ^ — —

13 ti[shtha]vataih ^rlmad-V&kpatinft kritaih 8vaka-va(ba)le taxitrSdliip6 yab sudhih j|
[16,1*] MuriiJ-ftrvvipa-mahattamasya sahasa Chackchasya datta[bha] — ^
hav6 [kajiniragra-prasit-amalam na valimam [vyajpadya kamschid=dbatha[t] 17 *]

[ ||
^ ^ — w- —
|)
Hiizian^Pattanakazn sametya tarasa Li61ikya-saihpreshitan=du
15 mapra — 8va-va(r-e]bha-patti-vipularii iuhka(8hka)[m]takam sv-asina [18 H*] Vatse kim

—
[|
ruditena yahi sarasaih kurwâtmano vamchchhitam nitah — ^

16 yasy-ari'pramada-jano dfidlia*niatir=:mmrit 3nim prati prasthitah [19 *] Ya[t=sa]-
|| ||
myugeshu vara-vira-îrah-kapalam patraya n=4labhad=ah6 sa[ka] —^ [ |

]
17 t-a[rgha]-vidliivan=Ji8h^v-archclut-amghri-dvay6 y5 lXL^ftda(8a)na-Salya-darppa-da[a]ia-
vyapara-Javdh(bdh)-avadluh |
durvvar-ahita-ghata-satya-vibhavo gi — ——^—
18 na chayah kshatreâ âtru-kshayah saiiitanaya 8U-yo6hitasv=abar-ahah kopo ya(ba)la-kshariiti*‘
kfit I
Bu-svam-ishta-’pbalaya jivita ^ ^
^ ^ ^— [||22|1*] (8 ktters lost here)
19 yatr=ari-rva(ba)davanale kallola iva toyanam sahasa pralayam gatah *]

| [23
^ ^ sena [dijvam gata
[| ||
Hil9e^vara-*malu[êna] I pare {14 letters of this verse lost

012411*]
20 h>ahita*knmjaremdra-nakharl dasd Hca*&By=5ttaniah

|
data sarwa-janaya — ma ^ ^
^
21 1
» Only tbe npper parte of many lottOTB are to be seen inîs line.
APPENDIX
RAJAFRASASTI INSCRIPTIDN OF UDAIPUR
(4 Plates)
N. P. Chakra VARTi, New Delhi, and B. Ch, Chhabra, Ootacamund
This abnormaily long inscription appears on twenty-five stone slabs, each measuring more
or less 3' high by 2^ broad. Twenty-four of them are fixed in a row at short intervals into the
Wall of the Naucbauki ghat at the Rajasamudra, while one is found inside a marble pavilion.
Kajasamudra, popularly known as Raj Samand, is an artificial lake which lies to the north of
Kankroli, a railway station on the Mavli-Phulad-Marwar Junction branch of the Udaipur State
Railway, and is about 40 miles north-north-east of the city of Udaipur. The lake is a fine sheet
of water, extending over three miles in length and a mile and a half in breadth. It is formed
by a dam built at its south-western extremity. It is mainly fed by the water of the Gomatl,
but is also abundantly augmented by the rain-water draining into it from the surrounding
hills.^
The inscription comprises a moMIcavyay entitled Rajajpraiastif consisting of twenty-four

cantos. Twenty-four of the slabs contain each a canto, while the inscription on the twenty-
fifth consists merely of invocations to various deities, and as such it does no* form an integral
part of the poem proper. This invocatory section occupies the foremost position, though it was
composed last of all, as is evidenced by its eleventh stanza wherein the poet invokes blessings
for Rajasimha’s son Jayasimha as well as for the latter’s children. The poet informs us that he
composed the jptakasti by the order of Rajasimha,* but that it was engraved on the stone slabs at
the instance of his son and successor Jayasimha.*
Although several instances are known of such lengthy records engraved on stone, yet the
present one perhaps the longest so far discovered. This remarkable poem has not yet been
is
edited entirely* or properly,* though its contents have occasionally been noticed by some
scholars.* The work is important more as a narrative of events than anything else. It no doubt
conforms to many of the conventional characteristics of a fttahakdvyaj still it exhibits very little
real poetic merit.
The script employed is Nagari, almost of the type prevalent at present. The lang\iage
is Sanskrit throughout, except that here and there some phrases or sentences in the local dialect
» For a detailed description of the ffh&f as well as of its surroundings

see Bai Bahadur G. H. Ojha’s Rdjjmtdnt-
to Uih&s (Hindi), Vol. I, Ajmer, 1927, pp. 310 f.

• Canto I, Verse 10.
Canto V, Verse 61.

• Two cantos, the second and the third, have been edited in the
Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions, Bhavna*
but the text presented there is found inaccurate at several places.

gar, pp. 145-154 ;
• Prof. Sri Ram Sharma of the D. A. V. College, Lahore, has undertaken
to edit it. His work was to appear
in the Panjab University Oriental Publications. We have seen a part of it in print and found that his treatment
correct throughout.
•f the record is not strictly scientific. Besides, his readings are not
• Sspecially by Ojha, An. Rep. on the working of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, for the year ending 31st
March 191& pp. 2 ff. Rajput&ne^kd Itihis (HindiJ, Vol. II, pp. 879 ff. et passim.
;
2 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXlX
are met with. It is, however, noteworthy that the poet not only presents certain Muslim names
and titles in their Sanskritized forms, but also treats a few vernacular and even Persian terms
as Sanskrit words like sera in the sense of ‘a seer,^^ lattd for ‘a kick* and saldma meaning ‘salute’ res-
pectively in verse 16 of the Canto III and in verses 41 and 48 of the Canto IV. As regards ortho-
graphy, the following peculiarities may be noticed : (1) an anusvdra is used for a class nasal as well
as for a final in almost invariably ; (2) a consonant after r is very rarely doubled as in murddhrhd
(Slab I, 1, 37) ; (3) usually a single chh is written where a chchh is required, ^ such cases as vilasack-
chhatro (Canto III, 1. 1) being exceptional ; (4) the sign of avagraha is seldom used (Canto II,
1. 18) ; (5) in many cases v is employed instead of h, (6) Sometimes 5 ^ stands for There are
certain other peculiarities, such as the spelling of the name Bharata as Bharatha, which betrays
the poet’s place of origin being South India.
The author of the poem is a Telanga or Telugu Bhahmana, Ranachhoda,^ by name, bom of the
Kathon^ family. From the description of his parentage given towards the end of several cantos,
we extract the following pedigree :
Bhaskara
Madhava (I)
Ramachandra (I)
Sarvesvara
1
Lakshminatha (I)
Bamachandra (II)
+ ^
.1
Krishna Madhava (II) Madhusudana
.
i
I
Lakshminatha (lip Ranachhoda
I
Lakshminatha (III)*
The poet Ranachhoda also mentions his mother’s name as Venl, daughter of a Gosvdmin
whose proper name is not given but who presumably
belonged to the Vallabha sampradaya. It
may be pointed out that Vallabhacharya, the founder of this sect, had also hailed from the
Telugu country. His second son Vitthalanatha was the first to assume
the title of Gosdi or
Gosvamin which was held by all the dcharyas of the sect. These Vaishnavas had their
later
North India, but the one with which the maternal grandfather of
centres at various places in
the poet Ranachhoda was connected was probably that of Nathadvara,
about 30 miles north of
Udaipur.’ We are further informed in verses 9 and KTof Canto I that the poet composed
the prasastt while teaching a younger brother of his, named Lakshmana, who seems to have had
* A certain Indian weight, roughly equal to 2 lb:s.
* For metrical requirements, the chh in the name Ranachhoda
has in most places to be read without the re-
duphcation.
This Lakshminatha (II) is. in fact, not at all mentioned
“
in the Rajapraiasti, hut we know of his existence
from the Jagannatharaya temple inscription at Udaipur, of
which he is the composer, and in which he gives his
genealogy perfectly agreeing with the one given here (see above,
Vol. XXIV, p. 83 verse 48) ’ ’
* He is known from
slab IX, 11. 45—46 slab XXV v 16 :
I’ W- 338 ff- See also R. G. Bhandarkar’s Vai,

nanism. etc.
pp.
(
Im'oiii
pliotouranli
)
Appetoix] EAJAPKASASTI INSCKIPTION OF UDAIPUR 3
another elder brother called Bharata,^ and that he commenced the composition on the 7th day
of the dark fortnight of the month of Magha in the Vikrama year 1718 in compliance with the
orders ofMahdrdnd Rajasimha who is stated to have at the same time ordered the construction
of the Eajasamudra lake as well, while halting at the village of Dhodhumda.^ The week-day
on that date was Budha, as can be ascertained from verse 14 of the Canto IX, where the same
date is repeated. It thus regularly corresponds to Wednesday, the 1st January A. D. 1662,
taking the month to be 'purnirndnta.

It took full fourteen years to complete the work of excavating the lake and constructing the
dam and the ghat ;
for, we are informed that the inauguration ceremony of the Eajasamudra took
place on Thursday, the full-moon day of the month of Magha, in the Vikrama Samvat 1732,^
which regularly corresponds to Thursday, the 20th January A. D. 1676.
The names of the masons who are responsible for the engraving of the present inscription as
also perhaps for the construction work are given in the bhdskd portions occurring towards the
end of some slabs. They are : Gajadhara* Mukamda, Gajadkara Kalyana^s son Urajana, Gajadkara
Sukhadeva, Gajadhara Keso (K§sava), Sundara, Lala, etc.®
The pivotal theme of the poem is the Eajasamudra. It records the digging of the lake as
well as the building of the dam and the ghat in a very elaborate manner. Besides, it abounds
in incidental details upon which it is needless to expatiate here. Since the text will be found
simple enough to be self-explanatory, no comments are deemed necessary in this introduction.
And a verbatim translation of the whole poem would unnecessarily increase the bulk of the
article which is already exceeding usual limits. We shall, therefore, content ourselves by giving
an abstract of the contents at the end of the text, adding notes on the historical portions. It may
however, be observed here that whereas the poet^s account of the contemporary events appears
to be fairly authentic, his descriptions touching the earlier history, for which he had drawn
chiefly upon legendary, bardic or traditional sources, are manifestly wrong in several details and
are therefore unreliable. The inaccuracies will be pointed out at their proper places.
The text has been prepared from the inked estampages taken by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti,
the then Government Epigraphist for India, in 1934. The present article was ready as early as
1940, but its publication has been delayed due to the suspension of the printing of the journal for
some years during and after the World War 11.
TEXT“
Slab I ;
Invocation
[Metres : vv. M4 Sikharim ;

vv. 15-21, 24-30 Sragdhard ;
v. 22 Vpajdti ;
v. 23 Bhujahgapraydta.]
1 The poem was also intended to be a text book for the poet's own children, Lakshminatha and the rest
see Slab XXV, V. 16.

is mentioned further on in verse 5 of the Canto IX,
where it is enu-
• Possibly it is the same Dhodhii nda as
merated as the first of the sixteen villages whose area was included in the lake.
® This date as well as that of the commencement of the work is given at several places in
the poem, but of
such instances where week-days are also mentioned one may be seen in 11. 41-44 of Slab IX,
yardstick’ {gajaz
• The term gajadhara is equivalent to autradhara meaning ‘mason’, literally ‘holder of the
gaz 'yard’).
^ More or less the same list is found towards the close of Slabs III, VI, VIII, IX and XXV,
• From ink impression^, . . ,
, »
4 EPIOBAPHIA INDICA [Voi. XXIX
2 «pwg ^ rm mil
^(5i)^'
3 onrfHHHPft f?rHfiRT: i
^ ffe
H^n
^ ^ )
r^9jm:
4 &5ft5nT?3rt(4)«t ’wfiii? Tf^wnf i RfinsmfmiT w

fttf i TT w si>niit ^fftr(fif)*^ ft wv ii
5 ii^ti sfmftcot^W ««W5T<Tt M^wntAcwf i iRWWrff
6 ftwTftrfilfrWJTPft? ff^ livil W^fH:
7 ?IIT% g^lfaf a ti IWVUt I Htprt^fTWÎWTi wt$^(wtw)VBrt ^

iT> H iisiii
8 nm (ct rtM>Id» (flfi ^nft irr ^r^fvwmpnrm i ’rtbn
9 <WW TW T [JT]: gnBl gllil WWVfW^ ll^ll «»*lt Swi(«»)*l^ WWt

MfiHu^ ^gpi hn I fii^t
10 -^TiaTi n»i finnryTwft (i^)wffyTt arnrwf iww TSS’^

V^trm:^ WTift(?TTift) ^1«wy T; » ^ Il[*ft]-
11 ?(•!) I |i5rtwl 5?fRft îwTy iTHWft siT i w u^gfiniii ir«wr
surfH «rT«ft9rt ii«;ii
12 (n) f5i(fir)wirt i »m-

gl grf Tifff vTnfrg^t ^ unwi-
13 ^ fttft :* Htu 9mw: ftrfj m fnrftr
nftrfi ^tWt hi HIWRH’I-
14 fl n lH*rai I HI ^VRfH^ HH^t HHHRt HHfH
^rftifi >nr hh: moii fii% tw-
1 The form aihgdla it evidently derived &om the word iitgida which is m Prakrit eqvivideBt of iMtÔiv.
3 The sign of vifarâ appears above the line apparently it vat first omitted and enppiied latfw on.
:
Appendix] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 5
1 5 •JTTJTt sniftT Tt { TT ) ®f 3TiTf^ I
TWRTKf 3nT% sr5T?%:
10 uTj grrfrrmJTgis ii??h Wr cft%
f^TTrii r^fira I ffT:?i%-
17 g ft?Tt ng ^ fJTafST^: lH;?H ^

f?Tt^ ?5rii qsfd *H3f> »T(»T)»T5ra?(^p)T gVPTf?\ »TfrT-
18 I JTôf' gof* 3T;T^ T«re{ttiT Tf^fri «Tfec5rT «JWTTt
3nT?%?wmTt g^tnr iinii f% [ii*]
19 ^ n'>RT%(#) rSrflT fsml
[(*] ?mR7# ^ ^fTd^rfir ^5f
20 ts^mq(#) gqif^pTf^(t) fqi ll?-«r|| to: wjT: ?mT: ?THTOHflTHT:=
^qqT<3TV»T5T 3Tf^' 5TH-
21 Reft srrft: ?njf i %5Tqf^ fsTTftr ^ 5Tf(qt)5i Te^rêft:
gT(sn)TOlii 5 «tRR qrg nteft to-
22 5r:^ II? 101 q><qT gqjq qrnif^TTOqftTOPBîmiff ?eTi^T(^) sfjf Thrf
froqjTRqiT
>»
fwv fe^ÊiqNt
>9
i 5Ff Re? sm nw-
23 =31% TO??f ^ eqddf+TfrT erfqeft frgTgT?TTT3WTOt?^t®neT ii?îi
5T3TTO i<sdti«Rld TWîrf^5T?^
24 R(fir)>5rmt ^r»T%w TOq)Tqftq>T^<jf^ i era^ 5r%f5T?^ RfTOf (g)fTO^

f«nrfqei: ^tem HtJproTfq: q:-
25 Rer ffk TO «ftTO5T: ii?\3ii grfqfTOTO: TOqtn?^
q> ^T T T '-»e«q qptsTO qter-
26 TO# I e^fTOTtq>TfqT^sgT5TTOmghr?Tq#tfTORrfTOTOft#?g groWflfTOTO: TOTOt
g# m ii?s;ii tot-
^ The syllable va is inscribed above the line.

* The sign of visarga appears above the line apparently it was first omitted and was supplied later on.
:
* Read kupa-vapyo-^ py^bhadray as otherwise the line would be short of one syllable.
* Tho words Ldfnkdstha and Dvdrakdstku qualify the asura, etc.ji.e., demons, etc., of Lanka as well as of
Dvaraka.
4DGA E
:
6 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 'lYol. XXIX
^SJTT JTH I
aW5"F-
28 Wh 3r: siiar^*iTm?ntcm fft *r>ra:
IlH'l S^ZirftT 51 ^
29 ^TT^R ?5P5în^ I
^cRrft iT^^%fm3^f5TTcR?-
30 sTTfTfZT ??tT^5r: li^ôM jV ânTg^TT^
HT5T^ ^ ai><ll( <11)50^ f%3-
99 9R9f9 §«9t fMapsi

31 ( 9)^ I ^99raT
f9Tf9cj:(ce) f9CJ9f9 Srf959?^f^ TTg mfwfw ll^?ll
32 «fl99:49(9)f99 qi 99ff99: 99t 9f39g^RT^: I 9^%9999Tjr99fTOT»r»rW[9]5T9:
9?T ?9(?9T)9 11^5^11 3f9 5m9(5T)?9H I
33 ?99T95r3T 9T99: ?I?9Tt9T'T3m 3r9T595r9t f9H5?R I 3T95f?T'n?g995lIWg59
9^f9W9^ ??TT||9r[:]
34 115? ^11 H?'ft9 9rmT faf ^99% 999t 9T99Pif f99l^: g9mT9T59Tf^:^ f995-
929T9Tf9 ^9^9^ I %5 a^(gf)9^-
3j 9999 ( 9 ) 99 ( 9)9 5F999T(9T)0T93f 9T 999^ 99^9Wf9f9 Tf^9>ron 99 ^ 399T:
9J: 1
1
5?
"if 1 1 9T^ 99it999T999WT97: g-
36 99r5T99T9R'q: 5Ttr§Ti99T999f9f9: qWTT9: f9 ?T9 I 5i9f9lir 99?^ T99f9

f999 ^9T9t 99S(^)
37 mi»99>T999 9 99^ 9999999 9T99T# ||5?Ml 9T[a9T]959T9T 9T9f9-
9>99>'iîf«nlriti 9^999^^999 -
38 99 gfT9999J ^9^ I 99hff9^rt 9T ^fT99Tg9T ^9rft99f9c9

g9?9T5999T9rg9f9f99f99 999 9T-
30 5 3'9: l|5?^n 9^99T99g f99F9g-gT999f9 599:9 B59 9f3«S9TT9 ^5ft9-

99Tr?t99^95T9 I T9 ^ T9 '?TJ^Tf9
) 9^
”
‘
wnl rrnntn ia uaoil in tbo sense of arasita ‘understoorl’ or ‘inferred\
’I'he
2 he engraver had dittographioally engraved a sperfluous da after this da,
I
which he later on scored out.
> This expression is nc^ vety clear. If the third word in the compound is
meant to be aân. the correct form
'hould be ahat-hhahhth, which would not fit in with the metre.
* ^ftor ya is a 5corod out medial t.
5
Appendix] RAJAPKASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 7
40 «rNrT): ^
n^^vsn i5ran»l^VTT q
41 «T: ^5H>^Vh (R<^ ^NRTW: I |^%W5T5t^?«TfH

^wt ^ ^fTiTTJI ??r-
42 ^ ftsig II ;jc; || ^(Tf)^ 5T^ H«T^(n) ?r(mTHW*n^

T«R*r ( nft
)
fiT^>:«<!U|fn jf ^<»r ^ T<$[5t] I msS!T>îT
43 N T«TO«l ^5T9[RI^?r(^) ?4 5mTt ^ vft[:*] felf *1 rT^^'ifl
f^^TcftjT 5nfef hW?t 11 ^?. II trft^m 5iif^q*ifiTHfl[?5R-]
44 [f]m^?M«<W: f% ITT ST?TT^^^ftr3T5(5)^ FTTHW'’!?^ S»r>n(f«n) [^T^^]%5T;
^T5T59^<TTfoiHT TI?f^HT T^î^(TT)^ '-'
45 wwwww v_/ w [llôll]

“
Slab II ; Canto I
[Metres : w. 1, 2, 4, 6, 7 Mdlinl ;
v. 3 Pritlim ; 5, 14, 15, 17-29 Annshtubh ; vv. 8, 11, 12, 13
Vasantatilakd ;
vv, 9, 10, 30, 31 Sdrdulavikndita ;
v. 16 iSCilmi.]
I aS fT»T: «Tl»T'>T5TTq 5T*T: II ^5T5J<TTT^Wt1 ?5T5f Tl’STIT^ 'TTH^^'TO^TnciT ^5ITTT-
?i«iln I TTThPt T5%l^*lft’l”
2 ^ ft«T^ f5 TI'jir«^5Tq!mcT II? II g^rfVTfl^TWlT^TJTK I* g5TpT
3m?TH VTfH-
3 «T>T«Tt»T?T?Tn(??iTT): ll(l) STfHffiTTTS5TTfHfiT(^)^^jTtcT’TW: I* ^H^Tg ^ TT5|?Ti»T-
TTTi^vf^: IRII
4 ^WHaH MTTrad TqiTM

'
TT?T I* W f^ 'ET5JT»T'l«ra5n: II
(
I
)
^ Mayu means kinnara,

This portion has not come out on the impression.
* How much matter has been lost after the verse 30 cannot
be determined.
* Engraved on the top.
* This da^Tâ is not necessary.
t EPIGKAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
fe5I5 «?**
5 fk€?r5’J3TTf^:
srî-Tt TT^nri^feT
6 *TT^r(irT) iriî(9T)5tTfa^t^T ii(i) ^

g^T'fhrs'iHTfg frar
§ >T>?r ?rtf^(f^)-
7 VT ?nrRf| iivii q'(q)f3T 3?ncT i* 5TWir'(fHf)
firat II (i) ?<^mT ^ s’^rai-
8 W liv^ll 5 rT?»Tt?V ?f (h)<*ot4 *ftvp
TTSfftr^ I ^'Tarr h 5 ^-
a?af?rnn: ^11 Sjajqqqijaft JT: ftfiS«T5TT

9 E^TTaft TaPTf *T«TaT II
^
fâi f ^TH 1
•
10 ?rTT»T5Tfar^ cart fnfig sr?I<j ll(l) ?5T5TcT^Tafcft
*T^ rr
§ farcTTcf arq-
11 # TTarftr^ insii ^x: f»BJ3TT<iTaRlq5n?cn i^ anm ?»5T^»iaiap»rw
cTq:rrqcq: ll ( ^tTfaEcq-
l )
12 anq qf q^qqqta!TTc«PTqfiT|fcTTcT^* S^qq^T 11^11 fcft(fq) qq^tTazV H

?5
qwiqlaqqq-
« c\
13 qqiFg arq^l arm: qJsHt fq ^q: gprqqt qqt q qt^qrfqarr ii(i)
fq TTqqqjqTqiq-
14 armqTTsrsrfef car;^ q>qq qq^'tq qq qTan{qT)?r q?fqq farafrqq iitii 5^

qqrai^ 51 ^ qqq^(q1)c?qisiT-
15 q5TTW*q% 1
^ qiq 5qTqHqw% qTqfq: qiq^ ll(l) ^qrqqfir
qHm(?T)qq?Tqq q qfqtq-
16 qr qrcq Tq^>q qq fqqf^cTFT qsi^^qr 11 ? on qwj yqq qqqfq ^ q

ql(qT)qqft qt qeqrqqqqqi
1 7 qq qar^qaq i qtg qqq qqqgqq'lqfro: Mqffatrfq qq eqaqqfqq
qqaq iiUii fqgTg ^fqqfq-

^ The syllable tuh is engta\ecl above the line.
* Perhaps the intended reading is -amhCililc^^ktA,
* This dayîa is not necessary'.
* The letter du is inscribed above the line.
Appendix] RAJAPRA8ASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPDR 9
18 ^ ll(l) ?r?i
wfir qqTwrfh-
19 II? ynn 3»q5?i>qrfq qr q?ii|q?q
fisTfq II (i) arawqi sprfH qiwr-
20 Jnrw w sftTT3rf%5q«^fq Hcqiqi 5T5J ii?îi wtMhi alTOwi
JI5T: I qm Tmi-
21 ?®rm«nss^*5nT«P ii?'îi ^*si5if??r^sR 5i1h^ i «ft^srer»-
SRlf^Tf^ TRlfH-
22 5 PiTTsi^ ii?sîi q7«ifq6q?§5q«nq?g HmniqtqT FrrfqqnMTTmt: i
HlgftRftg q(q)«T f-
23 W qm ntqfoWTWn II?SII qT(qT)'iT«ft5<iqwq: I «
24 ii?v9ii »rtTi"nrT3ifH5?q qorsf i v'n?qicqTf5[qii[?q]f5j «rw5
II?«;|| qw qTO(^)5TTirPT I* ^^
25 4 qi Al q <j| t% II (l) q®s(B3)WTTO qTqJT»ftfT?f ll?£ll W?n7»T3n
?j(w)5nt II (i) q(q)f5q qq-
26 qiwt H3Rft 5PTqR l[l*] ^‘>|[|*] q^qrjTWT fqii]*iT<l* 9fVT?q

*T 5
m [i*] »raT(q5!T)>njtBq> ttiit ir?ii
27 BntTWT H 3pm{RT)q I* cftq qwfjq ^ i 5i^
w*iHqii«fR ii^îi 315 qrqrft ^nj-
28 ^w«n I *nrfqt fcrarro i* irTTW'qrwoiTS irîi ^vfm N

Hqqrs i ?raTTT«i ^ i* s
29 5T: PnfqqiBfqfH lR>f|| ?fH qT^gTPqfar Hnlnwq ftfrTT: II (l) IBSBjft
qTgq qjrt f BpT l* «pnf: fW??T?TqT: IRKII
30 JT ^ rq^ T HcK nfl I® qKm q^siH«q(q)qfmsTmm«Ta'’ iR^n
HWfqrrrqf^: ^[f«M»rtPwq»: H2-
^ The correct form is likhana.

* Better reed gûm.
^ Sandhi has not been observed here«
* This darida is not necessary.
• Both visarga and the da'îa are above the line.
• While composing this verse the poet obviously had in mind ELaiidasa % B~v<x Sttfi/n-profeAnt^ vamMQh kva^
ch^lpa^tti$Kayd matih titir^hur=du»turaih m6hdd==iiiui^€w=mmi sag<pram 0 {Haghumttk^, J, 2),
|
JO EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [Vot. XXIX
31 II (l)
HJT: II (l) mm-

32 OT^ TO^l??f«TfrTT?5r^lT JT: H^«;il sftTmTTT^rW^W II (l)
^Tcq: gqfrcRl Hn
33 5f ii[R€.ii*j hht€5^t[^:] ^wffe-
5 fT^> ?r^rJ|Tf??fTarfHH:^ I
§ tm-
34 ffir ^T [^*] ?% ?r(w)^5Tf^'mT:
i[iôn*J 3H^> ^
35 TJT?n m r<»re!>5 qi? ?rRT?TT3W5I?ciTT^ I VTST HTfSRTISir^r^Jjq^-
36 »T>( 5%JTn*JHinHw»Tf^»T: l[l*] ??l[l*] «ftTTS|SI51f?fllIW
[S(«T»t: fOT: il]
Slab III ; Canto 11
[Metres: v. 1 Manddkrdntd ; ry.2-3S Anttshfuhh^']
1 !iftTrjT5TTii 7i5f: [ii*j »T3TTq3iT^T'»Tf-i^q nH iW qf^^f
ii(i)
2 qtct fqifT’qlf qqi^^ff r qT^nq^rt
nîi iqT?\ ^-
3 Hq fqs^ 1- m HRm:® I 5(f^)T<RT5T^ ?T5mft 1^ qqiqflq
?^qrT iRii q(q)5iT w-
4 q^WTl^q § II (l) gql fqqfqT(?qf)?<Tî|TOl7*mfTWTfr?q W: il^ll
fqffqr: ^ smqrnjRTrn
5 0 (
1
) *PfrTqTqTqT*jm|-*TWTqqTf^: W IIYII
an^GdWrilHq'
6 q 11(1) qq-IRql^q 5TTq??fI q ( a ) f 44^1 W qRqsr: llXll ?RT: jqrWRqhrS

qqXTTqTTfqq: II (l) qq ^qt^ tlT W 5-
^ Read °5-faâ A as in 1. 3o ot b^lab IV.

* Datida unnecessary.
• Visarga is above the line.
1 : q 1 - I
Kajaprasasti Inscription of Udaipur
III -Slab III
4 f< If?] îQ’, ^ !l UTiaTtl i^Tl

^^ -U : 1 1 3' i'a I- ^rl U Ui U
^•'
;T. U! 5,T»1 ^ i Ji UJ] t; r^'- Mffl 2i A ?
8 ;
All q n4l4 j
i
5 \^s- I}-- q 3; J, d[|U 7\ I N-^ iT ^jn r c^.q i l=l
'
rl(T;Vllr(3:5!^ fp
10
12
-'
u ^^•'‘^"5
a ^ ;!
4-^ ^p--^'
I
?iTl
.
•1 ^Cn<15TT1^:?;:^Tn3;-.UfI^'>q -Rn? Jr^: ^Ti'4q-^^':'|'?ull/1i,^l'5 '^^ vSb

, ., TFU,<41 *ri 35'?;^?'^ ST, 7: [Tn. ^1 7 ^37 tî q ? "^Ti'. a" ^ ^ 33-Ul^
16 ai iC:
r:'^
18
20
22 22
*1 qq.-=qn:ii3UtU,P
24 24
;^^?T7g-U^>?qî/v]3'rr'TT!’5T’Ti jT a]T:UT>,'^q'3;^?i‘ . ?
26 26
28
^~H3|.^9:i ji Tc.^ ^ -?||qf^^îr34pa Ti -UJ]„^qz?3il4i'^93 ri. 1
,
U 1 -T
p 7 O’ I ^Tl^’s. %
30 j-TSKit: Pt il’^^"'iU^7qc^-^^^tT-^JTI.2q,?q;Ti7C?'!lp,TlFl-fT{1£i;?T^<^-?lRpr^.^;j]':r^;^.l|r’ 39
|
32
32
’^“7Hliri TT71 ai CTT-TH i7 ,4 qq .:^j:,'jV:»9Jfciik|
34 f^rT^cr qaq 'T ip
fciT rTi ^-Tl TUiql T : ?=»
P TiTI i| ypiî'i fT|l^?!'q!:îfil .-
34
36
Ch. Ohwa » ' * <'r*i F •

onp-fifth ScBVET OF India, Calcutta
Appendix] RAJAPRASA8TI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPPIl 11
7 ^5^ ^ 5TH: ll^ll 4(w)5'in5W: f^lT5^FT ^ rRT: ll(l)
8 nvaii a?ra: ^ 1^: ii(i)
T«irf?T5TbTws n';ii
ll(<) ?IfiracTff^5Tf?g JimtfTt fm: ll^ll

9
10 rlTJT «»T ^PCrTFcm: II (l) m [ll*J ?ol[l*]
^T^nra^Pt ^(ifT)i^tFT tirg^; p ^ •'(')
g>P«it iPJri tTfmHa7gHT[;*] ii??ii wt(c5T:)

11 =a?pa?ff g
?w(?ajt) %f5pm»w[p]^:^ ii?^n

12 g
cIH: [«j]rTWrTt [PT]^:
?wrrm?ri?ii 3fPT 5a:g^"Tfg g?w1w

13 ricgri:" u\^n
?T5:qfh[:*] II II? ^11® ^
14 i^qraPmiPltPI ^T5»W: "(')

vr^^: ii?a.ii 3T(cft
15 ll(«)
^tTFT *pV5T-
•ft^t(tt)-rt!:' *»wt ««i>(6)) TlmitaSR n!«i

16 5m>l gifmra "(')
gfTi^mrt 5T%*p»R^ 5m?T5^-
?T3R%f5T Ii?':|i
30511
17 ^ ^(^T)HrT: II (l) «ft^5TTiTT fsft
rUTHfaf^^^ P-
P5I: ll(l) «5*€rvt?a

18 Hi
»irfTm3r>pi iTî ||(•) ^(^)’
o(p)fn»T?^Pi gwm«7 gnbrag

19
II (l) f^TwPTT-
> The letter la is engraved above the line.
* Vi’'ârga is above the line. etcesn

oUaiKla, appear above the line.
The first pair oidaîjas ii thui^ in
- The figure 14 between two sets
Puranas give âtaratha which appears to be cf/rrcot
*
Here instead of Dasaraiha the
^ The syllable ma appears above
the line.
« A space for one or two letter is le£t

blank between &a and da.
12 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
20 m 5Sir>ffTT?W^r3frT^5RT gf?f flGI T fiq q oTH ( ^ )
5ft6Tf?rrT> *r5<T n(i)
CRT:
21 fTnf?fr!|fJTf!T
§ *mor: 11^ ^11 rTffl JT^f^frTâTfffffS^RTT^: II (l)
22 f»nx(i)^f(5)5T ?fk ?«ni ii^îi f^?rT?^>TiT5^5n ii(i)
t^rfhn sqr^PT iHyl<WT htt-
23 % [ii*]5?'(f[ii*] !T^«mT?3r(53r)»nt# srr^jm ^?tF*t ii(i)
^(f)5ff(l)<TTj(ff)^<ir?5TWhNiiT ??im: II^KII 9W-
24 JTf?T®I>*Wmnf*TT5;mfJT II (l) ff9T^??TfiT TfJrl iTTf^îTrrTfTfinjRT 11^ ^11
25 w 5(9)??5^?3rfThT^ m(i) ^ smt^fTwtw ^ gq TcgtR0»» : ll^^ll
(
f m )
rgsiWlfl-
26 II (l) JRTlRTfTW: gcPTmTf»TTf?JT^f^5?JT ll^t:||

g ^ ( ? ) g^JpsnrRTl-
9(v)f5^*Tm?tT yrTSpr: II (l) rTftnJ-
27 of'JiMwiW ?l3nT: 5TTf^ ?flT3: II^C.11 ^5ldf»TT55Tt«TrTtW II (l)
OTV?tR^ ^'JptTRT-
28 fmRlfgT«r?^: iiôn gf*?^ gf^r^m ^^ÎrnriThT^g ii(i) «nn^

^ ^ inrlfsRn: ii??ii
29 IT?5»slrMy?lr|sp%^T ^ '•(•) Srfw[5T JfR ( )

?g iJ^STf^lTg
ll^^ll H^«fyfw TrTO-
30 ^rTFRTffhr'ift sj*?: II (l) r^tinl ^ ll^^ll
[f]riT?T: II (i) 3-
31 fmff5nT?RTl^S3ra%fr??T5Tt^T^ n^vn !mJT?l-T«ff»TTfT I vi:

r?T5T«m%%“ ?i-
32 iihJiTarTf?H> g'n: ii^xii rTfiTT%3i7T^>i g^rsRltJif T’in«i?rT^ ii(i) faR^r

g^?ftim?*TnT9^fisr>T-
* The letter ta is engraved above the line.
* Sandhi is not observed here.

Appendix] KAJ APR AS ASTI INSCRIPTION OP UOAIPDR 13
33 (+ TrSTlf^miT^T ll(l) ^TTf^cMTWI 5

ii^îi 3n-
34 5TT ?:75rpft ii(i) 5TrT(a)
(I^';|| l fSrftJT: ?in: II
36 ll?'3ll?c; JCTTTW cT(fiT)«ft TFR ^^gT ^T5T
36 ft u?îi^îi ’Tiw^ g^(5jf^)q^ U ttstoto
sjRtb2t(c5t) irmirT ^3 »Fim
37 3ft g;T ^T3n>r »r5rsrt »r3T^t 11 g(H) 3T 11 ?n?n 1
Ht»i3TT- [srjftr II ^TT 5T»T II ^mrm 3m[m]3ft [n*]
Slab IV ; Canto III

[Metres : vv. 1, 35, 36 Sdrdulavikrldita ;
vv. 2-12, 24-27, 32-34 Amishtubh ;
vv. 13, 14, 16-20,
22, 23, 30 Upajdti ;
vv. 15, 29, 31 Indravajrd ;
v. 21 Indravam^d ;
v. 28 Upajdti oi Indravamsd and
VarhSastkavila,]
1 II «ft>T"T5TTJT II 3?Ht?ftH3|5RTTg(5g)gTHtgS;(3^)B5(3^)3NIR3:
ywiiftsifliHU'oSift jt ^(^)-
2 ?ft II (l) it>TT^: «Pf5raT®r iT>m?PmT3?ft WSft-
’iwwf 5fT: II? II arft f3-
3 3|7iwnr q3Ilf3cJibT3c5rT: ll(l) f^3Tf3ciftf!T p'hT5T3^>FT® 3T grT: ll^ll
gimTfkmrmFtTTcgH-
4 3ITr<tW*»>Wd: I (l) 5^: II ^11 %iiWTf3c4
5 3i: I vftnTf3?ift?®r g?ftHf3Tf3?tr??TrftH=rcf iivn ?iT^3rv: ^^vTt3nf3rift?TnTT?pftfir
5 II (i) f^T-
6 f3?in9^5f5TfftrTT?5Tcr: 1 1 Hi I V^lf^cVgm: »T(’T)^1?TTfHsn^l: I STRIT ^351
5?ft 5^B3t
By this are meant the two stanzas, Nos. 30 and 31, of Slab II, Canto I.
'
Somapurd means ‘architect’.

*
* The name should end in dditya rather than in dntia in accordance with the information contained in verso 37
pf Slab III, Canto II and verse 5 of the present one.

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
14:
fr(ii)fTR ifKI I n'nWV

li^ll IT
7 ^
f5I!TTf^(i^)^'tS>T?TT^ It'S! I
8 3Trf^: g5Tl%5^: 5fvfy>T’!fhT^ \ dW fpiotnH'TaioMtti^^T^Td: STT ( ST

)
TTTfH. I|s;il
far^-
9 ^fHirf5T^*T> I ^ ^ WKrrxJt ^ tttt: IIS-M
10 g I m iTS(^)mf^5T^S: HcTf^: ^m^ferTT ll?oH STI'^riTTf^'TPf^T'S'T
5TcT% »I^ II (l) Ti^nSTiT^-
11 frT^TO" ll??ll TT'TTH'lfi:^ '^Psq: ^ M-qa?i««w (?TT)T: I
q^r?T»T5I^T\aSTHT?T:^T»lTgT<=l^ 1 1 ? ^ 11
12 iTiI^ f^T# sfrjx: |

^
^'tiTt TîT ^'hTTTift
13 fryJTf M?^ll 'rmfM^f^(f¥)5T?tT?f?rTSTSTT'ip?^'TfTC ?m?T: I
ftiH i7t35f\^r^T5T-
14 uTof ^ÎT: ll?'*fll «fV^(T^f?TiTiT IT?T 5T?^ ^TOddlH «4d<TiT ^ \
15 5TpiT'T?rm^T% ll?KU IT?ST5TpT^*T55Wim: 5Tf«T ( ?in)ftT^: ^HFT I
TTilFT -d^TiT
16 VIE f? ^rfT5TfiV#r^(f5)VT?fv ?«TTV M?^ll V^l^vHvTm

STVTTt I V-
17 ^TTV^TîT^gcsiT ?T<T?TiT5i[îT:] 5T3var ^T^q: ii?\3n TRT. q vq
g qlTWTThrVq
18 »TVTT3TTf?f I iT^hTqff^fqrrfqq^S vq^qiq^'f ll?s:il TTtfmRr -
5flTTqqT?qqw\viT-
Compare verses 20 and 21 of Canto I above.

^
Read svabde su bein^ prefixed to the word

2 ; abda, Su, sat, lasat, ndyat, etc., will be found used as mere
expletiTOs very commonly in this poem.
3 Sandhi has not been observed here.
* The correct saruVti would be so^ga-'^lya but sa A<ja:>iija- has been retained for the sake of the metre.
Appendix] RAJAPRASASTl INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 15
n?5.ll cTtT: ^^Tf^-
inm iiôu m-
I^H I ^j^TSTHT?!^ ^ m-
21 rT^Hat
22 HR? II
^ H
23
5m-
^ Tm?# rfÎ^:
5 II ^^>1 ^•
24 iTtTKm: I H
'TMtctTf^T^fr: iR^fn
25 m ^[:*] ii{i) vrPpin^g
Hr?* m%» ^(’«^‘) <>>«'

27 a?!OTl!pi:(*)
n(i) ^Kwtqm-
5Jt I
*">'’ '^''-
mjTOWtws iTOi ^ rt Tft
29
«ftTT^: qioiHqraiit^f: I
'^***
30 awi"! W msflnw "P"
tiiHq lH m ^(ar)3 Tmrf^^-
31 i ^ I ,riw a wi! a* aW fiiiRi;3ra i.vu asafsiOT
^ sA aif. ^ ata.
32 B(w)a!CTai«.:
II, ,„ a*
1
a(a)a» ^ aaa.
aiâil*)
oâ«
aifitala)®:
To.ifi.a5anaa
i
'™4«T«J((i).ft .
33 ahftaaa^ araa#a<feo
^rftrn-
1 This word is spelt here both ways rapd and rana.

;
34 % tTiTTfrgfg?! ^«n: I f^RW«nfk^’>rf9Wt
35 II? VII m«T^f^>s?fTTsnTâTrrfr: ?mTaR#(5w)TV:
36 I ^ffntFT g TTJTSrJ ?% ^ WT *TTEr^: f*!
9(s)^5Tfins'rrqTn: ii?!(ii iPFm-
37 3T?T^1 ^ ^ m(»ft)?^F*T5rTS^»TTm TW^S ^cramaT*
SilfHTTgll 1 ^T*lf HTf^lTTT-
38 5rffT5ôi«fi'^5TT5^ HilWrftJT ?Tc??nT: ^ ll?^n 5ff^-
39 r<mT«d)iffmg^>Tf5^TOT0ti# T w af ^ i fr ?T^q »n(*T)5m«q ?nf: n
« ?V9?^ qq imft ?K TRRT^srf^T Tii*!
Slab V ; Canto IV
[Metres ; v, 1 Malini vv. 2-50 Anusktubh.]
1 II ^rt^nn^^rRT ii rnrfrfif
2 q(q) ^ qHqTqTMtT[q*jTff qqm: I? I SFT gift HTqjft
Tiq^q 5mq;>JTq): i rT?H(?H)q> qmr-
3 goqqm: ^wt^q l[RII*j qe^q?^: qq ^fq gqt qqqfq^y qfU

g ; i
gqt ^qfq^t qq^tqr acq-
4 q: l?l q«fq%fF% ( q ^TtHq^fq qr^cst Tc^qt ^TRIT qftHV

) g I
qffsnqqqq iivn qrf^rq^Vqq
5 I
JT^q^Wfq: qtqfq; ,s^, 5,^(q)^
fqq qTH>S?q qrrq-
6 q: I gq q^Trftsqq^ trsq q^ qqts^ i[i?ii*] ^:{ns:) qq: f«?g:
I
qrqlf^ q®.
* This dan4a is superfluous.
7 i ?t srurri
frffjqm m';ii
8 5qTm^rTf fTH: I 571^1 (^) qtWiH-
TrRT: 15.1 ^THTTqHqm-
9 fmsqqrlTfq «5HTOq m(|) qmcTTfq rT¥m fraTFÎ l?»l fqgmc
?'Rfe*l>DTT5q«f^
« 7>^T5iqWT:
%
I ST-
10 VTT^TT*n«PR*t«P^»mvft®!T^l?T linn ST^TTTqRT 5f!S]5R ^H:

iRTT I f7T5
•TFqTf^ *07 TTrUTCcTqfq-
11 5RT I?R| 77 V77^’>l‘fq?gq> qVTftFTTTPq *7777^177 I 5rqf77 TH 3777 qt*7
S7r77afnGf f*75q^ ini ^-

12 V5WH7|fRf77 I 77[qt^]5T57777^qf (^) 1^ 7iqq?7r>7 triq^ |?Y| 7770*7^-
7777g?7: 77 %7T«fi7H77J: I *7^1 qT(qT)qT-
13 qi^gTTqfq m[l*] »Trq7q >7lf3nTT^T37qif ( <74 ) [r7*] I
?q4?77ft77Tq*7q t07fe^ TTSqfTT 1^1 TT^^T fq^pm-
14 ftTnV qq1q^7q7(7q) 77>qT: I H fq^qtq ( q ) *7777^77: l?V9l
qqi c7q741?774v4fn [i] #^7757*1 hV

16 q4775P(ftq7qqmq q l?':i ^^^7 * 7777 ^^ 4757^7^777 gTTTfq^ l 41577*7
TTSlrt !qq77> t4 l[ni*] *7^7 77141-
16 ftin f4(r41i iq *757*7577: I 77*755^ qjq*qlT f5q7q777q>: |iJo|

5 ^7^ I
M qTqfq ^lq *1*7: qr0(^)q7|*7 m-
17 fH*n I *77^^75*7 777*777715*7*77*7 ^414*71* I*?? I 77*775*^5741: *75* *7 7 Hr775w41
*777: I *I5l7*T 775 ( 5)77 *7*1 4-
18 *7*1^ 77*77*777: R^l 77*1*5*7*51 ( **1 ) ^ 7Tl5q7>3*7777* TT: I *77*f7757* 441544
5i*7*TT*!*7: l*?^l »**57
19 57777*7^757*® 77*7^57714*: g77: I

^ 5l477%*1* **>*T<i*77lq*: |:^Y| ^ 711^.
3nn*7f77^ *77*71457 *
^ This dan4a is superfluous.
® The syllable tyd is engraved below the line.
® Sandhi has not been observed here.
* Bhuji has apparently been used here in the sense of food,
)

20 {rferr: l
^ »THTfjRT: srm^
Wt^T: I H-
21 TTf^(?q>) l^^l c4 'r5WT?m snrV 5m: i
22 ||:^V9|i rfrft fl ^T> %n5T: II (l) n^mT5TT
ll^tJII OT^Hfr^HT ^-
23 Jm'y STrrTTO«T H»I7 I sfhmT^H 5m: IR€.II
f?5mrr^ 5m5T[f5T^:] 55^1^: I
24 trirfrl^ 5n5Tf555#5TT ( 5m ) WriT®M(rcl»T: llô|| ?T^mT ?T ?nR I
smmfH(fH )5 mm 5r-
25 11^? II mmmm g5f ^BsqpiTt srfq Ormft i iqq^: g m^qx-

ctxrmt ^<ii smm n^îi
26 gmfqqtmmxt'ax qqmqXH 5n: gq: i ^Tqmqxqr^5f qssrxri ^ ^q q^qfq ii^îi
5m: w^^xqlTqT-
27 qx fqpHl%q<.‘tqqq I gqTqxqqt Jjs fxarx ^rfqqxqqj i[i^'ifii*J q^qxmx^ ( q

g5X q® fmx sx5nM i qqx qfq -
28 i ^TX(T)5fVM^;5f qq: l[i*] ni[l*] ( fq?qtqfq ) mxi^ qf

t%Tqxq% I gqrqxq xrftqxqq qqrqT^(^)qqfxmt l[l*] ^^l[l*]
29 Iqqm 5f ^CTXqxqq^mrm: l qtqf%mqf|q0(^)? qqf^ qfe^TT^:

|[|*] ^V9 |[|*] qm[q*]fq5> Txqsl
30 Tq TXmrf^q: 5Tmx^: q^
|
H: ll^qii qqm
grqqxqtl^ xlf^q: I mx^:
31 rar^qx^Tqxfqq 11^5.11 q ^q: qfqTXqxqqqfysf qq^mX5T I qq^5Xq?TXfqJ: H

^
^ q f^:q- a.
32 q: IlYoii mx: Sqxqmxqt qmx(^) qqf ^ ^

‘J
qqjqfqqq qjqxmXX
C)
^qxqq liVÎI 5q^q: q qqx^
‘ The word jialt appears below the line.

'5 •s^
¥Rr ?f JTPi S6IT: ^ 5 I Tm-

34 i(3): llV^M ?f
few: I
'O
WW>wfe«TlfW5ftif^'lTWT-
«\
35 w iiwii ^>(wt)ww{w) Jmw ?«nw ^ ww: «
38 WW(§)T5ftfW5lfeWT nWT: l[|ViOI*] ÛCTTHI: STWTWjt
36 WWW II (l) WTW WW> Wf>fw WT3: WTOfeftWTfw^ WW llVÎI
f’Sff WTW?WWfW% I WWT 5I'n:w(*w)?W?T W(w)5 W^^wt-
37 w ^^www ii'i^^sii w?wT wwm fwwTf?5?^ww w^Ttw I fefew
B^wfWcWW: l[l*] >^t;il w ^ w-
few fi(^5Rgw^Sr WTfqwm: l wwr WW^ wwfw Wwf^gTB^: nv 5.11 WWW:

«ftSTWTWSr> wtT ?cWWW-
39 [»ft]fewt I ?fw TTWr SWIWWT WWTW: Wffewt WWT IlKoll ffe
W5TW5T3W Wfw: W^: M
Slab VI ;
Canto V
[Metres : vv. 1-32, 34-50 Aniishtuhh ;
v. 33 Vasantatilakd ;
vv. 51, 52 Sdrdulavikndita.]
1 n «ftwwwww ww: I TTWT“ WWTfW^T^SSpTlWT^W ( ^ )

W^WW: gTT I WTWfw^WT
WVfe WfRWTTWTWW^wV II? 11
2 MtwT^WWTWWT ww Wfeffel f^W: I W^tWUfW ^W W[tttWTW ^5fW 11^ II
3 tw WW: I WgfwwfwWWWR W3: FWTWTWtrW II? II fiFWtw^cWWW WR

^TWWWTWT I ajWTWTWt WT-
4 WgTWw(w) W^W WWf^W l|V|| gwfer ^wfWfT^W: feffe WTWWT^ I WW*TT¥Wt
W(W)WWTW ^ w^fwwj-
5 W 1 1 so I wwl W^tTWTW: ’wfwl feWW® SWWTW I WlWWTWt WWTWTW:^
WWT(^)5ft fwWFWWTW ll?ll W^tWWgTTWW

^ This in is redundant.
^ Sandhi has not been observed here.
^ The name Serimay being of foreign origin, is iited here avibhaktiha .
* There is a acored-out €-stroke over ma,

^ The correct form is mil ana
1
20 EPICtRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX

6 ?mT<TcT: ( 45nwiOi-<TT ?I?T: 11^911 TPfT^
7 5ITf^ ^ TT31T prifNcf lis:il 1TT% I TT^n^
8 ?T II5.M !T«T THT TT5ii gTT^T)?T I R<‘»^H TTq ^ JHTRftt
^ II? oil 5T^T«ff?rf^«r>
9 g f^[¥]^ I 4^TTmHm^5iftrr>*fgT>T»iiBH ii??ii
^ 5T^3IH 9(9)?ncT I «mrw(g*Tt)-
10 %gr»T-?T: îT^RT'TTm: l[l?5?ll*] f??#55JTT»3|^ntTmW ^t»T5Tm<|{ I ?pf
5?Tt5f ^m'TftTr^ f5T3I%?ft ||?û 3r-
11 5^^ HIT I ?r9rT(T^) ^ HtVcgnf^-
ST^TfVrsf: II^XII ^Tif [n*] 51^ isfl55T%cft%
12 I vmr^g^(%)fft[m*]JTt g>'>T%5g*n?^ ii?!iii i*
TT3>?3m#?raT I «ft>TF5Tt9^ fT^: sp-
13 gnrfcfl ’T(9)?ft iTfig II? ^11 5T% 'i^T5T(5fl)?jrfH^*?% I TT*T-
gg^jgrftjTnrt ttsit stpt snrrTfw: i?\9ii amf^-
14 jngRTT ?p#Tr5ft ^{9)?rrfNrT: ii(i) h ^’irgr strt: M'»c i ? nqw trrt:

11?=: 1 <T?nrim: >Trfffrf >T?Tgf-
15 gr I iip?T ^»TTg^ fW ?Tt^T5{ ||?eil ^prf^lTIgnn »TTliTl
TTqf^r^gi: srf?T
|
Traw»J-
16 ^ ||;^ 0 || ^t: i gsrf ^ of??! Tf^

3T[^]: IR?II 5T^ 'gY?5I%5fl% TTgflrJT-
17 I SISTfEtirfecflmiTT' 3T»Tf??T?*T^<T^: n;^:^|, )ifmi

5,;
H«TT I Jr7mf^qTTSlTtT3rf%5-
18 IR?|| g^l fTff%5nmf^ gW: I
<nT(<7fc)'nlmf5i(fsr)imTg: ii;^vii ?n#TT3r

'
^ Sandhi is not observed liere.
^
2 This nia is incised a>>ove the line.

* This danda is iinneeesMirv.
* The anusvdra of yd/// appears over the foilo-wing letter,
MGIPC—SI—4 DGA— 24-11-53—450.
No, 4 ] SADASIVAGAD PLATES OF KADAMBA VIJAYADITYA ; SAKA 1102 29
No. 4—SADASIVAGAD PLATES OF KADAMBA VUAYADITYA SAKA ; 1102
(i Plate)
P. B. Desai, Ootacamunt)
This set of copper plates^ was secured by me for study in the course of my annual tour in
the Bombay-Karnatak parts in February 1952. It was in the possession of Mr. H. V. Naik, Clerk
of the Court, Civil Judge’s Court, Karwar. Mr. Naik’s family headquarters are at Sadasivagad,
about four miles from Karwar, and these plates were lying there as an heirloom. Details as to
how and when this famijy came to possess them are not known. I am editing the inscription
on these plates here for the first time with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist
for India.
The set consists of three plates held together by a circular ring with seal. The writing is
found on the inner sides of the first and third plates and on both sides of the second. The rims
are raised to protect the inscription which is, however, worn out in many places. The plates
measure 8'' in length, fi'’ in breadth and l/8th inch in thickness. The ring which is 2" in diameter
passes through a circular hole, 5/8th inch in diameter. The ends of the ring are soldered into
the bottom of a thick circular seal having a rim. The seal, which is 2Y in diameter, contains on
the sunken surface the figures of a rampant Hon with upturned tail and a dagger in front of it.
At the top around are the figures of a svastilca and the sun, followed by the legend Srl-Vishnu-
ddsah in Nagari characters, and then the crescent. The ring and the seal together weigh 70
tolas and the whole set weighs 380 tolas.
The characters are Nagari of the twelfth century, being normal for the period. The letter dm
at the commencement is written like turn. Medial d is generally denoted by a side mdtrd.
Exceptions to this are the letters vd in line 1 and rm in line 44, where a slanting stroke
is placed at the tep of m
and ma to denote the length. In regard to orthography, the conso-
nant following a repha, as a rule, is not doubled. We do, however, note a few intances of
doubling also, e. g., rnurtteh in line 4, Vijaydrlcka- in line 31 and suvarnn- in line 35. The
language is Sanskrit and the composition is in verse, except in lines 39-46 describing the
particulars of the gift. The composition is defective in some places.
The epigraph commences with an invocation to god Siva. After narrating the origin of
the Kadamba family, in the usual manner, from the mythical hero Tril^chana Kadamba who
was bom from the sweat of Siva, it gives a succinct genealogical account of the Kadambas of
Goa. The account stops with §ivachitta Permî andyounger brother Vijayarka or Vijaya-
his
ditya II, the sons of Jayakerin II from the Chalukya princess Mailala Mahadevi. The inscrip-
tion represents Vijayaditya as the ruling monarch. Its object is to record a gift of land by
the king to the goddess Arya Bhagavati. Though not explicitly stated, it appears from the
description of his family and the context that the beneficiary of the gift was a Brahmana of the
Bharadvaja gotra^ named G^vinda, who was well-versed in the science of astronomy. The
donee’s family is described for four generations. The gift property was situated within the
boundaries of the village Aruvige included in the tract of Marruvattugadalu.
The record bears the date which is expressed in words thus 6aka 1102, VikSrin, :
KZLxttika 6u. 12, Sunday. The §aka year was current and the date regularly corresponds
to Sunday, October 14, 1179 A. C.
^ No. 2 of the Aiinvdl Eepori on Indian Epigraphy for 1951>62«
1 DGA
;

The importance of the epigraph lies in its being unique. Inscriptions mentioning the joint
rule of the two brothers, Sivachitta Permadi and Vijayîtya II, and also those that refer to the
rule of the former only who was the elder of the two, have been discovered. But no inscription
referring to Vijayaditya as an independent ruler, has come to light so far. No doubt the second
part of the Halsi inscription contains a reference to the regnal year possibly of Vijayaditya ;
but
it is clear from the earlier portion that his brother Permadi was ruling at the time.^ Hence the
present happens to be the first and the only inscription so far discovered, attributing independent
rule to Vijayaditya, dissociated from his brother. The reason for this appears to be that
Permadi was no longer living by this time.^ According to the Halsi inscription, Vijayaditya
was a devotee of the god Vishnu and bore the epithet Vishnuchitta, Bdt it is revealed from the
seal of the present plates that he preferred to describe himself as Vishntiddsaj i. e., ân humble
servant of Lord Vishnu.’
The inscription contains two place-names. One is the region called Marruvattugadalu or
Manivattugadalu, and the other the village Aruvige situated therein. It is interesting to note
that Maruvattugadalu is a purely Kannada expression made up of the words mam, pattu or matfu
and kadalu. It means ‘the coastal region adjoining the sea.’ I am, however, unable to identify
this tract. Aruvige appears to be identical with the present day Arage, a village about 4 miles to
the south-east of Karwar, on the road to Ankola. The village Arage contains a shrine dedicated
to a female deity named Durga. This deity probably represents the goddess Axya Bbagavatl of
the epigraph.
TEXT^
[Metres: Verses 1, 2, 5,6, 10, 13 Sardulavihridita vv. 3, 7 Upajdti ; w. 4, 8, 9, 14-18

Anushtubh ; v. 11 ManddJcrdntd ; v. 12 YasanMilakd,']
First Plate
1 ^ ?nT[ : ] [ I * ] : ]
— [^]-
3 eft* [ I* J
—— W — V./ —
II
?'* Tr-
] [ J
5 IT — w
'
6
7 ?TTir5§;c557ftrîTir?Tl%^
8 gTT ^TTort
^ J, B. B. R. A. 8 ., Vol. IX, pp. 279-80 ; compare Georg© M. Moraes, Kadamba Ktda,

p. 190,
^ Compafe Kadamba Ktda, p. ^1.
‘ From the original platee and impresiiona.
• In thti and a *bw more iusiancoa that follow, the final m is changed to aniuvUra,
Sadasivagad Plates oe Kadamba ViJAYADiTYAi Saka 1102
4 ' ' '

-r.
' -
^ ^c~| ^ i
8 lY'o T^fn r?
10 •
?C!T: ^ TI-
!
ii,a.
24 24
26
rT.-f gmnp^^^ ?=?3
28
30
32
“
I ,fT
II
qn nl?^ tte
70^T.5
:
-t
1
r?ns^îi^TaAi^^55a:i ji?^W
^
ti
a? ? h
)
(trT ^ 30
32
34 r^qtv^. ^ T-? ~ A 34
SCALE: TWO FIFTHS SoKVEY OF India, Dehra Oui

B. Oh. Ghhabea.
Rc 6 No 660
.
H E(C> 52-499
No. 4J SADASIVAGAD PLATES OF KADAMBA VIJAYADITYA S ARA 1102 31
;
[ S^Tlfd: 1-
O C J
^9 t: c^NpAJd spff^ l[l ^*] dr: I
Second Plate ; First Side
11 i[i cr[c?i^p^-
]
12 STT^ iiRU|rMd[%f!lW]
1^ 1
^'5nT[sfti?5rRT] ——w
IS ^[f^]T^5«nd Fd^sri'JH ]-
:
17 SRPTl §lpTcJnT:^^fRrST:(ST) — ^
18 l[l ^*] 'RPTT ?nr-CTir^\ [I ]
19 f^’l ^Rff — W —
20 W \[\ \9*] %nt1ir«l'JiA|lfe:A|'W[fe ! ] ....
21 % iRSFtf%^>?q^RTT: l[l =;*] ^ ^FFJ^ ^]-
22 ?i%f<rn^qfd: I %?Tr# [ ]
Second Plate ; Second Side
24 [ ^] ESPRIT f«rzT: I [ ^ ]
— w w —
25 B’ Rddl*T^K«rf ^nF^BRTT <il'dl'h'4<.+'|iif[ ^sildf^dl ]
?-
26 ^dWhr^ l[l ?o*]
28 '' o
fsRT^WBT — w
29 'RtVtt i[i ??*] dWTfjr; BWRR?T3r7TnT^; ^-
30 ^w^R^Rnf^TTFi: I 5rrerR’T(!T) t^PiRdi (btHPimw-
32 srft’jfhpTPTPST^ ^Jsftf^RWlPT f^-

33 ^Rfhmjrrf^TTnft^ i ^yiMiPM+<in4;Pd<cw
^ This reading is restored conjecturally.
[VoL, XXIX
32 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Third Plate
srnr: sjTsrRTrT^rr [^] ^ i[i ?v*] ^^rsrr^
37 I >jr<SM: tfd-W?^ ^ l[l ? 5t*] 't>'4RdlHT
38 c\ o \J
I 5iftf^:5rnF^f^
ô
?ITR’(RT)?T^r'
39 «nT: l[ I ?^.*] %f)'H<a4r+J^d'4(c#)
[?^>
41 tt^ #Ait ( m )
....
42 ^ 'M Padld
43 Tf4^[^] 414 f4[3niT]-
44 5rm4 ?tt^ [ I*] ^[d*]«^44WT^ hiHî<ii<]
45 1^44^ dTWlcr: #4 ....

^nrof^Pfr: ^-
46 ’^pir: ^R5Jnf4^d¥Fr: II ^(^)ff44^srr crrrr Trjrf4: i
47 ^ ^^ C\
^ ’W |[| ^^3 *] M<4Tir ^ 4t
48 d" ^«RT I crfe^?T^^7f4 f^Wlt STFl^ M4; l[ I ?=:*] . • •
^
49 riirsA{4T[5r]46H€<^f4: ?rm4 T=^f4ft4 i% [^]
No. 5-TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR

(2 Plates)
D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
In May 1949, I received for examination from Mr. K. C. Panigrahl, Curator of the
Onssa
of
State Museum, Bhubaneswar, two sets of copper plates belonging to the Sailodbhava dynasty
Kohgoda. I prepared transcripts of the inscriptions from the original plates which were in the usual
course returned to Mr. Panigrahl. Ifwas understood that he would contribute a paper on the above
inscriptions to the Epigraphia Indica. In December 1950, I met Mr. Pamgrahi at Nagpur where
* The language of this passage is faulty.
*The record is complete except for the last few aksharae which are indistinct. In this line there is reference
to the person who drafted the document. The name of the poet, who bore the epithet jaitgama-sarasvaHt o®B-
not be deciphered fully
No. 5] TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR 33
we assembled in connection with the thirteenth session of the Indian History Congress. He then
informed me that it was not possible for him, owing to his pre-occupations, to take up the editing
of the inscriptions. He requested me to publish them. I take this opportunity of thanking him
for his kindness shown to me in this connection.
The plates are now the property of the H.E. School at Banpur which is a station on the Bengal-
Nagpnr Railway in the south-western part of the Puri District of Orissa. Mr. Panigrahi received
them on a temporary loan for examination from the Headmaster of the Baripur H. E. School.
Nothing is known as to the circumstances that brought the plates into the possession of the above
ii^titution.
A. Grant of AyasobhUa II Madhyamardja
This inscription was published by Pandit Satyanarayana Rajaguru with plates in the Journal
of ike Kalinga Historical Research Society, Vol. II, part i, pp. 59 ff. But his treatment of the
subject is rather perfunctory.
The set consists of three plates each measuring 6*6 inches by 3*9 inches. The plates are
held together by a ring to which the seal is soldered. The ring was found cut open when the set
reached me. The seal contains, in counter-sunk surface, the emblem of a couchant bull, facing
proper right, and the legend hi-Madhyamardjadevah below it. The first and third plates are
engraved only on the inner side, while the second bears writing on both the sides. The rims of the
plates are raised in order to protect the writing. The first plate is damaged at the top right comer,
and a few lines of wnting are partly obliterated. The plates weigh 64 tolas, while the ring with the
seal weighs 38 tolas.
The inscription is an incomplete charter of the îlddbliava king Ayasobhita II Madhya-

zxâraja who seems to have flourished about the second half of the seventh century A.C. (circa
665-95 A^C.).^ The writing on the reverse of the second plate ends with a verse describing the
achievements of king Madhyamaraja. There is only half a line of writing on the obverse of the
third |date,which was meant for introducing the customary list of officials and others belonging to
Kongoda-mandala, to whom the royal order regarding the grant was intended to be addressed.
These letters should have properly been preceded by a prose passage mentioning the king, desirous
of makin g a grant, as kvsali. It is possible to think that this mistake committed by the engraver
was the reason why the set was abandoned, at least for the time being. It is well known that
plates were often kept ready in the record offices of ancient Indian rulers with the introductory
portion of the grant inscribed and a blank for the necessary grant portion to be incised later as
occasions arose.^
In respect of palaeography, language and orthography, the inscription under discussion

closely resembles the Parikud plates^ (issued in the 26th year of the king’s reign), the only other
record of ^lodbhava Madhyamaraja so far known, and hardly anything caUs for special mention.
With the exception of the incomplete prose passage at the end, just referred to, the siddham
symbol, the word and the reference to the place of issue, the entire record is written in
verse. There are altogether twenty verses, no less than eighteen of which are already known from
the Parikud plates. The remaining two verses are also not new as they, like many others of both
The 13th regnal year of his father, who ruled at least up to his 50th year,
^ fell sometime after 619 A.C. He
himself ruled at least up to his 26th regnal year. See below.
* Cf. the Kedarpur plate of Srichandra, above, Chittagong plate of Kantideva, above,
Vol. XVII, pp. 188-92 ;
Vol. XXVI, pp. 313 ffi, etc.

* Above, Vol. XI,
pp. 284-7. The date given in words in line 45 must have been given in figures in line 54.
XJnfortunaiely the preservation of the writing in this part of the plate is unsatisfactory and the figures cannot be
deciphered from the published facsimile.
34 EPIGKAPHU INDICA fVoL. XXIX
the Parikud and the present charter, have been quoted from the records of Sainyabhita Miwihava-
varman II Srinivasa, father of Ayasobhita II Madhyamaraja. The earliest inscription of the
Sailodbhava family is the Ganjam plates^ issued by Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II (circa 610-65
A.C,) in the Gupta year 300 (619 A.C.) when he was a feudatory of the Gauda king Sasanka. The
other charters of this Sailodbhava king, so far discovered, were issued without any reference to his
overlord apparently after the defeat of the Gauda king, either Sa^nka himself or his successor, by
king Harshavardhana of Kanauj, allied with king Bhaskaravarman of Kamarupa, sometime before
638 A.C.^ Of the charters issued by the Sailodbhava king during this period of his independent rule,
the Khurda which is couched in prose as in the Ganjam plates, appear to
plates,® the introduction of
be the The Khurda plates as well as the Buguda plates,* the latter having an introduo*
earliest.
tion in verses composed for the first time by the court poet of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, are
not dated. Most of these verses are quoted not only in the later dated charters of the same king
(the Puri plates® —regnal year
13, doubtfully read as 23 by Basak —
ând the Cuttack Museum plates*
—regnal year 50), but also in all later records of the family. Later Sailodbhava kings developed
the habit of quoting the introductory verses from the documents of their predecessors and of adding
a few stanzas composed about themselves by their own court poets. This custom can also be
traced in many other royal families of ancient India, such as the imperial Gangas of Orissa and the
Palas of Bengal and Bihar.
It will be seen from what has been said above that all the twenty verses quoted in the ins-
cription under discussion are already known from the published records of the Sailodbhavas.
Nevertheless, the present inscription is of considerable importance, as it helps us in correcting the
faulty text of the Parikud plates.
The first verse, which is found at the beginning of the later charters of Sainyabhita MMhava-
varman II as well as of all the grants of his successors, is an adoration to vâmbhu (Siva). Verse 2,
which is the same as the second verse of the Parikud plates, introduces a king named Madhavendra.
Thereafter we have the history of the Sailodbhava family from the very beginning. This style of
the introduction, which is found also in the Aihole inscription,^ would suggest that this Madha-
vendra (i.e., Madhavaraja or Madhavavarman) was another name of the reigning monarch,
Ayasobhita II Madhyamaraja. It should, however, be pointed out that the same verse is also found
in theBuguda plates of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II as well as in the Nivina grant of Dharma-
raja Manabhita who was the grandson of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II and the son of Ayaid-
bhira II Madhyamaraja. It therefore seems that all the above three Sailodbhava kings bore
M.udhivav(irniau as a secondary name. Or better the verse in question referring to Sainyabhita
Madhavavarman II is out of place and carelessly quoted in the records of Ayasobhita II Madhya-
Above, Vol. VI, pp. 143 ff.

*
About 643 A.C. Harshavardhana led an expedition against Kohgoda in Orissa

2
probably on behalf of the
Gauda king whom he then considered his subordinate aUy. Sasanka’s death and the discomfiture
of the Gauda
king took place sometime before 638 A.C. when the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang
travelled in East India. See
History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. 1, pp. 77 ff. Harsha’s victory
over the Gauda king seems also to have
preceded his encounter with Puiake6m U, which took place, according to the
Aihole inscription, sometime before
634 A. C»
® Vol. LlII, pp. 284 ff.
Above, Vol. Ill, pp. 43 ff.
*
® Above, Vol. XXIII,

pp. 127-9.
* Above, Vol. XXIV,
pp. 161-3.
» Above. >^l. VI, pp. 1 £f. This praaasti begins with an adoration to Jinendra,
then introduces the reigning
monarch batyairaya (PuUkesin II), and finally begins the history of the
Chalukya family from its earUest iUustrioua
member . *
maraja and his son Dhannaraja [Manabhita.^ Verse 3, omitted in the Parikud plates but found
in the Cuttack Museum plates of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman
II, introduces Mount Mahendra
which intimately associated in literature with the Kalihga country. Verses 4-5 mentioning
is
Pulindasena as famous among the people of Kalinga and as a devotee of Lord Svayambhu (Siva)
and the following five verses (verses 6 - 10 ) speaking of the eponymous Sailodbhava, his hulaja or
descendant Aranabhita, lus son Sainyabhita (Madhavavarman I), his descendant (possibly an adopt-
ed son*) AyaôbhTta, and his son Sainyabhita (Madhavavarman II), are found in most of the later
records of the family. Verse 11 which , is omitted in the Parikud plates but is found in the versified
introduction of the records of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, refers to the achievements of king
Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II. Verse 12 speaks of the same king as Srinivasa and attributes
to him certain sacrifices including the Asvamedha. The horse-sacrifice must have been celebrated
by the Sailodbhava king, before the issue of the Puri plates of his thirteenth regnal year, to
commemorate the throwing off of the Gauda yoke. Verses 13-20 describe the reigning monarch
Ayasobhita II Madhyamaraja and are all of them found in the Parikud plates and some of them
also in the later records of the family. The text of the verses common only to the present charter
and the Parikud plates is corrupt in both the records, although the text offered by the record under
discussion is better and has helped in restoring the reading intended* by the author. Verse 15
describes the king as a royal ascetic. The next verse (verse 16) compares him with the god Sambhu
and says that he had discourses with departed saints coming from heaven at his call. Verse 17 says
that the king, who was as fair as the moon owing to his fame pervading the earth, ^ performed
amazing tricks of archery. Verse 18 says how the jewel of Kongoda (i.e., the king) became an
equal of the son of Pritha (i.e., Arjuna) by piercing, from a distance, at a time four boards, each
covered with two shields, with arrows discharged from two bows simultaneously by his two hands.
Verse 19 describes how the king could run with two stout persons on his shoulders in emulation of
the monkey hero Hanumat, famous in the story of the Rdmdyana,
Of the names of geographical interest, the inscription mentions Mount Mahendra, Kalinga,
Kongoda and Kfingoda-mandala. The Mahendra is no doubt represented by the present
Mahendragiri peak in the Srikakulam District. Kalinga, in a narrow sense, was the country around
it. K5ng6da was the name of both the kingdom and the capital of the Sailodbhavas. It was
apparently regarded as a part of the Kalinga country. The city of Kongoda stood on the river
Salima which is the modem Saliya running past Banpur, the findspot of our record. The heart
of the Kongoda country, i.e., the dominions of the Sailodhbhavas, thus lay about the border
between the present Puri and Ganjam Districts of Orissa.
^ The mention of Madhavendra in the Parikud and Nivina plates was not explained by the scholars who edited
those inscriptions. Pandit Rajaguru is apparently unaware of the fact that the verse in question is found in the
records of thi^ successive rulers of the Sailodbhava family and not only in the charter under discussion.
* Cf. Successors
of the Satavahanas, pp. 400-1 New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI, p. 83. Note also that
;
the epic hero Nala, son of Virasena, is described in the Naishadhiya, V, 124, as Vtraaina-kida-dtpa, There is,
however, difiTerence of opinion among scholars as to the genealogy of the Saiiodbhavas, For the son represented
as a descendant of the father, see also the RdjatarangirjLl VITT, 1083 (Stein’s translation, Vol. II, p. 612), the
Assam plates of Vallabhadeva, line 16 (above, Vol. V, p. 184), etc.
^ I do not agree with Pandit Rajaguru who thinks that iamhka-dhavalay used in the description of king Aya-
tebhita n Madhyamaraja, has to be regarded as one of his names. He further thinks that Madhava issued his
Ganjam grant in the Gupta year 300 (619-20 A.C.) when ho was holding the office of Mahdsdmanta under his
father SaSahka alias Madhyamaraja. The suggestion is, however, against known facts of history and without
any evidence in support of it.
36 EPIGBAPHIA INDICA [VoL, XXIX
TEXT!
[Metres : —verses 1, 3, 5, 14, 15, 17-19 SdrdulaviJcndita ;
verses 2, 12, 13, 16 Sragihard ; verses
4, 7, 8, 10, 11, 20 Vasantatilaka ; verse 6 Aniishtubh ;
verse 9 Indravajrd.']
First Plate
1 Siddham^ Svasti [||*] vijaya-Kongoda-vasakat [|*] Indor=ddhauta-mraala-ta[n*]tubhir=iva

2 ^lishtah karai[h*] komalai r=wa(r=ba)ddh-alier=aninai[h*] sphurat-phana(9i)-iiianer=ddigdha-
[y (gdlia)-prabliaô=n8u(so=mû)bliib [ |
*]
3 Parvvatya[h*] sa-kac]m-graha-vyatikara-V7avritta-va(ba)ndha-61atha GaAg-^bha|^*]-pluti-

bliiiina-bbasma-ka[n]ika[b*] Sambho-
4 ia(r=ja)ta[h*] pattu(ntu) vah i| [1*] Sriman=uchchair=nnabha8to gurar=amara-*pat^*] kshobha-
jid=ya[b*] ksha[maya] gambhi-
5 ras=toyaraêr=atha divasakarad=bbasvad=al6ka-kar[i |]
hladi sarwasya ch=eiid6s=tri-bhTivana-
bha-
6 vana-pe(pre)raka^ch=api vayo (* raja ssa(sa) sthanii-murttija(r=ja)yat[i] kaU-mala-kshalano
Madhavendra[h 1|
2*]
7 Prachy-ambb5mdhP-rucha(ddha)-sandra(nu)r==atula[h*] pusbpa* -druiu-ali-rvri(vri)tah syandam-

ni(adan=ni)rjhara-vari-
8 darita-dari-phena’-8klialan-[n]is[v]ana[h |] svana-ttrasta~patattri-valgu-virutair=apu-
9 rit-aiitar-gum(gu)hah ^rima[n*]=Mertt{r]=i[v=5dgatab ku]la-girih khyato Maheiidra[h*]
kshitauh(tau) |j
[3*]
10 Pran3u(Praiiiû)r=mah-ebha-kara-pivara-chcha(cba)rti-va(ba)hu[h*] kpab^-^ma^sanxcliaya-
vibheda-vi§ala-vaksbah [|*]
11 a(ra)jIva-komala-dal-ayata-locliaa'antah khyatah Kalinga-janatasu Pulindasenaft 4*]

)]
12 Ten=ettliain gu:dn=api satva(ttva)-niahata n=esbtaih bhuvo mandalarh âkto ya[h*]

paripalanaya jaga-
13 tab ko nama sa syad=iti |
pratyadishta-vibb-u(bb-u)t8aveiia bhagavaiii(va)n=aradliita[h*]
6a^vatas=tach-cbitt-a-
14 nu(nu)gTi9a[m*] vidhissu(tsu)r=adisad=vancbhaih svayambh6(mbbu)r=apih(pi

|| 5) Sa â-sa-
(âjkal-odbbedi ten=apy=a-
15 lokya dbi(dhi)mata |
parikalpita-sad-vanâ(d-vaih6ah) prabbuh SailodbhavaTh*] kritah 6*]
[ ||
Sailodbhavasya kula>
16 jo^ranabbita asid=yea-asakrit=ka(t=kri)ta’*bbiyîii*] dviflbad-®angaiianaiii(naiii) jyotsiia-

|
pravo(b6)dba-samaye sva-dbiy-ai-
17 va sarddbamâkampito nayana-paksbrna-jalesbu cbandrab [7^]®
||
* From the original plates and their impressions.

* Expressed by a symbol.
The dav4(^ superfluous.
•
The Parikud and Nivina plates have achala-pateh,

*
‘ Origin^y tht was engraved in

place ofdhi. This verse found in the Cuttack
is Museum plates of Madha-
vavannan II.
• The Cuttack Museum plates
read puahya.
’ The Cuttack Museum plates
read pdto.
® Ja was origmally incised
in place of da.
• The rest of the line is blank.
TWO SAILODBHAVA GEANTS FROM BANPUE
A. Grant of Ayasobhita II Madhyamaraja
Survey of India, Calcutta

scale: actual-size
I‘. <'H. f'HHABRA
Reg No 3977 E 36 - 4 99’53
Na 5] TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR 37
S€e€md Plate ; First Side

18 Tas7=abliavad=vivu(bu)dha-pala-samasya sunuh ^rl-Sainyabhita iti bbumi-patir-gga-
riyan |
yam prapy=aneka^-sata-iiaga-ghata-Tighatta-lavdha(bdlia)-prasada-vijaye(yam) mtimude
dbari-
20 [|| 8*} Tasy=api vanse(varDie)=tiia yathartha-nama jat6=yasobliita

ttrih(tri) iti kshitlaah [f*]
Yena(na) praru(ru)-
21 dh5=pi Siibhai^=cliarirttrih mn(ttrair=mri)shtah kalanka[b*] kali-darppanasyah(sya) [9*]
||
Jatasya(s=sa) tasya na(ta)nayah

22 su-kriti samasta'simantim-nayana-sharpa(t-pa)da-pundarikah bhumi =
[f*] sri-Sainyabhita iti
23 patirîninahebha'kumbha-sthali-daIana-durnaS(li)t-asi(si)-dharab [ |1 10*] Jatena yena kamal-

akam-
24 vat =sva-g(>ttram=iminiIito(tam) dinakrit=eva mahodayen3b(na samkgbipta-man(}ala-rucba6=
[)
cha
25 gata[h*] pran§(na)Qam=4Lsu dvisho graha-gana iva yasya diptyab(ptya) \\ [11*] Kaleyair=bhu'
tadh[a]-
26 ttripatibhir^npachit-an€ka-pap-avatamir=imita yesha[m*] kathâpi prala-
27 yam=abhimata kirttri(rtti)-ma(pa)lair=ajasrara(sram) |
yajnais=tair=a6vamedha-prabhyitibliir==
amara
28 lambhitas=triptim=u(m=ii)rvvi(rvvi)ffl=urdra(ddri)pt-arati-paksha-k8liaya-kriti"patuiia Srini-
vasena yeiiab(na) |[
[12*]
29 Tasy=6tkhat-aklul-are ma(r^ma)rudîva jauanad-bhasvad-uslinamsu-teja F jato* mam
dayidtir=nna-
30 rapatir=Ayas6bhitadevas=tanu{nu)ja[h*] |
matangan=y6=titungam(ngan) va(ba)hala-mada«
mucba(clia)^=charu-va-
31 ktra[n*] prachandah(ndan) va(ba)ddhv=akarshaty=a-ldiiimah piinar=api dayate* yatnatab ssa-
(sa) pragalbhab |1
[13*] Kechid-vanya^
32 mrig^na 8arddham=acbarams=t^ tarn sthitim lilaya kechicli=ch=5ddha(rdlivA)-inukha[h*]
sabasrakiranab(na)- j va-
33 bava^pirekahiQa[h|*} kechid=valkaImas=tath=a)iBa‘dbarab ki^ltir=ja(j«^ja)t<i-dbaflgia(9o}
iiana-ni[rtt)pa-
34 dbaras=tapanti munayo divy-asbpa{spa)d'akamksbinab || [14*J Kecbicb=cbbaila-gub *6dareahu

niyata® dbu-
35 m-avab-payiaab® anye vayii-phal-amvu(mbtt)-bbaksba-myata[b*}® kechiBt^mraharaka 1|
(kab |
ittbam
36 y6ga-yu(iu)sbo vibaya vasati[in*] dbyayanti divyam padam cbittom Madbyamarajadera*
guna-dbpi-
^ Read prdpya n-aika^ for the sake of the metre.

* The dait4» is superfieom.
* Other record the family osiially read
* For the expressions (1) dayate, (2) yatnatah and (3) sa pragalbhah^ some other records of the family have
(i) navaH, kipM
or tayati^ (2) yeU-kritah or yan^tah and (3> respectivrfy.
^ SoHte reeorda of
the family read mroKt.
* The rule of
mridhi has been ignored here apparently for the sake os the metre.
38 BPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
37 d=rajy6(jye)=pi tat=praptavariih(van) ||
[15*] Ya8y=4hvanas=sa{t=8a)iniyuh^ sura-bhavana-
gata (iivya-satva(ttvah) praga-
38 Ibhah tai(bhas=taih) sarddham nitya-kalam Bukrita-gU9a-kath-alapa-liridya(dyan) prakurvvah-

(rwan |)
Samblios=tasy=anu-*
39 kari padam=amaram=ajam ^svatam ^nta-rupam lavdh-o(bdli-6)t8ahas=sa virah kshiti«
[ta]la-
40 vasate(ti)r^=iinirjiit-arati-pakshah ||
[16*] Sthity-utpatti-vin^-karana-param yan=jyo(j-jy6)-
tirâvyahatam p
41 vyakt-avyaktam=aiianta-5akti-myatam dev-atidevo mahah(han |) tasy=anugraha-kari'vi-
42 krama-dhana(nu)s-clieslitat kar6ty=adbhutah sa priman-atula[b*] ^sanka-dhavalah kshoni-ya-
43 6a[h*]-kliyapitah ||
[17*] A karâd=atidaih vikrishya tarasa chapa-dvaya[m*] iilayah(ya)®
44 ashtabhi[h*] kavachai vi(r=vi)ve8htya phalakan=arad=u(d=u)bhabhyam=api |
panibhyam
chaturab 6ilimu-
45 kha-mukhair=bbinta(ttva) su-tlksbâi b}iri(r=bhri)âh(^)n=jato ddi(di)vya-gati[h*] Pritha-
51 8uta“Samam(mah) K6ngoda-ratiia[m*] k8liitaiih(tau) [18*]
||
46 Vannmabhyam sakalam 6ariram=asakrit=sa[in*]ve8htya lil-anvitah pi(pi)nau dvai(dvau)

punish6(sliau) nidbaya yuga-
47 pa[t*] skandba-dvaye lilaya |

sadya[lji*]-^ta-kripana-bhûra-karo dbavaty=a-kbinno bhrisa[m*]
48 bbupalo Hanumat-parakrama iti kbyata[b*] k3baina'mandalaih(le) ||
[19*] Jatena ûbbra-va-
49 pusba 6aîii=eva yena samva(8amya)rddhitam kumuda-sbandamîva sva-g6ttram(ttram) (
sank5cbita-
50 n=cba ripu-pankaja-vpndam=ara8=so(t=s5)=yam^ ni(nri)p6 jayati lavdlia(bdba)-jaya-pratapab

II
[20*]
Third Plate
a8mim(8min) Kongdda-ma^dale mabasamanta-srP
B. Grant of Dharmardja Mdnabhita
a set of throe plates, each measuring 6-35 inches by 3-5 inches, held together by
This is
a ring with seal. The seal contains the emblems of the crescent above, the couchant bull facing
proper right in the middle, and an expanded lotus below. Between the bull and
the lotus there
is the legend reading hl-Dharmardjadevasya. The first plate is written on one side only, whereas
the Other two plates bear writing on both the sides. The writing on the reverse
of the third plate
is considerably damaged as portions of the metal on this side have
peeled off. The three plates
together weigh 61 tolas, while the weight of the ring and the seal is 26
tolas.
1 In the Pariknd plates of the same king. Banerji reads
yasy=ahva{hvd)ndn=mama[d*}yu[s}=sura'‘.
:
• In the Pariknd plates, Banerji reads : âmbh5»=tamsthana-kari

padam=a7nara-java[d*].
• In the Pariknd plates, Banerji reads : vasanilim).
• The present record helps ns in correcting the reading of the Pariknd plates.
• The daTi4o> is superfluous.
• The rule of sandhi has been
ignored here for the sake of the metre.
plates. Banerji
J
stroke ^(hei^np^noM; at the right ofreads Icopina yo jayati.
the letter as in the
:
The medial
last line of
i of li is joined with a
horizontal stop
the Snmapdala plates and in some other
records. See aboTO, Vol. XXVIII, p. 85, n. 6.
The record abmptly ends here. This Une containing the beginning
•
of the list of officials to whom the royal
order regwding a grant would have to be issued should have been
properly preceded by a prose passage mentioning
the reigning monarch. &
The charter belongs to king Dharmar&ja Manabluta of the Sailodbhava family of Koh-
goda in modem Orissa and closely resembles the other charters' of the same kii^ in respect of
palaeography, language and orthography. The date of the charter under discussion is
uncertain. After the word [Sam^}vat, only the figure 1 can be traced, the writing of the follow-
ing portion being damaged in the plate. It is therefore doubtful whether the date is year 1 or
any other regnal year between 10 and 19, The Sailodbhava king Dharmaraja Manabhita seems
to have flourished about the close of the seventh century and the beginning of the eighth (circa
695-730 A.C.)^
The draft of the present charter closely follows that of the Kondedda grant issued by king
Dharmaraja Manabhita in his thirtieth regnal year. The eighteen verses forming the introduc-
tion of our charter as well as the lengthy prose passage introducing the king as kumll (lines 1-40)
are the same as the corresponding part of the Kondedda grant (lines 1-47), with slight changes
(including minor mistakes) in the text and the names of the places whence the charters were issued.
Verses 1-11 of the record dealing with the predecessors of the reigning monarch are merely a
selection from the introductory stanzas found in the records (cf. the Banpur plates edited above)
of his father Aya§obhita II Madhyamaraja. Verses 12-18 describe the achievements of Dharma-
raja Manabhita himself. It is well known that only one of these verses (verse 15) gives a valu-
able historical information. It seems to say how Dharmaraja had an elder brother named Ma-
dhava (i.e., Madhavavarman probably named who began to bear ill will
after his grandfather)
against his younger brother as soon as he ascended the throne, how Dharmaraja defeated this
Madhava at the battle of Phasika, how Madhava thereupon took shelter under a king named
Tivara, and how both Madhava and Tivara were defeated by Dharmaraja in a battle fought at
the foot of the Vindhyas. This Tivara may have been a later member of the Panduvamâ of
South Kosala.® Verse 16 discloses the king's secondary name Manabhita.
The prose passage following the introductory verses in our inscription refers to the place
whence the charter was issued. The name of the place is doubtful but may be Asilida or Silica.
The king is here described as a devout worshipper of Mahesvara (Siva) and as devoted to his parents.
Another interesting passage says that he was the son’s son (i.e., grandson) of one who took an
avahhritha bath after the Aivamedha sacrifice {aimmedh-dmbhritha^snana-nirvaritita-sunOs^
ianayah) apparently referring to the performance of the horse sacrifice by his grandfather Sainya-
bhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa, already discussed above in connection with the Banpur plates
of Ayasobhita II Madhyamaraja, father of Dharmaraja Manabhita.'*
The passage recording the grant in the inscription under review is defective. The engraver
had at first omitted a lengthy passage mentioning the donee, the gift land and the actual donor
and later squeezed only the important words and names from the omitted passage in the limited
space. The defective description suggests that the real donor of the grant was the queen Elalyana-
devi (or Srikalyana°) and that her grant was endorsed by the king. The gift land consisted of 3
measures styled timplra in a locality called Suvarnaralondi situated in the Thorana vishaya and
I
The Kondedda grant of the 30th regnal year (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 267-70), the Nivina grant possibly of
the 9th regnal year (above, Vol. XXI, pp. 38-41) and the Puri plates of a
doubtful date Vol. XVI,
pp. 178 ff). Bhandarkar’s reading of the dates of the Puri and Kondedda plates is wrong (see List, Nos. 2040-
41 i
Successors of the S^vahanas, p. 401).
* He ruled at least up to his 30th regnal year.
This Tivara cannot be identified with MahaiSiva Tivara of the Papduvaifa^ as the latter flourished in the
’
sixth century (circa 565-80 A. C. ; see /. H. Q., Vol. XIX, p. 144).

Dharmaraja’s rule (covering not leas than
earlier than the last quarter of the seventh oentxiry
30 years according to the Kondedda grant) can hardly be placed
because, as indicated above, his grandfather performed the Aivamidha
before his 13th regnal year falling some-
time after 619 A.C. and ruled for at least 50 years (cf. the date of the CJuttack
Museum plates) and his father ruled
for at least 26 years (cf. the date of the Parikud plates).
* The Parikud plates suggest that Madhyamaraja took part in the performar.oe of hi? father’s horse-saerifice.
B2
40 EfIGKAPHIA INfilCA [VoL. XXtX
21 timplras at the tillage of Madhuvataka attached to the stman profeably forming a part of
the same viskapa. The donee was a Jain (?) monk called eka-sata -(possiWy tme who has taken a
vow to wear only one piece of doth ;
cf. ehm^klvam) Prabaddhachandra who was the diacipie
the a/rhaddchdrya (the most venerable teacher) Nadchandra. The grant seems to have been
actually made in favour of a deity or religions establishmemt in the reddence of Pratmddha-
chandra. This is suggested by ti^ expression But the reeord
seems to say that Prabuddhachandra alone would have to enjoy the grant till his death. The
giftwas thus temporary. Nothing is recorded in regard to the relation that existed between the
queen Kalyanadevi (or Snkalyana°) and the king Dharmaraja, although the epithet rajnl seems
to suggest that she was one of the king’s wives. The epithet hhagavail used bôre the word
rdjnl may
actually refer to an unnamed goddess established in Prabnddhac^ndra’s lesidenoe. In
case was intended for the queen, she has possibly to be taken as the mother or a step-mother
it
of the king. The word timplra (also written timpira or ti'mrpl/ra) is found in many records^ inttie
sense of a land measure. It is clear that the ^graver omitted a large number of words from 4^
passage detailing the grant in the onginal draft of the document.
The dhctaka or executor of the charter was the PaMcMhirandparihi-mih)asiha-hTi^^
Samanfca. Apparently the same person
mentioned in the Puri plates of Dharmaraja as the
is
Brihatlhhogin Samanta who wrote that document. Of Ihe officnal designations attributed to Sa-
manta in our record, padcka-karo/n-dparika is the same as parlch’dîhiran-dpanka of the Ounai-
ghar plate^ and may indicate ‘
the chief Superintendent of five
administrative ofiSces Vai-
svdsika,found in records like the Kanas plate^ of Lokavigraha, possibly means a priv councillor.
y
The designation Rhogin seems to have indicated an indtndar. The plates were engraved by AdHya-
deva who appears to be styled Akshasalikay i.e., a goldsmith.* The document was Idnckhitaf
i.e., endowed or registered with a seal, by the pefdpala (literaUy, keeper of the boxes, i.e., those
containing documents) named Balavarman who is also known from the Puri plates of Dharmaraja.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the 'niorana vishaya is also known
from other records,® although its definite location is doubtful. The king’s vdsaka or residence
whence the chancr was issued cannot be satisfactorily identified. I have also not been able to
locate the villages of Suvarnaral5ndi and Madhuvataka as well as the siman or subdivision called
Pajida.
TEXT*
[Metres, verses 1, 3, 11, 14, 18 ^drduUivikTiditu vesrses 2, 5, 6, 8, 12,
^ 22 VcndTUutUiuku ^ verses
4, 13, 16, 19-21 Anush tubh ; verse 7 Indfo/vajrd ,* verses 9, 10, 15 Stagdhardi verae 17
verse 23 Pushpitdgrd.]
First Plate
1 Siddham’ Svastih(sti Indor=ddhu(i^dhau)ta-iBrinaa-tantubliir4va
[I)
karai[y
komalaili* vaddh-aher=arunai[h] sphu-
* Cf. J. li. 0. H. 6'., Vol.XVI, p. 181 (Puri plates of Dhannaraja, text, line *3); above. V<ri. XXIV, p. 163
(Cuttack Museum Plates of Madhavavarman, text, line 30) Vol. XXI, , p. 41 f Jlivina grant of Dhannaraja. text,
line 47) ,
etc,
* Select In.'^criptionSy p. 333.
» Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 329.
‘ The same designation also found in the ioim& AkshaiaLia. (Bhandarkar,
Ls
iaal, Nob. 147», 1497, «to.)
and Arka-Mhn No. 1496). These appear to be Sanekritizatione of Tehigu
(ibid.,
and agmaali, ‘a goldamith.*
‘ See above, Vol. XXIII, p. 129 (Puri plates of Madhavavarman
II) J. A. S. B., VM. T.TTfTTT^ part , ^
p, 285 (Khurda plates of Madhayavaiman II) , eto.
* From the original plates and their impFetiions.
’ Expressed by a symbol. [As for spostih, with msarga,
Abore, Vol. XKVIL n 140 u U Kd i
8 Read Vaitz:hiMk\
TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR
B. — Grant of Dharmaraja Manabhita
i''^'?r t atBi J I
^ ^ ~z -I- a/v ^ .
.^r -.¥-ffeyie7<V» T»?i KCpnT5'r::^r;:7
10
10 JSJtB
^ 12
ii,(i-
14
.-^7
14 T-
V^ T*')-! <, rv'
18 ^rts
k Tnîe^T r ..r' J.f r/ irSJT-/j^7^^-"y ;
% _ ; ..,i -irrî^rin^r-ZMV^
T
''Cy--
26
28
30
(I cl 1; 1 i^h’i
j
^ ^5'5
32
^7^ ,
‘iH
rjT?Si^/ain f 'U.tCX-4- V.K’’ ^t/yf^îl 34
?"-'.'^.''-J^' SI
suiiVEY OK India, Calcutta

scale: three-fourths
t>. (Jh. firnAriKA
Reg. No 3977 E'36-499’53
^w toTT^T rr -jv
_ 5j '9'^p5 ^T^zr'l,^-'-
40 Y^^'^^:i\zj^tfQf'^>:ôi/vM^2^nrf'\'^7'^'h r.^2/''•^'^'^ 4o
e: t/<•?T^^;- WTT-^^T^-
44 MAjW^,wiT'^'r-c.^'^,r <"-•' j v^7C’’itnir^ 44,

^ ^(?I' C^^rJ^/ J/^ ^ZPr^TjZJ^^ >^'X- 44 (
46 ESil^^-’ty X^WlCrk zzs^t^^WZ 46
48 126^^?^’;'^ xnj. r.-nTm tr : i'rT>-'^ r? ?' 4-'

48
y^«- n^x ;A r^’-: ^ : o i/-'j ft?);: yfo-r

—
^'oT.c^r i
1 ^:-
5] TWO SAILODBHAVA GRANTS FROM BANPUR 41
2 rat-phani-ma9er-(iig(i]ia-prabhaso=usubhih^ [|*] Parwatyafh'*'] sa-kacba-gcaha-vyatika^ra-

vyavTitta-va(ba)ndha-Matha Gang-a-
3 iiivu(inbu)-pluti-b]iiiina-bhasma“kamka[h*] Sanibli6r-jatah=pajiu(atu) vah [[jl*] Pr^sii-
(Prainsu)r=mahebha-kara-pivara-charu-va(ba)hu[h*] krisliu-a^ma-^
4 fiancha(ncha)[ya*]-vibliâ-vi^la(ia)-vaksha[h rajiva-komaia-dal-ayata-lochaii'antali kliya*
tab Kalinga-janatasu
5 Puli2idaseiia[h*] ([| 2*] Ten=enthain(tthaih) gunmo=pa{n=api) satva(ttva)-nia}iata n==esktam bhu-
v6r=rQandalam sakt5 yah pari(ri)pala[rLa]-
6 ya jagatah ko nama sa syad=iti pratyadishta-vibhur-bha(bh-utsa)vena bha[ga]vaa*=
|
aradhita[h*] ^^vatah ta(tas-ta)ch-chitt-anu-
7 gunam vidhissu(tsu)r=adisad=vahchham svasa(ya)mbh6(mbhu)r=api |]

{3*] Sa sila-âkab
odbhedi teii==apy=al6kya(kya) dhlma-
8 ta [(*] pari(ri)kalpita'sad-vahsa(d'vaihsah) prabhah Sail5dbhavah kntah 4*] Sail5dbha-
[ 1 |
vasya kulajo^ânabhita asit y(d-ye)

9 ii=asakrit-krita(ta)'bhiya[m*] dvishad-aiiganaiiam(nam) jyotsnaya®-pravO(bo)dha-samaye
|
sva-dhiy=aiva 8ardham=akam{ka)mpito
10 nayana-pakshma-jaleshu chandra[h*] [5*] Tasy=abhavad-vivtt(bu)dha'pala-samasya
||
siiniih ^ri-Sainyabhlta i-
11 ti bhuinipatiga(r=ga)riyan yaiii prapya ii-aika-sata-naga-ghata-vighatta-lavdha(bdha)-

[|*]
pratapa-vijayam ma(mu)inude
12 dhari(ri)ttri [6*] Tasy= api vanse(vamse)=tha yath-artha-nama jato-yaôbhi(bhT)ta iti kshit-
||
i4ah [\*] yena pra-

Second Plate / Fnst Side
13 ru(ru)dh6=pi ^nbhais^charitraih niri(trair=inri)shtah kalankah kalt-dnrppanasya \\ [7*] Jat5=
tha [tasya tanaya]s=sukri-
14 la samasta'simanta(nti)m-nayana-shadpa^tpa)da-pandanka[h*] sil-Sarayabhita [iti bhumi]-
|
patir=mmahe-
15 bha-'kumbhasthall-dalana-durlalit-asi-dharah Kaleyair=bhutadhattripatibhir=upachit-
(I P*]
aneka-pa-
16 pâvatarair=iiita yesham kath=api pralayam=abhimata kirttiâ(pa)lair=ajasram![{8ram ] )
yajnais==tairâsvamMha-
17 prabiii(bhTi)tibhiT=amara lambbita tri(s=tri)ptim=Tirv\'im* =udri(ddri)pt-arati-paksha’-k3baya-
kriti-patuna Srinivasena
18 yena || [9*] Tasy=otkbat-akbil-ari(re)r=minaiud^dva janiio bbasvad-ushnanû{8bn-
amû)teja[h*] ûro mam daya-
19 lur=uarapatir=Aya^6bhitadevas^tauujarb*] matangaii=y'n^titungan^va{ba)hala-mada-mucba-
j
6=charu-vaktrap=pra(n=:pra)chaiidan va{ba)ddbv=akarsb,aty=a’khintiah paiiar=api [da]yate^

yatnatah sampragalbhah j(
[10*] Kechi-
^ Read 2>âbhaso=:msubhi^. An erased e sign is noticed above ilw.
* The dan4a
is superfluous*
® An erased subscript I can be traced beneath Svm,
Ga had been at first omitted and was later engraved above tbe line in a small form.
*
,
‘ Read
jyotsnd, omitting yd.
* The engraver
had begun to incise mu close to rrwh but gave it up to leave some space between the 4wo
alcMharas.
’ See above, p. 37, note 4.
.
42 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vou XXIX

21 s=c}ihai(cli=clibLai)la-guh~6dareshu nirata' dhum-avali-payinah* anye vayu-phal-tovu-
(mbu)-bhaksha-iiirata[h*] kechclii(clu)n=ti(ii=m)ra-
22 haraka[h*] (
ittham yoga-jusho vihaya vasatim(tim) dhyayam(ya)nti divyam(vya)m=padam
chittra[m'^J Madhyamarajadeva-
23 guna'dhrid=rajye=pi tat=praptavan ||
[11*] Tasy=abhavat=sakala-^tra-vi^ha-vedi ^ri-
Dharmmaraja
24 iti sunur=adhi[ta*]'Sastrah yasyâtinirmala-ya^h parivarddliamaiia[m*] padau Hare-
|
second Plate ; Second Side

25 r=iva na mayitamâ tri(tri)lokyah® [!|12*] Nira^rayai[h*] prayatuena gunais^sa parivaritah
[|*] vaimukliyad-i-
26 rsbaya cb=aiva sarwa-dosbair=wivarjjitah 1|[13*] Kale hanti ripn(pu)n=raa(n=iiia)harana
sata-vyapara>lavdb“6(bcUi-6)iuiatma(tm)*
27 kale dharmnaa-vivechanaya na(]ii)rat6 vrra(bra)hinaaya-niadhye sthitah ELTaufioharerîva
yasya cbeshtitaiii=alam I5ka{kaih)
28 samalukyate ||
[14*] Rajyam lavdhv=ai(bdhv=ai)va darppad=a[vi*]gauita-tay5 Madhavo
jy^htha-bhav"at(n) deâm(â)d=a3mad=a-
29 pa3tu[n==kri]ta-va(vi)sliama-raatir=vvigrahe Phasikayam ||(yaia |)

yuddha-kshobbena bhagno
nripati'Varam-asau samsrita-
30 s=Tivar-a(r-a)khyam pascbat^ten-api sarddham puaarâpi vijito Vindbya-padeshu jlruâ-
ft] [ll
1^*] Sauryam 4rl[r=yau]-
31 vanam rajyam=ek'aikam inada-karakaiii(kam ) sarwa[m*] ^ri-Manablutasya nirwi-

j
karam=upastbita[iii](tam) \\ [16*] Turaga-

32 khur-abbighata-vidalad'dharani'talajam ]'aya-gflja- Varnna h(rprta)-chaTparfl-vidhiiDaiia-vis-
phuritam(tam) \
su-bha-
33 ta*phara-prasarppaâ-iiiruddha-kaku(ku)d-gagaiiani va(ba)la-raja eva yasya jayati dvi-
shata[m] dhvajimm(nim) [17*] A- ||
34 rachya prasabbam ghata gaja-ganair=a^viya-pa(pa)datakaih ji(kair=ji)tv=anyam(nya)m=

va(n^ba)la-âlino aripa-varanâgatya
35 drisht€r=bhuva[m](vam |) yuddhe bhima'pa[ra*lkraiae^ vijita nirvrit-padaih prapitah(ta)
drisyante bhavan-angane pra[ti-di]nam
36 pratah pranam-arthinah [|| 18*] Vijay-Asili[da]®-v^kat 4ri-SaiIodbhava-kula-tilaka-mahama-
Third Plate ; First Side

37 kha-vajapcy'as\ îîedh-avavabhritha*-tsna{sna)na(na)“nirwarttita-suiio3~taiiayo va(ba)‘"
hu-vividha'-matta-varana-vara-
38 l^raga~ma(pa)dati'âstra‘sara(sa)mpata'8ankul6(la)'va(ba)liv-ahava-viiiihata“6atnir=aneka-
vikram-akranta-sakala>bhu-
^ See above, p. 37, note 5.
^ The rule of sandhi has been neglected here for the sake of the
metre.
» The reading of this defective passage is slightly different in
different records of the king. The emenda-
tions suggested by scholars do not appear to be satisfactory.
« The hecoiul 'pada of the stanza [kale
katha-vistarait^)^ which had been omitted through inadvertence,
was later incised about the end of the record in lines 54-55.
• The reading may bo vijaya-HUi' The last akskara of
the name may also be du, da or du.
• Read ^dvahhritha,
’ Better read hahu^vidha.
39 ma^dalS su(bhu)ja-va(ba)i-atula-prathita'ya^(3a)n=cha(^clia)tarddanta-saagramad=asakril-
lavdha(bdba)-pratapah paramamahesva-
40 ro mata-pitri-pad-anudhyatah ^ri-Dharminarajadevab kusali P Thdraâ-vishaye |
malia-
samanta-
41 ^risamanta- mahara(ra)ja- rajanaka- rajaputr-antaranga- daijKlaiilyaka- danLdava(pa)-
| | | | |
6ik"aupari[ka*]-sta(ta)dvini-
42 yukta[ka]-vyavaharinas=sa'karanauânyai\s=^cha(nyams-clia) Vra(Br:i)hinana-purog-adi-
vaishayika-janapada(dam)^chata”bhata“
43 vallabha-jatiyan^yath'arham^pujayati manayatyâjdapayati cha viditamâ-stu bhavatain
|
etad-visha-
44 ya-sainva(mba)ddha-^
() d-arhat-a(d-a)charya-Nasicliandra |j
tad-3i(ch-chhi)shya eka-srita-Pr.ivu(bu)ddhachandra
t
yava[t*] jivati |
va(ba)li-sa(sa)ttra-charu-pravarttaaaya |
bbaga[va*]ti srl-rajui
() §rI-Kalyanadevi |
Th6rana-vishaya-samva(mba)dd}ia |
SuvaraaralOudi timplra tri(tri)ni
|3( Rand[a-sima-samva(niba)ddha-Madliuvataka-graiiia |
timpi-
(c) ra-dvayam 2 pada(dah) 1
45 tad=aniiin6dito^smabhi[h*]3 yatas=tamvra(mra)-pata(tta)ka-darsanat yatba-kala-sarau-

cliita-phalam~upabhuajan6(nasya) dharmma'-
46 gauravat kenacliit=paripattlii(nthi)aa [na*] bhavitavyamîti |
uktafi^clia dharraraa-
âstre |p Va(Ba)hubhir=va8udlia datta rajabhis=Saga-
47 r-adibhir=ya(bliib ya)sya yasya yada bhuinita(s=ta)sa(sya) tasya tada phala[ra*] 19*]

| |[|
Sva-da(da)nta(tta)m=para'dattam=va(ttaiii va) yo hareta vasuiidharam(rrun |)
48 sa vishthayam kTiinir=bbutva pitribhis=saha pachyate |[| 20*] Ma bhudâ-phala-saiika vah

para-datt=eti partliiva[y |
sva-
Third Phxte; Second Side

49 danat=plxalam=aaaatyam para-datt-anupalanam(ne) |[|
21*] Vidyud-vilasa-taralamâva-
gamya 8aniya[g*]=loka>Bthitiin
50 yaâsi [sakta *]-man5bIiir=uclicliaih [\*] iii[tyam pajr-opakriti-mattra-ratair^bliavadbbih

dha(dbhir=dha)rmm-abliiradhaiia’parair=anumodi~
51 tavya |[| 22*] Iti kamala-dal-amvu(mbu)-viudu-[l6la]u-cliliri(laih sri)yain=aimGhiiitya manushya-
jivitaih(ta)n=cha |
sakalain=ida-
52 m=udahritam(ta)n=chah(n=cha) vu(bu)ddhva na hi pumshaih para-kirttayo rvvi(vi)Iopya-

[h II*] [23*] [Dutako^ttra] paficha'karan'Opari[ka*]’Vai-
53 4vasika-vri(bri)hadbh6gi [Samantah]® utkimna a[kshasciliktina*] Adityaddvena lanchhi-
54 tarn petapala(la)-Va(Ba)lavannma[na |
Sam*]vat [!]••. .®[11*] Kale^ sa(bha)[kt*]ini=[u]paiti m-
55 bhra=charitaih Sambhoh katha-viataraih ||
pritha. . . .iti
(
' The vised so many times in lines 40-41 and 44, is unnecessary.
* The following two lines, marked (a) and (6) are offered in the orififinal as two branches of line 44. The por*
tion, marked (c), is a continuation of (6) and is engraved beneath the beginning of line 44. The engraver noticed
after incising the word 8ainva{mba)ddka that a lengthy passage detailing the grant had been omitted. He there-
fore squeezed only the important words of the omitted passage in as small a space as possible.
® The intended reading seems to be tad'ddnaTn=^numodita7n==asmabhih'>
* Horizontal strokes are here used for interpunctuation instead of the usual vertical ones.
® See the Puri plates, line 60. —
* The preserved lower part of two aksharas seems to read Igum which possibly stands for PhdlgunahUi*
’ See above, p. 42, note 4 .
No. 6-ALAGUM INSCRIPTION OF ANANTAVAR&IAN REGNAL YEAR ; 62
(1 Plate)
D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund, and S. Ratha-Sarma, Puri
The village of Alagum lies about twenty-three miles from the holy city of Puri, celebrated for
the great temple of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha, and about ten miles from the Sakhigopal
station on the Bengal-Nagpur Railway in the Puri District of Orissa. There is a small temple in
the village, in which the god îva in the form of a linga, styled Gartte^vara, is worshipped. The
temple itself is rather unimpressive like so many of its class in the villages in different parts of
Orissa. But its importance Lies in the existence of two inscriptions on the stones of its wall near
the door, one to the right and the other to the left. The inscription on the proper left is in the
Telugu script and language while that on the right is in the Gaudiya script and in the Sanskrit
language. The second inscription forms the subject matter of this paper.
The inscription covers a space about four feet and four inches in length and about one foot
eleven inches in breadth. There are altogether twenty-six lines of writing, the letters being about
inches in height. Originally both the inscriptions were fully covered with cement. Of late the
cement plastering was removed ; but there are still traces of it in the lower part of the inscription
published here. Some letters, especially in lines 24-26, are not clearly visible.
The characters belong to a cursive form of the Gaudiya class, commonly called Proto-Bengali,
and may be assigned to about the twelfth century A.C. or even later. The sign for medial f, which
resembles that in modern Oriya, and the short type of medial a sign exhibited in a few cases (cf.
Kdsyapa in lines 5-6) are interesting to note. The initial a occurs several times in the inscription
(hues 10, 18, 21, etc.) and the sign for avagraha only once (line 13). The characters may be
compared with those in the records of the imperial Gahgas such as the Nagari plates of Ananga-
bh'ima III circa 1211-38 A.C.) edited above.
The language of the inscription under discussion is incorrect Sanskrit, its orthography exhibit-
ing considerable influence of the local pronunciation ; cf. words like disa for desa (line 4), vatisa
for vathka (line 7), mdhesvara for mahesvara (line 8), etc. The rules of sandhi have been sometimes
ignored.
The record is dated in the sixty-second year of a king

named Anantavarxxiadeva. The great
length of the reign referred to leaves hardly
any doubt that the king is no other than the great Gahga
emperor Anantavarman Chodaganga who is known to have been crowned in 1078 A.C. and ruled
for about seventy years up to 1147 A.C. The sixty-second year of the reign of Anantavarman
Chodaganga would thus correspond to 1140-41 A.C. It may be noted that the reference is to the
regnal reckoning and not to the Anka reckoning in which, as indicated by certain inscriptions of
the later rulers of Orissa, a number of regnal years were not to be counted. The
details of the
date, quoted in the inscription under notice, speak of Thursday, the seventh tithi of the bright
half in the month of Magha. The date thus regularly corresponds to Thursday, the 30th
of
.January, 1141 A.C. According to Swamikannu Pillai’s Indian Ephemeris, Vol. Ill,
p. 284, the
shashihi iithi ended on that date at -19 of the day.
The inscription records certain grants made by a person named whose epithet
disdpati (Sanskrit di^dmpati) looks like an official designation. It is possible to think
that Kamandi was the governor of a territorial unit of which the present tallage of
Alagum in the
Puri District formed a part, K amandi is simultaneously called ParamamdheSvara and Paramo-
1 Vol. XXVIII. pp. 235 ffT”
No. 6] ALAGUM INSCRIPTION OF ANANTAVARMAN REGNAL YEAR ; 62 45
which show that he was a devotee of both the gods Siva and Vishnu. His family belonged
vaishrtava,
to theKasyapa gotra and to the panch-drshega-pravara (i.e., having five sages as pravaras or distin-
guished members oi the gotra in question). The Kasyapa gotra^ however, is known to have only three
pravaras, viz., Kasyapa, Avatsara and Naidhruva. Panch-drsheya thus appears to be a mistake for
try-drsJieya,In dealing with the ancestry of Kamandi, the inscription rather curiously speaks
of Pitdmaha Potandi, of the former’s son Bhimandi and of the latter’s vams^dbhava or descendant
Kamandi. It seems that Potandi was the pitdmaha or grandfather of Kamandi and that Bhimandi
was his father inspite of the fact that he is said to have been merely a descendant of Bhimandi.
This seems to be suggested by the word pitdmaha used in connection with the name of Potandi,
by the similar formations of the three names, viz., Pdtandi, Bhimandi and Kamandi, and also by the
fact that there is hardly any meaning in mentioning only two distant ancestors of the donor when
the established custom throughout India was generally to mention only his father and grandfather.
It may, however, not be impossible that Kamandi was actually the son of a brother of Bhimandi
who later adopted him as his own sou. That is possibly why Kamandi is called a varhs-odhhava and
not exactly a putra of Bhimandi. It may be recalled in this connection that the Sailodbhava king
Ayasobhita I of Koiigoda in Orissa is described in some records in prose as the son of Sainyabhita
Madhavavarman I, but in others in verse as merely a descendant of the latter.^ A very interesting
information about Kamandi’s family given in the record is that it hailed from a village, the name
of which reads like Kadamvura, in the Chola country, which was the modern Tanjore-Trichinopoly
region of South India.
Kamandi is said to have purchased with his own money a hala of land styled Kapale^vara
in the village of Alagumma which formed a part of the Ramaiiga vishaya and made it an endow-
ment in favour of the matha of the god Garttesvaradeva. The purchase is said to have been wit-
nessed by certain honest apparently meaning the people of the locality. The object
of the grant was two-fold. In the first place, it was to provide food to an ascetic, possibly living
in the matha referred to, whose name may have been Bhij or Abhij. Secondly, three pravarttas of
paddy were allotted for providing naivedya or the daily ceremonial offering to the god
Garttesvaradeva. In this description of the grant, the word hala, known also from other sources,
has been used to indicate a piece of land of uncertain area. The exact weight of a pravartta of
paddy is likewise unknown.^
In addition to the piece of land granted, a sum of money was deposited with the local adhikd-
rins (possibly superintendents of the temple) who are said to have been maintaimng the palll-diva^
literally ‘village deity’ (possibly meaning Garttesvara), for providing an akhanda or perpetual lamp,
apparently in the temple, in honour of the god Garttesvara. The lamp was expected to be the
kula^tdrana (i.e., a thing that ensures easy crossing of the sea of samsdra for the members of one’s
family) of “ this kdparyaka ” probably meaning Kamandi himself. The word kdparyaka appears
to be a mistake for a word like kdpyaka meaning a penitent The amount granted in this
.
connection described as a hundred churuts added by five purdnas. The word churni usually means
is
a hundred cowrie-shells, while puxdna was the old silver kdrshdpana usually regarded as equal to
1280 cowrie-shells. According to Oriya lexicons,^ however, both the words ckuriî and purana
are recognised in the sense of kdhdna (Sanskrit kdrshapaiid) which was equal to 1280 cowrie-shells.
There is no doubt that the words have been used in the same sense also in the record under
‘
See Successors of the Sdtovahauas, pp. 400 f. Cf. also ibid., p. 250 and note.
* la it Oriya paufi which is equal to ten niaimds ?
® Cf. Pramoda Abkidhana, s.v. churxii and purana. The Mehar plate (above, Vol. XXVII, p. 189, text line 36
;
of. p. 191, note 5) spells the word as churni and uses it as a synonym of
purd?ia. The same word also occurs in line
69ofthe VahgiyaSahityaParishatplateof Visvarupasena {Inscriptions of Bengal, VoL 111, m), although it
was wrongly read unchurvA, q
ILGA
46 EPIGKAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
discussion. This is clearly suggested by the fact that the amount given in words as ‘
a himdred
churnis and five jniranas ’
is separately mentioned in figures as Thus the fu 105 (i.e., 10b 'puranas).
amount granted for making provision for the burning of a lamp perpetually in the temple of Gar-
ttesvara was 105 churnis, puranas, or kahdnas which were equivalent to 134,400 cowrie-shells.
It is interesting to note that the family of Kamandi, who made grants in favour of the village-
god of Alagum near Puri and appears to have been an official serving the Gahga monarch Ananta-
varman Chodaganga, is said to have hailed from the country of the Chojas. It is well-known that
Chodaganga’s mother Rajasundarl was a Cho]a princess and that the very name of the king points
to the existence of Cho]a or Choda blood in his vein. Rajasundarl is described in the Gahga records
as the daughter of the Chola king Rajendra who is variously identified by scholars with Rajendra I
(1016-43 A.C.), Yirarajendra (1063-70 A.C.) and Rajendra Kulottuhga I (1063-70 A.C. as Eastern
Chaluk}â king; 1070-1118 A.C. as ruler of the united Chola-Chalukya kingdom), although the
Gahga king’s name, Virarajendra-Chodagahga, found in some records, suggests that he was the
whom he was named. ^ One of the queens of Choda-
grandson of the Chola king Virarajendra after
gahga was the Ch5ia princess Choda-mahadevi who is known to have granted some Kulottuhga-
niddas for a lamp at the temple of Bhimesa at Draksharama and may have been a daughter of
Rajendra Kul5ttuhga This seems to suggest that Chodagahga’s mother was a cousin of Kulo-
ttuhga (son of a daughter of RajCmdra I), a granddaughter of Rajendra I
and a daughter of
Virarajendra. We have also evidence to show that
was considerable Chola influence at the
there
court of some of the early monarchs of the imperial Gahga dynasty, who sometimes employed
Choja officials.^
There is little doubt that the Gahgas in Kalihga was connected with the
rise of the injperial
expansion of Chola influence in that country.^ now accepted by most scholars that the
It is
Gahga dynasty was established at Kalihgangara (modern Mukhalingam near Chicacole or Srlka-
kulam) about the close of the fifth cejitury A.C. The Gahgas soon established their power in Central
Kalihga ;
but, in the seventh century, their position was threatened by the expansion of the power
of their eastern neighbours, the Saiiodbhavas of Kohgoda (about the border between the Ganjam
and Puri Districts of Orissa) and by the establishment of the Eastern Chalukyas at Pishtapura
(modern Pithapuram in the East Godavari District) in the south. The authority of the Kalihga-
nagara government was also considerably shaken about this time by the rise of collateral viceregal
families like that of the Gahgas of Svetaka. The process of decline continued and, in the tenth
century, the kingdom seems to have been divided into five states under different branches
of the
Gahga family as well as of viceregal lines. ^ About the end of the same century, Vajrahasta Ananta-
varman {circa 985-1016 A.C.), belonging to one of the branch lines of the Gahga family, seems to
have consolidated his position in all the five states.® His success may have been due
to the help
he may have received from the Cholas. It has to be noted that this king, the
first important
ruler of the imperial branch of the Ganga family, was
contemporary of the great Choja king a
Rajaraja (9S5-1016 A.C.) who claims to have conquered Vehgl (the
kingdom of the Eastern
Chalukyas) by 998 A.C. and Kalihga (the king<lom of the Gahgas) sometime
before 1003 A.C.’
1 Cf. Subba Rao, History of Kalinga (offprint), pp. 130-31.

* Cf. ibid., p. 135.
* Cf. ibid., pp. 126ff. See also A. R. S, L
JS'., 1935-36, p. 63.
* Cf Ray. Dynastic HUiory of Sorthern India, .Vol. I, p. 450.

.
Cf. J. K, H, R, S., Vol. I, p. 220.

* The history of the ancestors of this ruler has been discussed
bhima III (above, Vol, XXVIII, pp. 235 ff.).
in connection with the NntrAii pUte« of ^
Anaiiira.
’ Sewell, HistoriCiii Inscriptions of Southern India,

pp. 56-57,
.
Alagum Inscription of Anantavarman, Regnal Year 62
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Reg. No. 3977 E36-48&

^
No. 6] ALAGUM INSCKIPTION OF ANANTAVARMAN REGNAL YEAR ; 62 47
His son Rajendra I (1016-43 A.C.) also claims to have defeated the Eastern Chalukja king as well as
to have set up pillars of victory on Mount Mahendra in Kaiihga (in the present Srikakulam District
of Madras). Whether, however, this achievement of Rajendra I should be attributed to his own
reign or to that of his father when he may have led the expedition against the Kalihga country
as his father’s general is uncertain in the present state of our knowdedge. But it is extremely
interesting to note that, in the description of the expeditions led by the generals of Rajendra I
about 1023 A.G. in the countries towards the east as far as South-East Bengal, mention is made of
the reduction of (ddra (Puri-Cuttack area) and Kosala (the Sambalpur region together with certain
western tracts), both then under the Somavamsi king of Yayatinagarap but not of any conflict
with the king of Kalihga.- This fact seems to suggest that the early rulers of the imperial Gahga
family were regarded by the Chdla emperors as their subordinate allies. The real founder of the
greatness of the imperial branch of the Gahga family was another Va jrahasta Anantavarman
(1038-70 A.C.) who was the grandson of his namesake mentioned above and the grandfather of the
mighty Anantavarman Chodagahga. But Choi a influence continued in Kalihga as late as the
reign of Chodagahga and even later.

The present inscription is one of the few Anantavarman Chodagahga that have
records of
been so far discovered in the Puri-Cuttack region which was conquered by that monarch from
the Soma va III sis about the beginning of the twelfth century.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the location of Chola-desa has
already been noticed. Kadamvura may, as Mr. N. L. Rao has kindly suggested be identified
with Kadambur in the Udaiyarpalaiyam taluk of the Tiruchirapalli District. Alagumma is no
doubt modern Alagura which is the findspot of the inscrijition under discussion. The name
is Alaguma even now in Oriya pronunciation. The vishaya or district of Ramahga, in which the
village of Alagumma is said to have been situated, seems to be the same as the Ravahga vishaya
mentioned in the Puri plates of Bhanu II.
TEXT"
1 Siddham^ Svasti [j|*] Srimad-Anantav irinadCnâsya
dvashashthi(shta)-
2 pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajye ji®
3 samva(saiiiva)tsarG Magha-si(si)ta-tithau sapta-

4 myarii vare Gurau Chola-desa(sa)-prati-
5 va(ba)ddha-Kadamvura-grama- vinirgga ta-Kasya(^ya)-
6 pa-g6tra-pahch-arsha(rshe)ya-pravara-pitama-
7 ha-Potandi[h*] tat-putra-BhImandi[h*] tad-vans-o(d-vam^-5)-
8 dbhava-paramamahesva(sva)ra-paT*amavaishna(shna)va-
9 disapati^-Kamandi-nama khyatah |j®
10 idamm Ramahga- vishaya-prativa(ba)ddha®-Ala-
11 guriima-gramiya-Kapalesva(sva)ra-nama-bhumi-ha-
12 1-aikam sadhu-praja-loka(ka)n pramukhikri-
13 tya sva-dhanena kritva=’sesha-dharmma-viva(vri)-
14 ddhaye srI-Garttesva(sva)radeva3ya ma tha-prativafba^-
" See/. H. Q., Vol. XXII, pp. 300 ff.
* Ray, op. cit., pp. 318 ff. above, Vol. IX, pp. 22 ff.
;
)
’ See J. R, A. 8. R., Letters, Vol. XVII, pp. 19-26.

* From impressions.
• Expressed by a symbol.
• The dan4as are superfluous.
’ Possibly disdmpati,
® The rule of sandhi has not been observed here.
is EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
15 ddhikritja tapasvine Bhije^ bhojan-artlie
16 pradatta(ttam | )
tan-madliyadâpi sri-GartteBva(sva)ra
17 devasya naivedy-arthe dhanya-pravartta-trayam
18 niyojitam(tani) ||
aparam=api i&ri-Ga-
19 rttesva(sva)ra-pritaye pancha-puran-adhi-
20 ka-churnî-sat-aikena etaaya kaparya--

21 kasya kula-tarana®-akhanda-dlpa-pra-*
22 pradan-artke ilia samavasita-
23 palli-deva-palit“adliikarina[m]
24 [liajste prada[tta® a]nke hi(pi) pu 105 [|*]
25 [a-chaiidr-arka-kala]“paryantam sadhu-pu-
26 [ruskaih*] paripalaniya® ||
No 7^BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA HI ; REGNAL YEAR 17
{1 Plate)
D. C. Sircar, Ootacamitnd
Sometime about the beginning of 1951, Pandit Vishnulal Sastri, a Research Scholar attached
to the History Department of the University of Patna, kindly informed me that he had seen a
copper-plate inscription at the village of Bangaon (P. 0. Bariahi, Sub-district Saharsa) in the
Bhagalpur District of Bihar and that Pandit Chhedl Jha, President of the Chhednarayan Club at
Bangaon, and formerly President of the Bhagalpur District Congress Committee, might be app-
roached for further information about the inscription. once wrote to Pandit Chhedi Jha, re-
I at
questing him to send me a pencil rubbing of the epigraph so as to enable me to have a rough idea
of its Pandit Jha kindly complied with my request and, on an examination of the
importance.
rubbings sent to me, 1 found that the plate was issued by king Vigrahapala III of the celebrated
Pala dynasty of Bengal and Bihar. I was then eager to have the plate on a temporary loan for a
careful examinal'ion of the inscription, and Pandit Jha was good enough to send it to me about
the beginning of June 1951. I am grateful to him for this act of kindness as well as for the
following information regarding the findspot and discovery of the inscription.
The owner of the plate is Pandit Ghughur Jha^ teacher of the Kalabati High English School,
Bangaon. The village is an old one, situated on the bank of the Dhemura, a tributary of the KosL
To the west of the rivulet, there stands Mahishmatl, the siddha-pltha of the goddess Tara and the
native place of Mandanamisra, famous in the ânkaracharya legends. To the north-west lies
Kandaha where there is a temple of thd Sun-god, said to be founded by a king named Bhavaditya,
and to the north there is the Banesvara Siva-lihga, installed, according to tradition, by the demon
king Bana. To the west of the village is a Gadh-Dlh where some gold coins of the Mughal times
^ Or, tapasvine= bhije,

• Possibly the intended reading? is kapyaJca.
• The rule of sandhi has not been observed here.
• This pra is redundant.
• Better read pradaUnm panch^cuihika-purdr^-satam,
• The word seems to qualify dattirzishd und^rstootl.
No, 7] BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III ;
REGNAL YEAR 17 49
were dug out some forty years ago. A poster still hangs at the place forbidding people to dig earth
there more than three feet below the surface. There are also several Gadhs and T)ihs to the east and
south of the village of Bangaon. The plate under discussion was discovered by Pandit Ghughur
Jha sometime in 1950 accidentally in the south-eastern part of the village, close to the Sharari-Dih.
Itwas found butied in the earth with only the top of it visible above the ground. Pandit Ghughur
Jha dug it up and carefully preserved it in bis house.
The inscription is wnritten on both sides of a single plate measuring 13-4'' in height, 12-2* in
breadth and *15" in thickness. On the top side of the plate is soldered the Pala seal (7" in length
and *75" in thickness), shaped and known to have been called DharmachaJcra-
like ‘the ace of spades*
rnudrci. The legend on the seal runs : The copper plate with the bronze
Sn-Vigrahapdladevali,
seal is in a fairly satisfactory state of preservation and weighs 425 tolas. A portion measuring
about an inch in length has, however, broken away from the lower left end of the seal on the obverse
of the plate. There are 32 lines of writing on the obverse and 19 lines on the reverse. Considerable
space (from 5*4" to 7 " in length) in the central part of five lines at the top of both sides of the plate
is covered by the lower bifurcated part of the seal, causing a break in the continuous writing of those
lines. The seal is fixed to the plate apparently with the help of three knobs passing through holes
made in the plate.
The cliaracters belong to the East Indian variety of the Northern Alphabet of about the
eleventh century A.C., which I am inclined to call the Gaudiya script. In regard to palaeo-
graphy, language and orthography the inscription under discussion closely resembles other
Pala inscriptions of the said age, especially the AmgachhP and Belwa^ plates of Vigrahapala
III who also issued the present charter. The letter g is written in two different ways (cf., e.g.,
samnpagat-d° in line 26 and puroga in line 31), one of which is commonly used and resembles the
form of 6' (cf. samupagat-dsesha in line 26). The letter t is also written both in the Bengali and in
the Devanagarl fashion (cf. °sutah and ito^ in line 50). The superscript r is often a short horizontal
stroke put below the top mnfrd towards the upper left corner of a consonant (cf. nirijdfa in line 48)
and is sometimes not easily noticed ;

but in a few cases it is put above the top mdtrd (cf. °r=gajvand°
in line 49). The superscripts in the conjuncts tt and nf are often undistinguishable {""dvarttat in line
25, kirttitdn in line 30, parganta in line 32, etc.). Medial e is usually of the Bengali type put to the
left of the consonant (cf. ^sesha in the line 26) ;
but in some cases it is put above the top mdtra of the
consonant as in Devanagari (cf. MhV in line 31), while in a few cases it is indicated by a short down-
ward stroke or curve put at the left end of the aidf rd (cf. vodhci^ in line 31, likhito in line 32). Medial
i is sometimes without the top curve and is undistinguishable from the Bengali type of medial e
usually found in the record. The niiusvara is written in both the Bengali and Devanagarl fashions
(cf. ""rnjam and dutam in line 48). The sign of avagraha has been used in several cases. The engrav-
ing is neatly done and there are only a few errors of language and spelling. The letter ni, which is
a contraction of nibaddha meaning registered or approved is found both about the beginning
‘ * ‘
,
and at the end of the first line on the reverse of the plate. This characteristic is also found is some
other Pala grants, including the Amgachhi and Belwa plates on which, however, the signs are seen
on the obverse. Similar endorsements on the copper-plate grants of the Varmans and Senas of
Bengal show that the two ‘wi’s refer to the approval of the king himself and of one of his high
officials.®
1 Above, Vol. XV, pp. 293 ff.
^VangiyaSahituaParishatPatrika,\’Q].lXl,^p.QOS. The inscription has since been edited by me, see

above, pp, 9 ff.
*N. G.Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol, III, pp. 21, 64, 75, etc. For an absolutely wrong value
attached to the sign, see Proc. /, H. C., 1950, p. 107.
The charter under review is dated in the 17th regnal year of king Vigrahapâ III
whose reign has been roughly assigned to the period 1055-70 A.C. in the latest authoritative work on
the history of Bengal.^ As will, however, be shown below, this dating requires modification in view
of the evidence afforded by the present record.
The with the s;yTnbol for siddkam and the word smstiy which are
insci ip tion begins, as usual,
followed by fourteen verses (in lines 1-21). These verses are found exactly in the same order in both
the known charters of Vigrahapfila III and have been fully discussed in our paper on the Belwa
plates of Mahipala I and Vigrahapala III. Lines 21-23 quote the usual description of the Pala
jaija-shandhdvdnt (possibly, temporary capital) whence the charter was issued. It is well-known
that several of jaya-ska)idhdvdras are already known from the Pala charters, the same descrip-
tion (suggesting their situation on the river BhagirathI or Ganges) being applied to each one of
them. Our record adds a new name of the Pala jayarskandhavaras so far known. Lines
to the list
24-25 of the inscription say that the charter was issued by the Paramasaugata (devout Buddhist)
Paramcscara Paramahhattdraka Mahdrdjadhirdja Vigrahapaladeva meditating on (or, favoured
by) the feet of his father, Nayapaladeva, from the jay a-skandha vara at Kanclxanapura which is
as yet unknown from any other Pala grant. Line 25 speaks of the land to be granted as a part,
yielding fiv e hundred of the standard coins (called Purana?)- of the locality called Vasukavartta
in the Hodreya vi^hay i (district) of Tirabhukti. The lines that follow (lines 26-31) quote
the list of feudatories, officials and others, associated with the above piece of land. The same list
is also found in other Pala grants, including those of Vigrahapala III himself. The charter then
goes on to say (lines 32-40), in the well-known style of the Pala grants, that the above mentioned
portion of the village of Vasukavartta was granted in the name of Lord Buddha with the specified
privileges (including the right to enjoy the jpratydyas such as bhdga, hhoga, kara, hiranya and others)
in accordance with the hhdniichchhidra-nydya (i.e., the principle of the rent-free enjoyment of a
piece of land by a person who cultivated it for the first time) by the king, for the increase of the
merit of himself and his parents, in favour of a Brahmana. Like many other Pala grants, this
one was also made by the king after having taken a ceremonial bath in the waters of the Ganges on
the occasion of the Vishuvat sahkrdnti. As expected, this portion of the charter is almost a replica
of the corresponding section of the Belvra plate already discussed by me. The donee of the present
charter was Ghimtukasarinan who was an inhabitant of Ittahaka or Ituhoka. He was the son
of Tuhga and grandson of Yogasvamin. The original home of the donee^s family is stated to have
been Kolancka. He is described as well- versed in m5(7, ivyaArurana and tarka and as belong-
ing to the Sai.ulilya gotra having the Sandilya, Asita and Devala pravOras. The donee is further
said to have been a sabrahnachdrui of Narasiihha and a student of the Chhandoga sdkhd. It is
well-known that, in a similar context, charters of ancient Indian rulers usually speak of a Brahmana
as a sabrahmachdna or adhydtyin, i.e., a student, of a particular sdkhd or charana of a Veda.^ In
later Pala charters, however, we have often mention of the donee as sabrahmachdrin of an indi-
vidual. It appears that the word in such cases has the sense o^ ‘a pupil’. Thus Ghantukasarman
was probably a pupil of Narasiiiiha.
future rulers of the region not to confiscate the gift land. This is followed by the date of the charter :
the 28th day probably of the month of Asvayuj in the 17th regnal year of Vigrahapala III. Next
ft Ilow in lines 42-47 some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. The two verses that
History of Bengal y Dacca University, Vol. I, p. 177.
1
2 The grants of the Senas of Bengal usually refer in a similar context to the annual
income of the gift land in
Pur.ioa.s counted in cowrie -shells (/ns. Beng.y Vol. Ill, pp. 03, 74, 87, etc.). The records of the rulers of ancient
Assam, however, speak of paddy in the same context (Kdmarupa’idsan-avalty pp. 78, 99). Thus our inscription
may also refer to the annual yield in the standard measure of the principal crop,
a a. /. Vol. III. DO. 97. 103. 10.5 120, 179, 190, 248, 298, etc.
No. 7] BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III ; REGNAL YEAR 17 51
follow in lines 17^49 speak of the duta or dutaha (i.e., the executor of the grant) and the
engraver
of the plate in the usual style of the charters of Vigrahapala III. What is, however, very interesting
in our record is -that its is said to have been the mantrin Prahasitaraja described as a
son of the king. Why, in the name of this as yet unknown son of Vigrahapala III, the ending raja
has been preferred to the expected pCda cannot be determined. ^ The engraver of the plate was
the artisan Sasideva who was
the son of Hrideva hailing from Poshali. We know that several
engravers of the Pala plates hailed from the same village. Indeed the same verse also
occurs at the
end of the Amgachhl plate where, however, Sasideva is called MahWiarad^va-suriu
instead of
^riman-^Hrideva-siinu. The passage in our record is, however, grammatically wrong and requires
some modification. Whether the reading intended is hi-MahUcca"^ cannot be determined,
although in such a case Mahidharadeva and Mahideva may have been regarded as identical.
An interesting feature of the charter under discussion is the peculiar endorsement in two verses
at the end (lines 49-50). According to this, the real donor of the land was not, as recorded in the
grant, the king but one of his Brahmana named Ghantisa. This man is described as a
officers,
vidheya or servant of the lord of Gauda, the Pala king, and as having friendship with several
i.e.,
rulers. He is said to have made the grant out of his own hala, probably meaning the jdglr under
his possession.Ghantisa was the son of Yogesvara and the grandson of Vivada. This Vivada is
said to have been born of Iddhahala, daughter of Gohanaka and granddaughter of Kachchha
who
came [to Tirabhukti or North Bihar] from Krodancha. There is no doubt that Krodancha is the
same as Kolahcha mentioned earlier in the inscription as the original home of Ghantukasarman,
donee of the grant. The nature of the present grant seems to be similar to that of such records as
the Kailan (otherwise called Kailain) plate,- according to which an officer of a king got a piece
of
land (probably by purchase) from his master and parts of n were granted in lavour of certain
learned Brahmanas and of a Buddhist religious establishment. In the present case, the kin^y
merely permitted and ratified the grant making the gift land a permanent revenue-free holding.
Besides the mention of a new Pala jaya-skandhdvdra and a hitherto unknown son of Vigraha-
pala III serving as a minister of his father, and the interesting nature of the grant actuaUy made
by
a private individual but represented as a royal gift because the king made the land a rent-free
holding, a fact of considerable importance in the Bangaon
So long, the latest plate is its date.
definitely known date of the reign of this king was his 12th regnal year.^
Of course there were
the Kurklhar image inscriptions,^ dated in the 19th regnal year of Vigrahapala, and a manuscript
of the Pancharakshd copied in the 26th year of his reign. ^ But it was not known whether these
dates should have to be referred to Vigrahapala III or his great-grandfather Vigrahapala II.
The
recently discovered Naulagarh image inscription,^ dated in the 24th regnal year of Vigrahapala
without any indication in regard to his identity, also did not solve the problem. Thus the position
was that, while Vigrahapala III was known to have ruled at least for about 12 years, either the
same king or Vigrahapala II may have ruled at least for about 26 years. Under the circumstances
some writers’ assigned to Vigrahapala II a short reign of less than one year but to Vigrahapala III
a long reign of about 26 years, while others® assigned the long reign-period to Vigrahapala II. la
^ Was it due to the? fact that Prahasitaraja was born of a concubine of king Vigrahapala III ?
2 /. H, g., Vol. XXIII, pp. 221-41.
® History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 174 Bhandarkar, List, No. 1632.
;
* J. B. 0. i?. /S., Vol. XVI, pp. 36 f., 239 f. History of Bengal, loc.
; cit.
• History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 179.
• Ganesh Datta College Bulletin, No. 1, pp. 1-16 ; Vol. XXX VII, parts 3-4, pp. 1 ff.
’ Ray {D. H. N, /., Vol,, I, p. 385) assigns Vigrahapala II to circa 992A.C.and Vigrahapala III to
circa
1055-81 A.C.
* Majumdar {Hist, Beng., op. cit., p. 177) assigns Vigrahapala II to circa 960-88 A.C.
circa 1055-70 A.C.
and Vigrahapala m to
52 EPICtRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
the total absence of any definite date of the reign of Vigrahapala II, the attitude of the former
group of scholars would no doubt appear to be more reasonable. And the present record showing
that ^"igrahapala III ruled at least for about 17 years goes considerably in favour of this view. In
the present state of our knowledge, therefore, it is better to think that it was Vigrahapala III who
reigned for at least about 26 years and that Vigrahapala II had a much shorter reign.
The rule of Vigrahapala III in Tirabhukti or North Bihar about the third quarter of the eleventh
century has now to be reconciled with Kalachuri expansion in that area. Such facts as that the
city of 'Banaras' ^
belonged to the territory of Gang about 1Q34 A.C. when, according to BaihaqI,
’
Ahmad Nlyaltigin, a general of Maksud I (circa 1030-40 A.C.) invaded it,*- and that the Benares plate
(Kalachuri year 793^1042 A.C.) of Kalachuri Karna (1011-72 A.C.) records the grant of a village
in the KasI district- point to the inclusion of the eastern U. P. in the
dominions of Karna and his
fatherGangeyadeva Vikramaditya. The Karanbel inscription^ assigns to Karna a victory over
Gauda and the Bheraghat inscription^ speaks of his hostility w^th Vanga, while his Paikore pillar
inscription^ points to his advance as far east as the Birbhum District of West Bengal. Under these
circumstances, the Nepalese manuscript of the Rdmayana, completed in [Vikrama] Sam vat 1076
(1019 A.C.) when Tirabhukti was under the rule of Gangeyadeva,® may be regarded as proving
Kalachuri occupation of North Bihar in the first half of the eleventh century. It should, however,
be pointed out that we have inscriptions of Mahipala I (circa 988-1038 A.C.) from Sarnath near Ba-
naras (dated Vikrama Sarhvat 1083=1026 A.C.) in the eastern U.P., from Nalanda, Bodhgaya and
Tetrawan (dated in the regnal years 11 and 31 or 21) in South Bihar and from Imadpur (dated in the
regnal year 48) in the Muzaffarpur District of North Bihar, while two inscriptions (dated in the
regnal year 15) of Nayapala (circa 1038-55 A.C.) come from Gaya in South Bihar,® The Tibetan
life’ of the Bengali Buddhist monk Atisa Dipankara Sri- Juana refers to an invasion of Magadha or
South Bihar under Nayapala, father of Vigrahapala III, led by ‘king Karnya of the west^ L e.,
Kalachuri Karna. According to this tradition, Nayapala ultimately succeeded in defeating the
invader, while, according to the Rdmachanta,^ Vigrahapala III defeated Karna and married the
latter’s daughter Yauvanasri. It has been supposed that this refers to a second invasion led by
Karna against the Pala empire. In any case, the present inscription shows that North Bihar was
reconquered by the Palas from the Kalachuris at least before the 17th year of Vigrahapala’s reign.
Karna’s son \ asah karna (circa 1072-1125 A. C.), however, claims to have devastated Champaranya
(modem Champaran in North Bihar) according to the Bheraghat inscription.® It seems, therefore,
that the Palas were struggling with the Kalachuris in Bihar, both North and South, for a consider-
able period of time.
Another interesting fact revealed by the Bangaon plate is the great importance attached by
the local Brahmanas of North Bihar to tlieir relation with a Brahmana of Kolancha or Krodancha.
Ghantisa, a Brahmana of Tirabhukli,
found to trace his ancestry to a Kolancha Brahmana
is
named Kachchha through the granddaughter of the latter. His partiality to the Brahmanas of
Kolancha is also indicated by the endowment made by him out of his own land in favour of
1Ray, D. H, N. Vol. II, p. 773.

Ibid,, p. 738; Bhandarkar, List, 1223;
*
cf. the Samath inscription (Kalachuri year 810=1059 A.C. ;
Bhandar-
kar’s List, No. 1225) of the same king.
^ Ray, op. cit.,
p. 778.
^ Ibid., p. 784.
* Ibid., p. /74 ; ABORI, Vol. XXIII, pp. 291 ff. Bhandarkar,
; List, p. 392, note 3.
• See History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 174.
’ Ray, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 326.
• Hist, Beng., op, cit., p. 146.
» Ray, op. cit., Vol. 11, p. 787,
No. 7] BANGAON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III ; REGNAL YEAR 17 53
another Kolancha Brahmana. That Kolancha, together with Tarkarl, apparently not far from it,
was one most renowned seats of learned Brahman as in the early medieval period is definite-
of the
ly suggested by numerous charters of East Indian rulers granted in favour of
the Brihmanas hail-
mg from that place. ^ The identification of the locality is disputed. Some scholars locate it in
.the ancient Sravasti country, L e., the district, round modem Set-Mahet on the borders of the
Gonda and Bahraich Districts of the TJ. P., while others are inclined to place it on the borders
of the Dinajpur and Bogra Districts of North Bengal.* The suggestion of the former group of
scholars appears to be more reasonable. Equally interesting is the fact that the reverential
attitude of East Indian Brahmanas towards the Brahmanas of Kolancha, as evidenced by the
record under review, seems to have been an important factor in th 3 growth of the peculiar social
institution, known as Kulinism, in North Bihar and Bengal.
According to the Kulajls or Kula-jpanjikas^ of Bengal, the Radhiya and Varendra Brahmanas,
who now form the bulk of the Brahmana community of Bengal, are descended from five learned
Brahmanas who came to Bengal from Kolancha (Kanyakubja according to some versions) at the
invitation of a king named Adisura because of the dearth of Brahmanas versed in the Vedas
in that country. Different and mutually conflicting genealogies of Adisura are given in different
texts. He is and Orissa, although some authorities include
said to have been the ruler of Bengal
in his dominions Anga, Kalihga, Karnata, Kerala, Kamarupa, Saurashtra, Magadha, Malava
and Gurjara. His capital is placed by some at Gauda in West Bengal and by others at
Vikramapura in East Bengal. Six different religious ceremonies are mientioned by different
authorities; for the performance of which the Brahmanas are said to have been invited. The
date of the advent of the five Brahmanas is also variously put as Saka 654, 675, 804, 854, 864,
914, 954, 994 and 999, while no less than three sets of names are offered as those of the five Brah-
manas. The nature of the traditions points clearly to their unreliable character. The reference
to the Saka era shows beyond doubt that the stories were fabricated after the popularisation of the
use of that era in Bengal about the twelfth century A.C.* There is evidence regarding the rule of
a Sura dynasty in Bengal.®
But no genuine ruler named Adisura is known from the Bengal sources.
The only Adisura known to East Indian history is a petty chief who flourished in North Bihar or
its neighbourhood in the ninth century A.C. Maithila Vachaspatimisra refers to this person in his
Nydyakaiîkd* a commentary^ on Mandanamisra’s Vidhiviveka, in the passage : nija-bhuja-vlryam=
dsthdya SuTdn= Adi surd jayati. Vachaspatimisra composed his Nydyasuchi in [Vikrama] Sam vat
898 (vasv-anka-vasU'Vatsare)y Thus Adisura, contemporary of Vachaspatimisra,
i.e., in 841 A.C.^
must also have flourished about the middle of the ninth century. Whether this Adisura was a vassal
of the Pala emperors of Bengal and Bihar cannot be determined but most probably he was. In ;
any case, he could not have been a mighty ruler. Since, however, the Palas were Buddhists, this
^ See History
of Bengaly op. cit., pp. 479-80. Kolancha or Krodancha is also called Kdlancha, Krodanohi and
Krodahja.
* Ibid, loc, cit.
* Ibid, pp. 625-26.
• See JBASBy
Letters, Vol. XVII, pp. 30-31, 80. Srldhara who wrote hia Nyayahandali in Saka 913=991 A.C.
was an inhabitant of Dakshiâ-Radha but there is no proof that the work was ifritteu in Bengal, The aathor’a
;
patron Paududasa seems to have flourished in an area where the §aka era was popular (cf. Hist. Beng., p. 688n).
The case of TJdayana who composed his Lakshandvall in âka 906=985 A. C., is more dubious (of. ibid., p. 313n).
® Hist. Beng.y op. cit, pp. 210-11.
• Benares ed., p. 290 ; Vaiig^ya Sdkitya Parishat Patrihd, Vol. LVII, p. 68.
’ See S. C. Vidyabhushan, History of Indian Logic, p. 133. Recent attempts to refer the year 898 to the Saka
®ra Vol. II, pp. 349-53 Vangiya Sdkitya Parishat Patrihd, op. cit., pp. 69-70) are unwarranted as the
;
Saka era was not prevalent in Mithila and the neighbouring areas in the tenth century. It has to be noticed
that years of the Saka era are usually not quoted vaguely as ‘the year’ as in the Nydyasuchi, etc,
IDGA D
Brahm apical Inng probably parts of Mithila and North Bengal, became important in the eyes of
,
Brahmanical writers like Vachaspatimisra. It is possible to think that this Adiaura, for some
unknown activities of his, became famous in the legends regarding the settlement of Kolancha
Brahmanas in Bengal. If this suggestion is to be accepted, it is further possible to think that the
institution of Kulinism in Bengal was originally at least partially borrowed from North Bihar.
This is further suggested by the possible indentity of Maithila Brahmana families of the Gahgauli
fnyla-grama (the same as the gai of the Jcula-panjikds of Bengal) and the Radhiya Kulina family
styled Gahgopadhyaya (Gahguli).^ There is a strong Maithila element in the upper class Hindus of
Bengal including Sylhet. The origin only of the Maithila families that migrated in the late
medieval period is, however, remembered earlier migrations were apparently completely absorbed
;
in the social groups of Bengal.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the location of Kolancha or

Kro^ncha has been indicated above. Tlrabhukti is the ancient form of modern Tirhut in North
Bihar. The district of Hodreya and the village of Vasukavartta in it are difficult to identify.
I have not succeeded Kanchanapura and the village called Ittahaka or Ituhoka.
in locating
TEXT"
[Metres : verses 1, 8 Sragdhard ;
verses 2, 3, 6, 13, 24, 25 SdrdulaviJcridita ; verses 4, 7, 10 Vasanta-
tUakd ;
verses 5, 22 Aryd ; verse 9 Indravajrd ;
verse 11 Mdlini ;
verse 12 Sikkarim ; verse 14
Manddkrdntd ;
verses 15-19, 23 Anushtvhh \
verse 20 Sdlini ;
verse 21 Pushpitayrd.}
Obverse
1 Siddham" Maittrim karunya-ratna-pramudita-h[ri]dayah preyasim sandadhanah samyak-

8amv6(mbo)dhi-
2 vidya-sarid-amala-jala-kshalit-ajhana-pahkah |
]itva yah kamakari-pra-
3 bhavam=abhibhavam 6a^vati[m] prapa ânti[m] sa ^riman^Lokanatho ja-
4 yati Da6ava(ba)l6=nya^ha Gopaladevah ||

[1*] Lakshmi-janma-ni-
5 ketanam samakaro vodhu[m] kshamah kshma-bhara[m] pa[ksha*]-chchheda-
6 bhayad=upasthitavatam=ek-a^ray5 bhubhiitam(tam) |
maryada-parpalan-aika-niratah |® sau-
(âu)ry-alayo=smad=abhud=dugdh-ambh6dhi-vilasa'hasi-mahima ^rl-Dharmapalo nripah||
[2*] Rama-
7 8y=eva gphita-satya-tapasas=tasy=anur[u]po guîh Saumittrer=udapadi tulya-mahima Vakpala-
nam=anujah |
yah ^riman=naya-vikram-aika-vasati[r]=bhratuh sthitah âsane û-
8 nyah 6atru-patakinibhrr=akarod=ek-atapattra diâh [3*] Tasmad=upendra-charitai[r]=jagatT[m] ||
punanah [pu*]tro vaCbaJbhuva vijap Jayapala-nama dharma-dvisha[m] âmayita yudhi |
De-
9 vapale yah purvaj5(je) bhuvana-ra3ya-sukhany-=:avai(nai)shit ||
[4*] Srlman^Vigrahapalas^tat-
8unTir=A]ataâtrur=iva jatah |
6atru-vanita-prasadhana-vile(lo)pi-vimal-asi-jala-dharah (|
[5*]
^
1 Proc. Ind, Hist. Bee. Com., 1942, p. 89. Cf. Risley, People of India, p. 216.
* From the original plate as well as its impressions prepared in the Office of the Government Ep^rap^st for
India at Ootacamnnd.
* According to rules of Sandhi the n here should change to the nasal 1.
^ The darj^ is superfluous.

;
BANGA.ON PLATE OF VIGRAHAPALA III'- REGNAL YEAR 17
Obverse
!a&»^ 22
mv'^
ii-a-‘ii4^MP
28 3wai63](oir‘
]l5]3(3i3JJiaas.(
mi^
^3® ^ ^
r,
,7^|p|g?|
B. Survey of Imoia,Demra Duh

Ch, Chhabea SCALE, ONE-HALF
Na S65 HE (cr 54- 49 w
?
No. 7] BANGAON plate of VIGRAHAPALA III ; REGNAL YEAR 17 55
10 Dikpalaih kshiti-palanaya
dadhatam deh[e] vibhaktan=gunaii srimantani janayaiiiva(niba)-
bhuva tanayam Narayanam. sa prabburii(bhuin) yah. kshonipatibhih siro-mani-nicha |
61isht-aihgliri-
1
1 pitli“6pala[m*] nyay“6pattam=alaiiichakara charitaih svair=eva [6*]
(iharm-asaiiairi(nani) ||
Toyasa7[air]=jaladhi-inula~gab}iira-ga[r]bhai[r]=(ievalayai^clia kula-bhudhara^tulya-kaksli-
'
aih vikhya-
I
12 ta-'kirttir=abhavat=tanayas=cha
tasya sri-Rajyapala iti madhyamalokapalah \\ [7*] Tasmat=
purva-kshitidliran=nidhir=iva mahasam Ilashtrakut*aiivay-end6s=Tungasy=ottunga'iiiau-
13 Ie[r]=duliitari tanayo Bhagyadevyam prasutah [)*] srimaii=Gopaladevas=chirataram=avaiier==
eka-patnya iv=aiko bhartt=:abhun= naika-*ratna-[dyu]ti-khachita-chatuh-siiidiiu-chitr-am3u-
14 kayab [8*] Yam svaminam ra]a*gunair=aiiuiiam=asevate charutay=anurakta
|I utsaha-mantra- j
prabbu-sakti-lakshmih prithvi[m*] sapatnimîva silayanti [9*] Tasinad=va(d=ba)bh.uva ||
sa(sa)-
15 vitu[r]=vasu-k5ti-varshi kalena cbandra iva Vigrahapaladevah |

uettra-priyena vimalena
kalamayena yenôditena dalito bhuvanasya tapah ||
[10*] Ha-
16 ta-sakala-vipakshah sangare
va(ba)bu-darpad-anad]iikrita-viluptairi rajyamâsadya pitryam-
( try am) nihita-charana-padmo bliubliu(bhubbu)ja[iii*] murdlmi tasmad=abliavad=
|
avanipalah srl-Mabi-
17 paladevah [11*] Tyajan=dosh-asanga[m*] sirasi krita-padah kshitibhritaiii vitan[v]an aarvv-
||
aâb prasabham=uday“[a]dre[r]îva ravih [|*] }iata-dh[v]antah snigdha-prakritir-anuragau-

(g-ai)ka-va-
18 8ati[h*] suto dhanyab piinyair=ajam Nayapalo aarapatik [12*] Pitah sajjaQa-l5chaiiaih smaia- ||
npoh pujasu raktah sada |- samgrame dhavalo==’dhika^ka Haritak

19 kalam(lak) kule vidviskam(skam) ckaturvvarnna(rnya)'Samakayak si(si)ta-ya8a(sa)k-purai[r]^
(
jjagad- ranjayan srimad-Vigrakapaladeva-npipatik punyai[r]=j3anaaam=abkuta(bkut)

p
II [13*1 Dese pracki pra-
20 ckura-payasi svackckkam=apiya toyam svairaiii bkraiita(iitva) tad-anu Malay-opatyaka-
ckandanesku kritva sandrair^Marusku jadata[iii*] Mkarairâbhra-tulyak Prêyadreh
|
katakam=abka-
21 jan=ya8ya sena-gajendrak [14*] Sa kkalu Bkagiratki-patka-pravarttamaaa-nanavidka-nau-
|j
vataka-sampadita-setuva(ba)ndka-iiikita-saila-sikkara-srem-vibkramat p nirati-
22 saya-gkaiia-gkanagkana-ghana-gkata-syamayamana-vasara-lakskim-samaravdha(bdha)-
santata-
jalada-samaya-sandekat ^ udlckm-aneka-narapati-prabhfitikrit-aprameya-haya-
|
23 vahim-kkara-kkur-otkkata-dkuli-dkusarita-dig-antaralat
P paramesvara-seva-samayat-aêsha-
ja[mvu](bmu)dvipa-bkupal-a[na*]nta-padata®-bkara-iiamad-avanek p
24 KafLckanapura-aamavasi[ta*]t
srimaj-jaya-skandkavarat paramasaugato makarajadkiraja-sri*
man-Nayapaladeva-pad-anudkyatah paramesvarak paramabkattarak5
25 makarajadkirajak
sri-Vigrakapaladevak kusali TTrabkuk[t]au |
Hod reya-vaishayika-Vasu-
kavarttat yatk-otpatya(ttya) pancka'âtik-a[m]ê ||^
I || ||
^ The daT(f4a ts superfluous.

The uimeeessary. Similariy the daridoa further on, mostly in
ia lines 25-41, are superfluous*
^
A letter has been cancelled between Ut and 6Aa.
^
Tlwr© is a conventional floral design between ttie first two pairs of while the space between ttie second
third pairs is left vacant.
26 ^samupagat-aseslia-rajapurushan raja-rajanyaka- |
rajaputra-rajamatya- |
mahasandhi-
|
vigralii-
27 ka- mahakskapatalika- mahasamanta- |

mahasenapati- |
mahapratiliara- |
dauâdka-
I |
sadhanika- |
mahadandanayaka- |
makakumaramatya- |
rajas[tk]aii-opari-
28 ka- dasa(sa)paradkika- ckauroddkaranika- dandika-dandapasi(si)ka- |

sau(sau)lkika- |
I | |
gaulmika- ksketrapa- pra[m*]tapala- k6ta(tta)pala- angarakska- |

tadayukta-
| | |
viniyukta-
29 ka- kasty-asv-oskta(sktra)-iiau-va(ba)la-vyapritaka- |
kisora-vadava-go-makisky-aj-avik-
I
adkyakska- duta-preskanika- gamagamika- abkitvaramana- |

viskayapati- ]
| | |
ga(gra)mapati- |
30 tarika- Gauda- Malava- Kkasa- Hu(Hu)na- Kulika- Karnnata- ]

Lata- |
| | | | |
33 ckata- bkata- sevak-adin anya[m*]^ck=akirttitan raja-pad-opajivinak prati-

I | | |
vasino
31 Vra(Bra)kman-6ttaran makattam-ottama- kutumvi(inbi)-piir6ga- | |
Med-Andkra-Ckan-
|
dala-paryanta(nta)ii ]
yatk-aka(rkam) manayati v[6](b6)dkyati | |
samadiâti cka |
viditam=astu bkavatam
32 yatk=6parilikkito=ya2 gram-arddka-bkuk sva-sima-tma-puti-g6ckara-paryaiita[y(nta) sa-talak-
(la) s-oddesak(sa) s-amia-madkukak(ka) sa-jala-stkalak(la) sa-gartt-oskarak(ra) sa-
das-apackarak(ra)
Reverse
®sa-ckaur6ddkaranak(na) parikrita-sarva-pidak(da) a-ckata-bkata-praveâk(sa) a-ki-

| | |
31 nckit-pragrakak{kya) |
samasta-bkaga-bk5ga-kara-kirany-adi-pratyaya-sa-
35 metak(ta) ]
bkumi-ckckkidra-iiyayena a-ckandr-arka-kskiti-sama-kala-
36 m mata-pitror=atmana^cka punya-yaô-bkivriddkaye bkagavantam
37 Vu{Bu)ddka-bkattarakam=uddisya |
Sandilya-sagotraya |
^
(
38 handily- Asita-Devala-pravaray a |
Narasiihka-savra{bra)kmackarine [
Ckckka(Ckka)nd5ga-
âkk-adkyayine |
mimamsa-vyakarana-tarkka-vidya-vide |
39 K6lancka-vim[r]ggataya |
Ittakaka^-vastavyaya |
Yogasa(sva)ini-pauttraya |
Ttu(Tu)nga-
puttraya |
^ri-Gkantukasarmmane |
viini(sku)vat-sankrantyam vidkivat |
Ga-
40 ngayam* snatva âsanikritya pradatt6=’(tt=’a)smabkik |
ato bkavadbkik sarvair=ev=
anumantavyam bkavibkir=api bkupatibkik bkume[r]=dana-pkala-gauravat |
apakaran[e]-
41 na cka makaiiaraka-pata-bkaya[t] |
daiiam=idam=anum6dy=anum6dy=anupalaiiiyam prati-
vasibkii^cka ksketrakaraik |
ajna-^ravana-vidkeyibkuya yatka-kalam samu-
42 [ck]ita-bkaga-bkoga-kara-kirany-adi-pratyay-6panayak karya iti ||
o Sam 17 Avayau
1|
dine’ 28 [|*] bkavanti ck=atra dkarm-anusa[m*]sinak slokak ||

Va(Ba)kubki[r]=vasudka
datta ra-
^ A space of about four inches is left blank at the beginning of this line.
• Read °likhit=eyam,
® A little above the left and right margins of this line are respectively ni
and ni 1|. The akshara ni |
is written
to resemble na within a circle, a contraction of nibaddha, ‘registered’ or ‘approved’.
is
• A little space is left blank between the two
• The reading may possibly also be I fuhoka,
• The expression Gaiigdydm had been originally
omitted and was later inserted. For want of space after y
the medial d sign of this letter is indicated above the top tndird as in older inscriptions.
^ The medjal i in di had been originally
omitted and was later only imperfectly made above the tup ndUrd*
For Avayaa, Asvayau (Sanskrit Asvayitji) seems to be the reading intended.
21
Appendix] EAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
19 fH^5t WW I
«f«dW IRX-U SIWW
20 Hftnumw I ai iRû 5Pif??i5T(5)’fniiTHl
^(wt)?WT?n3^ >RT: I HT»ra(?i)-
«Tcft 5T«i!5^
21 TTWt HPIcft PitI IRV9II nrT:
TsRwimi ?T^t 9^ iR*;ii w-
22 I
^ 9?9T(^)^9 9^ JH:
IR5.II ?l*5Tf95lfHH99T?5 TT3|79«Ttf99>59-
23 9fT: I q5pf?T»Traa ^ |tl(fVTS93TTf99!T9 llôll 9rH^99?m99 51^
»T^ I 9t’IT9?^??l% 9lf’^ 9T«T5lt-
24 9aRft amtcT n^?ll STT9fTrft>9mî «ftT»»ratT?9 ^ I fWT ^

^ H twlVUT r^ ?n99 n^^ll >ft^F9TfWiT-
25 a| 9Tâ ^^»4 ^^tSiTfHcTt 39 I

^
^ 9^ 5nmt5nn?TT ii
9^*I9f s^mirT 9ntfw^ 9MT?9?qTfH

26 ^^11 9l <F9ifPt: ?rmT«T §^t I
9T«H^ 5J^ 9^ ^TT99«9% ^-
I 59 ^ 5Ht 9#^ 99 Srcq999nT9t-
9>9P9^PT ^-
28 9 nmi ?99Rlfe9f» 3 [^]
f9999^ ^9T(9T)9f?9!99 9191

'
9 <KH M 9?
1 t M^'9tl
29 gni?9^: I «ft999ft^9Tf^ ^ 9^9195999-

9^9t 9#
jftf?T(5T)95r9 I
30 99t: 11 ^ til 99S 9^r99 999W9T(9T)f9t 5 51^ I ^ 3^*
ll^foll ift9a9^5T9r9[f9*] g9T Tf(9T)9599-

9;cjT^ 9m9t?f
^ This dialectal word is used here avibkakiika,

redundant
• Here one of the two verbs chahri and aiandt seems
22 EPIGRAPfflA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
31 I
IIY?H immifn siiroi; ^
^«jn(aT)prt simiH i
32 ux;jM sft3rt|^(^)?!Tr *n ?«fn»fc?®rT ^ ^ i r.»»âw
?TT ?R sprni 7r»rag?n
33 I fr^ ?n(H)inin?TT ^ w§5Tnioi u>r>fu îftnrunf
I a?Tf?r
34 n'<f!(ii sram?f5i «n?i imr [i*]
?TOTftr^ TRftf^rtrnnfeT:
35 ?? ?R iT 44IWTT*<graf^ ftr%(fH) ^ I r^SIwTqcT^RlfH^ ?IT«rT H«MlPT
ffwji iivvsii wftqRiJ gfiprwt
36 gftsmRf^: I !sft5R5rm(«T)Tiii Hcsrrai^ nvc:ii n^RR ^
37 ^ »^Rt?R*r:*RlcT l fWniRT(fl)JT fR*T
38 «fttfrSRn: ^dWR cPR: ^ I 3^
39 ^ g^c: f?RmRR?RTss^«f nno(vi?)n eikiv
5lf5RRR^5?% ^ 5!% jnfir ^

40 H<gfii »TTOt I iRR TT35?3^Pnsr5RT^: ^ 9^*
?mii TTsnRRRT^ n!t?(!t^)>i 5% «i^R(«T)n[:]
41 ^3isrr TTiR >nRT gwr ^ wr i i 5fRRf[?f]
^prn g^R] — ^va
Slab VU; Canto VI

[Metres vv. 1-24, 26-31, 33, 34, 42, 43 Anushtubh
:
;
v. 25 Jrâ ;
v. 32 Giti, ;
w. 35, 36, 44
Sragdhard w. 37-41, 45, 46 Vasantatilakd.]
;
1 II «ft«r>RTR I 5T% ?Rr5l^ yn ?R I^^4><)^d t ll(l) ^W4R [*n?f]
v^vt(v) fwiRefT% ii?n fg^ftnr-
^ Sandhi is not observed here.

* Instead of bha first bhi was written and later the sign for medial i was scored out.
* Read JBhaiinsa4aih Satryidhenuddb-
* With this list of masons compare the one given above. Slab IH, lines 36<37,
Afpendix] RAJAPEASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPL’R 23
2 TRlf I ^Tift w$[ 55t]!T H^H
3 *n 5
fT: I 5I#VJfts?T5 ( 5 )M<?>«4 l
4 +?\MldyTMdl: ll^ll
5^ I 51 ^
[ 5] I f?«WT<{-
94 ftppnii § U'<fn 'NlTfs4mHl<ii«ldf<4 cmi 5 m I h?t-
5 snifeni: UHU g^: <Tf^^fi^%f5TfrT lt(l) . ?T3nHl
iiîi
6 gdWII [l*] g^ ?5f^:

nvau « WTfrpftr^
7 «ftTT3tfe5!?n3m?T«n [i*] H msqft<iflcnfsnim[:*] itc;n ?trwi
8 ^flFmrre«i td^j«q: lien ?rT^t i
HRwq gqfl xm ^rNn-
^(^)<TO»n«ni: n?on 51^ gwf srq q^ 5T fM \ ?nf^-
53i5T(gi^t)f5r55ft5f 5i Hm>m u??m
10 I ci fe??ft5i9T*ifir>T n?û itoitt-
*mT ?i?n5f ^Tf § < f(^)5]NN5t-

5
11 ^#i!(>T:) ^ ^TPmfJTsft 5Icgq^<f T»4 | I
*RlW?nfl TRR tl?>^ll
12 V5|i5iiw<wr«îid Hsifer: I 3nrr»r(Jr)^ st^f i q iw^Hi^w T T^ft^ss:
UUn iJ^HTOT TRRft iR-
13 «nzcf: I qiPiFft ^TPraV ftfRkrqJi fqr^r rft gq: ii?îi ^mnrRft
"^qjR I ffe f^ ifH a ^q dw t

14 THisimf CTriaq u?\3n <s< i 4dW Mf«rtiKrgd[:*J i
CTi WR i qi f [qj^]q® qf^ i[?qn*]

' There is a scored-out sign for medial e over ga,
• First td was engraved which was later corrected as /(w=.
This letter is mo corrected into mi.
* This is 0ti corrected into skt.
* There is a 8cored>out na between rd and ne.

• There is a scoredôut sign for superscript r over ya.
,
24 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [V0L.XXIX
15 H si%f!iFT I dMflwifw
II? £11 ^ H[»n]^(5f) sfl^rT
16 ^ £51 I flrggft ffw»¥ gi K P»n 5ra TTorm^hr^: iiôii «r44 i(H«^«Tf«T

HTwi Hfcftfi 5?i I ^nlf-
19
17 W 5|fl«l^ msfl gr qfa^^jl^g : IR?II ?nf^5l(3T5f)?5H ^fq.0c4^ I
5T?T
^ 5T-
18 fqm »Tm ifl^^ll*] ^ r«{<rHl»q<m«-qi ftra^ I <i«i<lî
*T ^1 tS Wfrf IR31I
f HRfq ?TqS£q^3rnRt | J*Tm ^ TTsrfilT^ cTff IIÎGl
§ 5^-
20 T: ?l%i I ffi r^5 TgPg^gRrHq?1^^»T IRKII 1?^ ff T ^5 gWH^

t fif5R^
fcT^raq: I ^ sifa^l
i >n«T-
21 11 ^îi spn^qro^nrflff ^ ^(tq) jgi i fiqdi i crqf(«n)
»ir< 6 qi[ ?q]^T >I5 T?HFI ||;{V3 ||
27
22 a-[ai]
^ q^5iaf4a 1 TR(#)sR?r^ ^
IRSIII ^ I < l 5lT^ qrff;; req
23 rnraTff(j)5f I ^mqmreq aq^Rj ir£ii 51% yq
24 4fe^ iqq?[q]^wîqy fH II 3 oil y f^ qqf

i ^fohmr «ft^^niftRrHq% 1
q?qrT(TqT) %qlq?ri¥î Trq fq^
25 ftRT3|% 113 ?n q-qq^r^qq q(q)^ q5qf^(qT)qqqq(^)^ I q?qT gq^fg^f
fqqx q(q) 5rTqqJ ^qqr ^ u 3 Rii |-
26 qq(q)5rtqq#T q$ii«4qi: ftfqtsqq i qT(qT)5PmqHqm qpf jqqr q(q)?nqq%

fcT 113 311 tqq(«)5riqqiqq q(q)5rtq-
CTi fiqq qqpj 11

( 1) ?qiqq5qT(qn)5mt qifeq iqqf?qcT[:*] M3>fu q(q)frfi
qqqr i?q %q>q 4d^qi 4d-

^ The correct form is melana.
* Bead Sdhijakd. ^
• The usual form is iSdhijaha, but its variant Sdhijahdmna is here used obviously for thf* q| lo
inflection,
iiandhi is not regarded here

« «
29 ^nirfi^rfe^: i[i*] i[i*J ?r(?i)5nt ^

fir^wi: cTcgriun ^-
30 t ssTRt^m ^ ?ff?3^ftrrUT5i5?T^l
n^n^: »[i*]^S[i[i*]
31 ^ jitT!UT5?r sru^
ft^ 5q^>W^ 5^ 5 ?n?I35T% 5RT% 5^1
32 I? ii^vsn ^ i^ %?r g^5Pns i
33 gT^rysIffey pT n^ca
34 >n% sttr) nêa

*I^[g]<4HIW I HW:ar^5TfiTq?T-
35 fH 5JW!T »ra(?3)5f$[pT]® a')foa ^jftcramr-
^>5Tnnm(^5T)spftR5frt^f5iTT ?f%cm^?N[:i*] «fh:ura-
qcr: i[i*] i[i*]

36 ff f*»(^) g?iw>n3^:
§^CiTFT I
37 a'*fâ [*r>r3fV]TT3if^?(f?)5^rTi3^^<Ja<ti [:*] i 'wv^^'jiaawt
avâ 5^?m%
38 oq?ft ^ ^ 5^ • ftps'^
?? 5-
39 a^fâ ?i^n^ 5T^«[«i]?T55r-

Bzt â ^< f”Tf
r aâ«ia<!aif4iq<pt q45T»>H5i
[H]<5m n»i5m^ g-
^ This ne is a comction from riai,
* This dai^da is not necessary.

® The letter th here looks more like cJih ;
compare 3fh in lines 33, 34 above.
* Better read tvayi,
‘ Better read •lokali,
E
1 DGA
40 I wwTPi 3on(«i)f?ia u'^xw
^5%5R5T5TfN^ »T[f«rW>*]PiT^Tm[?rft ? ]-
41 — w — [l ^t*] H3Tf^q^ JfTTRJTTSlftl^-
H IIV^H ?reT îi5: [wq: l]
Slab VIII ; Canto VII

[Jletres ; vv. 1, 3, 4, 12, 20, 22, 25-28, 30, 31, 34-38, 42, 43 Anushtubh ;
vv. 2, 14-18, 24, 29,
32 Sragdhard ;
w. 5, 21, 33, 39, 41 Sdrdulavikrldita ;
vv. 6-11, 19, 23 Bhujangapraydta ;
v. 13
VasantatilaJid ;
vv. 40, 44 Upajdti ;
v. 45 Prithvl.]
1 It I 5T^ <]W I 5W?r?5T-
fjn(RTT) g ^^ q-raT(^t) jj'tI s^miH >i?ii
2 m *i«i5naT 3fI^fcTfi(g)?rT: spr^ffR^wtsif^^sisi+TiiiT: i
3 HhjscTWTfai^ TT3rf?T|fH irii qT5w(?#)?«nft?ifrs5(^)-
^H3m?n l 5T^HWT: ^Tf?nfT[:]
4 [f^]^ ^Tf^[^:] II fsp 51

^51TO^>T T HfeF gTT: I f¥ 5TfT-
?nf^n>T: lIXii fiiJ ^ ^TT?rT[3^] ( fsBT ) ^
'
gr^: 5ft?TI«5rTmfNrft^ Tmff: 5ft-
6 st’Sim 1 1 mi 5T5ft ^ yt 5TT^<8j ^ I 5T«TT
^ [^]5^TT^RT“TK: ll^ll
7 (?r) ilriKsis 3PTT: <si^<as | srfr^ft
5<^T^(ni)5n[:*J 1^ ^|^HTW3[:*] Il\9l|
8 Ê55ft^l5H5n?n5rT«IT 5TtH ?ft^T I 5WffT[:*] asftn:
R5HT5H?«S^ lien ( 5® ) 5Tf^

» The lettering of this line is not clear on the impressions consequently the readine
; is very unceHain.
• That is VaisdJehe, ^
Sandhi is not observed here.

•
Perhaps the intended reading is patr-archito. There is a

‘
superfluous anusvdra over rd, if that was meant
to be placed over trd then the reading would be;7a(r-dwcî7o.
• Instead of i;droi>= read rdi77 ir=.
• Fisorâ siiperhuous here: read WcAi7rr6Aat'a/-.
is
’ This dax4(^ is not needed.

Appendix] RAJAPEASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 27
(rr)f^ ^ lie.n
10 ?T#^TRtT«n *n^ I f^'#PrT>5^?iIS^0(^)^nif

?R Tffi grw JjtwwT: n?o|i inn-
11 ?^(5ft)TT?T?t(5T) ^ ^'irf^’Ic«i(r55ri) I f'T^(9)% 5T^q«m ( 5 ) ^TPTT

linn i ^r-
12 T ) niHly <iiy "iT+d I Hj-M i 11^11 f^nHTWTTTf5IT5T:?w|4?j1 5mi5T*nmT:
i ?b?t
13 >il »Tf?T(5>) 5^65 (if linn

fiT;sn(fH5Sn)»IfrT5Tt »=^(^T)?IT ST??Tm'
14 I mg?ma<ntggrf!^gni ^< ggfl ^ iM4 T q m ( ^ ) ( ^) %^ht

T^('5g)q«Tfeim5rT imn f<n^ctR5n[?n] tr{q)?HT^-
15 nH'^ri1fl>T(^)rrrmf: g>H t Hc^’»igrd: Sldr?tdFyHHf<TgcfRmif: I 51^:

SCrdMZf fs ( fe ) ^ )
SFPTt fR^t Si!OTRiT(^)-
16 ?ht4’ 5|q ^ !^W3rrg 3TmT[:*] nnn siRq^t Hsrfd ^tir-
^fHnl y>Tf%(M)?iq: ^5f+'?r+f^Td>nrq>5fl
17 f?T:qt{f^)5R^ I qfq^fq ^51: jqf
faRw(q)?tR )^ snnqpq snrm nnn ri^mqnfrrw-
18 r^T»RRq(ir)5n5p(^)qnin ^q>«in5TT ôife: ^TRrqrsr;^ f5 n^rtfl sif^l sr^-
%5T: |^ yq>gT5^ Wl?%gq?^(9)-
19 sr: 'qtTTOTTTv^fff ^ ST^ ^qTqm(cH)^ n?V9|| ^T^TTrI
SURfd qT^(^q3)t5T>*R^(qS5)«5(R)fT fq-
20 qrrfd w — — “I ^x:: XTiq^rcl
gftTRKTsifif ^ ftrfHSR xRrfl ^[w*]mq1?xTqf?qR n?«:n qqV
21 xn«nm% 5^qT(^^)xoTT5il snu qifsHfsrroRT fq'UHxqt: [i*l siqi; »BfH®ritrT;*

* These three syllables are missing.
* For the sake of the rhetoric embeUishment Tawio^’a, we may, as in the original, read tliis syllable as hik.
* There is a superfluous sign of anusvdra over this letter.

£2
28 EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
sT^r^rTg^T ^
23 [*t]w wNfr: l
^T^’-
«ihnJTmf«Rr3Tf?i5 >1^%
24 in?n %5T: <W5ll4iiMîg I ?Hg5(^): ^(^)WTfnTt
5rrg T^TfcnraFn: si^r^-
25 7T^ q;#gT?«n: I w(9)^RT3r^ f5?igciin^HT srirm sim^r othst ^ ^^

IR^M WTt fîr
26 ^ptrraT t T 3r(9)!iHT i »b^ ^ ?ir»r*Tft
H g^ ?«iigt ?nn5(5T) «ikmiTT^ftT5 fiiT%«T 3ra^(fr)îSHHMR)(H)
arm-
27 IR'ffU Hatrft I 3T^(^)5r*K I
IRRII ^ni^STT: I si^-
(f¥)-
28 5lf^^3nf<il ¥'-<4gg WH^ [:*] IRÎI ^TT TR(^)g >T^(^)
?g: I Hf5(fs)5if?m(?T)^?^(5ft)?retiiggT; ^ 'r n^'9n sfkr: ?n%-
29 tl5fe ?g: I ?T^5lfHH|?^(^)?Rnm3T[:*] ^

?Tt3Tm(*iT) Tiff: 'B^('5r)? ?T^(5r)-
30 aqfaag^^TRnna srara i ann^T
aM®fta si^2r5T“PaRa g^trsn fa-*
31 aif’a VR5.H cfkalaRi gr »tc i
11^ oil aaRarag^ TiHois^âwiRias"
32 a I gfWssat^ 7faHaT?Ht(aig5ft)âaf?aRra ii^?ii g'afk(fg)»ig(^)TnJi^-
T«ggT5^ra?na(at) g^fta^gaHt aj^fea-
33 zw^maia: I af>n[aT] aaââa ?Jr afcn: wRata aaar fwâara:
a{fi)a^ ?% a[aaT] aa ftreft(5a1)a^rt: ii^îi ai^ ara-
1 The sense as well as the reading of this verse is obscure. Compare the printed text.
2 There is a superfluous eign of anusvara over this letter.

3 This kf'itali goes with npakarah*
ArpENBrx] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 29
^nTT% »Tm sfkmmf^-
35 ^'M[:*] SJ^: RT: 11^ ^11 *TS5('5^)^^(^)^RT^
I sf^mwcsnrmr?^ i u?>fn §^f^T:
36 ^^rl
37 ?«j «T%^ u^îi ^ ?fi?T^5ffar5i i cT?4 si4^
^| g B T H4)g r < (T)^f^T ll?\9U STFclTWqT^m i-
38 fH:5R>T ^?T?rW?T: I T^5Tt »mT: ll^'^ll
H5*rf«(4>5'J4«ff5^5mNH4tr«(4: 5MT-
39 5^§mq^feg*H:??ft^f4?nanr(^)TT: I
?T34T-
?ft% f4feT*T5r H 5T'
40 5?(i^) ?pn n^5.ii g

i
€\ « « '
5Tt?ift(?^) ^ I
42 [5pft]'i(«t)^*ni ?TEd^r»*F^ sfkrstftr^ g’l: iiv^n
rWT ^fir-
43 [?^] «r(5)^5j rHT'?TOTfti^3 4(4)9ft i
ftra «rTff(4)â?^fâ?rnTssn?n' nit
44 5q^ ^ q hlHTfirft
u'lfvn
I f^(a?ft)fcit
qrftsfdôfhmf^dnmw'iaTSd
jft^cnTT dm ddf:*] «ih:Td%[:*] ^
Hdind:
gd: dd: srfd5T% ?»T

45 I
dbctwd: Il'fVOI ffd mmi5lfeTdfRJTm H«Hd[:*] dd[rl
^ Meaning ‘indescribable’
* Sandhi is not obsenêd here*

So EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
46 [>rsr]^T ^?«ir»WrT(5T)53i ^(a;)5WcTTHm»(f: sTtir-
.
.^
.
Slab IX ;
Canto VIII
[Metres ; vv. 1-4, 9, 12-16, 18-43, 46-52 Anushtuhh ;
vv. 5, 6, 44, 45 Upajati ;
v. 7 Indravajrd ;
vv. 8, 53, 54 Sardulavikrlcjita ;

vv. 10, 11, 17 Bhiijaiigaprayata.']
1 II «fhm5Tm [ 1 *] 5lfr ri|

jj 4 l fiT ^ 5% I
cfh^ 3W(c5)»TRI% II?II ?JT(?rI)T(T)»T#^(#) f?5HV5r(5t) 3nH(^)
rl-
2 I STf'l(%)cTWH HT%ItRT: IIÎI
!RT(ii'?i) I f?eHV5T: IT 11^)1
3 ?5TT?»r3nf? ncTT^ H*T(m)'m^ I srkrjrfii^^Twt
llVll »l% 51% ITec^(?)^ § ^5TT^ ^(5)pT-
4 I H<Hlîn?V^(^)'iT r(^{i) ?T>5»T^W(5)?!T ||*(||

^ fTTTT
IT ^miTTIT ’T'T:
3^ I ?%7ir^(9)lJT g^:
5 fNwtlft f*TTd SiqînT 3TT^(it): II ^11 rR<iTK fe(f%)^'bcnT
l5TT5îrjTra?TcIT; I d(TT)’»rtfe'T#m“?(%)q ITq(4) qtni(nT) IT ^T^
6 5I?% H<T3: IIV9II gni ITÎT?^ 5T% HtlfcT: ITcTBfk5TT^q5?%® 4l l <»iq T H Hg^<pTiT^
% 3qTja 5% I iT3ri^ tiq^
7 fiqirHH: I* nfoniH sr??V gqVq*T%IT %WT 5iTqT?T^5T: IICII 5^ IT^55r
qwf ^(q) qT(®%)«iiMIH+ I «n^ 3 qin^T^5T J-
8 «« Htfl Jiq^ IIE.H TTT^^ TTqiTT^q(#)?ri^: Sl^(^)^(3)5^ %?T(%)3qv^%HT-
(m) I n^tf^ *T^RT%q1 f qin3TR(%)^<inq n
9 n?oll inft ^filTftvq5T«qfiT?n«?TTq: qT5q%5TfiqiTTHf «iqT^t I qiSTlflT
W5ft fqf%TT(5f) tTfTIlW(?T)FITfq H5qg:(5)lTITI II? ?U TRI-
^ Reading of this line is not certain ; its language is not Sanskrit. The list of masons gi^ en here may be com-
pared with that occurring towards the end of Slabs III, VI. IX and XXV.
* The correct form should be arpayad.
® Sandhi is not observed here.
* This daiîda is superfluous.
Appendix J RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 31
10 I TTW 11? ^11
'3t3racT(?r) [l*] qrn?3TT(Tt)»I-
11 cTFfrm^ (^T ^T(3T)|m«riH n?^n h mcft ^f^(m)-

grRT I TTsjfH^ Tm5?!T 'i^sqciH ii?'*fu
12 ^^TTftr ?lI%?JTcT t *THTra?TmiTH U?HII 51^ ?n('rf)^ J?

'T('T)^?5TTf>T^ I ^5Tm(#) II? ^11
13 »l|rtT5Tfti^?n SRT?^ I
^ »T(<t)^TT5IfHf^T5gran4|rT5-
^nfem 5n(m) n^lrî ii?v3ii ?TqTRT(Tftt)-
14 ^!T Tl^FrFiTra(«l)^JI # I t5T?H ^ ll?i;H »I3r
a ?5igT»Tnfc^'nrTlR(?)%1 I ^-
15 f!T(cii) TT^(?i) II? 5.11 ?5T m»n^^5I?H I «(8?il^*l5«ir«j
T*if^ II^^H ^'WJWf^TTpn' I ?^(^) 3^5*^
H 3^mJT[:] 11^ ^11 Tr»r(«i)5-sr^®nw’if ^?rnT(m)irmT-
18 ?T H ^(9)5Tm I smrqf^T^ WTH^cTr'S^?: ftia[:*] ll^?V|| ?TO(#')TT3r
[fe]<t]fl(5t) ’Ct^ ^frT?TJT(*T) ^ I ^(^) fcTWFTTSjftf^t )q^-
19 %: IRKII 5T^ I4t€^st«r 'RTen^ I 5mf55nsi
ll^^ll
20 I ^fTsft'TTSJl(5f) IR'311 ?l?T<T^fsy (^di*iH<s>«1PT<4|l4rti(5TT)
f5i^^t«5:('S5) H?^6S Jit %3JT5JTt<ii ll^';ll
21 I 5^ ^ 5IVI«I HcT: I nfJT f^(5^) *T[^]fin
H(%)’Tin 11^5.11 f?5?ft5n4 TfWTTiTT
22 I 5^T' S^f^lH llôll t^^'RR?ll3(l?^?l»!f*liiffl) 59^

51% I %5RH5TT(tl)f5^Tim(^) J5T(95TR)5T«I: I
* Sandhi Is not observed here.

^ First ro was engraved, but later on it was corrected into by scoring out the right hand vertical strofco.
32 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol, XXIX
23 n??n [l*]
24 rg%?f ??! I f^'y!TTr5T«ra^vJTt [^*] ii^îi 5i% ?i«?if5f(5t)eft^
25 »TH: ll^'ifll '<I?ri^1 Tra»nf5T(5t) I gW'iftîWH’T ^-

11^ SGI ?i#TT3f Tm f«iT-
26 q^TiHW I Tmr fimt fai gq Mt ffe ii^îi 5i^ ?r?T?5t
iTq>fq5i%»iTq% i ^ ^nTsfiraiw-
27 «n T Nfa'î (^) *?^%[:] II ^^11 ssrrqfff^qw ^(^T)^?mrT^wsro>: i
fqmq ^nnq3iqîpqR(wft) ll^t:ll fH^-
28 m ?rqT(Tî) Ti ^KM^qqqa q I q>iT5tra?qq; rariqT Hge iqt 51^ 3^ iiê.11 ?rqm
qt(qT)^5TRnqt q^(%)5^T: i
29 fqTTratmqVq?5 3rT(9T)f^:^ llVoH ?Rq5l^3rfH: ffi 4.qq fi«6a1 I

f-
qrfoft I
30 IIV?!! STl^lHKRlftf|?q q39mfaqi4?i I fR^WWTTJRq imT<nW ^ ?T(?i)5iq:
u'if;{u 5f??mtf3iTq(^) ^ra qn(q) sn«m: q-
31 fî I 5q(qT)fn5iRq(r^)qnnf?T 5f^WThTRT(?»T)5hfh[:*] llVû jof 5T& H«<T3W
gqq a4^t^HT(?q)fiT^ g I gi^»-q q t{llg4l ^« -
32 |*Ifm g^M?<f<5F<Hl(Ht) ^ liv>f|| ^fqTPT § q^l<iiq*TqRH-
I 5qTSTTfl(^)?TT ^ n3mHw^Rq(^)
33 qsf ?cft qtTq[^] HT(^)[3:] IIX<(U 5Itl(^) frqT35I g^q wfq G <Hqi q» I W-
(q) ?5iwft{nri) [^q«% iiv^n q
34 a^rq^qh^rq eqma i qrqTq>ft^3[T]qRT siqmiqq ^curi nvvaii
35 5 »nqg3m rrqt Iqgnfqq IIXe:|| qj(5) 5iqnfrr WB5T5TW*Rn«I^ I
H^TTH cT^FT ^?nT-
1 The sign tor avogralm after ka is not required. The intended reading seems to be ruddhamâm^ yad=^
balat.
2 Sandhi is not observed here,
3 Bdhuja means Kshatriya^
Appendix] RAJAPEASASTI INSCRIPTION UF UDAIPUR 33
36 % Il>f5.ll
I ffcf
f? ^q[:*] [mKo] II
37 ^ I ’R^RTitfWT^fVsPlf^ >TfTf«rJn 11!^? II
I »l^3PTTfH
gT(5T)FufiT3'»iif?T luîi «ft«ic5idn[:'^] gs-

38 fcisTF^'N)
??rpi
39 srr I
5T5Tiit?m3T3jfti5tw ^ g^[:*] >«V3i[q*]-
f5i?rTss^feci lUîi 3^ h-
40 ^551 5T^ 5I<T% m HfgPil('if)Tn^
ii(i) îT5!i
41 vn^îxf^ TM5I5T??m^ IIX>fll ?% «Tt?n|(ci)iT: l
s^ m-
g^«TO 3<.“WT-
srhoîHggTr smtei ?^WkT5w^*ft[3t]^5>T ^ *nt

44
gi^rtimTi^Tnm ?th \
45 qT[0T]qmT»iTgHT
46 II
«IF!dlH3<I^TH 3?5[^] [11*]

HRliift
Slab X ;
Canto IX
vv. 243, 16, 18-32 36 38-40, 43, 45, 48
fMetres-vv
U:
1
^7 Wi
II 15 3 t, 46 S«r(Ii7 ZaOD?*ta
;
V. 33 am -, v. 41
;
iw..«™«« ;
- 44, 47 S,^*am.]
42^^
arewWretfre: !i(irereiren!55ftrei7!i)55ilren!TraW-
1 «iWi5ira ire: [1*]
^
11
^rnl^TTirtOT: I *nf"i-

* From here to the end the language is the local dialect.
» This phonetic change of Hindi so into ftd in K gasth.-ini may be noted.
‘ JJi ia the indieative of the genitive same as Hindi ki.

he performed the
and when R:i]as:m a returned,
* The sense is that it took 6 days to go round the lake,
tula ceremony. f hi VT and VIII as well as below
the close o a p'S
also given above, towards
..
' The names of the masons are

at the end of Slab XXV F
I DGA
1 1
2 »j(’^)»TTTTRrraFIT?^
n?ll H^TTTSITf^TR-
3 fWTT5T% I
5T^ *1^ >1^11 5^(^)
inft afa I |»f
si^tn 5T?5n-
4 t>t i^ a?T II? II 5T?5TT5;^JiT '
?Rf'fi<'d5IT f(f)?5l1r RfHRT?^ 11'^ 1
5 ^ I ^ q?ff[?*]5^
iiKii mnlH i <t-
6 S^fV" R3T“ ?fH M?n ITTRmt ?CJT ^RT 5Tsi*l+4«itf^5n I
FJimTRTH SI^TREi 1 1^1 «rtf-
7 R%4tI? 5r=ft|^? H5T ^ I 5r?T ^ Vl^vr^ST ll':ll
5T^ yjf- !«Ksj?5Tfq^«3r% I *r-
8 n sc? ^ 115.1 Hisrt gVsn cTSFI 51

(
5 )5 ^: »
g 0 ^^ iq> ^>R^ qim ii?o|| «i-
9 y»rfsf^f^r^(?^) sqqt ^(^)|- ^%^%r?TO[T]5ftq?T ?*n-

31 •
H^: II nil f^q)T[:*] «ftR?g^ff?TgT:-
10 ?TT: I gftfpsnfl TRT q^TR^rT: imn q^5T!ftT(T)cT^
?T^(?f) I 5T(9)^ H^lfld TT%> ®[c5Tm?-
11 # II nil fr^45iir^# § 5icT% ?gc2T?i!ime?% fip?r ^

I ?|?-
12 qif^(^T#) 5 q>ra H(H)^qTH: ^57 ?TTR?ftfq ^ *1
rTrqf II nil y»fl(’»f)^% ^ 7rqRmT?5IT5irs?T7^T-
13 ^qq!>«"qT(oqt) ^^'Iqq^XiSiqiTSTfW^ iTTS^Tt ^^ 7qT?q^fg?T I fWir: «Wfq»^
75%qin: H?7rqT»ftf3FS^(g)
14 sfhJTTq 5 frrar^ql ii?'îi

^
51^: I 3IH: ^?r»TRSî O «r-
^ The sign of anunasika over va is meant to be over ga»

3 \SyntacticalIy the word e^ham should come after iti at the end of this verse.
* In thirt verse there is obviously a play on the numerals of the date the details of which are contained in tbe
[^feresoing stanza.
êT(JT)?i rmtwN H-
16 m 5JTIRT5T 3^: f% I if^T HTtfl
q^m: ii?t;M q^c^Pm q^rrmr
17 qr^T HT6nT<q^: I q ftq?qT spKqfqtfcT qffmt II? €.11 TT?ft
H5qq(^) qq(q)qfq i ^q^qrq^ ^t-
18 Tqrqm rm llôn qttq^ ^?qT >TTqTqqqr5T: I TT5T-
nnfqq?q?qvif> q^qf^qrrqTT-
19 qfq: u^?n qsqjT: qcs ^qrqfqq fw: I srHfq-.mt'if sncsf
fHqiwq: |R^?|| 5Tqp qTTqiq: qi(qrT)5Tm-
20 w[t] qqq SR: i f^Rtq(q)spq»>T TT'in qqq(q) IR?II qqt qqiw

m qiWq(q)'>I ir^(r^)5T I qqqq^q SPRR
21 mer(fT)iqq^ an II^YII f^qqroi qilq#q5Tfq:qTT'JT 5R: l ^f q?^(?qiT)-
qqtT’q mqqr: q qsbm: iruii
22 qjlqqTRfiq: €fT^: I qjtmqq fq;HTfTq 5TH H5?^ll 5Rqqq(q)-
ffqqqqqqft i #<pq-
23 qtsn qlT qq q(f)Tlfq qq hr van ?ffRRTq#s § qrqq: qfq qfqq \
5fqfq:qTT<iT>nqTRT^: qf^qqt HRe:il
24 qfqfir: ijqqTT??! qiqtdq q gq: I 3rqfq:qTT«l1qiqT: q>qcm% fqfqqr ?5

iiR€.n fq> fqtmftq qH qTT«qlsm-
25 X: XX: I qtil qiit 3rqq'fq(q) qiqr qqTm qqt: 11 ^ on q«n gqtfqq qK RT
qTO[T;*J «T<s3q(qT)qq I ^ qqtq(q)mT»qTqq-
26 X: ?qP5qTqq(q) 11?? II qq qiqTqfq^ 3R fq-.HTq Hqq; |

qgq(q)qf%
qfhpq(H)'fS5 qq>jhrq(fq) ii?Rii qqm(«T)-
^ The way of writing the syllable rgge is peculiar ; one would read it rather rgre.
^ en the following
The an w-svdrrt sign meant to be placed over ya appears letter, i.e., rn,
* There is a superfluous awwsrdra sign over tvcU
* The expression svasy^finre is a literal rendering of tlie Hindi or Hindustani idiom ajm^' samnf> denoting 'in
one’s own presence’, which, however literally moann ‘in front of one’s own selfV'
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
JT>(irT)
g('(K ^n<i?5i 5 t^ ff-
28 54f)f^5TfJTfH5JTPfrre^ 3nT>^5r^ 5i?*imqT[^] i #5tt^
f5p#m?5T ^
29 ii^vn 3i5g>m?smra?5Tg ^T?!T?«rW ft(f«')^
?f f%( ftl )T4^5Tfim^-
30 |:^'-!T?rT?s3Jj I frTO^(5f)5TmTf?^J 5TmT4
^(^) ii^mi sftrmr-
31 TT3Tfe'5>i ^?ft: I
^ I
»TT)^(5)^?JT gTH^rT??! 5^55:
32 T«ra>^Tq-: q^lfsTÎT ^ <T?FT g^(^) II ^^11 53^^"

gm«IPTJT qH(?T)5T: I Hrft:
33 5rTf3»mTr3 ^3(rT) 3H: ii^tin *T5T«^: *i?Tn53: I g«rT-
^ ?mpftrf qftyjf ?r ^:|r^ iiê.n
34 :5rH?tr i ^>TT3TT5n 3fri TTsrfti^ ?3m f>H(?f) ii'^‘>ii
35 ^»TT5f f^JTT
5 I f5Tm«Tf«»rfif: WT^"rfssgqf-
36 ll'>f?ll
^ 3>TqtfiT TTofe JT5r a5rtf?cT^(^)?TPT I 5T3T* ’jfSrl ;T??PT ^3ri
«55r3(3)«r^ ii'^îi ^"-iTgrspft-
37 5^; I TTiT^qTf^TIiT>% 3Em(3eqrt)fH JJ3am llVÎI 5PP
5fTTr*ld'«i?f i(T5T: 51^^351 H'cTT^ rlT] cTg^’JT-
38 i
g'r^jTff^mHT^rn rrr(fm ? )f^j^[3r*]-
^ Oha^re vn is g fir ya.

^ Again a play on the date mentioned in the preceding verse.
* Ihe conventional gems are
fio’e nllaka.f vayraka, padmardga. mauktika and pravala.
:
*
Note the double meaning here, iumhara- water and Samhara^ the name of the
demon who was slain by Prad-
vamna.
* Kabandha demon
‘
a slain by Rama ; ka-bandha
’ ‘
damming of water’.
^ ydnara ‘monkey' ; t« nara *
and man ’.
39 T iDOfil 5I«m 5IT^(5)srTl^KiRT I
eT(^)sr?T( 5i) I|VS(H TTcfHT; 'TT^TT'tdM'lHii^JT:
40 ?tT(?§) >TT[»r qr^mrllfr^ f^nai: 5T^dT i ^"hci
Cv
nvû Tmt ^ ?F?KiTmtH «h »fH-
41 ffir sm(<TT ?) srMTTq(fW ?) [ l*J i(^'^®rt^(5)-
qE3 qq H^'if TTqqjqifeqi?®
42 ^ d^ ’TT dlRd % H^\3II ^5R: ^>[:] c^m I
qrirTT^ ^q[T] i\x ^ ?qy>Tdi ii'>f';(i wfd ^jfT(|T)-
43 «flTmq5lftdqrTcq qqq: m: (
Slab. XI ; Canto X
[Metres ; vv. 1-4, 10-12, 16-19, 22-25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 37-39 Vpajdti ; vv. 5-7, 9, 13-15, 20, 21,
33-36, 40-43 Anushtubh ;
v. 8 Sragdhard ;
vv. 26, 29, 32 Indravajm.]
1 u«fhn>NmT 'iq: »
«%Rq>iqt ^Jumrorq: i
TT3RnTS?ft^ «f)5TTq>UITq-
2 11 ^ II ?n^”Vrnm: TT3|tir?Tl^(q) I HrqrpNq
?(g)§5Tg9Rl ^(f%)dt sin^-
3 'q qTqT(qI)frfq? l[l^•l*] f%vT «f>TT3rf^[:] f?T-
qrftrq?^'! I '^(g) 3(TRinqgTUH i’t’ fqTq(?q*f)[f5*j“
4 q ggrqfed'Iq II ^11 5m(^) 5 truf 5ifq(qrs)5if?RTfiq
gq: I q3Y?5ITqT(5qt) SOdUdt^ f-
5 aqT5q%5f IIVII . 5T^ Htqq^TdT^ q[feJ(fqj5TffTfq[%]5(5q)% I 3;yK«iTffrfIqTqI(qT)
Tr5r^(ftT)^1 tT5>Tfq[:*J iisoi q^RTd[:*J gw[:*J qq(’ar)-
* The portion within the .square brackets, i.e., from ge to tga was first onJitted by the engraver through over-
sight, who afterwards added it at the end in the last line, indicating the addition by the kukapada signe.
* This pada is short of one syllable. The letter da appears more like rO. Perhaps the intended reading is
Suvar'âsaildi-puri hhdty-amdnah*
* Pad^~das(iM% here is only the form in local dialect of PayvlU'dadatiil in I. 39. p. 51, and means the tenth day
of the yellow month, i.e., Magha. Mr. Shaktidhar Guleri informs me that padxi panchaml and pa4u-dakaffi% are
observed as festivals in Kangra on the 5th and 10th days respectively of the bright-half of Miigha.-^N.P.C.
* Read tTrja^’kfishna- ; the first word meaniii*'^ harttika.
»JsT?5T5T#: frf I ??^(^)

7 JfrrfSJTTfr^qH U\9II TT»rf^
10
srftresT?^
8 c^ it[h*] I ctI^: fcTHcnr fcit
srmr [?]^5T 5t(?^)-
9 nt;n q^T?5T H5fm(?n)f>r 5raTfH ^ i
H5.ll y»f 51^ w^-

[^j«T ^ 'arsPTT <Tfe(fe)^ fa HTfi^ Tm l %rm«A<4Wf^f^ gft
^T(^t)^tT(T>)?Jlt H?oU Hrft^ ^T?Tt X-
11 irf^T 'T^fT: 1 HfjiRiivnffr: Hg«n(^f)«rTTfH:

c c «
15
«ra §(d)n 11 ?? 11 'rii(y»r)
16 nrf5Tf?FH(5n)fi^ ;T«n
12 51^ ?lT['n]3HraTf^ 5tTm \
tmq II? ^11 [gi?j3n-
5tl ii?îi
13
f5T^gsny»Tf^-
n?>fii ?«a?5n
14 n^: [(*] fcT
ftT«iT(5j)BS^ ^wrt I *mi;T:
II^Kn 'TWT(s«i) 5f<-«<ll4d 3I(’T)^

«TS fq ÔT(’>f)
5fH(5T) I
1 ( 1 )^*^ 3R5^-
gB^hPT"? SRt'ir: II? 3T5mw [1*]
f?(?)czvT ^5»sp>?r qrmV
17 ^ Hwn(»>Tt) gTriff«^§5^?Y>T^(%)d ii?'3ii arT5^^'V»mPT:»T(H)m^T(!TT) ’J?!
^nr^T 1 g-
It May further be observed

that
* Lagnani goes with sahanani and satdni, while lagna qualifies saptatii.
word lagna used here in the sense of ryayita ‘spent’, which is more common in Hindi than in Sanskrit.
the is
2 Sandhi has not been observed here.
® The meaning of the word smara here seems to be five from the conventional number of five assigned
to the
arrows of Kama.
* The letter ,H is superfluous.
* There is upon the numbers mentioned in this stanza with reference to those of the date occurring
a play
m
verse 13 above. The six urmia are enumerated as solca-mohau jard-mrityv kshut^pipdae shad-urmayaj^,
* Perhaps we have to read isha so-dhhuto, referring to taddga ov jaldaaya.
artha,
’ Again a play on the number four, pumarlh-dchcha-chatushka means purushdrtha’Chatushtaya rdhanna,
kamUf and mokaha.
.
Appendix] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
[fw]?ft?rT: ^ ?5^T: I U«TI g^T TT-
19 mm fnffer: nun 5t^ i
20 ^ |*T5feTT«T(«r) ^ HR oil l^'Tt f?5T?ija?5T5TmT>?R?ffrf^ct I
21 ^ IIR?U ^ 51^ ma?5T mmcTfg5T?!Tr^^ I mm«m^-

mT^^f(®q!) ^(’T) h1:(h1)[??TT]-
22 iirrii 3R?Hcftmf?9r^ 5 jft^nrlm mi ^ i
mmfirmt('?) mrfm-
%
5Tm«T^(^T)^ ’J^mg Tl(TT)<m
23 5fNmm5»Tg[TT*] qm iiRîi
mr i
24 ?>r(m)" m^(^) ^ «mfiT5Tm<3)m iiR^fii ^'\4JTq(»T)g?ft(^)?l ^r^grlm nrt?-
mîrmr ^^cTm5T(m ?) i si^l^
m m5â^(<»t) mfk
25 f^7 (T) f^(^')f^ TT^rftfm H?T( 5 T)rT(m) iiRitH
fmr^mm’Fftcg^m'wmmT i ^mr fem-
27 tVt
l^dMUnPM^rnff^ 5 I 'Th'TfW-
mTTRif^T^ IIRV9II 5T^>fT ^ qm-
28 wfeH am *ww
mn %h
^
i
^
q?rqi3(5) famamafa am^r q-
am af^r îim femma(a)fa gaW^sT) iirîi

29 a: I gorfâ arrafa
dd^dla ifci a^ feala a<il aaaaa-
30 m ^•(^) « ahafa^l^ aanr ^ amfâTa\:{a>)ftaa5iai5?a: iiôn
ga
31 Jl5aThf I airHa ma mca g^‘ afamalana aa1(m)aama ii^?ii 5ia
^ Read tad=okiavdn==.
chatuM, meaning here ‘ excavated square’
* The word chokail is Marwari chokri, Sanskrit
Varuna suUn, see Rigvlda, I, 25, 19.

> Sandhi has not been observed here. For tlie
40 EPIGKAPHIA INDICA fVoL. XXIX
32 I
5qisf(is§)
^ gÊi«M>-*rijT ii^^n
51^ I
33 ^?q?rmrH^ ll^^ll ?n^5Trlj5^('T)#:
fPilT I |j^fr^5ft?iraJ!lrmliH+:
ii?!(ii wrfg-
35 5R!T^f?5T5T5Trft?R>?Tf»Tf^: t |f?T: 11^ ^11 ^

?P^T^ H^^t5Tf5r5T-
36 ?mT3?gtBT?n^5r [i*j ffrOTT(fCTft)TTfT(4)^T?f5i^Tf?H ^ H5rn0fnft»n5g^5r(^)
37 ^qt fcTqpfrffe: I qf:gT^[^ffl:*J gs| T (^ faw 11^511
38 f^??iRT5T(fq?iiww«r) fq>5! I 5T^(fft)?q w(«)W5T q>ra^ qqpi
g^Hfq 5rm 11 ^ 5.11 5t^ qq>>-
39 I t$(5^)e 5^ i^q?I?Ic?r»TirT(cqT) 7r3rfHg> qiltqfh: ItVoll irqjfii-
(f^)*iT<nt( (r«i4(lc«»a)W4 ?lT7q 3T^T5tq I
40 sreit^'Vqr xfgcjir(ii) ii'!f?ii sqmrgqsi H?q)nr(if) gflnn-
»p»rtT(t)fe?f I wT75m^-
41 f«i ^qa’Tq^fri iiv^îi ?Ti^Tf^ TmqtrWn sT5Tf^fiff»TfTT jrt i ^cgr at
a 5?TaTai(at) faaRt
42 faaam’ a(ir) n ?% atTTsnTaferaTaq^Tsg TaskajfarT^ 5a(5T)a[:*]
aa: II
Slab XII ; Canto XI

[Metres : vv. 1, 13, 14 Upajati ;
vv. 2-12, 15-48, 51-57 Anushlubh, w 49, 50 Gdthd.']
1 [ii sftqaarja aa: i âtfafe aa aai^ tea aâia a q-a^Ôa^ T fa i
aa aaiat a aarfa «Ta a(a)q>iaRftfa-
^ Sandhi has not been observed here»

* Better read lekhandt/a.
BIGIPC—SI— 1 T>GA/52—24 . 4 . 54 —450.
-
No. 8] KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I 57
43 jabhih Sagar-a[di*]bhih [|*] yasya yasya yada bhumis=tasya tasya tada phala[m](lam) 1|
[15*]
Bhumiiii yah pratigrihnati yas-cha bhiimi[m*] prayachchhati ubliau tau punya-karmanau
|
• niyatarh sva rga -garni

44 nau [16*] Gain=ekam svarnnam=ekah=cha bhumer==apy=arddham=ahgulam(lara)
|| liaran= |
narakam=ayati yavad=ahu(hu)ta-saiiiplavam [17*] Shash[t]i-va[r]slia-saliasrani sva[r]ge !|
modati bhumidah akshepta ch=cinu- |
45 manta cha tany=eva narake vaset i| [18*] Sva-dattarii paradattam va y5 harp[ta*] vasiindharam
(
sa visa(shtha)ya[rri*] krimi[r]^bhut[v]a pitribhih saha pachyatr* [19*] Sarvan=etan=
'
bhavinah pa[r]thivendrri[n*]
46 bhuyo blihyah pra[r]thayaty-esha Ramah samaiiyr)-yan-dha[r]ma'=^f‘tii[r]-mripana[m]
j
kale kale palanlyahkramena i;

[20*] Iti kamala-dal-aravu(mbu)-vin(ln-lola[iii*] kiyam=
annchiutya manushya-
47 jlvitau^cha |
sakalamîdamûdaiiritah^cha vu(bu)ddhya(ddliva) nahi purushaih para-kirftayb
vilopya iti^ Srlman Vigrahapalali |“ kshitipatirâkarot |“ sva-dehajanma-
48 narii(nam | ) sa sri-Prahasitarajam |- mantrinamîha saâne dutaiii(tam) [22*] iP PoslialT-
grcxma-niryata-'^rimaii-Hrideva^-su(su)nuna j
ida[m*] basanamûtklrnna[rii*] srl-Sasidevena®
silpi-
49 na |p [23*] ||
Krodrihchan^niriyaya Kachchha Hi yah sad-Ya(d-Bra)hmanruiam sthitis-tasmad=
Gohanako dvij-ottama-griham^=visrama-bhur-yajvaaam(nam) (
asmad=Îddhahal~”‘ti
yatra Viva-
50 dau(d6) Yogesvaro yat-sixtah khyatas-Tiihga ito=pi nirmmala-yasa Ghantisa-namâtmajah
[|i 24*] Yo Gaud-adhipaterâslma-guna-bhu rajho® vidheyo disam^bhupaleshii vidhaya
51 maitryamâsamarii sant[u]shta-chitt-achita}i [|*J kritva sasanatma(m-^r‘)tad=atma-dbhafha)'

latah kam=apy=avanya(ndhya)-sthitiiii visramaya rha dlna'diilikhita-jauasy-abhud^di-
aiv=asra[ma*]m ||
[25*]
No. S^KAUDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I
(2 Plates)
N. Vexkataramaxayya, Madras
The set of copper-plates which is edited below® was discovered at Kalidimdi, a village
in the Kaikalur taluk of the Krishna District, by a farmer while digging for earth in 1038. It
was handed over to me by the late Sri G. Ramabrahmam Chaudary, the editor of the Pmjam?7m.
who had obtained it from the discoverer, for decipherment and publication. The set con-
sists of five copper-plates of which the last is a broken fragment. The copper-plates measure
^ Better read vilopyah '! [21*] iti I
^ The danda is superfluous.

® There is a small vacant space between the two double day).das.
^ Read h%mad-Hr%deva.^ As already noticed, the Amgachhl plate has the same verse reading, however, in the
corresponding passage, Mahldharadeva^. If the reading intended in our record is srX-Mahldeva", it may be siigges-
ted that this Mahtdeva is the same as Mahidharadeva of the Amgachhi plate.
^ Read either sri^âsideva-Hlpinu or âîdivena silpind to suit the meti'O.
• There is a floral design between the double daridas,
’ Read griham
® Originally was incised.
• This is C. P, No. 5 of the An, Bep, S. L E. for the yeai 1937-38.
18 DGA/52 A
^

d'" by 10" each, while the length of the broken portion of the fifth plate varies from 2" to 3|". They
are all strung on a circular ring about in thickness and 5" in diameter, the ends of which
are soldered into thebottom of a circular seal about 3" in diameter with the rim raised all rouad.
The set of plates with the ring weighs 292 tolas and the plates alone weigh 200 tolas. ;
The ring
had been cut before the plates came to my hands.
The seal : This is The sur-

a very fine specimen of the seal of the Eastern Chalukya kings.
face of the seal is countersunk on either moulded into the shape of
side. The base of the seal is
a four-petalled flower. On the upper face, it bears the legend Srl-Tribhuvamdmkusam in relief
across the middle. Above the legend are represented in relief the crest of the Eastern Chalukya
royal family, viz., the boar in a running posture facing the proper left, and other symbols
of royalty : the elephant goad, the daniaru or the double drum, the sahkha or the conch shell,
two chaiuis or and the royal parasol.
fly whisks The figures of the crescent moon and the sun
are found at the Below the legend are seen three objects, a four-legged stool in the proper
toj).
right, a four-petalled flower in the centre, and a lotus bud with a stalk in the proper left.
The alphabet is old Telugu, commonly met with in the inscriptions of the period to which the
record belongs. The first side of the first plate and the second side of the fifth plate are left
blank : the other plates are written on both the sides. A peculiarity which is common to the copper-
plate charters of Rajaraja I, the donor of the present grant, may be noticed here. Including the
present grant there are three sets of copper-plate records of the king that have come to light so
far ;
and they are all partially palimpsests.
Of the present grant the latter part is a palimpsest. Beginning with line 75 (10th line on the
second side of the third plate), traces of earlier writing are distinctly visible up to the very end of
the inscription ;
but the characters have been so thoroughly beaten in that it is almost impossible
to make out any The reasons which prompted the adherence to this practice by the
letter.
secretariat of Rajaraja I are not quite obvious. The first two plates have perhaps been engraved
by a different hand but the form of the characters throughout the inscription is so much alike
;
that it is not possible to lay any emphasis on this point.
The language of the inscription is throughout Sanskrit, both verse and prose, 41 stanzas in
different metres and 8 prose passages of varying length interspersed among them. How-
ever, a few Telugu words have crept into the text of the inscription, while describing the
topography of the village granted, e.g., line 75, Pallapu-Gudravdra-vishayam ;
lines 108-9, Tdmara-
kolani-Krovviyidletam-hmsina-Tallikroyya-ndma nadi. Several errors, mostly scribal, are found
in the text and they have been noticed in the footnotes. The date of the record is either not
given or lost in the missing portion. If the date were given,- as in the Nandampundi grant of the
same king, at the end of the record, it must have been lost with the major part of the fifth plate.
The text of the genealogy including the prasasti embodied in the inscription under considera-
tion presents close textual affinities, with slight variations here and ther<^ with the other Chalukya
charters of the period especially the Korumelli plates^ and the Nandampundi grant^ of Rajaraja
I himself and the Ranastipundi grant^ of his father, Vimaladitya.
^ The Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, kindly furnished me, at my request, with the necessary details
pertaining to the measurement, weight, etc., of the plates.
“ The Superintendent for Epigraphy believes that the Kalidindi Plates were issued shortly after the ‘ king’s
(Rajaiaja s) accession in Saka 944 (A. B. 1022).’ See An. Rep. on S. I. E., 1937-38, part ii, para 14.
® Ind. Ant.^ Vol. XIV, pp. 48 ff. and plates.
* Abovê, Vol. IV, pp. 300 fif.

* Ibid.f Vol, VI, pp. 347 ff. and plates.
The text of the present inscription falls into four divisions I. the genealogical account :
of the Eastern Chalukyas up to Rajaraja I 11. the narration of the circumstances in which the
;
grant was made III. the description of the boundaries of the village which is the subject of the
;
present grant, and IV. the imprecatory verses together perhaps with the names of the author of
the prasasti and the scribe.
I. This part further divides itself into two sub-sections :

— (a) legendary, and (6) historical.
The legendary genealogy opens with Narayana, Brahma, Atri, Ohandra, etc., and proceeds
{a)
without a break up to Udayana, the son of Satanika. Then comes a hiatus which the composer
of the genealogy bridges up with fifty -nine nameless kings who are said to have ruled at Ayodhya.
The sixtieth, Vijayaditya by name, migrated to Dakshinapatha, where, in an encounter with
Trilochana-Pallava, he perished. His posthumous son, Vishnu vardhana, however, restored the
fortunes of his family and established his authority over the country between the Narmada and
the Setu.
The first point that has to be considered here is the origin of the legemlary genealogy. No
traces of it are to be found in the numerous records of the Eastern Cha[iikya monarc hs till we come
to the time of Vimaladitya’s accession. Certain features of this legendary genealogy are found
in some contemporary records of the Western Chalukva kings of Kalyani.^ The reign of Vima-
laditya marks an important stage in the development of the prasasti of the Eastern Chalukva
kings. The records of the early monarchs of the dynasty from Kubj a- Vishnu vardhana to Gunaga-
Vijayaditya III embody, with some small variations, the prasasti found in the inscriptions of the
Badami Chalukyas, and mention generally the immediate ancestors of the donor without giving
any particulars about them. With the accession of Gunaga -Vijayaditya III there sets in a change ;
while the preamble retains its original form, the part relating to the donor and his parentage
undergoes a change. The names of his immediate ancestors yield place to an elaborate list of
all the past kings of the dynasty, in which are set forth the most notable of their achievements,
the order of their succession and the exact duration of their reigns. With the passing ot each
veneration, the list increases in length and the prasasti is soon transformed into a family chronicle.
This form was adhered to for a long time ;
and no further change is perceptible in the charters
of the subsequent period until the accession of Vimaladitya, when, as pointed out already, a fur-
ther change was introduced in the form of a long Puranic or mythical pedigree in place of the short
preamble embodying their lineage and gotra. The circumstances under which this change was
introduced are not known. It is not, however, unlikely that it was due to the Chola influence on
the Eastern Chalukya kings since the restoration to power of the main line in 999-1000 A. L.
The latter had political as well as matrimonial relations with the Cholas.
Another point that deserves consideration is the historicity of \ijayadit}a, the ancestor from
whom the Chalukyas are said to have descended in the later Eastern Chalukya records. It is
believed by some scholars that this Vijayaditya was a contemporary of Trilochana-Pallava and
Karikala-Chola r but the evidence on which the lJêlief is based is quite late and untrustworthy.
The Chalukyas of Badami, the parent stock from which the other families branched off, do not
refer toVijayaditya as the progenitor of their race. They trace, on the contrary, their origin to
Jayasirhhavallabha of whom very little is known. Similarly the Chalukyas of Kalyani make no
mention of Vijayaditya in this context. The Kauthem grant, no doubt, mentions \ ijayaditya,
iiot, however, as the founder of the family, but as one of the two additional names or epithets
^ The Kauthem grant of Vikramaditya V, dated 1009 A. C. mentions for instance the rule of tifty-nine nameless
kings at Ayodhya and the subsequent migration of tlio family to Dakshinapatha {Ind. Afit.., Vol. XVI, p. 21).
^ The
present writer who had subscribed to this view formerly finds it untenable on further investigation.
K. A. Nilakanta Sastri : Cola Studiei\ pp. o7*61.
especially peculiar to. the Chalukyas, the other name being Vishnuvardhana.^ And even among
the Eastern Chalukyas the name of Vijayaditya as the founder of the dynasty was altogether
unknown until the time of Vimaladitya. In view of these facts, it is not possible to accept
Vijayaditya as a historical person and regard him as the founder of the Chalukya family.
(6)The historical section of the genealogy constitutes a family chronicle in which are embodied
the most outstanding events of the Eastern Chalukya history. The history of the Eastern Chalukyas
is traced from Kubja-Vishnuvardhana to Rajaraja 1. It is practically indentical with similar
accounts found elsewhere. There is, however, a small variation with regard to a minor detail
which may be noted here. In this as well as in the Korumelli grant, in the description of the
succession of early kings from Kubja-Vishnuvardhana and Jayasirhha, we have tad-anuj-Endra-
rdja-nandanas^sapta dimini (line 33)- instead of the usual tad-anuj-Endrardjas-sapta diwni.
The genealogical account, as embodied in the present charter, discloses certain facts about
Rajaraja’s reign, unknown from other sources. It refers, no doubt, like the Korumelli and the
Nandampundi grants to Vimaladitya’s marriage with Kundavvai and the birth of a son to them
called Rajaraja as well as the coronation of the latter in Saka 941 (expired) on Thursday, ha. di.
2, Uttarabhadra, when the sun was in the sign of the lion (lines 50-51, 53-55). The new information
found is that Rajaraja, when still a boy, was invested with the necklace (kanthiku), the insignia
of the office of (javardja (lines 52-53) ;
and that Ghola emperor Rajendra-Choda
his uncle, the
Madhurantaka, having heard of his great quahties, bestowed on him with affection the hand of
his daughter, the princess Ammauga, who became his chief queen (lines 62-64), In this
connection occurs an elaborate description of the greatness of tha Chola emperor, his supremacy
over the kings on the earth, and the extent of the dominion subject to his authority (lines
56-62). The stanzas beginning with the words, Ekasy=dsid~api sa Himamn and Sa-dvlpdm
chatur-amburdsi-parikhdm (lines 58-62), probably allude to Rajendra-Ch5la's Gunge tic expedition
and his transmarine conquests respectively.
Thus, four important events of Rajaraja’s life are mentioned here : (i) his birth, (ii) investiture
as yumrdja, (iii) coronation, and (iv) marriage.
(i) The date of his birth is not known.
(ii) The investiture of Rajaraja as yuvardja must have taken place duly without .iny obstacle.
(iii) His coronation, however, does not seem to have been performed without obstruction. For
the date of this event which is stated to have taken place according to the present inscription in
Saka 944, Bhadrapada, ba. di. 2, Guruvara, corresponding to 16th August, 1022 A.C.,^ is nearly
four years later than the last date, 1018 A.C., August, of his father and predecessor Vimaladitya.^
i.e.,
This reveals a gap of four years in the Eastern Chalukya chronology between the close of Vima-
laditya s reign and the coronation of Rajaraja I, and the events of this interval are by no means
clear. Several scholars who have attempted to bridge up the gap have been at great pains to
^ Ind. Ant.y \ol. X\I, p. 21. ^d'iftastaOh'iivayia^raya'Scifvvaldkabrayo -V ishûf nrdhaiia^} ijuyfidity-(tdi-vides}i(i~

^ttja-ratndndm-udbhava-bkiimik. It may be noted that these two names are alternately assumed by the
Eastern Chalukya kings and it may be suggested that these names were assumed at the time of coronation.
* ind. ArU.y Vol. XIV, p, 52, 1. 37.
3 The date is corroborated by his Korumelli and the Nandampundi grants ; Ind. Ant.y Vol. XIV, p. 53 ;
above,
VoU IV, p. 307.
* Above, \ ol. VI, pp, 358, 361. According to the Ranastipundi grant, Vimaladitya, the father of Rajaraja
was crowned on lOth May, 1011 A,C., and as this insrciption is dated in the Siihha month of his 8th regnal year,
I,
corresponding to August, 1018 A.C., he must have been rubng until this date. How long his rule lasted subsequent
to this date it is diOicuIt to discover but since in all the records of his successors a period of seven years (reckoned
;
in round numbers) is invariably assigned to his reign, he must have died before the end of his 8th regnal year.
So. 8] KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I 61
extend the reign of Vimaladitya up to the date of the coronation of Rajaraja, taking it for granted
that Rajaraja’s accession to the throne did not take place earlier than the actual date of his corona*
tion as recorded in his grants.
However, there is good reason to believe that the reign of Rajaraja I began a few years earlier
than the date of his coronation in 1022 A. C. Saktivarman II, the nephew and immediate
successor of Rajaraja I, ascended thejihrone of Vohgl on Thursday, 18th October 1061 A.
Rajaraja is said to have ruled, according to 'the charters of his descendants, for a period of 41 years
and this is corroborated by an inscription dated in his 41st regnal year.^ This yields 18th October,
1020 as the starting point of his reign. The following inscriptions of Rajaraja I, which give both
the regnal and the Saka years, point to the same date.
Ins. Xo. Date Starting \
183 of 1893 Saka 969 — regnal year 26 S. 943

(S.LL, Vol. IV, No. 1008)
663 of 1920 8a ka 98U — regnal year 37 8. 943
671 of 1920 Saka 983 — regnal year 41 942
These records seem to suggest two dilferent starting points for the reign of Rajaraja. The
apparent discrepancy has jêrhaps to be attributed to the practice of quoting the 8aka dates, either
in the expired or in the current year, rather than to any fault in the chronoiogi'-al data given in
these records. Of the three, the last one is surely dated in Suka 983 expired, as shown by the
cyclic year Plava corresponding to it. The dates of the other two are not capable of ver ideation, as
the corresponding cyclic years are not given. If, however, the 8aka v^mv cited in them be taken
to be current, all these three dates would yield Saka 942 (expired) a-:, lire -.tarUiig point ot the reign
of Rajaraja 1 and this is in agreement with tin' evidence of th** Teliigii Academy plates of Sakti-
vârman II which terminate Rajaraja's nngn with 8aka 983.^ There is. howcvt*r, one inscription
which gives a different and an earlier date as the starting point. In the Pamiilavaka plates of
Vijayaditya VII, it is said that after Muminadi-Bhlnia (i.e., Yimalatlitya), his son Rajaraja ruled
for a period of twelve years then, Vijayaditya, Muinnia(li-I3hiina’s êemnd sou by a different
:
mother, expelled Rajaraja, and having seized the kindgoni crowned hiniMdf king on Aditisuta-
dina, su. di. 5, Karkataka, Kanya, Suryyabha(Utlara-Pha[guni or Purva-Phalguni) in the Saka
year 952, corresponding to Sunday, 27th June 1031 A. If Rajaraja I, as stated in this inscrip-
1 JAHR;S, Vol. V, p. 40.

- No. 671 of 1920 of the Mad. Epi. Coll.
" JAHRS, Vol. V, p. 44.
* JAHRSy
Vol. II, p. 284. According to the calculation of Mr. K. Krishna Rao, the date of Vijayaditya’s
coronation given in the record corresponds to Thursday, 9th July, 1030 A.C. {J RS^ Vol. \, p. 38) but he AH ;
does not explain how Aditisutadina can be taken to denote Thursday and how the nnk'ihntra denotes Hasti. Ihe
my request, by Mr. K, Ih iSaukur of the Imperial Library, Calcutta, and the details
date has been calculated afresh, at
communicated to me in a letter dated 1 i-l 1-1941 arc given below
of his calculation as :
Sake drigdshu-nidhi-mite - S. 9o2 = 1030-31 A. C.

Karkige Karkas-anisau = Sun in Karka (June-July).
suddha-pamchami = su. 5.
Aditisuta-din^ = Sunday.
Suryyabhe = Uttara-Phalgum (Aryamana) or Purva-Phalguni (Bhaga).
Kanya-lagne = Kanya -lagna = 10 A.M. to 12 noon.
These details correspond regularly to Sunday, 27th June, 1031 A.C. on that day su. 5 ended at .87 of the day and
;
Uttara-PhalgunI began at .48 of the day after the Purva-Phalguni ended. At 10-12 A.M. the tiihi and the iiak-
shatra current were sukla 5 and Purva-Phalguni.
62 EPIGRAPHIA INDiCA [VoL. XXIX
tion, did rule actually foe 12 years before Vijayaditya’s coronation in June 1031 A. C., he must
have begun to reign in June 1019 A. C. As Vimaladitya was still ruling at the time of the Rana-
stipundi grant in August 1018 A. C., Raj a raj a I appears to have succeeded his father almost im-
mediately. As the available evidence regarding the exact starting point of Rajaraja’s reign gives
two and 1020 A. C., it can be safely stated that his rule must have com-
different dates, viz., 1019
menced some years before the date of his coronation which took place, as stated in his own records
including the present one, on the 16th August, 1022 A. C.
If Rajaraja began to rule either in 1019 or in 1020 A. C., as shown above, there must have been
some cause for the postponement of x\lthough no such reason is
his coronation until 1022 A. 0.
disclosed by the Eastern Chalukya records, the contemporary Choia inscriptions distinctly indicate
the existence of political disturbance in Vehgl at this time.^
(iv) Tho last point of interest to be noted in this section is the marriage of Rajaraja I
with Ammahga (lines 64-65), the daughter of his maternal uncle, Rajendra Choladeva, a
f<ict known hitherto only from the records of his descendants. The marriage was nob merely the
renewal of an old alliance b^dween the Ch5la and Eastern Chalukya royal families. It was
also intended to serve a political purpose. Rajendra-Chola aimed at providing a permanent bond
by which Vengi might be attached to his kingdom therefore, he bestowed the hand of his
;
daughter Ammahga on his nephew.

The most important part of the present inscription is the passage which narrates the cir-
II.
cumstances in which the gift was made. It states (lines 77-85) that the general Rajaraja Brahma-
Maharaja rose to eminence by the grace of the king Rajendra-Chola Madhurantaka and guarded his
kingdom like a serpent protecting hidden treasure. No sooner did he receive the orders of his sove-
marched into the Andhra country at the head of a vast army, accompanied by two
reign than he
other generals, Uttama-Choda Chodakon and Uttama-Chola Miladudaiyan. The three Tamil com-
manders, who were like the three fires bent upon the destruction of the forest which was the Kar-
nata army, became engaged in a fierce battle with the commanders of the king of Karnata.
The battle between the two armies is described vividly (lines 85-93). The engagement,
however, seems to have ended indecisively or at any rate not in a victory for the Ch5la forces ;
tor it is Said that the commanders of both the sides who participated in the fight perished with
their forces (lines 93-96). It was in these circumstances that the Eastern Chalukya Rajaraja I
set up, in memory of Rajaraja Brahma-Maharaja, a temple dedicated to God Siva called Raja-
raj es vara m in the village of Kalidindi. Two other Siv'a temples were also built in memory of
Uttama-Chola Cholakon and Uttama-Chola Miladudaiyan respectively. For conducting worship
in these temples, and for the maintenance of a choultry for feeding fifty students, etc., the village
ol Kalidiriidi renamed Madhurantakanallur, together with two other villages called Kadaparru
and Avakiirn, was granted by the king (lines 96-103).
The place and date of tlie battle are not stated in the record. It would, however, be
posoil)le to fixthem with some precision. It may be noted that the record states that memorial
temples tor the deceased Choia generals were founded. >Such temples are sometimes founded on the
^ Nos. 23, 24,
30, 31, /ol and 762 of 1917 of the Mad. Epi. Coll. These epigraphs of the reign of Rajendra-
Choladeva Irom the Madakasira tuluk of the Anantapur District, all studied together, allude to an expedition sent
by the Choja emperor Rajendra I against Vengi about the lOth/ r 1021 A. C.) of his reign to overcome some
trouble there, under the leadership of one of his generals, named Areyan Rajaraj an o/ia^ Vikrama-Choja Choliya-
varaiyan. Of them No, 31 of 1917 refers probably to a battle which he fought with the Kalihgas, Oddas and
fcbigu'^, while another (7/)l of 1917) expressly declares that ‘the king of Vengi ran away on hearing that the Choia
kmg had ordeivu his jieneral Soiiyavarasan to conquer that country'. These records which, as pointed out by
Professor K. A. Ndakanta Sastri, ‘obviously belong to the same time’ {Colas, I, allude to a military
p. 279),
expedition sent by Hajendra-ChoI a about the lOtb year of ius reign 11021 A. C.) to conquer Vengi.
site, where the persons, to perpetuate whose memory they are built, are interred or cremated. As
the memorial temples of tha Chola generals were erected in the village of Kalidizhdi, they musL
have been buried or cremated in the place ;
and consequently the battle in which they were killed
might have been fought in the immediate neighbourhood of the village.
The difficulty of fixing the date of the battle is great. However, certain facts mentioned
in the record would help us in arriving at a probable date. The inscription contains the date of
Rajaraja's coronation, i.e., 1022 A. 0. and alludes perhaps to Rajendra-CiiSla's Gangetic ex-
pedition and transmarine conquests (vv. 19 and 20). Moreover, at the time when the battle was
fought, Rajendra-Chola (1012 to 1044 A. C.) was still ruling at Gahgaikondacho]apuraTn. These
would indicate that the battle should have taken place between 1022 and 1044 A. C., the last
date of Rajendra-Chola. But no evidence is available from the Ohola records during this period
of 22 years about any war between the Cholas and the contemporary Western Chalukva king
Jayasiihha II, of which the battle at Kalidiihdi might have been a major event. The last we hear
of the fights between them is in 1021 A. C., when Rajendra Chola I's attack on Rattapadi took
place. ^ However, there is one Western Chalukya record at Hottur in the Bombay Karnatak,-^
dated 1037 A. C,, which mentions a DandandyaJca of Jayasiiiiha II, Chavanarasa by name who
bears the title, ‘"destroyer of the pride of the fort of Bijavadi ”. If this Bijavadi is taken to be
identical withBezwada^ in the Vengl country, it would appear that sometime before this date,
i.e., the Western Chalukya general invaded Vengi and captured the city of Bezwada.
1037 A. C.,
The Karnataka invasion of Andhra (i.e., Vehgl) and the battle described in the present record
may have taken place during the same Western Chalukya expedition under Chavanarasa, especially
as the distance between Bezwada and Kalidiriidi is less than 50 miles. As victory was not
secured by the Ch5la allies of Rajaraja, even as indicated by the record, it is not unlikely that
the event may be connected with the disaster which overtook Rajaraja I in 1031 A. G., when he
was deprived of his throne by his step-brother and rival Vijayaditya VII.'’ Although evidence
is lacking as to whether the coup dêtat effected by \ijayaditya was with or without Karnata
help, a suggestion may be made that as Rajaraja was supported by the powerful Chola emperor,
his rival, Vijayaditya, secured the help of the Karnata king. Such an alignment is consistent
with the political background of this period, as the^ Cholas and the Western Chalukyas were always
arrayed against each other in support of rival claimants in disputed successions.
Of the persons mentioned in the record, the KarnatadhLsa may be Jayasirhha II, as the date
of the battle is about 1031 A. C. As explained before, the Dramiladhisa is, doubtless,
Rajendra-Chola I who is mentioned by name at another place (line 59) in the record.
Much is not generals who were killed in the battle.

known of the Chola One of them, Uttama-
Chola Miladudaiyan, figures as the ruler of the hilly tracts in the present bouth Arcot District
in a record of the 4th year (=1016 A.C.) of Rajendra-Ch5la, where he is spoken of as Yadava-Bhima
of the Bhargava gotra ;* but nothing is known of his subsequent career. Neither of the other two
finds mention in contemporary Chola inscriptions. A Shidpati called Uttamasola Brahma-Mara-
yan is mentioned in an epigraph at Kolar, dated about 1033 A. C. he, however, seems to be a
nobleman quite from Scnuputi .Rajaraja Brahma-Maharaja of the charter under considera-
tion.
^ See above, p. 58, note 2.

^ Colas, I, p. 245.
" Above, Vol. XVI, p. 78.
* Dr. Barnett identifies it with Bijawadgi near Hungund, ibid., p. 77,
® Pamnlavaka plates JAUHS, Vol. II,

: p. 284
• No. 20 of 1905 of the Mad. Epi. Coll.
» No. 480 of 1911 ; EO., Vol. X.XI.,109.a.
III. The detaih of the donntioyi : For tht* maintenance of daily worship, celebration of festivals,
<‘tc., in the temple^ built in honour of the three dece-ased Chola generals, three villages all situated
in the Lower (Pallapu) Gudravara vishaya, were granted by Rajaraja I. Though Kalidimdi and
Kadaiiarru are clubbed together and renamed Madhurantakanallur, their boundaries as well as
those of the third village are separately described. The boundaries of Kalidimdi are given at
first in lines 103-6 : then follow from Pallapu-Gudravdre in line 106 to simd at the beginning
of lin<‘ 110 the boundaries of the village of Kadaparru ;
and finally with PaUapU'Gudravdre in
line 1 10 commences the description which is
of the boundaries of the third village Avaku[ru],
unfortunately lo.^t with the broken fragment of the The three memorial temples fifth plate.
were perhaps given one village each for their upkeep, maintenance of daily service, etc. Of
the three, Kalidimdi was situated in the east it is said to have been bounded by Potumbarru
;
in the north and the north-east, Konneki in the east, .lidorru in the south-east, Konthama in
. . -
the south, Vevaka in the south-west, Kadaparru in the west, and D(Ta)dinadu in the north-west.
The second village, Kadaparru, was situated to the west of Kalidiihdi. Its boundaries, as described
in the inscription, are : Kalvasanda in the north, D(Ta)dinadu in the north-east, Kalidirhdi in the
east and south-east, Vevaka in the south and the south-west, Avakuru in the west, and the
streamlet Tallikroyya (a branch of Tamara kolani-Kro\"vindleru) in the north-west. The
boundaries of the third village, Avakuru, are not definitely known : of the villages that surrounded
it, the names of only two, viz., Kadaparru and Kondika-Muhjaluru, are found in the extant
fragment of the fifth plate. In addition to these, another village called [Du]ggiya[pu]ndi is also
mentioned with Kadaparru : but the connection between these two villages is not quite clear.
Two and Avakuru,

of the three villages which form the object of the present grant, Kalidimdi
retain their names to the present day and are situated on the eastern fringe of the Colair Lake in
the Kaikalur taluk of the Krishna District. The third village, Kadaparru, cannot be traced in the
available maps and records, but must, however, be looked for in the same locality, as it is said to
have been situated between Kalidiihdi and Avakuru.
Among the villages mentioned as boundaries, Tadinadu is identical with Tadinada which is
.->ituated, even as stated in the inscription, to the north-west of Kalidimdi, Potumbarti is not,
etrictly speaking, the correct name of the village*. The suffix ‘ti' with which the name of the village
ends is the inflexion of the genitive case meaning
Potumbarti therefore means ‘of Potumbarru’.
'of'.
This must be identical with the modern Potumarru in the same taluk, Similarly Vevaka must
be taken to represent the present Vaivaka. Neither the streamlet Tallikroyya nor the other villages
mentioned among the boundaries can be traced at present.
IV. The names

of the executor, the composer and the scribe are unfortunately lost but the ;
last line in the broken fragment of the 5th plate, which begins with so Rdchiya-Pedderi-[Bfil].... is
found to form part of the following verse that occurs in the Korumelli grant of Rararaja.^
Ajhaptih KatakPAd Rdchiya-Pedderi-Bhlma-yidma-tanujah
|
karttd Betana-bhattah kdvydndth lekhald^sya Ganddchdryah ||
It may
reasonably be assumed that the present grant ended with this same verse and that
the remaining part of it was lost with the missing portion of the plate. If so, it may be inferred
that the ajdapti of the charter was Katakesa, the composer Betana-bhatta, son of Rachiya-Pedderi-
Bliioia, and the Katake.sa, who is spoken of as
scribe, Gurnlacharya. the djnapti in several Eastern
Chalukya copper-plate charters, is not the name of an individual but that of an office. The
term kataka denotes an army, a camp, a town, etc. Katakesa may therefore be taken to mean
either the commander of an army or the governor of a cantonment. The verse cited above refers
1 Ind. Ani.f Vol. XIV, p. 55.

; ; :
No. 8] KALllDINDI grant OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA t G5
to four generations of the family of Betana-bhatta,^ the composer of the inscription. Though
nothing is known of the first two members of the family, Bhima or Bhiinana-bhatta was a scholar
and poet who flourished under Vimaladitya. He was the composer of the new Eastern Chain kya
prasasti embodied in the Ranastipundi grant/- On his death his son, Betana-bhatta, appears to
have succeeded him in his office. In point of style and excellence of diction, the present record
is superior to the Korumelli plates. The passage in which the author describes the greatness of
Rajendra Chola is majestic and dignified and his description of the battle of Kalidimdi also
;
is
vivid.
In the preparation of this article, I have received considerable help from the late Rao Bahadur
C. R. Krishnamacharlu, Professor K. A. Xilakanta Sastri and Dr. V. Raghavan. I have also
great pleasure in acknowledging my indebtedness to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao and Mr. M.
Venkataramayya for their valuable help in this connection.
TEXT"
[Metres : Vv. 1, 5, 14, 16, 20, 21, 23, 24, 23 and 28 SdrdidavikruUta ;
vv. 2, 3, 6, 7, 10, 11, 17,
27, 31, 32 and 33 Anushtubh ;

v. 4 Udg'iti vv. 8 and 18 Vasatitutilakd ;
vv. 9 and 19 Mamldkrdntd ;
V. 12 Upajdti v. 13 MdlinJ v. 15, Aryd ;

v. 22 Giti ;
vv. 26, 29 30 and 3G ArydgUl ;
vv. 31 and
Zb Svdgatd ; v. 37 Vamsastha ;
v. 38 Pushpitdgrd,]
First Plate
1 ^Sridhamnah Purushottamasya rarhato Narayanasya prabhor=anabhI-paiiikaruhrid^babhu[va

jagata]s=srashta [Svayarh]-
2 bhus=tata[y [|*] jajne ma[na]sa- 3 unur=Atrir=iti yas-tasmau-miinerÂtritas^Somo vaih[3a]-
karas=Sudha[ihsur=uditas^Srika]ntha-chu'
3 damanih |[|1'|*] Tasmadâbhut^Sudhasriter^bBudhd budha-nutas-tatah [[*] jatah Pura*
rava nama chakra[vartti] sa-vikra-
4 mah [i|2;!*] Tasmad-Ayus^tato NahushalP tato Yayatih chakravartti vamsa-kartta tatah
Purur=iti chakra[va]rtti tata Ja-
5 namejayo=3vamedha-tritayasya kartta tatah Prachlsah tasmat Sainyayatih tato Hayapatih
tatas=Sarvvabhau-
6 mah tato Jayasenah tato Mahabhaumah tasmad-Aisanakah tatah Krodhanaii%li tat3 Devikih
tasmad-Ribhu(chu)-
7 kah tasmad-Rikshakah tat5 Mativarah satra-yaga-yaji Saras vatl-nadl-nathah tatah Katya-
yanah
8 tato Nilah tato Dushyantah tat-sutah Chakravartti mahateja Bharato yupa-kaiianaiii (
|
kritv=a3vamedha~
9 n«akarod=^Gamga-Yamunayo 3 =tate [3'!’*'] Tat5 Bharatad=Bhunianyuh tatas-Suhocrah |
H |
tatdHasti |
tat5 Virochanah [|*]
10 tasmad-Ajamilah tatas-Sariivaranah Samvaranasya Tapana-sutayas -Tapatyas=cha bud-
| |
hanva |
tatah Pari(ri)kshit |
11 tato Bhimasenah tatah Pradipanah tatah gantanuh tato Vichitraviryyah |

tatah Panda-
\
| ]
(ndu)rajah |1
Putras=tasya Yu- _ -
^ R^hiya, Pedderi, Bhima, Betana-bhatta.

* Above, Vol. VI, p. 358.
* Prom impressimiR.
*
[The symbol in the beginning, poewibly a lotus, stands for siddham. ‘Ed.] —
^ Here as well as in several other places further on sandhi has nut been observed
18 DGA/52
66 EPIGRAPHIA INEICA [Vol. XXIX
12 dliasthi(dliislithi)ra-BhIm-Arjuna-Nakula-SahaJevah |
pamchemdriyavat=paiiicha-survvi-
su(slia)ya-grahinas-tatra^ 1| [4|j*] Jitva yena Pura-
13 mdaram hutana(va)he havyikritaiii ka(kha)ndavaiii Yas^Sathbhor^^llabhate snia saiiiyati
bahtoy=astrani divyani cha j

yen=adliyasita-
14 m=asanam Maghavata9=ch=arddhaih sura^-dveshinah sariipishyâganiayat^Kritaata-nagarim

yah Kauravan=vidvishah|[|5||*] tatd-rjuna-
15 d=Abhimanyuh tatah Parikshit tato Janamejayah tatah Kshemukah |
tato Narava-
| | (
hanah [
tatah Satanikah |
tasma-
16 dÛdayanah |
tatah param tat-prabhritishvâvichchhinna-santaneshvÂyodhya-siriihasaa-
asmeshv^êkaonashashti-chakravartti-
17 shu gatesu(3hu) tad^vamsyo Vijayadityo nama raja vijigishaya Dakshinapathaiu gatva

Trilochana-Palla-
26 vamâdha(dhi)kshipya
18 kalavasaI=^lokantaram=agamat tasmin-sathkule tasya Mahadevi
|
garbha-bhar-alas=aiitahpur-adhikri-
19 ta-vamta-kamchukibhis=sarddham vriddh-amatyaih purohiteaa ch=anlyamana kathaiiichm^

[Mu]diveinu-nam-agraharam=upaga-
20 mya tad-vastavyena Vishi;iubha{:ta“Somayajina duhitri-mrnvi(rvvi)3eshamâbhiga(ra)k3hita
satl nandanam Vishûvarddhanamâ[su]ta
21 sa tasya cha kumarasya Manavya-sagotra-Hariti-putr-adi-sva-kshatra-gotra-kram-ochitaai
karmmani(ni) karayitva ta-
mâvarddhayat sa cha matra vidita-vrittanta3=san=nirggatya Chalukya-girau

i\
Namdaiii
Bhagavatim Gaurim=aradhya Kumara-Naraya-
â-Matriganams=cha samtarpya svet-atapatr-aika-ga(sa)mkha-pamcha'raahasabda-paliketana-
pratidhakka'Varahalamchchha(chha)na-pim'
24 chchha-kuiiita-siiiihasana-raakaratoraâ-kanakadanda-Gariiga- Y amun-adini sva-kula-kram-
agatani nikshiptan=i-
25 va samrajya'chihnani sa(sa)niasadya Trilochana-Pallavaih jitvâ tat-sutamÛttamadanim =

upaya-
26 mya Kadaiiiba-Gamg-adi'bhumipaii=nirjjitya Setu-Narramada-madhyam s-arddha-sapta-lak*
sharii Dakshinapatharh pala-
27 yamasa j|
Tasy-asld^ Vijayadityo Vishnu varddhana-bhiipat eh Pallav-anvaya-jatayri Mahu'
|
devya§=cha namdanah |[16|1*] Ta-

28 t-sunuh Pulakeî Vallabhah tat-putrah Kirttivarmma tasya tanayah Srimataiii sakala
| j |
bhuvana-saiiistu[ya]mana-Ma--
29 navya-sagotranam Harlti-putranarii Kausiki-vara-prasada-labdha'rajyanaih Matrim(tri)-

gana-paripalitanam Svami-Ma-
30 hasena-padanuddhyatanam Bhagavan-Narayana-prasada'Samasadita-vara-varahalaih[chohhaJ-
(chha) ii-ekshana'kshana-[va*]si[kri]-
31 t-arati-mandalanim=asvamedh-avabhrita(tha)-snana-pavitrikrita-vapushah(sharu) Chalukya-
narii ku[lam=alariikarishnos=Satya]-
* [The intended reading seems to be ‘pahck-endriya^vat-pancha svar^vvishaya-grdhinas^tatra, — Ed,]

^ The letter ra in sura has a horizonta letroke inside, which is to be ignored.
32 sj aya-vallabheiiidrasya bhrata Kujja(bja)vishna(shnu)varddhano-shtMasa varshaai Vengi-
desam=apalayat=tat-8u{nuh) Jaya[sim]-
ba- [valla bhas= tray as] tririisataiii tad-aiiuj=:Endrjraja-nariidaiiahs{nas)=sapta
j dinani tat^pu*
tro [ Vishnu varddbano] nava va-

34 rshani |
tat-suuur^mMamgi-Yuvarajah pamcbavimsatirii tat-tanayo Jayasi[ih]ha 3 -tra-
|
yodasa |
tad-a[nuja]b K6-
35 kilih shan^masan tasya jyeshtho bhrata Vishnuvarddhanas-taraûchchatya sapta-tri-
[
msatam=abdan tat-suto [Vijayajdi-

|
36 tya-bhattarako^shtadasa tat-putro Vishnu varddhanab shat-triinsatara tat-sunur^nNare-

|
|
mdra-mrigaraj6=[shta(shta)chatvarimsatam]
37 tat-sutah Kali-Visbnuvarddbano^dby-arddha-varshaiii tat-tanayo Gunaga-Vijayadi[tya*]^
|
cbatuscbatva[rimsatam] (
tad-bbratu-
38 r^vVikramMitya-bbupates^sutas=Cbalukya-BhImas=trirnsatam tat-putro VijayMityash=
|
sban=masa[n] |
tat-s[unur=A]-
39 mmarajas^sapta varshani tat-sutam Vijayadityam balam-uchcbatya Tadaparajo masam=*
|
ekaih |
[tarn jitva]
40 Cbalukya-Bbima-tanayo Vikramaditya ekadasa masan tat-Tadaparaja-suto Yuddbamallas*

[
sapta va[rshani |
ta]-
41 tab II
Ammaraj-anujo Raja(ja)Bbim6 Bbima-parakramah vijitya Y’uddhamallam tarn
|
dvadas-abdan=dba .... [||7||*]^
42 Sdt-putrayor=dDasaratha-pratimasya tasya Bblmasya Rama-Bbarat-opamayoh^kamyan |
Danarnnav[-Amma]-
43 nripayoh khalu paiiichaviinsaty=abdan=arakshadâvaiiItalamÂmmarajah || [8;1*] Tasya
jyeshtho nripatisbu cbatu[sb-sha]-
44 shti-vidya-pravino yah Karnri-adin=sura-taru-nibh6 bhuri-danena jitva lokc=nvartthaih
|
suchiram=[adadhan]=nama Danar[nna]-
45 v-akbyas=sa trm-abdan=avabad=avanimârmiava-ksbauma'kantam ] [9 j*] Tatab [pajrath
patirii labdhumânurupam=ana[yi]ka [|*] [sa]-
46 ptaviiiisati-varshani va{cha)char=eva tapah ksbama j|

[10, |*] Atba Danarnnava(va)j^jatah
kalavan dvit-tam5-barah |
raja(ja) Chalu[kya]-Cha[m]-
47 dro yah kshama-tapam=apakar6t \\ [11!!*] Balad=grihitva Balito dharisrlh(triTi)) girwana-
satror=iva satru-vargg[at] srl-
48 Sadti(kti)varmma sa samas=Chalukya-narayano dvadasa rakshati sma j| [12[|*] Tad=ânu

tad-anujanma Rajamarttanda-bhu-
49 po visada-ruchir=arati-dhvanta-vidhvamsa-dakshah |
sma vabati bbuvara-abd?n=sapta Sapt-
a5va-tejas=sa[kala]-va-

50 sumati-bhrin-mastaka-nyasta-padah [13||*] Lakshmi- bhartri--nibhasya tasya Vimaladityasya
||
Bh6(Ch6)d-anvaya-ksbir-aiiibhonidbi-
51 janmanah sriya iva srl-Rajarajadbipah |
dcvyas-cb âluiljajni Rajaraja-duhituh Kum-
dambikayas=suto ya-
^ [The missing letters may have been rdm=asdt. Ed.] —
* One letter between bha and rtri was written and erased.
52 h Kaiiidarppa iv=aparah prativasan loka-traye stri-hridi [14i|*] Balye bhushanam- a})ha\ ad-
ratnamayi yasya ka-
53 mthika kamthe j
guna-lubdliay=eva mala dharaya datta patiiiiva[raya] j| [15il*J Ved-arh-
bh6dhi“nidlii-pramana-gam(ni)te Sa^
54 k-abda-saiiighe Ravau Biiiihasthe bahula-dvitiya-divase vare Gur6s=sitagau |
yuktc bh*
ottarabhadrayadya(=py=a)ti“Vani-
55 j-yame tu [sarvva*]-kshamain t rat am pattamâdhatta yo guna-nidhih sri-Rajarajomripah

II [16ji*] Yasy=6ttamamgam=abaddha-
56 mâbhat=patteiia bhuyasa |1( | )j bharttum visvambhara-bharam 'janaisa(râ)ropitam
yata(tha) jj
[ITjl*] Api cha Ij Kbyatas^samasta-nara-
57 natha-kirita-koti-ratna-prablia-pa[tala-patala-pada“pithah | y yas^tyaga-varsha-parihar.shita-
sat-samajo Rajem-
58 dra-Clioda iti Choda-kul-aika-ratnam |1 [18,1*] Ekasy=asid=api sa Himavaii-Isvasa(ra)sy=
apatadbhir=mmurddhn6 Gaiiiga-
59 vimala-salilais^sichyamanah pavitrah |
Rajemdr6=yah(yarii) kim-uta namatam=Isvaranaiu
babu[na]-
60 m ratn-al6ka-prakatita-iagat-pramgaii6(rie)bbyas^sir6bhyah 1| [19i[*] Sa^dvipam chatur-
ariibusa(ra)«i-parikliai2i visvambharam [li]-
61 laya dandenâiva vijitya yo di(da)sa-disi pratishtbipat=sarvvatah |

svair-odbhranti-uivara-
naya vijaya-sta-
62 mbhan=sva'iiam-airikitaii=alanaii=iva baddlium=a[m*]dba-manaso darppena dig-dautiuah
II [20j|*] Sa sra(sru)tva pari tushy a(shya) vamsa-vinaya-
63 tyag-abliiman-5iinati[rii] prajna'Vikrama-satya-sau[cha]-patuta-sauryya'ksham'adiii=guna[ii] j
Chodeso Madhura[nta]-
64 kah sva-tanayamÂmmaiiiga-namaih satim Chaluky-abharajâsya cli=agramalushiih sneheua
yasy=akar6t 1| [21 [j*]
65 Yasmiii=ra]ani rakshati
bhuchakram=avakram=uchita'ma[r*]ggena abhavad=abadham-
|
akalmasham=a[dushi]tam=a'
Third Plate ; Second Side
66 matsaram [prajabharitaih]^ jj [22} 5*] Raj no raja-Chalukya-vamsadatik-alambasya yasya

svayaiii 6asvat=kirtti[r=alamka]'
67 roti nitara[m loka-trayI“ka(ka)mimm | ] hara(ra)l=iva sugandhi-chandana-mayi — —

[lalamakl]-mal=ev=amala-[ja]-
68 ti~ja(ja)la-kalita daukula-LakshmIr=iva || [23il*] Yasya sri-Paraga^dabhalrava-vibhor^ddor-'

ddanda-[kauksheya]ka-pr6dbhina-ahita-ha-
69 sti-masti(sta)ka-galan-mastishka-[khad]'asaya gridhrah pak8lia-putaii=visaryya viyati vya-
baddha-chakras=chalat-pichchha-pa-
70 traTcbaya-sriyaiii vidadhate vira-sriyas5=saihyati \\ [24|j*] £keii=aiva hayi hayena bahuso
vaha-sahasran^ta-
7 1 tha ko va vira-bhato jayet pratibhatarh ch-astr-abhivarshaia^tatha kas-siihched=iti viflmfca

|
raîa-mukh^vâscha®-
'
^ The letters within brackets are engraved over an erasure.
» [The intended reading seems to be prajd^charitam. Ed.]
• [The sense requires raâ-mukhdd=d4charyya.’Êd.\
Xo. 8] KALIDINDI GRANT OF EASTERN CHALUKYA RAJARAJA I
72 ryya'paryyakula yasyârataya eva sauryyam-anisam stuavanti tanvauti [cha] ij

[25!'*]
Svasti [ISa*]rval6ka>
73 sraya-sri- Vishnu varddhana-Maha raj adhira]a-Paramesvara-Faramabhattaraka[h] Pararaamahe-
74 svarah Parainabrahma[nya]h mat6(ta)pitri-pad-anudhyatah Tyaga •3imha(ha)san-[asiaay

Gadevalu'[na]-
75 ma-vishaya-sahitaiii Pallapu-Gudravara-vishayainâdhivasatah rashtrakiita-pramukha-
[n=kutu]iiibinah sarv\"an-sa-
76 mahuya mantrI-pur6hita“Senapati-yuvaraja-dauvarika-prava(dha)a-Mi-saraak3hamî[ttha]ui=
ajha- ^
77 pahayati^ yadha(tha) (
Khyat6=sti Rajaraja-Brahma-maharaja iti mahadan<lapatih [|*]
[
yo Madhura-
78 ntaka-bhubhrit-karuna-rasa-sikta-varddhita-yasodatikahj[ |
26 1*] Rajendra-Choda-bhupala-
rajyalakshmi-maha-
79 nidheh [|*] rakshaiia-kshama-daksh-ogra-mahabhuja-bhujariigainah ['1-7,|*] .
Dikto
dakshinatali puraskrita-briliad-dandah prachanda- ^
SO s^sa yo vidvi[t-cliho]iuta-pana-gridhnur-aparah kal5 na v=et=ikshitah [1*] Rajendra-

kshitipalakasya mahato man-matu-
Fourth Plate : First Side
81 lasy=a[tu*]lasy=adesa[m*] pratipadya tat-kshanata ev-Aiiidhra-kshamliii praâmat i| [28,1*]
Anyo^pi daiidanatho bhakti-klesa-praru(hn)'

82 slita-nija-nadha(thajh amuiiâiv=agatavau-Uttama-S5da-cIiChodagon4ti vye(vya)-
[|*]
padishtah [
[|29||*]‘^ Uttama-ChodaAIilruJ-uda[ya]-
83 nîtyâny-opi chô(châ)gatah punishah [|*] yah patir=atha senayah pativratayah pare-

kshan-asahanayah | [ |
30'|*] Ka-
84 Tunatika'bal-aranyarii(nyani) ta(da)gdliukaniani=aseshatah dandanathadraye(ya)rii dri-
|
shtam-agm-trayarQ=iv=ôjvalam !i
[SLj*] Karnua-
85 ta-Dramil-adhisa-daiidesamâbhavad^raiiaiii [j*] paraspara-chatur-ddauta-pratighattana-
bhikararia jj [3211*] Mushtamiishti kvachid^dri-

86 shtam kesakesy=abhavat^ksliariaiii *] dandadandi kvachit^proktaiii kuntakunti
[ |
nirantara[m](m) [
i33 1*] Jaghuire nija-sarairâpi [kejehid-dhanvino
87 yudhi samarddhita-sauryyah s“nayor-api paraspara-ban-aprita'[jata]'java'vata-vivn<?

[|*]
[ttaih] [|!34||*] Khadgi-khadga-dri-

88 dha-ghattana'jate visphuliiiiga-nivahe su(sa)labha[h'*‘] syiih )
sad-bhata(ta) bhaya-bhritali(ta^
chajla^chittah paiiicha-sha-
89 ^ ^ padatyoh ||
[35 !*] Nrityamti(nti) va^ gaja-kaban(n)dha8^turaga-kabandh-
as=cha nara-kabandha-pramukhah [|*J [ri]
90 îaiii=ady=aiva viyu(mu)kta[m*]aija-nath'avaiiidhya-p5shanasy-eti muda || [36; [ ]

Gajair^
ggaja vajibhir-eva vajino narai-

91 r=nnaras-tatra samam vinakritah [1*] dvi-pakshayoh krila-vascna samyuge samaua-yuddbam
samam=eva
* Read djndpaj/nti,
* [The latter half of thi?? verse is in the AryagUi metre.—
^ [Thi«j va is superfluous. — Ed.]
92 jiasyati j| [37 |*] Bhrisam-avasara esha nah pragantura divain ânucliirntya padati-yugrua-
Diukhyah [|*] divija-
93 yu[va]ti-samga-kamkshay-eyuh ssa(sa)mam=atha daiva-durlhaya [cha bhujmeh [!!38!1*]
Etad-Dramila-dandanathana-
lii RaQaJraja-Raja^-Brahma-Maharaja-namadheyo sva-matulasya Madhurautakadevasy=a«
95 tula(la)syâdcsah(m) prapya Karyna(raiia)taka-dandanadhai(thai)r--yyuddhva t[ai]r=eva
sarddham divaiii gatavaii-asvi[ke]-
96 [na] hastikena cha balena [ba]ha-baleaa cha sarna-balatvach-cha tam-uddisya [Kajlidi^di-

|
gra[me]
Fourth Plate ; Second Side
97 Ra3arajcsvara[niîti Hijvavatauam-akaravam Uttama-So la'chChodagon ityÛntama-Choia-

[
[Mil-
98 iad-udaiyan=iti prasiddhavânyavâpi chôddisya Sivayataaa-dvayain [karomi]

mam[ga]' ^
99 l-ottuhiga-saihgitaka-khanda-sphutita-uavakarmraa-baly-upahar-ady-arttharQ pa[ihcharfach=
chhatraiiaiu]
100 sastrasya sr6tri(tri)naiii satr-artthaih cha dvay-adhika-patiichasad-vesyabhih Brah-

|
mana-satena brahma-[ve]-
101 dina huta-jatavedasa(sa) vaisya-satena cha Dhanad-opamena siidra-sateaa Br[ahma'
pada-kamala]-
102 sambhute[iia*] cha sarddham Madhurantaka-Nalluri-namna prasiddhah [Ka]lidindi-
iiama-grama[h] Magada[varu]-
103 gramatikaya dattah tasyâvadhayah [|*] Purvvatah Konneki sim=aiva sima agaeya-
[tah] . . lidorru"^-s!-
104 m=aiva sIma dakshinatah Konthama^îma nairrityatah Vevaka-simâiva sIma

*
|
|
|
paschi-
matah Kada
105 sim-aiva sima va[yav]yata[h] Dadinanti sim-aiva sima
|
|
uttaratah |
P6tii[mbarti-
sim=ai]va sima |
[isanata]-
106 h Potiimbarti-simâiva sima Pallapu-Gudravare Kadaparru-nama-gramah

|
[Dujggiya-
[pujndi [grama]-
107 sya purvvatah Kalu(lin(li-slm=aiva sima agneyatah eshâiva
|
| |
dakshi[na]tah |
Ve[vaka-
si]m=aiva sima [
na(nai)rri-
108 tyatah esh=aiva paschimatah Avakuru-sim=aiva sima

]
|
]
vayavyatah Tamara-kolani-
Krovvindletam=basi-
109 na-Tallikroyya-nama nadi uttaratah Kalvasanda-sim=aiva
| | sima |
isanatah I Tadinaiiti-
sim-aiva
Fifth Plate
110 sima |
Pallapu-Gudravare Avaku-
111 ta[h] Kadapartid^n^ sima |

ague
112 matah Kondika-Mumjalura-simâi(va)
» The final Raja in Rajaroja^Rnja apjêars to be superfluous.

* The name of the village may he Alidorru or Puhdorru.
No. 9] SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARA YA ; SARA 1167 ?1
113 rti-slm=e(m=ai)va sIma .....

isanatah Kada
114 sa pamcha-mahapatakair^yyukto bha
|
.....
115 va yo hareta vasu[ndha]
116 bahubhis=ch=anupa[li] ......

117 rmma-setur^nripanarii ka
.....
. . , . .
118 bhuyo yachate Ramabha[dra]
119 bhupa ye palayanti mama ......

120 pam-adhikatva-vidhina srI-Raja[ra] .....
121 st-adrer=aparat^sad=asta-vidhina .......
122 so Rach.iya-Pedderi-[Bhi] ^
No. 9-SRlRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARAYA SAKA ; 1467
K. G. Krishnax, Madras
The subjoined inscription^ is engraved on the inner wall of the north side of the third prakdt'a,
to the proper right of SvargavCiM in the Rahganathasvamin temple, 6rlrangam, Tiruchirappalli
District, Madras State. It is dated Saka 1467, Visvavasu, Phalguna, su. 7, Monday. The English
equivalent of this date is A. C. 1546, February 8, Monday.
The importance of the record lies in that it contains a reference to a distinguished person
known as Nalantigal Narayana Jiyar who had for a long time been associated with the
administration of the Srirahgam temple and also mentions a descendant of Srisallapurna, who
was a preceptor of the royal family of Vijayamigara.
The scripts used are Grantha and Tamil and the language jirovides a good example of the
typical Yaishnava style with a fair admixture of Sanskrit and Tamil words, better known as the
manipravdla style employed by the great Tamil commentators. In fact, the expression /?wZap-
pdvam adikkalanju port peruni (i.e., this sin is highly valued) in line 7 conveys the same idea as
contained in the Sanskrit quotation \j^d\n-yiimittn-kritnm pdpammâpi dhanyimdga kalpatc, cited
immediately above and this Tamil expression is also found in the great commentary known as
Idu-^ This is a clear testimony also to the fact that Vaishnavaite commentators of the mediaeval
period had achieved proficiency in rendering Sanskrit expressions into good Tamil,
The orthography of the inscription presents the following features. The repha is represented
by a vertical stroke above the consonant to which it is prefixed as in piiryia, dchdri/a^ samarpitta
(lines 3 and 10).But if the consonant following the riipha is doubled as in sauhdrdda (line 6),
dharmma and 10) the Hgn for the repha is inserted in between the doubled consonants.
(lines 7
In line 3 the Grantha letter pa is used in the purely Tamil word perm. This is only an exception
since the Grantha alphabet is uniformly employed to indicate Sanskrit words or letters.
The text abounds in scribal errors which have been duly taken notice of and the necessary
corrections are indicated in the foot-notes accompanying it.
‘ ARSIE, Xo. 13 of 1936-37.

* Ida 1. 4, 1. This commentary was writteu by Vadakku-tiruvidippiJJai in the name ol his teacher Xambqâi.
72 EPIGRAPHIA INDlCA fVot. XXTX
The use of the ancient form yarn of the word aru in line 5, meaning river, is peculiar for a record
of the 16th century and a similar example can he found in the word ynndu used for dwju meaning
year. The word kHlca is a dialectal variation of the original word ketka {kel-\-ka^ki}tka).
The word panddraviujai in line 8 is used in the sense that the income from the lands of this village
had for sometime been enjoyed by the cultivators. There is a village today in Tanjore District
named Pandaravadai. The word kattahi has been used with two meanings, viz., 'order’ in line
6 and ‘arrangement’ in and 11. The use of the honorific plural pronoun is not uniformly
lines 10
applied in the latter part of the sentence in lines 9 and 10 as both ymmakku and nun are used to
denote the same person.
The donor of the grant is SrlAailapurna Tatiicharya alia.Âvuku TiruvGhgadayyahgar. He

received a gift of the village Chintaixiani from Ramaraja and Somakulatilaka Sadasiva
Maharaya and in turn granted the same, for the merit of both tlie Bay a and the Biijad to the
temple for the expenses of offering four dishes of food to the god as was once arranged by Nalantigal
Narayana Jlyar, alloting a share of the offerings for himself and his descendants. The village
is stated to have been in former times given to the temple by a local Chbla king after settling
a dispute over a stream cut from themain river. Then after a long time the village passed on to
the ownership of the cultivators. Again the village was left uncultivated after a short period.
Hence Tiruvehgadayyangar, the present donor who had himself received the village as gift, renova-
ted the same and in his turn granted it to the temple.
The role that the members of this Srlsailapiirna family played in the spread of Vaishnavism
since the days of the Vijayanagara ruler Mallikarjuna, as also in the conversion of the royal family
itself to the &rivaishnava faith, has been already discussed^ in this journal and elsewhere. Two
records at Hampi make mention of this Tatacharya. One of them^ is dated fâka 1465, i.e., about
two years prior to the date of the present record. There he is stated to have granted a village,
some fields and garden to the god Vitthaladeva. He is described as the son of Tiruraala Avuku
Tatacharya. Since no specific mention is made of this teacher as a guru of the king, it is probable
that he became the royal preceptor only two years later, i.e., about the time of the present record.
The other record,* of Saka 1478 at the same place, states that Aubalaraja, son of RamarajaKonet-
ayyaraja, raised a shrine for Tirumangai- Alvar, granted a few villages for varipus services to be
conducted for the Alvar, and placed the endowment in the hands of Tirumahjanakalam Rarn-
anujayyangar® and his disciples who were required to conduct tlie services for the merit of Au-
balaraja’s preceptor Tirumala Avuku Tiruvengadacharya. The donor of the

latter is evidently the
present record. He was a descendant of Srisailapurna* alin>i Periya Tirumala inambi, the maternal
uncle of the great Visishtadvaita teacher, Sri Rilmanuja, In the records about the descendants
of SriAailapurna that are available from the various place.^ to the north and south of Tirupati,
the names of the places where they settled are prefi.xcd to their names, as in Eti ur Siiigaracharya,
&oltai Tolappayyangar, etc. Here the name Avuku or Auk indicates likewise the place where the
donor had settled. His father is also called Tirumala Avuku Tatacharya. Hence it is clear that
^ There are a number of inscriptions where both the Raya and the Rfija are mentioned together though in
a different manner; e. g., ARE, 246 of 1904 ; Tirupati Inscrijptiov^, \'ol. V", Xo. 53.
* Above, \ ol. Xir, pp. 161 ff ; Vol. \III, p. 3; Tirupati heva'-ihanam E piijraphical Rfport, p. 313.
» 707 of 1922 , *S7/, Vol. IX, pt. 11. No. 607.
* ARE. No. 51 of 1889, SlI, Vol. IV., No. 280.
^ Journal o/ Sri Venkate-^vara Oriental Research In.itiiute, Vol. XI, No. 1.
The earjiest reference to Srisailapurna in the traditional Vaishnava hagiologies occurs in the history «f
*
Ramanuja in the f/uraparrtmywrapndj/idrri. Under the direction^ of his guru, Ajavandar, Sriâilapafya (Peiiy^^
Tiiumalaiuambi) migrated from iSrlrangam lo Tirupati.
No. 9] SRIKANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARAYA ;
SARA 1467 73
a branch of the Srisailapurna family had already settled there one or two generations earlier.'
Avuku is a village in the Koilkuntla taluk of the Kurnool District. About the period of this record,
Avnku was the seat of a powerful line of chiefs’ under Sadasivaraya and this Avuku Tiruvehga-
dayyangar seems to have wielded great influence over these chiefs and the members of the royal
family of Vijayanagara.
The interesting history of the village Chintamani is narrated in the inscription. It is in this
part that the name of the eminent administrator of the Srirahgam temple, Nalantigal Narayana
Jlyar occurs. He is well known from other sources. He was first known as Kuranarayana Jlyar
and began his life as a devotee at Srirahgam and rendered many services^ to the temple, one of
which may be noted here. When a member of the group called mnnappain seijvdr^ became impure
and consequently unfit for the service in the temple, Kuranarayana Jlyar was called upon to purify
him and the Jlyar composed a work known as Sudarsanakitakam^ and chanted it to purify the
person and make him fit for service. In recognition of this and many other services including
the one mentioned in the present record, he seems to have been given the name Nalantigal Nara-
yana Jlyar,® i.e., Narayana Jlyar, who was eminent in doing good {nalamk~tigal), and some of the
devotees raised him to a new pontifical seat with the designation of Srlranganarayana Jlyar
and it continued to be held in regular succession by devotees chosen from time to time.
The present record deals with another but more benevolent act done by this same Jlyar. The
frequent floods of the river Kaveri south of Srlraiigam proved to be almost a permanent problem
baffling solution. They were encroaching into the soil of Srlraiigam towards the direction of the
temple. Nalantigal Narayana Jlyar took some steps to prevent the erosion. Some of the
measures he took as detailed in our record were spiritual and the rest were methods pertaining to
flood control.
The Jlyar fi-xed a yantra, i.e., a disc or plate with the powers of a mantra at Anaikattan Karai
facing west and also consecrated the deity called Sasta.’ A stream was newly cut out, branching
' Similarly, Singaracharya {Xarasimhacharya) and Rangachurya, of thi^^ line migrated from Tirupati to
Stfur in search of better fortunes by engaging in skilful exposition of the Ramdyuiia. \ ot dissatisfied with their
position the family went to Vijayanagara where they converted the royal family to the I ai^hyiaca faith,
Docjdayacharya, a descendant of Singarachar\a settled at ISholinghur, X. Arcot District, and Tatacharya
Ay vavay yahgar of this family lived at Kttur, Tirumalai (i.e., Tiiupati) and also at K-umbakonam. Again mention
ismade of one Sotfai Tolappayangar in a record at Conjee\ arain. In the record under study the family is stated
to hail from Auk. In some later records at Kdviladi in Tan ore Di-trict, :§rirangam Tatacharya and Srirahgam
j
Tirumalai Tiruvehgada Tattayvangar figure as donors. Lak'^hmikumara Tatacharya well known for his acti- i>.
vities at Conjeevaram and Tirumaliruhjolaimalai (i.e., Alagarkoil, Madura District). Thus it may be seen that
this great family spread itself to preach and propagate the I faith. Chapter 126.).^
* Tirupati Deva'sihaaam Epigrapliical Report^ pp. SdS-Sot).

» Koyilolugu (1909, Ananda
Press), pp. 108-1 L5. In these pages, there is a confused account of the services
done by the various of this line, servdces to distinguish which one has to proceed with caution. Tor example
it is stated that the renovation of the shrine of Chandu Xiichchiyar was undertaken by Srlraiiga-Narayana Jiyar.
Chandu is identified with the Muslim princess of Delhi who pined away tor the Ranganatha idol earned aw ay by the
Muslim hordes in 1311 A.C. from Srirangatn and later on recovered by the Vaishijavaites from the Delhi Sultan.
It is highly improbable that Kuranarayana Jiyar lived till 1311 A.C. the lower hmit of his life being 1157 A.C.,
the year up to which his teacher Kurattiilvar lived. Hence only a siicce&sor s action is meant here.
® This class of servants at Srirahgam are engaged in the recital of the hymns before the deities on speciilo occa-
sions, with music, dance and drama. Their duties are well defined in KoijUolugUj vide p. 9<,
® Published in the Kavyamala Series, part VIII, Xinmyasagara Ihess.
• KdyilolugUf p. 115.
’ This deity is considered to be the son of Vishnu in the foim of Mohini and Siva, on the occasion of Amfira-
mathana. He is caQed Aiyanar and Sasta, This deity isbelieved to control all the evil spirits. See also SH,
Vol. II, p. 40, f.n.3,
18 DGA/52 o
off the right bank of the southern branch of the KaverP so that a large volume of water might flow
out and the effect of erosion into the on the north bank of the Kaveri,
soil of Srlrahgam, i.e.,
would be minimised. A was planted on the left bank. The

coarse grass of the penreed type
grass serv^'ed as a good protection to the boundary on that side. The waters of the Kaveri were
partially dried up along the south bank. Owing to the cutting of the stream^ to the right of
the Kaveri, water encroached upon the cultivated fields belonging to the Mahajanas cf the
village, Chintamani. They seemed to have raised objection to this step. The Jiyar gave them
lands in the Kolakuttai village in exchange for the lands flooded on account of the cutting of
the But the Brahman as were dissatisfied and appealed to the Chola king. The case
stream.
was taken up and when questioned by the Chola king about the injustice done to the BrdhinanaSy
the Jiyar, in the course of his arguments justifying his action, is stated to have quoted the Lord’s
own words. ,nnvHitta]vritah{~pdpaynm{pam)âpi dharwmaya kalpate as occurring in the Bkagavad-
.
Gltd.^ The Chola was much pleased with this representation and exclaimed that if that was the
motive the sin was as valuable as pure gold and approved of his action.^
The Koyilolugu, a chronicle of the Srlrangam temple, gives with a few differences the details
of the same events recorded in the inscription regarding Nal anti gal Narayana Jiyar, a free
translation of which is given below :
‘Every year when the KavM is in spate, the Tirukhjrahppan-sannidki used to be submerged
imder the waters flooding into the temple. In order to avoid this the Jiyar having informed the
lord of the regions consulted Sri Sendpati Dhurandharar Kandadai Tdlappar and excavated a
channel to the south of the Kaveri at the end of the street leading to Punnaga-Tirtha. The
Brdhmanas of the village Chintamam obstructed the operations by lying down across the
boundary. The Jiyar told them that it was a sacred service to the Perumal and hence they should
not obstruct. But they did not listen to him. The Jiyar looked down upon them. He went on
with his work and raised embankments to the channel on both sides after erecting an avenue called
ani~arahgan-vdsal. He made his follower Karunakaradasa stand guard at a point of the breach at
the south east of Punnaga-Tirtha and sacrificed him.^ To the north he consecrated the Kshudrade-
vata (i.e., âsta) and the village goddess known as Tiruvarangachchelvi and took similar steps in
^ It may be noted here that the undivided {akkaiida) Kaveri divides itself into two, just above the town of
Srirangam. The north branch is called Kollidam and the south Kaveri. The present record calls the southern
branch ‘Tentirukkaveri’.
® A Chinidmani-odai is gpoken of in the Trichinopoly District Gazetteer, p. 148. But the stream of our record
cannot be identified with it because the odai is said to fall into the Kollidam and this stream flows to the’ right of
the Kaveri.
® This
is only one half of the verse of which the first letter is
missing as the stone is peeled otf here ; and the
verse not found in the Bhczgavad'Gitd. Evidently the missing letter may be sa or r/ia yielding the meaning
is
benevolent or done in my (God’s) cause. The following instance of another irregular quotation may be noted :
Tirumangai Alvar raised se\ eral structures around the shrine at Brirangam with the help of many architects.
They demanded payments of their dues. Luring them with the pro.-jpects of treasure trove on the opposite bank,
he took them in a boat across the Kaveri. He had given secret instruction to the ferrymen to capsize the boats in
the middle of the river in justification of which the following stanzas were said to have been quoted by him as
the loid’: own words : “Etat-karyyam mahapapa-hetukam n:::avamanyatha Pura Bhagavat=aiv-6ktaTn
j
Btlkshma-dharmam=anuttamain|l Man=nimittam=idam papam=api punyaya kalpate Mam=anadritya pu:^yam va

|
api papaya kalpate.||” Vide, Brapanndmritam^ p. 375.

* Iduve indav-pdvam adik-kalanju pop perum. The idea of value is conveyed by the word kalor
ninaiv:=dTidl
nju a standard measure in gold and the word adi adds the idea of the fineness
of the material and thus the sld~
ghyafd of the action is indicated.
^ Iho corresponding expression haliy=dga atap-pdritu as occurs in Koyilolugu, In the
it is not quite clear.
other context it indicates that Karunakaradasa was sacrificed. It is highly improbable that the Brdhmaiiptt of
Chintamapiwere sacrificed. And our record too tells a different tale.
No. 9] SRlRANGAM INSCRIPTION OP SADASIVARAYA SAKA ; 1467 15
the east end and thus saw that there was no room for Kshudra elements
to interfere and mounted
a yantra so that nobody could live within the temple/
This account has omitted to mention the important act of compensation
arranged by the
Jiyar and other technical measures adopted by him. Otherwise it
corroborates some of the details
given in our record.
About the date of this Jiyar our inscription does not give any indication except that he was a
contemporary of a Chola king. However, the following facts may be stated here. We know of
one Srirahga-Narayana Jiyar, who flourished in the 13th century A.C. and was connected with the
administration of the Srlranganatha temple for a long time,^ This Jiyar was first known as
Kura-Narayana Jiyar in the early years of his career when he composed the Swlarsanasataham.
He was also known as Kura-Narayana Kavi. His original name was Narayana. He is stated
to have received his initiation from Kurattalvar- at Tirumaliruhjolai-nialai. Hence he was called
Kura-Narayana Jiyar. The Kdyilohigii places the date of this Sudnrsanasatakam in about
the same period as that of Nanjiyar.® The facts stated about this Narayana Jiyar in the
Kdyilolugu and those mentioned in our inscription concerning Nalantigal Narayana Jiyar would
render it quite possible that the two persons are identical. The date of the events recorded
about Nalantigal Narayana Jiyar must lie during the period of Kandadai Tolappar,^ called
Senapati Dhurandharar, who was a contemporary of Nambillai, the successor of Nanjiyar.
Hence Kura-Narayana Jiyar alias Nalantigal-Narayana Jiyar must have lived as a
contemporary of both Naii jiyar and Nambillai who were great dchdryas in the line of Ramanuja,
and even lived further on. His long association with the administration of the temple had made
him very popular and his admirers and friends ventured to establish a new pontifical seat named
afterhim in rivalry with the established line of Ramanuja and succeeded in making him the first
Srlranga-Narayana Jiyar with special honours. Though the dates of these religious heads have
not been settled accurately, it can be safely asserted that Nalantigal-Narayana Jiyar of our
record lived from the middle of the 12th century up to the middle of the 13th. This inscription
does not unfortunately give us any clue about the identity of the Chola king who is stated
to have settled the dispute.
The technical expressions in which the ideas about the methods to prevent erosion are couched
deserve special mention. The words kiU-ydru and maladan-dru and the cognate verbs from which
these nouns are derived are very aptly expressive of the operations involved. The word kilittu
embodies the sense of force con^yed by the action. The expression maladu seyvittu is both
literary and technical. The use of the word maladu is quite in keeping with the literary tradition
of personifying rivers as women. At the same time the ineffectiveness of that section of the river
and barrenness of that part of the land are precisely indicated. The names kdi-yaru and inalada-
ndru^ remind us of the small rivulets and channels in the vast distributary system of the Kaven
and also of their names like koraiydru (kuraiydru), peitdrn {perrdru) and valappdru{valarppdru).
Perhaps KUpaldru is the name of one such kind of water course. Paldru in this name may be a
corrupted form of ptllaiydru, just a variant of perrdru. The divisions named after this dru
âme to be known as Kilpaldru and Melpaldru according to their directions from this drw.®
’"Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 289.
^ Koifilolugu, p. 108. Kurattalvar wa.s a junior contemporary of the great Ramanuja and lived till about
1157 A.C.
® Ibid., p. 108 et. seq.
‘Ibid., p. 111.
® There is one malattaru in the
i^^land of ^rirafigam. This flows out from the Kaveri and runs to the left of
and main river Srlrangam Town Topographical Map, Reg. No. 25 (1946).
parallel to the ;
®
5/7, Vol. IV., No. 424. In line 5 of this inscription, both A7/paldru and J/ipaZdru, i.e., i7e/paZdrw are
mentioned as belonging to Pachchir-kurram in Rfijaraja-valanaiJnj. while Bevadanaui of our record helonga to
Ktlpaldru of Uraiyur-kurram.
c2
76 EPIGRAPHIA IJTDICA fVoL. XXIX
The expression adikkajanju pan perum is found in the commentary of Nambillai, a contem-
porary of this Jlyar. Most of the expressions in the Vaishnava parlance have been frequently
used by the dcharyas in their discussions and then incorporated into their commentaries.
The village situated on the southern bank of Kaverl opposite to and facing
Chintamani is
Srlrahgam on the other bank. Regarding the other geograpbical names in this record, Deva-
danam which is said to belong to KTlpaldru (division) is evidently the village still bearing the same
name. The mud fort of Tiruchchirappalji referred to as the southern boundary of Chintamani
must have been once raised around the main rock before the date of this record and the lines of
these outer defences are marked by scattered remains of the works and the ditch (now filled up).^
The western boundary of Chintamani is said to be the road (vetti) from Krishnaraya
Alavandapuram to Uraiyur. This road can be traced map on the as leading to the
south through Uraiyur from the small ferry station of Ammamandapuram on the Kaverl. Amma-
mandapuram is probably the Alavandapuram of our record and Krishnaraya may be an addi-
tion to the name probably due to some association with Krishnaraya of Vijayanagar, which cannot
be traced in the present state of our knowledge, Kolakuttai may be the modern Kulakattaigudi
a village due south of Chintamani on the bank of a tank near Koraiyar river.- Lands in this village
which is more than twelve miles from the river might not have been so fertile as those that were
encroached by the stream and hence the Mahajanas of Chintamani had raised serious objection
necessitating the interference of the king.
TEXT^
1 Setuvandye §akasy=abde Sriman-Vemkatadesikah Chintamani-mahagrama[m*]^ Sri-Ran-
|
geâyi(ya) dattavan ||
2 Subham=astu [||*] Svasti [ |*]

1
Sriman-Maha-ira. . , .iâja-Iraja[pa]ramesvara-sr^-Virapâtapa-
s^^mat-Sadasiva-Iâja-Maha-iâya^ arulaninra Sakabdam 1467
prithuvi-irajyam-panni
idan mel sellaninra Visvavasu-samvatsarattu Phalguna-masattu sukla-pakshattu saptami
yum Soma-
3 varamum perra Rdhini-nakshatrattu nal ten^karai Pandikulasani-valanattu Vilavara-
vldividi^-valanattu Tiruvarangantiruppadi-Sri-Ranganathadevar-Sri-bandarattukku
Srisailapurnacharya-Tatacharyar-ana Auvukku=tTiruîigadayangar silaâsanam panni
samarpitta-
4 padi [|*] Tenkarai Irajagambhira-valanattu Tanjaur-usavadi Uraiyfir-kurrattu Kilpalajru-

Devadanattukku merku Tiruchchirapalji mank5ttaikku vadakku Kirushnaraya “-Alavan-
dapuram Uraiyur-vettikku kilakku tiruk-Kaverikku terku innang-ellaikk-ulpattu
munnal Tiruvarangan-tiruppadi pidagai-
5 y akki pinbu Nalantigal-Narayana-Jiyar Tiruvarangan-tiruppadiyai yarn kollugiradu kancj^

melmugam Anaikattan-karaikku yantra-sthapanamum panni âstavaiyum pratishthi-
ttu Kiliyarun-gilittu ten-tiruk-Kaveri maladu-seyvittu maladan-aru keda vadakarai nanal
nadavum Kiliyarrukku tenkarai nanal"
^ Vide Trichinopoly District Gazetteer^ p. 326.

2 Vide No. 139 of Madras Survey Map.
® i‘'rom impressions.
* After » a ft seems to be written, but this is redundani
® Tho oooond vidi is redundant.
• Re&d Kruhv/j,"^
’ The letter n is a mistake for a.
1^0. 9] SEIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF SADASIVARAYA ; SAKA 1467 11
6 nadamal Cliiiitaiiia[niyil*] idarigodukka[\"uni] kattalai ittu Chiutaniani-niahajaiiangalukkii'

Kola[k]iittai gramam parivartanai pannikkoduk-kaiyil Solaa alaippittu sanniyasiy-
anavan sarvabhuta“Sauh.arddam=un.d[ay] irukkaveiidi irukka ippadi brahmana-kimsai
pannalamo^ cnru kelka- brakmaiia-himsaikku a-
7 jfiai idugira paradevatai tane ^nnimitta-kritara papanini(pain)=api dkarminaya^
. .
kalpate
^rl'Bhagavad-Gltaiyile sonnadu kandu seyd6nganum=enna adu kettu solan santdshittu
iduve iiinaiv=anal inda-ppavam adikkalanju pon periini=enru Sri-Iranganada^-dievarkii
darai- vattu ko-
8 (Juttadukku pinbu nedu-nalaikku niel-aga=ckck[i]kalam® pandara-vadaiyay tirandu~pona
Chintamani-gramam 1 kku^ dana-maniyam nilam^ nanje nilam^ 7^-1/ 10 punje nilam
[7]®J
aga nilam 14® 1/10 idukkn pon’ 146 Chinta[mam*] nattam sey-ttalai-ttidar vastu
vastu-sesham aru-pr[a]pti vakkalil-prapti YellangmU-iruppu
9 [j]® marrum epperpatta sakala-samudaya-praptiyiim utpada nidki-nikskepa-jala-paskan-
adi as]ita-bhoka(ga)-teja-svamyangalum ulpada namakku nammudaiya priya-sishyanaya
svasti [|*] sriman-makamandalesvara S6makulatilakayamanan=ana Irama-IrajarSadasi-
varaya>Maka-irayar
10 kaiyil ekabkogyamay dkarai varpittu^® tarugaiyil nan purvan=Nalantigal-Narayana-Jiyar
itta kattalaippadiyile perumalukke poliuttaga Irayackum^® Irajavukkum dharmmam=aga
samarpittu inda kkiloddkaranam pannina gramattil udaiyan-gondu
11 penimal dinam nalu taligai amudu seydaruli idil nibaddkik-kattalai afjra-padi vittavan vilu-
kkadu ckatnrtkamsam nalu taligaiyile oru taligaiyum [Aukku Tiruvengadayangar
santana-paramparai aga ckandr-aditya-varaiyum anubavittu]^*=
12 kkondu Sri-Yaisknavargal amudu seydarulumbadikku nadakka-kkadavadâgavum ippa-
dikku inda silasasana[m=eludina*]maikku koyibkkanakku Sri-Ranganarayana-pfiyan
eluttu [|*] Dana'palanayo[r=mma]dkye danat=ckksre(ck=cktre)yo=nupalanam danat
svargam=ava[pn6]-^^
13 ti palanat (nad=)ackyutam padam [|*]
14 A[u]kku Tattai-Ayyaiigare santana-param[pa]raiy=aga anubavittu=kkoUa=kkadavar=

agavum [1|]^®
TRANSLATION
(Line 1) In tke Saka year (indicated hij) setuvandya^^ Srlman Venkatadesika gave the village,
Ghintamani, to Sri-Rahgesa.
' The syllable yiLiidk is -written with one n below the other.
* A corrupt form of ketka.
® The stone is mutilated here. Sa or ma may be the intended letter.
*
The sign for repha is inserted in between the two consonants.
® The usual prothetic -srowel a has been replaced here by i in Irahgandda*
• ê&d'^chchiJakalam.
’ Represented by a symbol.
® Either 7 is a mistake for 6 or 14 is a mistake for 15,
• The figure 1 seems to have been written later at the beginning of the line.
The letter y is a mistake for the ordinary trill
This portion is written over an erasure and hence indistinct nevertheless it can be read on the iiiipressioii.
;
This erasure and the last line of the inscription rouse some suspicion about the genuineness of this portion. Usually
this share is given to a nominee of the donor. Hence it is called vitfavan vilukkddu. It is highly improbable
that a royal preceptor would have thought of nominating himself or his descendants to receive the share.
This portion may be a later interpolation.
The length of the o medial sign is engraved at the beginning of the next line.
Line 14 seems to have been written later after the engraving ol' the mam inscription was completed.
This chronogram yields the number 1467.
Is EPIGKAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
(lines 2-3) Be it well ! Hail, Prosperity !
In the 6aka year 1467, corresponding to the (cyclic) year, Visvavasu, in the month of Phal-
guna, on Monday which was a day of the seventh tithi of the bright fortnight, with Rohini-waX’-
shatra, w'hen Maharajadhiraja-Rajaparamesvara-Sri-Yirapratapa-Srimat-Sadasivadeva-
Maharayar was ruling the earth, Avuku Tiruvengâdayaiigar ahas 6risailaparna-Tata-
charya respectfully conveyed the following deed of endowment (s{laMsa7iam) to the treasury of
(the temple of) Sri-Ranganatha at Tiruvarahgam-Tiruppadi (situated in) Vilavaravidi-valanadu in
Pandikulasani-valanadu on the southern bank (of the Kdveri) (to wit)
(lines 1-7) (whereas) the village, Ghintamani west of Ealpalaru-Devadanam in

(lying) to the
Uraiyur-kurram in Tahjaur-usavadi in IrajagambhTra-valanada on the southern

bank (of the Krirerl) to the north of the mud-fort of Tiruchchirappalli, to the
east of Krishnaraya-Alavandapuram, on the Urai}mr road and to the south of the Kaverl, had
been, in former days, made into a hamlet of Tiruvarahgam-Tiruppadi (arid),
(whereas) later, Nalantigal-Narayana-Jiyar seeing the river encroaching (on the land up
to) Tiruvarangam-Tirupjâdi, fixed a on the bank at. (a spot called) Anaikattan-karai facing
west, consecrated (the deity) Sasta there, cut out a stream (called) Kijiyaru (thereby) drying up the
southern (branch of the) Kaveri and in order to permanently dry it up planted ndnal (grass) on the
northern bank (of the southern Kdviir'i) wdiile not doing so on the southern bank of the Kiliyaru,
(thereby) causing (some) land in inundated (by the flow of the water), and issued
Chintamani (to be)
a decree (granting) the village of Kolakuttai to the Mahajanas of Chintamani as exchange (and)
(whereas) the Chola (king) invited the Jlyar and questioned whether a sanydsin (like him),
who should have eompas>ion on all living beings, could thus do harm to the Brdhmanas, and
(who) on the (Jiyar replying) that he had done the deed, since the same God who had (the authority)
to give such an order causing suffering to Brahnvmas had Himself stated in the Bhagavad-Gitd
(thus), “Anything done for the sake of good (or in devotion to my cause) though sinful, is ordained
as proper (bt the interest) of dharma” was pleased (with the answer) and said that, if this was the
motive, the deed though sinful wâs as valuable as fine gold and granted the village (Chintamani)
to God Rahganatha, (and)
(lines 8-9) (whereas) a long time after (this grant) the village came under the panddravddat
(tenure) for a short while and then was left uncultivated,
(whereas) our loving Prosperity
disciples, Mahamandalesvara Somakulatilaka-
Hail ! !
Ramaraja and Sadiisiva-Maharayar were pleased to grant to me on ekabhogya (tenure) this village
(of the extent of) nadjai (land) 7^ (veli) and 2 md, puniai (land) 7| (veli), (i.e. in all) 14 (veli)
and
2 md (yielding an income of) 146 pon, inclusive of settlement, fields, mounds, buildings, building-
sites, Tiyej:-(inundat€d) areas, csLmi\-(ocrupied) areas, velldhgudi-irappu and all rights over the
incomes of the village, as well as over treasure-trove, waters, etc.,
(lines 10-13)1, ^risailapurna-Tataclaarya) do hereby grant

(Tiruvengadayangar
this renovated village in the same wây as was endowed formerly by NalantigaJ Naray ana- Jlyar, to
the God (Perumdl) as interest-bearing endowment for the daily offering of four dishes (of food)
out of the produce of the village for the merit of both the Raya and the Raja (and do hereby ;
stipulate that) ot the four dishes of food, oae-fourth share is to be given to Avuku Tiruvetigadayyan-
gar and his descendants as long as the sun and moon endure, the rest of the offered food being
distributed among the Srlvaiskmvas ;
in attestation (of the above deed), this is the signature of the temple accountant Srirangana-
rayanapriyan.
(Imprecatory verse)
(line 14) 'Slay Avukku Tatayyaiigar ami his descendants enjoy this !
No. 10] SANTIEAGEAMA GEANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI 79
No. 10 SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI

(i Plate)
In May 1949, 1 received for examination a copper-plate grant from Mr. K. C. Panigrahi, Curator,
Orissa Provincial Museum, Bhubanegwar. It was originally in the possession of a gentleman
of a village in the Angul Sub-division of the Cuttack District. ]\Ir. E.idhamohana Garanayaka
of Angul received the plate from him and sent it to the Curator of the Orissa Provincial Museum.
The inscribed plate, which was covered with a coating of greenish verdigris, was properly cleaned
at the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund, and several sets of excellent
impressions were prepared. ^ The plate was then returned to the Orissa Provincial Museum
it now lies. I thank Mr. Panigrahi for his kindness in allowing me to publish the inscription in the
Epigrafhia Indica."
This is a single copper plate measuring 13*8'' by 10" with a circular projection at the centre
of the proper right end, to which the seal, 4-3" in diameter, is soldered. The seal is designed in
the form of an expanded lotus, on the circular pericarpial portion of which are carved, on counter-
sunk surface, the emblems of the sun, the moon and a conch-shell and a seated bull facing proper
right. In the lower part of this circular space there is also an emblem of an expanded lotus. In
the space between the bull and the lotus is the legend srhnad-DaniJimaMdevydh. The plate
is written on both sides, the obverse containing nineteen lines of writing and the reverse eighteen
lines. The average size of the al'sharas is -4" in height and *3" in breadth. The aksharas of the
concluding two lines are, however, smaller in size. The incision is deep and the letters are carefully
and beautifully cut. The state of preservation of the writing is exceptionally satisfactory. The
plate weighs 325 J tolas.
The characters belong to the eastern variety of the North Indian alphabet and closely resemble
those of other records of the Bhauma-Kara family of Orissa, especially the Gahjam® and Banpur*
plates of the same queen who issued the charter under discussion. While editing the Gahjam
plates, Kielhorn opined about half a century ago that the writing '*could hardly be older than the
13th century A.D’b® With the progress of our knowledge in the ancient history of Orissa, this
view has now rightly been discarded. There is hardly any doubt that the imperial Bhauma-Kara
dynasty of Orissa flourished earlier than the Somavaihsi king Uddyotakesarin (c. 1060-85 A.C.)*
and the Greater Gahga king Anantavarman Chodagaiiga (1078-1147 A.C.).’ This is not only
suggested by the known facts of Orissan history but also by the use of numerical symbols instead
of figures in writing the date of the charter in question. This old system of writing numbers is not
usually found in inscriptions of a date later than the tenth century.* On palahographical grounds,
the present inscription may be assigned to a period about the tenth century A.C. The most interest-
ing point in regard to its palaeography is the confusion between the medial signs of u and u which is
characteristic not only of the epigraph under notice (cf. more than twenty cases of medial u wrongly
^ This is C. P. No. 63 of the A, R. I, E. for 194'J-50.
Âbout the beginning of 1951, I received for examination another plate of I)an(iimahacle\ I lying in the posset^*
sion of a goldsmith of Ambapiia near Russelkonda in the Ganjam District. The text of lines 1-24 cif this insoiip.
tion is the same as that of lines 1-26 of the record edited here. The rest of the writing on the Ambapua plate is
damaged and cannot be deciphered. This plate is registered as G. P. No. 22 of the A, R, T. E, for 1950-51.
* Above, Vol. VI, p. 137 ff.
* JB0R8, Vol. V, p. 571 ff.
® Op. cit., p. 136.

« IHQ, Vol. XXII, p. 307.
Cf.
Anantavarman Chodagaiiga was crowned on the 17th of February, 10
^ i 8 A.C. (Bhandarkar, List, No, 1099)
and ruled for a period of 70 years.
® G. H.
Oiha, Indian Palaeography (in Hindi), 1918, p. 115.
written for medial u in lines 3, 8-9, 11-16, 22-23, 26, 35-36), but also of practically all Orissan inscrip-
tions of about the same age. The form of medial u in tku
in line 11 is different from the one usually
found here. As usual, 6 has been indicated by the sign for v, N has two different forms see ;
nivdsi in line 3 and rnanasi in line 4. Final m occurs in line 16 and final t in line 19. Ta for final
t occurs in lines 3 and 18 and nah^ for final n in line 28. Initial u has been employed in line 22
while the sign for avagraha is found thrice in lines 32 and 37. Medial ri has different forms. Its
sign in krita and sad-drishti (line 4) and hridaya (line 6) is not the same as in kritdh (line 7). Note
also the sign of the same vowel in °bhritah (lines 6 and 9). The symbols for 200 and 80 are employed
in writing the date in line 37.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It is written partly in prose and partly in verse.
The introductory portion of the inscription (lines 1-25 containing fifteen stanzas) is in verse with
the only exception of a small prose passage in line 3. These verses are also found in the Banpur
plate, although there are a few omissions in the two Gahjam plates. It is interesting to note that the
usual imprecatory and benedictory verses found at the end of charters are conspicuous by their
absence in the record under notice. In point of orthography, the present inscription closely
resembles the Gahjam and Banpur plates. There are some errors such as sve for sve and tl for ti
(line 1), m for bhi (line 7), ntha for nta (line 14), m for sri {Une 16), vi for m (line 17), tti for ti
(line 23), nl for ni (line 34), ni for nl (line 37), etc. In some cases, anusvdra has been written for
final m (see lines 4 and 19). In line 9, it substitutes final n.
The date of the inscription is given as the year 280 of an unspecified era. The symbol for 200
IS a clear lu and we know from Nepalese and Bengali manuscripts that, while lu indicates the
figure 100, lu sigmfies 200.^ But the difficulty in regard to the date of the present record is that, in
the Gahjam plate (A), as rightly pointed out by Kielhom,^ '‘the symbol for 100 is something between
Iva and lu just as the symbol for 200 in the Bamanghati plate (of Ranabhahja) is Zm.’’ The case
is the same with the first symbol in the date of the Banpur plate. Now the problem is while the
first symbol in the dates of the Gahjam and Banpur plates have to be read as 100 and while the
second symbol indicating 80 is the same in those records as well as in the present charter, the
firstsymbol in the date of the record imder discussion is clearly to be read as 200. It can hardly
be normal to read the date of one record of a person as 180 and that of another record of the same
person as 280, as one is not expected to date one
s different records in two different eras with epochs
separated exactly by one century. The

symbol in the date of the Gahjam and Banpur plates
first
as well as of the present record thus seems to have the same value, either 100 or 200. There seems,
however, to be strong evidence in favour of the reading 100 instead of 200. It has to be remembered
that all the rulers of the Bhauma-Kara family used the same era in dating their documents and
that there no doubt about the reading of many of the dates. The Dhauli inscription^ of Santikara
is
I is undoubtedly dated in the year

93. The date of the Hindol plate^ of his son Subhakara III
is also clearly 103. This king was succeeded by his mother Tribhuvanamahadevi I, the date
of whose Bhimnagarigarh plate® is probably the year 120. The first symbol in the dates of the
records of ûbhakara III and Tribhuvanamahadevi I is a quite clear lu. Now, as will be clear
^ In this case, the visnrga may have also
been intended to be a part of the mark of interpunctuation that follows.
‘ B&hler, Indian Palaeography (tranhlation), Ind. Anf., Vol. XXXIII, Appendix,
p. 77.
3 Above, Vol. VI, p. 135. Bhandarkar seems to be wrone: in interpreting the symbol as (cf. List, No. 1413). 200
*
Above, Vol. XIX, p. 204.
JBOPS, Vol. XVI, p. M. dhe recently discovered Tenindia plate of Subhakara II, cousin and predece-
ssor of Subhakara III, is dated in the year 100. See above, Vol XXVIII, This plate has been
pp. 211 ff.
registered as C. P. No. 19 of the A. /?. i. E. for 1950-51.
« The second symbol in the date of this record looks like chuth which would ordinarily
Ibid., Vol. II, p. 421.
be interpreted as 60 (cf. Ojha, op. oit., Plate LXXIII). But dates in the later records of the family and the possible
confusion between the ch and th symbols suggest 20 in this case.
Noi 10 ]
SANTIEAGRAMA GRANT OP DANDIMAHADEVI 81
from the following discussion on the genealogy of the Bhauma-Karas, Subhakara III who ruled
in the year 103 and probably died before the year 120 was the great-great-grandfather
of the
issuer of the record under discussion ;

that is to say, only three generations intervened between
Subhakara III and the issuer of the present charter. As is usual, we may count three quarters
of a century for these three generations. This will show that we have to read 180 as the year of
the issue of the present charter and certainly not 280, because in that case more than one
century
and a half for the three intervening generations would be preposterously abnormal. Thus the
symbol lu in the date of our record actually stands for lit indicating 100 and this mistake may be
due to the confusion between the medial signs for u and u in the present record as well as in others,
to which attention has already been invited above. It has been suggested that the Buddhist
dynasty of the Bhauma-Karas was accorded a feudatory position in Orissa by Harsha Slladitya
during his Kohgoda expedition about 643 A.C. and that the Bhauma-Karas used the Harsha era of
corresponding
606 A.C. The present record would thus be dated in the year 180 of the Harsha era
mention of a solar eclipse as the occasion of the grant
to 786 A.C. Attention may be drawn to the
in line 36 of the charter. There were actually two solar eclipses in the year 786 A. C., one on
will be seen
Monday, the 3rd April, and the other on Wednesday, the 27th September.^ But as
chronology below, the above date of the charter
from further discussions on the Bhauma-Kara
under discussion is not free from doubt. It has also to be admitted that the palaeography of the
record seems to suggest a much later date.
The charter begins with a verse containing the description of the city of Guhesvarapataka,
following. This verse as well
the name of which is given in a short passage in prose immediately
as most of those which describe the Bhauma-Kara genealogy is also found in some inscriptions of
Guhadevapataka, was the capital
other members of the family.^ The city, otherwise known as
of the Bhauma-Kara kings of Orissa and is actually mentioned in
many of their documents. It
reigning monarch is said

has been referred to as aplace where the victorious skaiidhavara of the
to have been situated. The word skandhavara originally indicated ‘a camp’, but later also ‘a
Verse 2 introduces the illustrious king named

Unmattasimha. From
royal city or capital.’^
records and Kara in later epi-
other inscriptions of this family, which is called Bhauma in earlier
progenitor was a paramopasaka (i.e., Buddhist)
named Kshemahkara
graphs, we know that its
devout worshipper of the
or Lakshmikara.* His son and successor was a paramatdthdgata (i.e.,
also called Unmattasimha (or “kesarin) and Bha-
Tathagata or Buddha), Maharaja Sivakara I,
according to the Rakshasa form of wedding, the lady

rasaha. This king is said to have married,
Radha in the valley of the river Ajay in the Burdwan
Jayavali who was the daughter of a ruler of
record speaks of the illustrious king Gayada and
region of South-West Bengal. Verse 3 of our
Other records of the family represent king
others who were bom in the family of Unmattasimha.
Sivakara I-Unmattasimha-Bharasaha
Gayada I as the grandson of Unmattasimha. We know that
of the Sugata or Buddha) Subha-
wa.s succeeded by his son, the paramasaugata (devout worshipper
kara I, who is called Maharaja in his own Neulpur plate,' but is endowed with full imperial titles
as the lord of the Utkala country, as the subduer
in the record of his successor. He is represented
of the Kalihga people and as a grantor of land in Uttara-Tosall.
He married Madhavadeyi who
Santikara I was also known
gave birth to Maharajadhirajas Sivakara 11 and Santikara I. King
founder of Gayadapura mentioned
*3 Gayada I and Lalitabhara (or ’hara) I and was probably the
174-75.
• L. D. Swamikanau Filial,Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, part II, pp.
which has all the verses with slight changes m
.
few of them
» See. e.
g., the Taltali plate of Dharmamahadevl,
{IBQ, Vol. XXI, pp. 217-20).
* Successors
of the SaUtvAhanas, p. 47. . v c 1
4. r
.
Kshemahkara and Lakshmtkara astwo different members of the family

‘ Some scholars arei nol.ued to take
in one symbol is uncertain, but may be the year 79.
' Above,
Vol. XV, pp. 1 ff. The date of this record written
ûbhakara I seems to have been the first imperial ruler of the Bhauma-Kara family.
18 DGA/52
82 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXfX
in a later record of tlie family. We have referred above to his Dhauli inscription dated in the
year 93 and to his queen Tribhuvanamahadevi who is described as a paramavaishnam and as the
daughter of a Naga chief of the southern country, named Rajamalla. Verse 4 of our record mentions
a king named Lonabhara as born in the family of Santikara I. It is known, however, from other
records that Lonabhara (or Lavana^) was actually the grandson of Santikara I. The son of Santi-
kara I, (or °bhara), was Subhakara III otherwise called Kusuma-
surnamed Gayada and Lalitahara
hara (or °bhara) and Sirhhadhvaja (or *ketu).^ This king is known to have granted lands in both
northern and southern Tosali in the year 103.^ The grant of land in Uttara-Tosali was made
at the request of his feudatory, Pulindaraja (either indicating a personal name or less probably
signifying ‘the king of the Pulindas’) in favour of the god Vaidyanatha-bhattaraka (Siva) enshrined
in the Pulindesvara temple. The land granted in Dakshina-Tosali was actually situated in the
Kohgodamandala vishaya. first by his mother Tribhuvana-
This king was probably succeeded
mahadevi I alias Sindagauri I and then by his young son Santikara II.® Tribhuvanamahadevi
is said to have been requested by the feudatories to assume the reins of government in the same
way as an ancient queen named Gosvamini had done.'* As noticed above, a date in Tribhuvana-
mahadevi’s reign probably falls in the year 120. Santikara II, who succeeded his grandmother,
was also known as Lonabhara (or Lavana^) I and Gayada 11. We know that Santikara II (alias
Lavanabhara alias Gayada) married Hiramahadevi, daughter of Simhamana, and begot on her
two sons, viz., Subhakara IV (surnamed Kusumahara or ^bhara II) and Sivakara III (surnamed
Lalitahara or ^bhara II) both of whom became kings and are mentioned in our record in verses
5 and 6. By this time the Bhauma-Karas were no longer adherents of the Buddhist religion.
Mahdrajddhirdja Subhakara IV (Kusumabhara II) is called a paramamdhekvara in his Talcher
plate® of the year 145. His younger brother and successor Sivakara III is known from his records
dated in the year 149.® The sons of Sivakara III (Lalitabhara II) were kings Santikara III (sur-
named Lavanabhara or Lona° II) and Subhakara V, both of whom are mentioned in our record
in verses 7 and 8.^ Santikara III married Dharmamahadevi, while Subhakara V had two queens,
viz., Gauri and Vakulamahadevi. Both of these kings apparently died without leaving any male
death of Subhakara V, the throne passed to his queen Gauri who is mentioned
issue and, after the
in our record in verse 9. Queen Gauri was succeeded by her daughter, the paramamdhesvarl
Paramabhat^riJcd Mahdrjddhirdja-Paramesvari Dandimahadevi who issued the charter under
discussion in the year 180. One of the two Ganjam plates was issued by the same queen in the
same year, but the Banpur plate was issued by her in the year 187. We know that this queen
was succeeded by her step-mother Vakulamahadevi who was the daughter of a Bhanja king.®
The throne next passed to Dharmamahadevi, queen of Dandimahadevi ’s paternal uncle Santikara
III (Lavanabhara II). We offer below the genealogy of the Bhauma-Karas in a tabular form
for easy reference.
* We have now the Terundia plate of Subhakara II, son of Sivakara II, who ruled between Santikara I and
his sou Subhakara III in the year 100.
® JBORS,
Vol. XVI, pp. 77 ff. B. Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, pp. 14 ff., 22, and line 25 of plate F.
;
According to the recently discovered Baud plates of Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi II alias
®
Sindagauri II, Gosvamini (i.e., Tribhuvanamahadevi I) ascended the throne because her son Subhakara HI had
died without leaving a son. This fact suggests that Santikara II was adopted as son by the chief queen of
Subhakara III some time after the death of her husband. The Baud plates have been retîstered as C. P-
20-21 of the A, R. L E. for 1950-51.
* The Baud plates of Prithvimahadevi alias
Tribhuvanamahadevi II suggest that Tribhuvanamahadevi I
called herself Gosvamini II.
* B. Misra, op. cit., Plate H, line 42, Misra reads
the date as 141.
* Ibid.. Plate I. line 30, and Plate J (reverse), line 6.
The figure read here as 9 has a rather peculiar form.
» The Baud plates of Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi
II, dated in the year 158, say that her husband,
Subhakara IV, and the latter’s younger brother and successor, Sivakara III, both died without leaving sons and
tncrefore she herself ascended the throne. This shows that this queen and her supporters did not recognise Santi-
kara III and Subhakara V as sons of Sivakara III. It seems that there was a struggle ^r the throne after the
death of Sivakara III between his sons and the queen of his elder brother and that queen P|ithvimahadêvi
TKbhuvanamahadevI II was ultimately overthrown in favour of Santikara III
» JBQ, Vol. XXI, pp. 217-20,
No. lOJ SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI 83
GENEALOGY OF THE BHAUMA-KARAS

(1) Kskemankara or Lakshmikara
(2) Sivakara I Uumattasimha Bharasaha

—Jay avail, daughter of the ruler of Radha.
(3) Subhakara I (Neulpur plate)

—Madhavadevi
r 1
(4) Sivakara II (5) Santikara I Lalitabhara (^hara) I Gayada I

(Chaurasi pL)=Mohinidevi (Dhauli ins., year 93)= (8) Tribhuvana-
mahadevl I alias Sindagauri I dlidS
Gdsvaminl II, daughter of the Naga
(6) Subhakara II chief Rajamalla of the southern countrv
(Terundia pi., year 100) (Bhimnagarigarh pi., year 120)
=:Nnnnadevi
(7) Subhakara III Kusumabhara (®hara) I

Simhadvaja ('^ketu) (Hindol pL, year 103)
(9) Santikara II Lavanabhara (L5na°) I

Gayada II=Hlramahadevi, daughter of
Simhamana
(10) Subhakara IV Kusumabhara (°hara) II (11) Sivakara III Lalitabhara II (Talcher plates,
(Talcher pL, year 145) =(12) Prithvi- year 149)
mahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi II
alias Sindagauri II (Baud pL, year
158), daughter of Svabhavatuhga of r —— —— 1
1
-
the lunar dynasty of K5sala^
Lavanabhara II
(13) Santikara III (14)Subhakara V
=(18) Dharmamahadevi =(15) Gauri
=(17) Vakulamahadevi
of the Bhanja
family
(16) Dandimahadevi (Ganjam pL,

year 180Banpur pL, year 187)
;
Before entering into the details of the grant made by means of the present charter, it is necessary
to refer to an important point in regard to the chronology of the Bhauma-Kara kings. The dates
of the Bhauma-Kara records would suggest that the family ruled for about two centuries.
^ The
recently discovered Baud plates of the queen say that she was the daughter of Svabhavatuuga, who
belonged to the race of the moon and was the lord of Kosala (apparently South Kosala), from queen Xfittamaha-
4evi, daughter of Yasovriddhi. The grants were made at the request of Sasilekha (wife of Mahaman^dlddhipaii
ângalakalasa), who was born in the Virata family and was married into the Vragadi family, for the merit of the
deceased father of the lady, in favour of the Nannesvara temple (named after the dead man). The gift Und wa^.
situated in theTamalakhanda vishaya within the Dandabhukti maridala (about the present Danton in the Midna-
pur District of West Bengal), The temple in question, which was a Saiva institution, seems to have been situated
the same area which was probably being ruled by the husband of Sa4ilekha,
D2
Elsewhere^ was suggested that Sivakara I-Unmattasimha-Bharasaha, the second ruler of the
it
family, was probably installed by Harsha during his Kohgoda expedition about 643 A. C. as his
feudatory in Orissa. This date for Sivakara I Unmattasiihha was taken to be supported by the
Ganjam inscription- which may suggest that Unmattakesarin (®simha), stationed at Virajas, con-
qured parts of Kohgodamandala from Gahga Jayavarman of Svetaka with the help of his feudatory
Rdtmka Vishavarnava sometime after the Gahga year which may possibly be read as 120 falling
in 616«18 A. C.® Virajas is no doubt the same as Viraja or Viraja, identified with modern Jajpur
in the Cuttack District. One of the Parlakimedi plates* of Gahga Jayavarman was taken to be a
copy of a genuine record of the sixth or seventh century, to which period the original records of the
Gahga king are palaeographically assigned,"* Now the Parlakimedi record referred to above is
dated in the year 100 of the Gahga era, which falls in 596-98 A.C. Thus the reign of Sivakara I
Unmattasimha was assigned to a date about the second quarter of the seventh century, the end
of the dynasty to the early years of the ninth century and the rule of queen Dandimahadevi to
the close of the eighth century. There is, however, some difficulty in accepting this chronology
of the Bhauma-Karas of Orissa especially in view of the late date suggested by the palaeography
of their records.
In 795 A.C. the Chinese emperor Te-tsong received, as a token of homage, an autographed
manuscript addressed to him by the king of Wu-cha (i.e., Odra, Orissa) in Southern India, who
was a follower of Mahayana Buddhism and whose name, translated into Chinese, was “ the
fortunate monarch who does what is This piece of evidence cannot be easily
pure, the lion.”®
reconciled with the chronology of the Bhauma-Karas indicated above. The original of the name
is supposed to be srl-Subhakaradeva Kârl {Simha) who is often identified with king Subhakara
I of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty. If this identification is to be accepted, we have to assign Dandi-
mahadevi’s reign to the middle of the tenth century and to suggest that the era used by the Bhauma-
Karas started from the regnal reckoning of the founder of the dynasty. As however the names
Subhakara and Subhakara are quite different in meaning, it is difficult to be definite on this point.
Dr. R. C. Majumdar suggested to me that the king of Orissa mentioned in the Chinese record
should be identified with Sivakara I Unmattasimha Subhakara I. It has to
(or '^kesarl), father of
be admitted that this is the only known king of early -medieval Orissa who was a Buddhist and at the
same time had a name with the word “ lion ” as one of its component parts. But the word Uva
does not mean pure ” and unmattasimha means a “ furious lion,” unmat ta being a Prakrit
corruption of Sanskrit unmatta^ and none of these words can be traced in the Chinese translation of
the Indian name. The chronology of the Bhauma-Karas based on the above identification there-
fore cannot be regarded as absolutely certain. It may not be impossible that the Orissan king
mentioned in the Chinese records belonged to a different dynasty of rulers, who flourished in the last
decade of the eighth century but had nothing to do with the Bhauma-Karas. It must be admitted
that the identification a mere conjecture and we shall have to wait for further evidence to be
is
definite in regard to the chronology of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty and the identity of the Orissan
king mentioned in the Chinese records^
^ Cf. Journ. Kol. Hist. Rts. Soc.y Vol. II, pp. 103-05.
* IHQ, Vol. XII, pp. 492-93.
» See JKHBS, Vol. I, pp. 219-21 ; Vol. II, pp. 103-05.
* Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 268-69.
*Ibid.,p. 261.
•Above, Vol. XV, pp. 363-64. Dr. P. C. Bagchi writes to me :
“ A more literal translationof the kings
name and title would be the auspicious lord pure-doing-Uon Sanskrit reatoration looks more
‘
king.’ The literal
sensible ^~tsvara’§ubhakarasimha-rdja. The name was evidently understood in Chinese as iSubhakara.**
:
’For new evidence regarding the beginning of the Bhauma-Kara era about 820-25 A. C., see our article
entitled “Two Grants from Daspalla’ to be published in this journal.
’
Appendix] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OP UDAIPUR 41
2 n^ll >rin: [l*] «fH
gTftg| fdr*< d1: ftfcft II ^11 r«T*Hm T(m)
3 [«i]iTOp)i5rffg'’ ?»fq ^ I yqgqTBgiT^^ if]3(5)iNfI;5^*Ri: ll^ll
4 3r(!3(T:) ll(l) rd gr<yjT <4*UI 4

'
^qViiPMr^rqr Il'ifll ÎrmT:
srfH I cN' ir^-
o ^(5T)?srfirf^: limi ?»>TmT:TTfir?a35j <T^5t^fiT%: I fl«rmT5Tf?r^ »rirT:
1^11 5Pi
6 ^f^-«P>S5Ri V>»S5 smTRfitfiR^ I irsjT^g <f^5TftnTJ> 'T^5Tfh;^ [ll*] V9n
7 irtt: I »nT^'I«5 5f5(w)HTiit q^fî'rTffRfT iTsTi: I It; 1 1 ms^pâTfftpf^^Tfan^
I 5trf ?TT?ST?5W n-
8 grPrt ^ ii5.ii «r5rfti?ii?iT3n: ^"^tss 5âplc55?i i
;I3IT ^r. l[l*] ?«>|[|*] H-
9 Ht qr y^ irimTtT xftwTffrT ?ra(«r)m i
iiHii ntm isr«sR?iT^(^')
10 fa tfHT I amrfîrd^wffg Hof ?Pftfni II? ^11 arfoftiwRafa-
fibramT alamifn i f^-
11 orfa fj^ssfadf of ii??it aafaaT(^) oa +i([(fadl-

r\
n TM a w m(al)at ^rfOcâ i af-
12 oa oTf ffclftr am fTf^rmai i:Hai(5g[)^ foRoa ii?vii rr3mft[Tff]-
fofef 5am § ogrsra i ^ eraraaomal
13 %ff5am(B5)fa oaom t»?voi oo^foa aa fftaôTti^ i atrTsraf^[fa]-
ft a ^ja oTcat a^noo; ii?îis*
14 015% Ha ajwâ^ fa foa aff i 3iHfl5ifa(a)aTffmaafafaaf»T oat ii?\9ii
oîM aftormoa fooa-
^ Meaning ‘layer*.
* Meaning ‘bastion ’; Hindustani burj.
* Vimrga ie engraved above the line.
* This sign of avagraha is not required.
42 EPiaRAfHlA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
15 ^ qr I TT«nf3q(q)qnj^ i
16 ^TTf^ *f3q iiHii ?rqT ^ % *t^-
^cftfrq [ti*] ôii
17 "if
5 q^qrfiT ftrfhqm ^ i n^rmT ?Tfq5R?i ii^?n
q^?5T q C\
nsrmrqr i
<1 '«
18 q ^ ?5TTq1 ll^^ll ^g5^c^T5Rq »r3lTqT t^H: 5IH I
?T?5T 11^ î> 5rqV35ft?-
19 q 5^? ^5rq; i qftcsq? f%5rf5m'in n^vu ^rj-
TlHiqTq%rft (^He|<Trtn I q^T^RJ^ q^-
20 5Trft q^THT HCrT q lR5^li 5imfq «Sr7«m5r5^ q^5f5R^ fq^ I
«\
q«n q?q% q?q
c\
qqT ii
21 iRîi fq^q^ qsn qqfr art qq: i qsn qajfqjq^q q>>g(sg) q.fq Hq
ii^vaii qqrqqqnjw^qqfl-
22 cssasTfqîfqqqr: I f^T^ fqqJf mq ^5351 qqtqq ii^qii m^qefq^T-
^qm qq? q«q?Fte% I q[3fq]-
23 5lfsfq% qq35n( 5l) fqqqq qqT: n^5.ll qqqagfq^ ^q i qqtq yqpqfqqq^ •
ylBssBgTf îfdqfq fqqn^ ftq[%]
24 qqr: [llôii*] grxqq^qq q«qfq 5J%q qq> qfft i qqqrqTfT5Tq« qqrqi 5iqq>
qq: l[l*] ô(^?) i[i*] TOqTfqqm ?fqt?g qqrqf 5 [q]-
25 I taq fq«iRq: qqqar fdMferft qqt: n^?(^^)ii q^rq^qjfqq cq^

fftfqiifdfqqx qqr: n(i) qql3qxq(f§) qfqq-
26 ^qaqfqqqqqrqfq ll^^(??)ll qqhqT^qq^qqqsqt RT^(q^)q'y%q: 1 qtqnq-

qrâsqrqq n
27 ^ qlqqtqqqqrqq qxrfqq qq 1 qrqfqi fq i pr d^^ 35N

3nq^ qqr ii?Y(^!()ll TTqM qqi qrfir [ql*]-
‘ This tu IS written in smaller character below the line

2
The intended reading is bnavati
3 Safidhi is not observed here metricansa.

28 TT%55tT*rF?T I f5rm5m(JT:) u?!t(?^)u
m tf^TTsa: I f^-
29 5rt^ WcT: I
f?i 5nT ttif »r5i5r5raq ii^v9(?t;)ii fg^mrV
30 'ratsr(q’);mTsP:^ I
’gg:'r3T5I|rmTr n^t;(^S.)u
»r3iT § w[4I mi] i ’ft[î]-
^34 § *r3T: 4^ ^T[f4j3>f45 [4]3[4] [^rrat]-
r««-artWT?5r llV o(>f^)n

32 feaiWT<r<?W3 ir3fT353: I ?
33 ?4 3?tc53>?SWC3RT(5r)H43?3; ll'*f?('i^^)ll »T3TT iMraTf%5lffR§ m t^N

fffim nfe ^g145TfaH3>T3rT: n'*^^('>f^)M
I =3535rt?^
34 ^r^TTRmft q[4?jn^Tfet I Tmrm 3it63^
iiv5(Y!t)ii %ffhms4?T34 f%5rfH-
4c!T^ fT344t3?? ’I3IT: ll'>f?('i^^)<l ^43^TSfVR5-

35 ?T3'T3n: | f4??Tf^ 35T
f^ cFf < 4^W?n(f3T)f^^35T-
qT5Hl?HHT4 ^41351 I
36 rimm Heft [ll-^vail*] »T3TT: g
H[3n]5n(3t)"
hhWt uv'*f('if£;)u Jpn qftq fdfdX^ 333 43r 3T 3HT: I

37 g f4'RH*ft(’ft)
I T<gl^9lld4y”
38 3?iiJT35T5imf3 f?
mr^ 4^3 h?3% i
MV^(Ko)|| »rsn r35T3(fH)t3T3 [^]-

qfhsSHlIHTaH
^The visarga und the daûla appe-îr above the line,
^ VUarga is engraved above the line.
^ i:iandhi is not observed here. - - ^

woum m:htate agamst the metre. Better read
• This .andhi is wroag ; it ought to be saha,H
asUa-, which
sdskiashashti sahasre die. . i u* i, - 1 „*

which ivas later scored out
‘ After this inscribed A.<aiua-stha.setc.ar,ra-bhS!n
was first
of the text. This has. however, been re-engraved at
as indicated by a horuontal line running across this portion
sign over the last dn.du,

which shows that the portion engraved in I. 44 i.
ma,a,a
part of the verse 4U (50).
perhaps to be inserted hore, forming a
39 ?mT: I 5T?5T^ f%rT«WgT?f g»TSrv(^)
40 jfsTT: ?J«d45T ^ ]
42 «VlT«+|6d(55)
f5[^T]^ »n7 n'>f£(lt^)ll
41 ?i
§ I t^^ «Arwi g T <i'»> T ^ nKo(vi'<f)ii
^g*T35T [l*] ^WT6<l^n<4>W6<Hfc1iT4rsZHH>ert H!l[?](!t!l)
[qm®?] TT3r[?T*]ij?(?) ff TTn(RT)^f*i5t^5f i ft*iramsi
^fr: ii!t^(!i^)ii %r^ u(i)
43 [f]fd «l!l?(51V9)n f?T(fk) «fhrasT5nF?ft
^(q[)Î?5T: ^[:*] IIHII
44 II ^
Slab XIII ; Canto XII

[Metres : vv. 1-17, 19-23, 29-31, 37, 38 Anushlitbh ;
vv. 18, 32, 33, 39, 41 ârdulavikridiia ;
vv. 24, 25, 28 Indravajrd ;

vv. 26, 27, 35, 36 Upajdti ; vv. 34, 40 Sragdhard,]
1 II . «fk«r5Tm II wter® i inn ?5i ^

II ^11 wter ferft-
2 m I dWlkiNHTdTfM 11^ II
Mdfat I dMW fM i iniT ?5T I
3 nwsT ^ iiîi i!ftsT?i^!ifiw mfrf i aid4«i-
•
n*m ifft:(T:) 5<if iiYii irHvn-
4 vrnnnsrqfer ddWddyfilfT: l sjiiw iTSiit imii
nCTtwni iftelf ini^-
This syllable has apparently not at all been engraved, but the space for it is left blank on the stone.
^
•Bein? followed by a conjunct consonant, this syllable is long, while metrically a short one is required in its
stead. Therefore better read gajds=:tatra nav=6daye.

® This reading is extremely doubtful.
• Read : virachitdydm.
• See notes*5 and 6 on p. 43 above.
Ofd is a Rajasthani word meaning * a dam *.
•
There is a cancelled sign of superscript r over tra.

’
® The form arihadam. being an adjective of mamdapa^^ ought to be arthada^. Appaii

The following word is
meaning perhaps ‘Varupa’ and not *ocean’. We may read paichimB=rthapradS=ppat&^

Appendix] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OP UDAIPUR '
45
5 I II ^rmTRfSPTSfTJTTat: ^
fVnrnr^ i «rT«ft ^t-
6 ii\9it ^ ^rqT^fepr i jrmt^T
1 m ^ 11511 arr^mm^ i #5raT?«UT?t nmai

1 1 5.1 1 ^T-
8 rf^Ton^ fimrÔsTT si^nsim: i f^(r5f5T)c?l^m linnai-
[:*] II? oil
9 gfaffffEiy ^:^55(fe)5T?nfH ^ I jPThr5iniTf'»I cUII »|3|HT»n«C ^ ll??ll
«ftTT3!ftT5!J<T-
10 nsm: frm I nTHmln^ ttqiss >mTg^: II? ^11
ffST-
11 »TPTf
^ 5r»5TT I ^sm 'ITT II? frra??T«infii5T
12 I ?«nn ?r'rW^'hR»rjRT^1(^'t) si^m: ii?'>fii

^ f^rf^cft
I «fkT-
13 *i^ srf?m: snrrfk ^ ii?ioi ^nri 'bh i

5
*n5fir fT?5TW-
14 TOw*iPHdw «r3*nf^ fRhf'>rPT i «?^f%5Tf^:^T5n-

ii?Sii
*UTT^
15 >T^ ll?«n iT5m3TTT?^5T^
i qwr-
16 or:
^ f^: sfhOsrfH^
*fT: ll?5l| ^f?nPTt5T5H-
17 I
5^ fsHI+fpMiiHWl ll?5ll «!^5PWTmt
13 *rw 57^ I 5f^ TT3RnjSfJ7 SIRcTI f^fcfRJTT llôll ^']<1'>l1<i<4f^î:
I %-
18 DGA/62 - ®
19 3 ^( 5 )^ 44^Ti(»d(c?r) IR?M 51^ 3TÎ5T*i
HPiT I
s»-
20 ^T3fTT«f^ I M'i «44 (qn«^H: ^

^ rRSPTcT
N 'a
IRÎI
• '
T^5T%^ TXtR^ I «fkT3|fH^ H
5TctI
c\
Mf :jiT ^
22 mftrT IRÎI fn 5T^ 5^ f?5Tf^ 5T^ I ^XITH-
f?TT5T3|^ mXXm-
23 ^ m^TipxiTfflTT ll^SGI xi'^Tir^ -

gr JTO XTiXT
f^HTfeRTTfJT I ^-
24 q PdfH^HI T «
vrf^
lO
ll^^ll cRTW ^ ^TPTHT
rXgPT
25 «ft»ftH<il'4 'iH 4 )'Jl?i WT n^\9 ll Xisfecf T?»P|^(’>r) ^*0
?>T^ 5PTW ^
26 I «f>f»nn gnm* wmi^l( 5sft) firrcRm*! iR':ii 5t^ ^^
27 I gWiTmT(m) q^TT^^m: irîi ^q^qMf ’r^?h-
f^HrX: \ ssflTT-
28 »>n<TvilUl^^q: 'p'qhTml H^»PXT: II? oil WT^5Tfxm?mft I XT^m-
29 TT^?TqPT II?? II ?^T qjqqT%rft § ^T^HT
q 5 (qf) nt ^ ^(f^)^-
tqxi
30 i f^5T> 5T( 5f)
g?qyg fW^woRj qmwsft
*T-
cs
31 ârH(q^)*^qqr^H> jt srmfiT
|5f ii?îi 5^t
qqi qf «ftTT<HTHr«ITT-
^ Bhada appears to be the local term for ‘flood* ; Hindi bad from Sanskrit bad to ‘overflow*. The word is
here need in the feminine ^render as it is in Hindi.

^ Isha is Alvina.
3 Sandhi is not observed here.
gT?<n5«T>T^ T'Jt'l'JiM-
33 ff^ssni 11?? ^tHITT ^ ^

f^-
34 ?rg^ TT5»^ I
T^cTTfq m H?7^T
3rW sn(9T)?RrqT5] fcyr-
5'^ 5T^ 11^^51^11^ sjTg'iRpR^ I

35 <iTf^ ITWT^:
>9 \» C\ N ''
36 f3E5ilf^ sr^rsf^raT fg?^: g^rNfl; M?5tn
?Tm<T?T^^ II ^^11
37 I 1 ^4 ^('^)
^r^cT^5Tcft?T
^^11 *I5T?(3T);i
38 f5RTf^?% I
II
5T-
CTS15T: ll^*;il
39 I
g'f^ f^ViT q-
40 ^j ^[4t]% fT?^^T ^ I
TTf^T^?n ^»lff»I f^: frit
41 w a4>: iiUii îWf
>T^ I?^f
ârTf4 ^-
43 TT|% 50 ^ gTim ffe ^ 5fH03l ll>^°ll ^

f^-
44 «i qqt oj ?Tfe4 ^ ^ I
e —— ——— —— ^
'
* As regards the itieaning of Appati, sec above p, 44, uote S.
* That is Brihaspati
^ Sandhi is net observed here.
L8 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
45 TrTWTX4] SH: ffH sftTT3|JT5Tftcf-
spTsa 5T5T(?)5I: TT(?T)n: II
Slab XIV Canto XIII

;
vv. 14, 6, 843, 15-21, 24, 26, 31-35, 37, 38 Vpajati ; vv. 5, 14 Upendravajra ;
[Metres :
y
7, 25 IndravajrOi ; v. 22 Vathsasthavila j vv. 23, 30, 36, 39 Upajdti of VaThsasthavila and IndTOvathsOf
VV. 27-29, 40-4:2 Anushtubh.]
1 «r>r<>f5irar to ii q# ;t3T>i fwHTui^ra i
2 11^ II |n[iI*]of5gîT; I
1^
3®
3 T«ltfTOT IRII
4 al T Pg'jl T ^NgHT^ ^H lRTO ^«rni ll^ll 1^ wt f^5TTTO ^lw|T*|oi:
5 ort ^ «iira3ft(5n)?Ti= gTO^>iT*mTTOt v ii'<fii vrifar^t fw^mrâlat snica-
'fltlTg4T.c>i+T»iT*l I aal-
6 [a]q** ^ wrH^tM<H i ii«<T <rT <i T ^caaflTyTat(qtt) iiviii
sn(5v)
7 I ^Mw a iT
i T5raT[^]^T fhfUTCf^gqnnra: [ll^ll*]
8 m I ^5vl75nat fror: gnvjsRa to! fa[fa*]a: Jia(a)sr: i[i\9ii*]
fqa:
9 ii{i) sss'snrofir^: f^(fa)TTf^ sttht: frar: garafa^^ îht: ii«;ii
II vaca a?gaaT?a g-
^ After this occurs the sign of avagraha six times repeated, possibly only to fill up the blank space and other-
wise meaningless.
2 Danâ is unnecessary.
^ This letter was wrongly engraved and is scored off.
* This darida appears above the line.

® The word paf’dvraja perhaps means tent * *.
• The three avcigraha signs are superfluous.

10 ^ 5T
^ I ^
ll&ll ?WT5TTfN>H ?F%
11 f?RT«TT SJ?T5»!5T »I^?f5r>IT m I ^ ^(9)| *TTf^
WcTT ^ II? oil fRSr(5^)
12 fT[^]: ?T5ft5i i ^ ^
II?^(??)>| ^
13 fnrt5T3RJi ^ nt ^ g
>5^ u?^(?^)ll
q^HT5^ f^fw-
14 •
iS^n: Ii?'>f(?^)ii g ^Pi-
5»]^(5?^)h5W-
15 vng »T5i5>Tt ^ 1
^ WH T ll?n(?'»f)ll ^cfhnW^TOT^Tfn-
>*HW<H4Ti^fnrawi:
16 ThtT:
u?^(?’t)>» ^
mT(5i)fH5 i' qi^wi4i^^(^)^’^<nmT(?^)
17 ^TTOfv(*!) 5rafa
«[csf*T^ f^ra*T ii?'3(?^)i<
18 Tw. qj5hc^ TrH?g#:

^
*»•
fRT: ?nra: ii?*;(?'9)i>
wtw jrarttajj-mt: 5^ '

'^- '•(")-
19 «I =h: Wrt*.:
JiTOT: #pinPmT swfft g-
20 Il?e{?^)ll tw[q]%^PT® *1^
?:t^
21 ishnivBw Rraht: ii^=(H)u

'™‘‘ <'5'’1w'«=' R'^ '
^ n^?(ô)ii
22 ^ *m(m) ^ tm
ffq mm: i
' Thisdaixô. appears above the line.

® Between sai and ta appears a cancelled /ce.
® The intended word is perhaps hildvukka.

50 1PIGRA.PHIA INDICA [ÔL. XXIX
23 ffmr 3^(^) *TPT: ^

o
24 flrftwm: I ^5'h^TmT(«»rT) ^T»>rT: g4f?^Sii?n'Jn: ?r*lPP|:
n^^(^^)ii gr 5T?T ^ nlTO
25 grtfq i
^ *1515^(55^)^4 5ih-
ii^v(;^^)n q^T(^T)5nm-
26 fJT ?J!T: H*?fcnTt3?I?*r ?I*TTn[^«T: 1^ =MHd«^WT ?5T?^ fH(ci) SI?H
?T»Tm im(R'>f)ll 'TT(?4^: «Tt)94fq
27 f5nT(4)^®n4*i5mf? 57dnf? f5nji3['jn[f?] i dfdtamdlrnrsrl ’T5'tc^ 4N T5ifr*i
rT?*qd q4 ^(^)|-
28 5TWf44?I*n4 f5 fd4^ni('>l)?lT I ^^§^51(4) nVjmft n5'ic5fT
?rf?T?TTT^cJT llô(;^^)ll ?[- •
29 ^ gwF 5Tf4(^)5T?T^4 I tfTSRT^ferftlTWt |SSS®^T3rf45f’5
l[|5?«ll*] TTmTfH>*5n sfkT*TTH-
30 ^ ll(l) TRrftf5dm5ndt yc^PIHIdnld ll^€.(^5)ll ?59TTtEI|*Te4 5I*dT
TSIfWfif^T: I ^gg^5TffW-
31 ^4mfy5«nf*Tm ii'!fo(;ê.)ii fra^ M «iT<ifhiThi*Tt 3i*TT5T4)HnTf^ gntf^
5*;T?criiT 513-
32 5)*T'dHPlTdlHlTq’ # ^tf^l gH' S’TT^q q

f nV?(ô)n ^THWIIlK^ TT»TT «flTm
f45l I ^mOr ^41(31)-
33 f3 5151 441 ^5?5if*im ^ ^ iix;?(^?)ii g[*T]n: I5i(i5l)i5i5«fm^:*
34 f«5fl S1%1J gRT*R: n>l^(^^)n ?15mg(5g)
^:g*T4siTf'5i5g 41*4 ?m4 Rrmi i r51>f§ 4 41^5 dH>%M -

i
35 4 JT4l4f5T fri: S15>1T: tl'>l>f(^ ?)ll WTT: f51T: «Tl(41)35l4^15m4 RTRlfR fti
41351 RT *Tîf51 I frirfR R Slf5151T5TOT(m) f5 f4-
^ This danâ is engraved below the line.
2 Sandhi is not observed hei-e,

^ This danda and three avagraha signs are unnecessary.
36 g:rnf^
^fcT I lT5n^ fi^TT5T ftT: gjJRtf'I ^ [g]-
37 nv^(^n)ll ^ ?r:rWFIT?PT?iI m \ g[?n^nV
38 [ll*] [li*] wi ?[ri]
I amq 55T^rT>FT JT'JTt

^ f^#^^c^T H(^) ^ H'!f5:(^\3)n
39 >T^ 5T^ g-rf^^RT^ TlfTT I ?5TWrT ^ 5T?ft
40 l|Y£(ê;)u ?n^ g »Tm(^) *Tf|TT|5'>T 3T>THT I 3IRt5Ttft-
41 srf ?RT(T)nT(<if) fcf ;t?t iiko(H)ii 5irRft sr%
i?J ^^5TfrT: ^T-
42 Mm ii!i?(vo)ii 1
ii?p mrr^pj: qf^^mrrftsMm; i
??r3fSTMTOmi5T[:*] im^Cif?)'*
43 ^[5]f^5rfHmm(m)5Tt mT[^(5m)5T]mm?T: i HSimsTit qfe^fmRf^t

ll[>f^ll*] ffrT [mT:]
Slab XV ; Canto XIV

[Metres : vv. 1, 5, 13-16, 20-23, 25, 27-29, 31-37, 39, 40 Upajdti ;
v. 2 Vamsasthavila ; vv. 3,
6, 8, 9, 17, 26, 38 Upajdti of Vamsastkavila and Indravamm ;
vv. 4r, 7 Indravajrd ;
vv. 10, 30
Upendravajrd ;
vv. 11, 12, 24 Anuslituhh ;
v. 18 Upajdti of Vamisasthavila, Indravajrd and Indra-
vamSd ;
v. 19 Indravarhsd.]
1 II mi: [ii*] I muT

^RRRfcmmiRrT
o ^ irm
«
2 sw II? II !!R>TfT TUjT^ «imH I m»Tf

c
^ The figure 47 is written above the line..
^ Sandhi is not observed here,

® Firs^ was written tryoy then the superfluous vowel mark scored off.
52 EPIGKAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
i'
3 5T3T fa t 'a^ T a a; nîi aTla(ar
6 fH f^rmrwnrf fn g^Ki^-
4 aifTfr aalfti aroîH iiîi < i«nHf«T«ff 4f*aFJT '
at¥Tft=«T^’TfHTTi<fa^mai
5 §^T ^qT*<i4T ui^n wrammia ata acj
fa ar-
faaraa a^ aiftaartan iinu 'a^5Taa5i>?rH^<4^g<r?aâ[TTaaTia acga: i a
TTa^: ff^ a?a arc^ra: a
7 âa*ftfa^ ffa feaâf: nîi tr^ flaTa: fa qa TPnrTsftrnrfâ
aafTfa: i fa âi f»aaaf
8 fafTT anTTfT)t a aaf^?: nv9n aara ^>a aâîafa: Tiat aaTa[a
f]atfa(fta) aaar i §aT fT>%a
9 aar gaif^ a %aT'tfaf ?âtaaa n*;n a ârHaâ^Taar aar faara
a^âaa aftâr i afaa-
10 ?aâ%faa3a fcarfal^rafaaraa aa: n£ii gaaa a TT «iaT^d'>a i[a^]aTtfag ?a)?
1
^ aaaateâgai fa-
ll ara aatfa^ fTa(fa)aaTfsfTaT: ii?oii araa aaaaaFai arafaâafaar i
aatefafaâr gal afagrl saaia ii
12 iiîi faaaT^[a]T a agTacgf vii a fafisat i arfaft TTaaa^ TT 'itra^Ha iaa T ii?^n
aaf aa^T aaagafaf araifaaTat
13 aafiârat t rafaaaTra (fa) aa<a'HH t grf^T: aaaar faara: n?û aaf
a^Taaaa«a ^(^')afaa ^ f^ faara [i*]
14 ^ a5ra?a(Ta)aa: 5 ^ asfffrafa afaftag(a)ni ii?vn a|ta(a)mf aâr;
aarar fafaa f ar: aaaaaar P aafg
15 fa[«a?]a5f a^ aaaaaâ faar sar ii?soi gafafaaf?aaa:^ sr^: ata?a-

a(a)aaaarf^rfa: i araara-
^ This daT(t4o, is engraved above the line.

• This rd is redundant. Read purodkaad,
• Sandhi is not observed here.
• This sa is superfluous. Read Kesarisimha.
® The sign of tisarga is engraved above the line.
^TfRUrmr-
c
17 fi I ?Wla4ITx STTTfrm^rr ^4<f^n<<Tr^d n?'3ll Hwmrl SfT
?!5T55-
18 of ;fT?Tif?|^Kiif I SI>TO^¥I| ijl5^HcSl»lT0I^: ll?ci|
g-
19 [^] ^g^Tîrgcsq i ^"lôr g5s(Bn) ^T5i%f3f^T ?i5»i^?ftf^[^]-
IlHtI
20 TT3iTfqTT3i: fggrlf^ nôn !I5?S: I q^T qf5re('55)q n

f^rar^ ^f gqqt.q ^
’
21 11^ oil H5l?TTaf?msr(5q) tfHjrfqTfeql^Tfq inqrq: [i*] fqqqormmqtîRq
f%(fq)5ftfq(f^)rft ^snmqqj: nR?i[i*]
22 q^fq^sf qqTTsrfq^ qq^)qrf^(q)Tqlq%3J: [l*] qq*! fqqa f^tq-
qtq] ^mq> qq^qx ll^’?ll
23 5Tf5 qfqqiq qiqfqqfr q f?qTfqfqq[i*]fqri: i qrqfqfixqftfxqrqq^
«X5Tqq> qT(qT) ^ q qn.i T q : 11^? II
24 «?kT5lfq5: ^qqxqxxqfifqq q?T q?T I qiqfjqq STSqfqrfq^TSqqqfcT*] gq:
qqt qq: xqfiqgqxq q q grl-
25 qq(qT) flwqt: q»lq: [l*] fqferSR q fqqxsqftsqT: gqx q q«ql5qT-
qxqqxfq- nîoi qoRigqt qfqql5qT?f(qq)TqqqqqT-
26 srTfqxq^rxgqrqqt i qWtqloqT qfq nhxqfsqx qtfq(fq)?gqt qgqlqqqqt
fxqx frqxq fqHHXq-
27 qq ?q qgq qtq : fafqi^ q q?q I TTq> qf5T«5W qqxsqi^q q^ gqf qTof
qqq irvsu q^(q)qTqxqqgTl-
28 f^q^q fr?qT qrof qî fqqTftxqTqt{qT)qferqf?3nqt qqffqqt qx

g g[q] l
qrof 5x^t li^cii qqqpTtqq §

^ For details of procedure, see Hemadri’s ChaturvargachintamarLt, Danahhania^ adhy^ya 13 {kul^'adi'pratitihiha).
* Read hhdva^ddtrxm*
18 DGA/53 f
29 qteafPT I jn<5r^MTm(yv'4TWHT4 m
[n*] iiR5.n^ srrt^-
30 ^ grlxRTM??!^ fesimi i fiwlsw?!?^ «<«MdT(4)^ 51^-
g siwfq ?T(g)q?ra1f n?oi[i*] f?gT4-
31 »tt4
'
*<M q <» 4 TH I ?nq>5qq)WfFqdq fqq^q fr(?f)q>FqqT(jft)t^
||^?1I ?rt4-
32 mqsTt^ q EM^ T H ff^T ^ f?3!qq%^: I g?F«spqT: ?iqT^4^4?qm ^

?f«nmiq?T4V: II? ^11
33 qr^^THreqgrV^Hfq gsrsnjqcRî »i^qmt i
vqfdTTsifti^: II?? II qqm-
34 *Tpq^srTf3f?Tf3# ^ sfWs^ntfq »?fwnTfeq>T5^ I fq^(^'V)qvm^qTq
f4Irvz5p(^t)q?is^ ii?'ifii siTO ?TT??n-
35 iRr1q4)dTfd gq'44fd i 3rarT5mtr?nTgq5rftT5Jr(5J) i?!s1^n^T3r-
fti5[:] ii?5îi 9*4 II mqrfq^rnmiT-
36 onf4 ^ fWcft5inT7«ld3ir?I4I I 'j|HUiq1rHqrqf«nif4tj 3frns(qs)qT9(9T)-
pq gq^qfd ll??ll «ft4t3r[^'Jjf]f^q:?Tqqira-
37 gqq jtdq 4lddqTdqT4d‘ I 5^ crq^pTJRHcg^nwqrr ?9gTrt^ fr: ii^'so
in4 I drft qbaq?^ gq^WR-

38 HqTfgq^qftqfW a«ltm qPqgfeqrupnfJfqfq »nqVqt ^ ?iqhi9(4)fq^
39 qfw ^ dqraqq [i*] arroiwjgHfdijdJTt!^ *R?g gqiqi«g»z4
ll?€.ll qq 9 Hqidqqq ^-
40 ?qT qTqTqqtfqfiqT?q[qT]: I gHTfqqrq ^qqsTqqq ?q n>qqTd>q fqqrfd q'K?
ll'<fon jîq; II ?fq sftqgq5Tqq[:] ?'<f[il*]
Slab XVI ; Canto XV

[Metres : vv. 1-4, 7, 9-11, 13-21, 24. 25, 27, 28, 37 Ufajati ; vv. 5, 6, 22, 23, 26, 29, 30, 32-34,
36, 38, 39 Upajdti of Varhsasthavila and Indravamsd ;
vv. 8, 31, 35 Varhsasthavila, v. 12 Indrava-
J>«-]
1 II «fhi«q5nq qq: I qq: « qTfqqfqfq(ftr)qqiq fTq%qtqqgT[q*]qq I 4(v)-
ti<i*lln<i^?14l*ld qrqrqq^qlq-ss^
1 The figure 29 should precede the word kalapakam,

* Sarhkalpa-nirais the same as hast-odaka, ‘libation of water* with which a gift is made,
* These marks are engraved to fill up the space.
2 H mfgf ^ II ^11 i
3 "I 9^^ "’^<» aF5ft(m?^)WHTfNr 5jfTV|5MHiM5i^4ii g^pifecfht: I
^pst pyr m ?ra^sss^^^-
4 ?iarTf?^mTWTT(Tt)5^ II ^11 !m3?fl:Hinnj!Ttf?W®TT

«
5 gT?mf33rm(5i)fks5it^T: ii>fii gT?^ 5^"%! si^raisri farf^î fcrars-
^5^: I Jlf^feT?iTTftl ^ XX-
6 5I^PT% 5ft^5fhlT ^ ^mnf^lfrTTtfTrn llioi [ll*] 5R<?iI+4n1i|-
*IO^
« 3ian^»TafftliqTtf?rT H ^ I ?RT-
7 iirf5(5s)ai»iaTfg5i3!ini5 sm^ns^'t^ftairfH iiîi 5UTT^ gart f^^-

g^ ®ii(i) ?n?n-
8 iq ;ftt gt: a>5r1^5ft: livsil
m»3m1 [i] fs-
9 anarafWfems^ l|s:il «WW( ^T
10 aig I *?[a^] 3nT[a[^]qw^ ^TTfhnarfH^: ue.ii
g*i5Mwi**»0w’?t
11 gimr i î^Rggart smareggî %?! ?t ii?on
?T[?m]«»JI5SRjrf^%^?n?^ I 5T-
12 ^ sra>fc®nft5T: u??ii ?i[?a»T]'PU?i?apar5i ^ ^

anr smw ftTf?rfliir-
13 Tt^ I ^ ^ 5nifW 5T l5F WT4W W«i<ilc^5ii II? ^11 331 *151 -
* These marks are engraved to fill up the space,

• This daimia is engraved above the line.
• This 4o is superfluous. Read sobhd.
* This td is superfluous. Head c4=ai7ddriâ-.
‘ These dayâs are engraved above the line.
14 Tim: I tT Tmsii 3n»iT^ n?^n mrl fH5TT
srfw^m fm*i hmiF< mm-

15 I arm: ST^: ^ am fRiTTf} n?'>îi
amar?^ ftaomfim:
«
ai*
«
18
16 a( 8rT) 5^ a 5 n^ 4a4 gj0 : i grhmi aa: amga aalqa(%)5®r n?!ti
§afaorl 4ai:5;amRTa(a)
'A
17 sfh|Tt5fIa%fI i f?aT a?i srlamrar
ii?îi THWt «F^fa5 ffaW
aamN âaramfa i faftrammm f^fâ 5Ra mra sa: ^(^)«TO®(^®)»ia
n?«ii «TaT^T ar avT aahr fa-

22
19 la[j]a fmfaaJfa a?a i a(?I)aTa aa faaa> aâ aarafarnfa aat aara
n?s:n aa aafeaftar aarfra-
20 faasaaaraaiTa arfa i aarra a <NaaaHia1r«iTff § ?§• arfaa1a*>aT{a)
n?tii fif ta i FH aa-
21 i raar aaraa ^ ma i TfaT[atT?aP faa areaiPafa^ fa Ta(?aT)-
fafa gm^Fa: [it*] [n*] at: jaa aaraaf faaia^(a) aara: f-
aapfaTa: i F^f^ aa! at aaa'tw aa: grtf^ a?aaafMtaa ii^tii st’i
5T[f]a aa: aat i® atai Tarr a a a i aatâ : af?a(f^)aa^ a[T]atgtaT:

[J23
11 ^ 5^11 Hdmma faaagâ ntaK-
24 'aTT(T)aajft a^: [i*] ataaaaraâ 5 a aaaframagâraajvaaica iiR?i<
a(a)% aaafrafa arvataamaT-
25 ag.t 9 Raaana [i*] aat a aiara garaaaa/ aimaama ftgaiaia 11 ^'*^•1
faw aBTRO fa gft aaiata-
26 a i Fa^t aia ^raa a 1 aa^âaiiwâ aara 1

* arraatma g gaara
TTwaarara a ^§«za
‘ This na is written above the line.
* The portion within the square brackets ia written below the line, two arrow-heads marking the place for
insertion.
3 This danda is engraved above the line.
* This danda is unnecessary.
- i '
Eajaprasasti Inscription of Udaipur
IV- Slab XVI
2 '-' '
'
- ^ '
.I: -7 7 ~ :
2
V4-::jr_ _ '-r,-
'
,,-V '. .'.It
4r
4
6
r ir ^“.•''; ‘•‘7^' z; 6
-3 t: ;-, {;,,rivi3y I'^^c
8
8
. .f
-^7-7^ <. r-
.vr-'v!"'. .T" - ,
r
10
10
'
'•'';^^''l''
:"- ••
.
'•-71-7 :7;=-jj<- V f ^ rTi" Z^cT;
12 r>' V S?
^
,
i
12
*'•
. "2 <L, -r';£r->;<7s7'i T-7 . ,
<7^ 3 t^'c r- -
?^ -'7
I ,
-j v
14 7 '-,
'
- cj^.7~
"-/ -?,7-
-li
- “ r 731;
7, 7 a77 ^ T^'rri 77
^ 14
?*’:i'2'7L7^:^7 7 ? .
S'- 7j7'-,:n;
16 j <I
7 (
ci -rr 7 r:'
16
18 - r-r’-f ^ 7^9)57 -
^ ^77 ^ 7
18
”
lj 7 I
‘i ‘
n t
' ^ Cl '
20 20
'-
.
^'} 1 ...
^ ’
22 22
-\'r* - 71 ^* '^777 7^7777^*' 7^_ !^'^ 'T'l '
‘-’..
7s ‘Tî 777^' 5 ^ .
7 'I'-jVjc'/ <
^,
24 3-^. “3"^T3>'e!S’;i8ff€f'^7^-3-i A .'.

24
26 r ' * n '7 1 ^ 1 ''I ; 7 Cl ^7 26

’
%* <4 )
*7^ '^c , c " <C .,< I'l.^
'
'v. '7*77
'"
7.7 r" '^'7777£7>
28 28
--
C,.:qr
''
'» 'T _ .... ..
, .
^'
30 |f«V '->.q
" .3 -7 ^ : r .7 - - 77 T
; , 7 -(
--- .- 7: :'.7
30
'3. - -
'ji y ,-r -,; r - t:-- ^ ; p z^ r
'^- cff
32 32
3 •
1* TV" - v* -
t
.' ' -•' r. '
"i^
34 7" 7;: 34
^C-
303 ^?9i# 7 ‘
r^ T-. ^ r; M '' '7- r^ 3^*'^ 7 36
38 38
40 40
"
42 lH^%/r -lairar
' '''''~'
42
s.
Ch,
Chhabbi SuBvsY OF India, CAixnrrrA
«lo. Mo SCALE: ONE-FIFTH
E'3«-499'53
57
AfPENBix] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
27 I ^ ^ nldK«I*H 51^
ntcTR^n?^-
28 TRW «Pff d«HWWW 5 5T5H 3^

sn»rR M^'3ii
gRrncgrhTT ^TRIT ^rTT 5^fiT

29 ^ gOf^dW Wf^jfSTUn t c\
¥nn3i w^: iRs:ii srmuir

« c\
Hmt8RT*t^ ttwhtjtt; *] HtmiT TrsRTijsr

30 cirg^twHi [
1
??Ji-
31 TnmT»lT:(T)?tT|^ fc!TpT 1 nmm

Wfirnq^: “H ^-
f?5q ^r! II?
’F*TTW>’>f 5TH: 5H: H^?[|>*]
5nT5?(Rf?ra fildTHH?^
'‘
«\
^[:*] I T3T:5TWt(«fn)f5Ta ^-
m^^(?^)ii »T|Tf^<s^ q>mT5W( fH 5
36 ?fm fimPT f¥ f?TrârmHT
?T?Tw [i*j ^-
•in(?S)ii 5»?t:
38 5 iwnn?vm
^TiRm»>iira5Ri«>W a*5iraf<ri(s«) iiH(^'»)

39 wfiCTiaiwyraeijft i w*
«rRf(?irt) fwrft
* This darâ is engraved above the line.
* This daxiÔ' is unnecessary.

® This aamhi is wrong ;
it ought to be aho abhatam^
58 EPIGRAPmA INDICA LVoL. XXIX
40 f^5mT 31H: [i*] Hl«j «
’SWPI^f ll^V9(^^)n WTWPis-i
V
41 iT?!TT fiffrft grr i nEbnf?^^T?Tf% 3i^«»m(?)
5T'
42 0Tgwr!?3i^[:*] II^«:(^€.)H ?{^TtT3T5t(h)H 5?JT HS(f)TJT(«T)^>Tfr?^(f^:) TT3|Sl[5!*]#:
?m[:*] ?ig^(<iff) 5rWT(fHf^ ? ) rm^ms
Slab XVII ; Canto XVI

[Metres : v. 1 Yasantatilalcd, vv. 2, 9, 24 Drutavilambita ;
v. 3 Upaglti ;
vv. 4, 30 Udgiti ;
vv. 5, 34, 37, 40 Upajdti of VarhsastJiavila and Indravamsd ;

vv. 6, 7, 39 Varhsasthavila ;
w. 8,
11, 12, 15, 27’29, 32, 33, 35, 36, 38 Upajdfi ;

v. 10 Giti ;
v. 13 Upendravajrd ;
v. 14 Anush tubh ;
vv. 16>21, 23, 25, 26 Aupachchhandasika ;

v. 22 Yaitdliya ;
v. 31 ArydJl
1 H«l>m5TTil Jm: [ll]

g
2 ?tWneqs^Tt|?tnTmTgsifiiB5T(BST) II? II 3?irmnTmtT3Rn5TJihi*pn(«i)fTf(’*)’i^(’^)
[l*]
3 ftrf^^rrf^: Htm5Tlfe(f?)fiT ^fsT%5nfI(^) ll^ll
4 Il(l) ^4 vr[w*]rTT* f?rT(?^) Il^ll «PT*rf-
«?T3%wrR fesfTO [l*] ^-

5 fd TOUTO iivn ?Rft d(Mn^4 «nfe -
gT:PHTfqd5Crr^»IT-
6 [l*] mJTTSdt5TTfrT?«rifeipTSS®T^q|(Trt«ra?l<|t||.i^: lOtn
gT:ft»(f^)d5TV
7 I f^Tfttqrfuqirtrf^RTTW: f5iqt5I«|5«ftf5lf4WT(iFT)gT:HT: ll^ll JT:-
^ This avagraha sign is superfluous.

* Read pamchadasab-
* This daâ is engraved above the line.
^ First ^0 was written which was later corrected into yd»
* Avagraha signs are auperfluous.
8 [i*]
nv9n
9 ff TT3RrWTT3J?g5(g)?m%5S5r^4 l mTfot^TpIrR5^âTO^fHta«^§«ifiRT:
ncn 5-
10 srTf»«wf«T i m 5^131^ ?q5r?r
gj^nTq^sfjRiq-
11 5?! u€.n sRRhnraqri q?qlq?qTfq fq[qrf] i gfmrqtmfq ^

sw^qq^TT ii?on sjqr-
12 gi^ftftiqqft fqqT|q>: HSlfH qr^^tl l >TqT?q5t(nj5j) q(qT)fiT TT^TSHT^
qrssnf^Ri: iinn
13 "If qftf"i?rf f^qni ^firroTqrqqiqf I qmf f35n 3f«"Tf9q5is'Hf
iAmniH Tq ?q(?^)ggfei"nfiT: n?^ 1
14 ftgnfapp qfqq qifxl m3q<rTfqq?«^qTfaqq I ?I?53rilqffiqTT[3l*]gqTfqqi qRT qrcgfq(fq)g
qq^: Ilf^M qm I cIST-
15 n ^qnriRT^ gigqq qagfa : i qq’q^Tiqeq qifM ^qifqHqffiiqT u?vii switq^
^fqq fw?if[5i] 71?^:
16 gmrr fq cnrgm: ftiqci qq(%)fq^ fg qW: q^7qqmq7'infq7«n[:] n?xii
qfsf 7f%[7] ffl(s)"7-
17 qqnmf qqra [i*J qîqRFg grtHTi^q^m wfii qqfw siTiTfq gq5"rf[:*] iifîi
qqq [f]fq sfitRiffqmqt qqqrqi qq[?T]-
18 fH[q*]fqmqt [l*] qq qqq^T^ftqPTt Hq5?liqcqqqfg5ftq5l[fq] II? van hh-
qT7Tq H (fH)q ftqrll: ftqq: ¥Hqi'qT[?g] HZT-
19 qWfTOfqi: [i*] jqqfaRqqrtriqiTcTq:^ W"r?T ^HTqqrfqrqqi: ftp ll?s:il qf^

wfqirtrafq?mriT5qftr-
20 qi q tqq4M [gf]qTqqT: [ftf] I qrHqrnqfaqTqqT qqf Jf gTqffqi 5% qfqq
qsqqqiT: II? €.11 qq^qn^qiifiT?®-

^ Here a superfluous dattia is engraved above the line.
60 EPIGRAPfflA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
21 ^^^TI'TT'Tt iRoli
22 ?i[*T ct] ?T I
gf«i TT ai‘ fsrfwrd^-
23 Hhim r-ffllTTsIf 'Tt*TTT^5r5rt *T^ ?T*»%OT gsiRt ftrfiWTTl^flnnfiRTcSR:
•Rîi ?rii TT3Rnrew5H[ft^]-
24 ?»TFt3: i ?raci
25 ifÎ^T: I ^prf? TT3RT«J3^^qm II^YII
sRmqfqfqmq-
26 sftfWmfwqefyfiT: qf^^fecft q^(T)?: I qfccft
^TSS5T(%<SSrT) [f]5T(ff) qq qq H^SCU JRTTO-
27 fq[fq*J^q^fqfTTfiTqPimf^q(^')'mrarT [(*] 3Rm ftrf%(qfiRT) TTOITTH
sft^TT(^) f^[T] n^^ll ^-
>Tgr?T(%)q gof Ii^vail JT?-
29 ftfOTPri f5Tf^Tf«r qw sftTTsrfwf: fd qr rnira •

|5?§ qi
30 tq?R5ngTT^T> STTSlf ^T^Tqj^TqTfifiqfft

^ 5rm: I ^?qT ?TiT??rT[!T*] tdqq T Wiqfg^
rT(^)qT?q' g<iii [q>mm5TTfrr U5?€.n
31 qT5#(5q) ?TSTq!?M ^rfhrejn(5m) I *Rn(3ft) ^f[*?*J»!ft
a^"l>iqq»nftt(%)fq iiôn ^rrsq^Nm” ^-
32 qraqra(4) I Tm>?ir q[fii>r 5 % fa^qferfigfdqT silqd 11 ?? 11

?n*T:^(!n»n5i)'iiHS{aqqqqTd: qqqnj(5i)?Tq-
33 dffHUdH: I saiaqTqqq 44PldttnHn^!rBq(ffl)q77ft II 1?^
«B5nqfTT^T> ^T(q)5: fddW Hm-
* Hindi bur} bastion \

‘
* Sandk i is not observijd here.

MGIPC—SI— 18 DGA/52— 16-7-54-450.
85
No. 10] SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI
together with another locality
The chtffter records the grant of the village called Santiragrama
within the Tamura visfmya
caUed Komyosahga, situated in the Pachhama (Paschima) khaUa
in the Dakshina-Tosala (i.e., “Tosali) country. The grant was made by the Paramarmhesvart
(devout worshipper of Mahesvara or Siva) Dandimahadeû,
who is endowed with miperial titles,
in favour of Bhatta Makyadeva (possibly Bhatta
Manikyadeva), who was the son of Jalladeva and
Dharmapatta but his family a
grandson of Purushottama. The donee was an inhabitant of ;
originally hailed from Takari. He belonged to the Bharadvaja golra, to the Ahgirasa, Barhaspatya
a student of the Madhyandina
and Bharadvaja pravaras and to the Vajasaneya charaiia and was
It was made at the request of Parmmtna-
sakha. The occasion of the grant was a solar eclipse.
of the Yamagarta matidaa. ^ ^
hesvara Rdnaka 5 ri 6 A/*id-Ap 3 arodeva who was the
lord
and that the Yamagarta manMa formed a
that Apsarddeva was a feudatory of Dandimahadevi
of this family granted lands m
part of theBhauma-Kara dominions. We have seen that the kings
Balasore-Cuttack region (sometimes with
northern and southern Toaah, the former indicating the
latter including parts o. the Cuttack, Pun
a part of the Midnapur District of West Bengal) and the
the Pun and Ganjam Districts is said
Kongoda about the border between
and Ganjam Districts.
Gayadatunga and Vinitatunga,
have been included in Dakshina-Tdsali. The Tuhga
chiefs
to
in Talcher and Bonai, also called themselves lords of the
whose charters have been discovered
pointed out that the Tuiiga ruler Vimta-
Yamagarta mandala.^ In this connection it may also be
Bhauma-kara monarch Siyakara III, gran
tunga seems to be mentioned as a feudatory of the
father of DamRmahadevi, in both of his Talcher
of the Yamagarta rm,}dala was Jayasimha who
plates dated in the year 119.-
also used the era employed ®
The date of he Dli«“kanal
^ ^
of their feudatories.
in dating thJr records and was very probably one
although the actual reading may be m.
Jayasimha is read as the year
plat.^ of
Brahmapi to the west
Le that tie Yamagarta niandohr was situated in the valley of the river
and south-west of 1
territories of the Bhahja chiefs
of Kluhjali-«m,d«Mm
region). It appears fur er
area) and of Khijjihga-A:o«a (in the Mayurbhanj
supremacy ^
acknowledged the
of Yamagarta, the Bhanjas also originally
by the
The Tuhgas of Yamagarta were probably succeeded
the bulki dynasty,
but, sometime afterwards, the latter seems to
have been itself ousted by rulers of
whose names ended with the word stambha.

tbe ro,.l order wo, .ddr.s*Kl.
Both of there
The record cootoios two list, of officisU to whom
remect.on w.th Ite
.re short but ccuUio a tew interesli.g eotries.
The hot U.t, meutbued ,u
country of D.kshi,.-To«.la, include

fa, ^3“"^ '
{Uparika), Visfaynpoti, Taddy^,

“"^‘'tinndb^tLr’lhe rtyal^p^.I mjoMtd
other records of the queen read Antaranga, probaby
o
may also indicate the same Kumarauatya seems to be an

office.
ayapa ®
Uparika was a viceroy an
is i
status of a prince of the royal blood.
® YLshauavati
TaMyuktaka was probably ê rffier of a
indicating a
«till
were p;obably .ms^ The

.her list of offim.s
(Paschima) lAai.ida in the T
the Pachhama
possffily belonging to the territorial unit called
Pustakapala a.iid Kutav asa, to
^
vishaya, includes MahdmahaUara, Brihadbhogin,
MaUiiara means the headman of a
village^^B^
^
karals or offices the royal order is addressed.
' Bhandarkar^ List, Nos. 1746-47.

* B. Misra, op. cit., pp. 40-51.
Bhandarkar, List, No. 1756.
VideJBOBS, Vol. II, pp. 417 £F. ;
15 DGA/52
86 EPI6RAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
possibl 7 means one enjoying a free holding. Piistakapdla was the record-keeper.^ The word
kufakolasa is difficult to explain.
The village is said to have been granted together with the uddesa (space above the ground
called tala)f with subjects such as the weavers, gohuta (milkmen, called Gaum in Oriya) and
âundika (vintners) and with gulmakas (outposts) at the kketa (village or hamlet), ghaUa (harbour)
and nadltarasthdna Another interesting passage says that the grant was made a-lekhani-
(ferry).
'praveâtayd bhumichchhidra-pidhdna-nydyeTia. The expression a-lekhani-pravesataya seems to

mean that the grant would never in future have to be the subject of another document. That is to
say that the village could not be regranted to any other family and that its ownership could not be
transferred by the donee to some other family. In inscriptions we usually find the expression
bhumichchkidra-nydya. This nydya was based on the custom according to .which a person who
brought a piece of fallow or jungle land under cultivation for the first time was allowed to enjoy
itas a rent-free holding.^ The word chhidra in this case no doubt refers to the furrowing of the land.
But the idea of chhidra-pidhana or covering a hole seems to have developed out of a misunderstand-
‘ ’
ing of the original meaning of the nydya* The idea in bhumi-chchhidra-pidkana-nyaya was probably
that the loss of lands owing to various causes was thought to be compensated for by making free
gifts of some of them. It may, however, also mean the custom relating to the reclamation of
fallow land.
Of the geographiceil names mentioned in the charter, the location of Dakshina-Tosala (i.e.,
'^Tosali) and Yamagarta-maââ has already been discussed. Guhesvarapataka, the capital of
the Bhauma-Kara kings, was probably modem Jajpur or a locality in its suburbs. Tamura
vishaya, Pachhama (Paschima) kkanduy Santiragrama and K6my53anga cannot be satisfactorily
identified. The headquarters of Tamura may, however, be located at modern Tamur (21° 18
N. 85°14" E.) in the former Pal-Lahara State. ^ In regard to the name of the khanda, it may be
pointed out that one of the Ganjam plates of DandimahadevI records the grant of a village in the
Purva khanda of the Varadakhanda vishaya in the Kofigoda mandala. This seems to suggest that
the Purva and Paschima khandas were merely the eastern and western divisions of a vishaya.
Dharmapatti, the native village of the donee, cannot be identified ; but Takari, where his family
originally lived, is known from numerous other records as a great seat of learned Brahmanas. It
was variously called Tarkarl, Tarkarika, Tarkara, Takkara, Takari and Takkarika.^ Sometimes*
it is said to have been situated in the Madhyadesa division of India, which comprised, roughly
speaking, the present Uttar Pradesh with the eastern part of the Panjab, although sometimes Bihar
and North Bengal were included in the division. In one record® the village is specifically described
as situated within the limits of Sravasti. There is, however, difference of opinion as regards the
location of this Sravastl. Some scholars favour its identification with Setmahet on the borders of
the Gonda and Bahraich Districts of the Uttar Pradesh while others suggest its location about the
Bogra District in North Bengal. But usually the former identification is supported by scholars and
the village of Takari is located in Oudh.’
1 See Jolly, Hindu Law and Guatom (trans. by B. K. Ghosh), pp. 196*97. Note that the hunted deer belon^fed
to him who hit it first.
2 It is to be notea that the Vaijay anti explains bhumichchhidr
t as
*
uncultivable land The expression is
used in the ArthaSaatra of Kautilya exactly in the same sense. See Bhattacharya, Kamarupa-soaem-avalt, p. 33,
note.
* See Miara, op. cit., p. 61,
* Above, Vol. I, p. 336 ; Vol. m, pp. 348, 353 ; Vol. IX, p. 107 ; Ind. Ani.^ Vol. XVII, p. 118 ; Vol. XVI,
pp. 204, 208.
» Ind, Ant, Vol. XVII, p. 118.
,
« Above, Vol. Xin, pp. 290 ff. ; cf. Ind, ArU„ Vol. XLVIII, p. 208 ; Vol. LX, pp. 14 ff.
’ History of Bengal^ Vol. I (Dacca University), p, 579, note.
; ;
No. lOJ SANTIRAGRAMA GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVI 87
TEXT!
[Metres : —Verses 1-4, 14-15 Sdrdulavikridita verses 5, 7-9, 13 Vasantatilakd ; verse 6 Mdlinl
verses 10-12 Anushtvhhi\
Obverse
1 Siddham® [||*] Svasti vyasta^-jal-abhra-vibhrama-dharaih* sve(sve)t-atapatr-6tkarair-a^viya-

6ruti(ti)-chamarai^ba basita-vyakdsa-ka-
2 s-6dayaih lj( ) uddaniair=minara(da)-8aurabhais=cba karinain=aksliipta-saptachchbad-amo-
|
daib sanmhita[m*] sad=aiva ârad-ara-

3 mbba-sriyam vi(bi)bhratab ||[1*] Sri-G\i{Gu)liesvarapataka-nivasi^-vijaya-skaiidbavarata-
(rat) II
Sarvv-aâ-paripuran-ablii(dlii)-
4 ka-nicliir=yas=tapam=astan=nayanii=aiiaiida[m*] kritavan=janasya manasi prapta-pratisb-
tham(sbtliam) chiram(ram) |1 ( ] )
sad-drishti-pratirodhi yena
5 cha tam5 nirmulairiûiiinulitaiii sriman=mdur=iv=avanipatir=abhud=Unmattasimlia(h-a)-
bvayab |] [2*] Tad-vairLsad=abhavaim=amndita-gim[a]
5 muktamayah santatah® sad'VTitta[h*] sukha-sitalah kshitibbritab kImad-Gayad-adayah

[ I
*] yan=nitva^ hridaya-pra-
7 tapa-samane dev-anganabbib svayam karm-a^lepa®-sukba-stbiti-pranayiiio bar-avi(bbi)-
ramab kritab 1|[3*] Tad-vam-
8 se=bbavad=urjita[b*] prati®-vu(bu)dba-prita(ti)b pratit-odayo deva[h*] satru-vadhT]-inu(mu)-
kb-eiidu(iidu)-taramb ^ri-L6nabharo
9 nppab || ( | ) yasy=akramya guru-pratapa-sikbinab pritbvibbritab proddbatarn(tan) duram
sarvva-dig-antaresbu(sbu) tarasa svai-
10 ram prasasa(srub) karab ||
[4*] Tasy=atmajah pranata-partbiva-cbakra-chuda-nivya(rvya)-
ja-ropita-pada^=cbarit-artba-nama [ |
*]
11 vistari-86(8au)rabba-gu(gu)n-6daya-purit-a3a3=tasinad^®=abbut=Kusu (su) mabliâ iti ksbi-

tiâb 1! [5*] Abbri-
12 [ta] Lalitabharah ksbmam=bbaramii bburi-teja ta(s=ta)d-aiiu(iiu) tad-aiiu(iiu)jaiima
vyudba-bbdg-indra-lilah ''
( | )
anayad=anialiina-
13 nam pa(ya)d=yaâb-pura..i=u(m=u)cbcbair=api ripu(pu)'ramri(ma)niiiam==anjaa-oDn:israni=
a^ru 1 1
[6*] Tasinin=nripe divam=upeyu(yu)sbi tat-tanuja[b*]
14 8aat=avaiier=ajam !S^tikara(r-a)bbidbanab yen=oddbritesbv=akbila-du(du)rmada-
H ( 1 )
kantha(nta)kesbu(sbu) reme yatba-su(su)kbaiii=apa-
^ From the original plate and impressions.

The syllable sta here looks like tsta.
®
*
The Gahjam plate A has haraih. The top mdtra of dha in the present inscription was inadvertently incised.
^ The
word satyiavdsita found in numerous other records is better suited in this context, although the grants
of the Bhauma-Karas
usually have nivdsin.
*The Ganjam plate A reads sadgatdl^ which Kielhom corrected to safigatdb-
The Bappur plate reads ye nitvd while both the Ganjam plates have ye nlid hfiduy-dqTii-icpa’’. On the whole
'
the reading of the

Ganjam plates is preferable.
® The
Banpur and Ganjam plates read kanth-dsleska which is the reading intended.
® The
Bappur and Gahjain plates have the correct reading kfita in place of prati.
The Ganjam plates have îmdn in place of tasmdt.
Read kshmd-bkarain.
15 sta-bliiya janena ||
[7*] Tasya prasasta^-charit-arjita-b]iuri-ldrttir2=vi8va[iri]bliara-vibliu-
(bhu)r=abhud=aku(nu)jas=tat6=pi |
srey5bliir=ekapada-
16 m=ity=akhilaih 4i(sri)t-atma yah sri-^>u(6u)bhakara iti prathito yath-artham 1|

[8*] Tasya
trivishtapa-jushah paramesva-
17 [ra*]sya devi(\d) samasta-janata-nata-padapadma || ( | )

8i[iii*]ha8aiiam saî-kar-amala-ldrtti-
Gauri Gaurîva gaurava-padam
18 chiram:=adhyar6hata(hat) |!
[9*] Tato Dandimahadevi suta tasya mahiyasi 1| ( 1 )
mahiin=
ahina-samarthya^ chira-kalamâpa-
19 layat \\
[10*] Avichchhinn-ayati-pramsau^ vamse Ka(Ka)ra- mahibhritarii(tam) [ |
*] chihna-
bhiita patak^êva ya va(ba)bhuva vibhushana[m*] 1|
[11*] Lavany-amrita-
Reverse
20 nishyanda-sundaram dadhati vapa(pu)h [ |

*] ya rajach=cha[ndra*]-lekh=eva vilasat-ldrtti-
chandriva(ka) ||
[12*] Tasyah pratapa-nata-durmada-satru-bhupa-ne-
21 tra(tr-a)mvu(mbu)-dhauta-navayavaka-man(ianaiii® j| ( | )
pad-amvu(mbu)ja-dya(dyu)tir=
aiiantaram=anvara(ra)mji’ manjira-lagiia-kura(ni)vinda-dal-a(l*o)ru-
22 [bha*]sa || [12*] Udyaneshu(shu) silimukhe(kh-a)vali-rav6 ha[re*]shu(shu) mukta(mukta)-

sthitir^dosha-sahga-ruchis^tushara-kirane chi(vi)[jhe*]shu(shu) sad-veshata |! ( i
)
23 Rahau tiksha(kshna)kara-graham{hah) ku(ku)-mamshu tras-odayah kevalam kanta-kuntala-

sanna(iita)tau kutti(ti)lata yasyah prabhu(bhu)[tve*] bhuvi [14*] Ramy-alo- |1
24 k-otsukita-nayan-ananda-piyusha-varttih sev-asakta-kshitipati-sabha-padmini-rajahamsi |
katha(le)y-6shina-glapita-sukTi-
25 t-alamva(mba)na*-svarnna-yashtir=ya iiihsesha-pranayi-suiaano-Nandan-6dyaiia-lakshiiil[h*]
II
[15*] Paramamahesvari mata-pitri-pad-a-
26 nudhyata paramabhattarika maharajadhiraja-parame^vari srimad-Dandimahadevi ku(ku)-
salinl 11^ Dakshina-
27 T dsalayam varttamana-bhavishya-mahasamauta'raj asatka^^-rajaputra-kumaramaty-aupa-
rika-vishayapati-tada-
28 yuktaka-dandapasika-sthaiiantarikaii=anyan=api raja-prasadiaa6=chata-vallabha-jMyanah-
(yan) Tamura-visha-
29 yain(ya)-Paclilia(sclii)maklianda-mahamahattara-vri(bri)hadbh6gi-pustakapala-kutakolas-
ady-adhikaranam yath-arham ma-
^ The Banpur and Ganjam plates read praaasya.

“ The Banpur plate has kirter=,
2 Kielhom read ahxnasa{ya) matyd in the Ganjam
plates.
*
'I'he Ganjam plates read prdsau. Kielhorn suggested prdptau vamsa-kara-. This verse and the folio wmg
stanzas are wanting in the Ganjam plate B.
* The next half of the verse and the following verses are also
absent in the Ganjam plate A.
* The Banpur plate has the correct reading mandan^pi,
’ The Banpur plate reads "^dyutir^zatarkitamânvaranji,
® Aa is incised below the line.

* The dandas are supei^fiuous.
In place of rdjasatkay the Banpur and Ganjam plates have mahdrdja’rdjaputr-dntaranga, Rdjasatka literally
means ‘ belonging to the king but the meaning does not appear to suit the context.
The dandas are superfluous. The visarga sign may be a part of the mark of punctuation-
'
BiMi;
fpliftel
,,^f g f
•
tfij' & ii' rr
Pi?l
JC^'
rr '^S: G=S^/F
1 ^
.wr ;Ki
xJ-'u [g.M 'i
ie gjff g l~i
iiimMtiij
Reverse
’1 :!
No. 11] KEYUEU GRANT OF PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN ;
YEAR 12 89
30 nayati v6(b6)dhayati samajnapayati clia viditam=astu bliavata(ta)m=etat-khanda'prativa-

(ba)ddha-saiiti^
31 Santiragramarhh^ Komydsanga-sametah s-6ddesah sa-taiituvaya-g6kuta-saiLada(^di)k-

adi-prakritika[h*] sa-khe-
32 ta-ghatta-naditarasthan-adi-gidmakah sarwa-plda'varjit6=’lekliam-pravesataya bha(bhu)-

imclicliliidra-pidh.aiia-nyaye-
33 n=a-chandr'arka'ksliiti-sainakalara mata-pitrorâtmanah sarwa-satva(ttva)nan=cha puny-

abbi-vriddbaye Bbaradvaj a-g5tray=:Angirasa-
34 Va(Ba)rbaspatya-Bbaradvaja'pravaraya Vajasaneya-cbaranaya madbyandina-sakb-adbyayine
T akarI-vini(ni)rgata“Dbarnima-
35 patti-vastavya-Bba(Bba)tta-Makyadevaya Jalladeva-sutaya Pu(Pu)rusbottaniadeva-iiaptre
salila-dbara-pu(pu)rabsara-ba3t-oda-
36 kena surya-grabanam(na)-velaya[m*] Yainarga(ga)tta(rtta)inandal-adbipati-paramama-

besvara-sakalamabapu(pu)rusbagunavad'Ranaka-sribbrid-Apsarodev-abbyartba'
37 naya=’sinabbis=tainrasasanikrity=aksbaya-nidbi^-dbarmen-akaratv'ena pradattas-tad=esba=
^smad-datti ddba(r=ddba)rnia-gaiiravad=bbavadbbib paripalani(ni)ya |
Samvat 200^
80 [ 11
*]
No. 11—REYURU GRANT OF PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN ; YEAR 12
(1 Plate)
P. B. Desai, Ootacamund
This set of copper plates deposited in tbe archives of tbe Raja of Kalabasti in tbe Cbittoor
District, Madras State, was discovered by tbe late SrT Veturi Prabbakara Sbastn wbo bas edited
tbe inscription on them in Telugu in tbe Journal of Sri Venkatesvara Oriental Institute, Tirupati.®
In view of tbe importnace of tbe epigraph which deserves fuller study ,
I edit it here with tbe kind
permission of tbe Government Epigrapbist for India.®
Tbe set consists of five plates held together by a ring with seal. Tbe ring had been cut,
apparently by tbe previous editor, when tbe plates were received for examination. Tbe writing
is engraved on one side of tbe first plate and both sides of tbe next two plates. Tbe remaining
two plates contain no writing. This is rather unusual and this unusual feature may possibly be
;
explained on tbe assumption that tbe framers of tbe document bad originally kept these plates
ready with tbe idea that tbe writing would extend over them, and that their expectation did not
materiabse. In tbe alternative, it may be surmised that tbe two spare plates are a later addition.
It bas, however, to be noted that traces of a few letters incised in late characters, forming two
lines, can be detected on one of these spare sheets. Though tbe rims of the inscribed plates are
not raised, the writing is in an excellent state of preservation. There are 25 lines of writing and
these are distributed evenly on tbe five surfaces engraved.
^The engraver began to h^îse the name of the viUage, but, as some mistakes crept in, gave it up leaving
considerable blank space at the end of line 30. He then engraved it at the beginning of the next line.
® Read ^gramak.
* The usual expression is akshaya-nivi.
* The
actual value of the symbol, as noted above, seems to be 100.
* V
ol. VIII, pp. 82-96 and Vol. IX, pp. 26-30.
® Iindebted to the above authority for having kindly secured the original document for
am my examination
and study from the Director, 6ri Venkatesvara Oriental Institute, Tirupati. It is registered as No, 39 of
Government Epigraphist’s C. P. collection for 1949-50.

The plates measure almost uniformly 8 inches in length, 2*5 inches in breadth and 1/16 inch
in thickness. A circular hole about 9/16 inch in diameter is cut at the centre of the margin at
a distance of 3/8 inch from the left side of each plate. The ends of the ring which is about 3 inches
in diameter, are soldered into the bottom of a circular seal, 1*6 inch in diameter. The seal bears
in relief the following figures. A lotus flower with five petals is carved at the bottom. Above
this is a couchant bull with hump. Its head facing the front is placed towards the proper right.
Two flywhisks fastened by a double chord
shown on either side of the animal. At the top of
are
the seal and above the animal is a crescent. The ring with the seal weighs 26 tolas. The whole
set together with the ring and the seal weighs 80 tolas. Unlike the seal of the Kuram grant no
legend is engraved on the present seal.
The charter belongs to a

ruler of the Pallava house and the figure of the bull in the above
description represents theemblem of the family. From other copper plate records and also coins
we know that the bull was the emblem of the Pallavas. This emblem is not clearly visible on the
seals of some early copper plate charters of the family. The figure, though somewhat crude, is
recognised beyond all doubt on the seal of the Vilavatti grant of Simhavarman.'
for the first time
We may, however, note one Whereas the bull of the Vilavatti grant faces the proper
peculiarity.
left, that of the Kuram grant, the present charter and others of the later period,* faces the proper
right. An interesting fact to be observed in regard to the Pallava emblem represented on the
seal of the present document is that it is the best of its kind on account of its fine workmanship,
surpassing all the rest discovered so far.
The characters are Kannada-Telugu of the early 8th century. The letters are handsomely
incised, though uniformity of size is not maintained throughout. In the aspect of their neat and
elegant execution, the characters of the present inscription
may be compared with those of the
Uruvupalli record, though the former are removed from the latter in point of time by over two
centuries. The initial
e and ai are found in lines 19, 18 and 17 respectively
i,
and they are note- ;
worthy. The signs for

and w are fairly distinguished, the former, which is fully curved with a loop
t
at the top, being akin to its successor of a late period. The final r and n are used in lines 16 and
21 respectively. The medial short i is made up of a complete circle on the top of the letter and ;
this is differentiated from the long one which is shaped like

a spiral with a knot towards the left
above the same. The final wi at the end of a word is changed to anusvdta in many cases while *
in others, when it is not so transformed, it is represented by a peculiar mark which looks like a
vertical stroke with ahook at the bottom towards the left. Instances of the anusvara may be
seen in the following wordsayam in line 13 and visham in line 22. The hooked stroke is illustrated
:
by the following cases jitam and Pallavdndm in line 1, braJimasvam in line

:
22 and svadattdm in
line 23. The anusvdra is changed to the appropriate class nasal and involved into sandhi in the
following cases Ldkapdldndm-pa'^ in line 3 and sdrlran-danda- in line 20. The subscripts of
.
the letters dh and v are not sometimes distinguished e.g., bdha

and rwa in line 5. ;
In regard to orthography, it may be observed that the rule regarding the reduplication of
the consonant preceded by r is implicitly obeyed in all cases.*
The language is Sanskrit and the composition for the major

part of the record (lines 1-20)
is in prose. The statement relating to the executor of the document {djndpti)
is in verse (lines
20-21). This is followed by the imprecation which is, as usual,
in verse (lines 22-25). The text
1 For a description of the seal of the VilavatM grant and discussion
on the Pallava emblem, see abovo,
Vol. XXIV, pp. 296-97 and plate facing p. 297.
* The photographs of the seals of the Kuram and Tandantottam plates XII,
are pubUshed in S. /. /., Vol
plate VU. The seal of the Velurpâiyam plates is published, ibid., Vol. II, plate facing p. 521.
3 Itmay be noted that h in the expression arhati in line 20 not doubled, since this caae
is is not covered by the
rule, achd rahdbhydm dve {Aakpddhydyi, VIU-4-46).
,
No. II] EEYURU GRANT OP PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN YEAR ; 12 91
is and the composition contains syntactical and other mistakes.

faulty These have been corrected
either in thebody of the text itself or in the footnotes.
As we shall see presently, the charter was issued by the Pallava ruler Narasimhavarman II
of the Sirnhavishnu line. The records of the early rulers of this family are generally on stone,
imtii we come to the time of Nandi varman II. Only two exceptions have come to our notice
so far one is the Kuram grant of Parame^vara varman I, father of Narasimhavarman II, and
;
the other the present inscription. It has to be noted further that the Kuram grant bears closer
affinity with the Udayendiram^ or Kaâkudi* plates of Nandi varman II in respect of the script
and treatment of the subject-matter. The script employed in both is Pallava -Grant ha and Tamil.
Both contain an elaborate invocation in Sanskrit verse, a legendary account of the origin of the
family and a lengthy praâsti and poetic descriptions of kings. In all these aspects, the present
record presents a marked contrast. The script employed here is the highly developed southern
alphabet which has assumed the distinct shape of Kannada-Telugu. The subject is treated
briefly and directly. The invocation and the prasasti are short without the intervention of poetic
passages. Thus our charter stands conspicuously as a class by itself, not only among the copper
plate records, but also amidst the mass of inscriptions belonging to this Pallava house.
We may on the contrary realise that the formal part of our epigraph bears close resemblance
with that of the earlier copper-plate documents of the Pallava princes, which are older by more
than two centuries. Like the Pikira® and Vilavatti* grants of Simha varman, our epigraph opens
with the brief invocatory expressions svasti and jit am Bhagavatd A comparison of the specific
epithets used for describing the ruling king and his ancestors, as found in the grants of Uruvupalli,®
Pikira and Vilavatti forming one group on one side and the present charter on the other, reveals
a number of striking similarities of expression in the latter, which have been in some cases borrowed
directly and in others either paraphrased or modified suitably from the former. For instance, the
epithets, pYatdp‘6pa7iata''Tdja-7naHdala, LokapdlandTh panchama and rajarshi-guna-sarvasaudoka--
vijiglshu, are commonly met with in all the epigraphs under reference. The expression archita-,
abkyuchchita- or (ityuchchita-sakti-siddhi'saihpaniia of the Uruvupalli, Pikira and \ ilavatti grants
respectively, figures in the modified form ahhyarchita-sakti-siddhi-sampanna in the present inscrip-
tion. While the phrase vasudhd-talaika-vira of the Uruvupalli grant or its equivalent prUhvi-
tal-aika-vira of the Pikira and Vilavatti grants has been amplified into ancka-sayHaTa-saihgliatta-^
janita-vikrama-vasudhd'tal-aiJca'Vira, the term hhagavad-hhakti-sadhhdva-sambhdvita-sarva-Jcalydna

in been slightly modified and abridged into bhagavad-bhakti^sadhhdva-
the earlier group has
samarpita-sarva in the record under study. Another case of modified contraction is the qualitative
^cthu-samara-vijaya-labdha-yasah-prakasa of our charter, which is evidently derived from aneka-
^(^7tiafa‘-sdh^$~dva7n(iTda'lahdha~vijaya-yasah-pTakdsa of the Uruvupalli category.
The present inscription commences with a brief invocation and reference to the Pallavas who
belonged to the Bharadvaja gdtra. Next are mentioned three members of this family, viz., Mahen-
dravikramavarman, his son Paramesvaravarman and his son Narasimhavarman. The last of
' Ind. Awt„ Vol. Vm, pp. 273 ff.
• 5. 1. n, pp, 342 ff.
Vol.
* Above,
Vol. Vin, p. 161.
* Ibid.,
Vol. XXIV, D. 301.
« In the Rkira grant the word svasti comes after jiUim Skagavatd, In regard to the expression Bhagavatam
occurring in line 1 of the Reyuru grant, see below in the text portion,
pra-âsti of Jhese charters bears close re-
• Ind.
Ant.^ Vol. V, p. 51. It may further be noted that the Pallava
iembiance with that of the Chendalur plates of Kumaravishnu U
and others ; compare above Vol. VIII, pp. 233 ff.
Besides the seven comment ed above,
^ Thus
I have noticed in aU thirteen expressions bearing mutual kinship.
six others met wjth in the present inscription are as follows vidhi-vihita-sarva^maryada, sthih-sthtta, yathavad^
:
prajd-samranjana^paripalan^ddyoga, satata^satya^vrataAikshita and Koii-

^bhrU^diwrnmâdy-an^ka-kra^^^
9^9^-d6sh-dpahYita’d?iarm-dddharai!La-n itya-sannaddha.
^
^

these was the ruling king who issued the charter from his headquarters Kahchipura. Its object
is to record the gift of a village named Reyuru as a hrahmadeya, to a Brahmana named Kumara-
mandasarman who was well-versed in two Vedas and constantly engaged in studies, by the king
for the augmentation of his life, strength, victory and fortune. The donor is described as devoted
to the feet of Bappa-bhattaraka. He is also called Paramahhdgavata, Paramamdhesvara and
Paramabrahmanya.^
Judging from the genealogical account given above and palaeographical considerations indi-
cated before, it is easy to identify the above-mentioned three kings with Mahendravarman II,
Paramesvaravarman I and Narasimhavarman II respectively, of the Sirhhavishnu line.
Our epigraph happens to be tlie only dated record of Narasimbavarman II so far

discovered. The date as cited herein is the twelfth year of the increasingly victorious reign of
the king, Vais^ha, f nil-moon, lunar eclipse. These details, however, fall short for verification.
For want of necessary data, the reign-period of this king also, like those of other rulers of this family,
cannot be fixed with precision. Hence we are make what appears
to be the most reasonable
left to
assumption on the strength of circumstantial evidence. The broad limits of Narasimhavarman
II ’s reign are indicated by two inscriptions as follows. From the Gadval plates^ of the Western
Chalukya king Vikramaditya I, dated in 674 A.C., which mention Narasimhavarman II’s father
Paramesvaravarman I, we can postulate that the former succeeded his father some time after
that date. Since Vikramaditya I who ruled from 565 to 680 A.C.,^ had among his contemporaries,
also Mahendravarman II and Narasimhavarman I,^ the father and grandfather of Paramesvara-
varman I, we are justified normally in believing that Paramesvaravarman I was quite young by
this time, i.e., 674 A.C., and that he occupied the Pallava throne at least for a decade or two after
this date. Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, has placed the first year of the reign of Paramesvaravarman
II, the son and successor of Narasimhavarman II, in 728-29 A.C. with the help of a stone inscription
recently discovered by him at Ulchala, near Kurnool.^ This is the outer limit. We may also
observe that the Pallava ruler who exchanged embassies with the Chinese emperor in 720 A.C.
has been identified with Narasimhavarman II,® With we may examine the
these facts in view,
phenomenon of lunar eclipse which invests the above cited date with some definiteness. According
to the Eclipses of the Moon in India by Robert Sewell, the lunar eclipse occurred on the full-moon
day of Vaisakha in the years 701, 702, 711 and 720 A.C., which fall within the approximate reign-
period of Narasimhavarman II. Of these the first two yield 690 or 691 A.C. as the first year of
his reign. These perhaps would be too early, though there is no absurdity about them. Consider-
ing the long-range peaceful activities of this ruler, 720 A.C. which makes 709 A.C. his first year,
may appear to be rather unsuitable. So we might pitch upon 711 A.C. as the date of our
charter. This would show that his reign commenced in 700 A.C.^
Of more than passing interest is the description, in our epigraph, of Paramesvaravarman I

as the performer of Asvamedha and many other ktatus^ i.e., Vedic sacrifices. This leads us to
an enquiry into the claim. Let us see how far it is justified. The Kuram grant of Paramei§vara-
varman I himself contains no reference to the performance of the horse sacrifice, and the other
^ We may as well connect these three epithets with Bappa-bhattaraka. The joint association of the first two
terms with the same person here is noteworthy.
^ Above, Vol. X, pp. 100 fif.
» Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part II ; genealogical statement facing p. 336.

® Above, Vol, X, p. 101.
^Journal of Indian History, Vol. XXX, p. 291.
® K. A. Nilakanta Sastri Foreign Notices of South India, pp. 16 and 1 16-17.
:
’It is interesting to note that Mr. Lakshminarayan Rao places his initial
year circa 700 A.C. by approximation,
J./.H.,Vol. XXX, p. 291.
No. 11] REYURU GRANT OF PALLAVA NARASIMHAVARMAN YEAR ;
12 93
records of this king are also silent about it. Furthermore, it is seen that with the exception of
the present charter and the Sivanvayal inscription^ of Sithhavarman, no records of the Pallava
rulers of the Simhavishnu line, including Nandi varman II and his successors, attribute the per-
formance of horse sacrifice to any of them. If this great achievement were a fact, the ruler him-
self or his descendants would have legitimately taken credit for it and certainly mentioned the
same in their records. We may note in this connection the performance of horse sacrifice by
Pulakesin I of the Western Chalukya family, which is often alluded to in their records.^ So the
truth appears to be like this. In the Hirahadagalli plates,® Sivaskandavarman is stated to have
celebrated the horse sacrifice. Here we are at the source. The later descendants of his family took
pride over this and duly incorporated the event in their prasasti in general terms as a praiseworthy
qualification of the Pallava family. The claim was also exaggerated by multiplying the number of
horse sacrifices performed. Thus we find that in the Chendalur plates* of Kumaravishnu II,
Uruvupalli grant and other charters, the Pallavas in general are referred to as the performers of
horse sacrifices. In view of these finds we are justified in making the following observaticm. The
drafter of the Reyuru grant, who, as shown before, was influenced by the texts of the copper plate
charters of the earlier period, simply borrowed this expression from them and foisted it on the
father of the ruling king, his patron, for his glorification. It would be on similar lines that we shall
have to account for the characteristic attribute, ‘performer of ten horse sacrifices, ascribed to the
Pallava king Simhavarman,® as noticed for the first time in the Sivanvayal inscription.
The royal order announcing the gift was addressed to the inhabitants of Reyuru and it was ;
enjoined on pain of corporal punishment upon all the ministers along with their subordinate officials
(kaTanayuktdh)^ all the officers of the state (sarvaniyogakdh) and the courtiers {rdjavallabhdh)y that
they should collect no dues whatsoever from the village, particularly while on tour {saftcharantak).
The executor of the order was Isvara, the chief of Nandakurra, and son of Somaditya, who equalled
Rajaditya in valour.*
The donee Kumaramandasarman was a resident of Kuravasri and he is referred to as a Somayajin.

He came from a learned family. Both his father Kumaraârman and grandfather Kulaânnan
were proficient in two Vedas. The latter is said to have known the essence of the Vedas, VMangas,
Itihasa and Purana. He belonged to the Rathitara gotra and was a student of Apastamba sutra.
We may note here the occurrence of the expression dvedapdraga qualifying all the three members
of the family. Evidently it is an abbreviation of dvi-veda-pdraga and may be taken to be equiva-
lent of dvHiriy i.e., dvi-vîn.
we may consider the geographical information contained in the epigraph. The

Lastly
gift village Reyuru is stated to have been situated in the Mel-Mundarashtra.
The prefix mU
territorial name occurs for the first time in
in this expression is Tamil, meaning ‘west,’ This
other inscrip-
the present record, though Mundarashtra is already familiar to us through
have been situated to the west of
tions. Judging from its connotation, Mel-Mundarashtra must
* Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 62.

2 Ibid., pp. 8, 39, 117, 128, etc.
®Above, Vol. I, p. 5. . t ^ u .
•
‘many' quahfies the expression

*Above, Vol. VIII, p. 235. In the Chendalur record the adjective arUka meaning
grant, this word is
Asvamedha. So also in the ViUvatti grant. In some charters, e.g., the UruvupaUi
omitted.
» The identity
of this Sithhavarman is problematic. Even assuming
him to be Xarasimhavamian I, the cWm
reasons uco a ove. at
of his having performed ten bprse scarifices appears to be a conventional boast for
the claim as it is put forth is unique in the records of the Pallava house.
, .
the expression yandaUrt^-

* This Kajîty* may have been the of Isvara. I am incUned to treat
grandfather
and
83 a Karmadhdraya compound made up of yandakutpi-nripa
®
15 I>GA/53
and adjacent to Mnndaraslitra.^ Mundarashtra roughly comprised the major part of Koruru
taliilc and the adjoining area to the north and south in the Ncllore District, Madras State.* It
would, therefore, be reasonable to surmise that MebMundarashtra might have comprised mainly
the area of the Atmakur talulc of the district, since this taluk is situated to the west of the Kovuru
taluk. This surmise is justified by the existence, in the Atmakur taluk, of a village named Revuru
which may aptly be identified with the Reytiru of the inscription. ^ I am unable to identify the
locality called Asidharapura which was to the south of Reyuru and presumably in its vicinity.
Apparently the name has been Sanskritised and there are no means at our disposal to find out its
indigenous appellation.
It is interesting to recall in this context that a village bearing the identical name Reyuru is
mentioned as the object of gift in a copper-plate record^ of the Eastern Chalukya king Vishuu-
vardhana II, dated 6G4 A.C. This Reyuru was situated in the area of Karmarashtra which com-
prised the northern portion of the Xellore District and the southern parts of the Guntur District,
extending roughly over the Ongole and Bajâtla taluks.^ Two alternative views are possible under
the circumstances. Firstly, Reyuru of the Eastern Chalukya record might be different from its
namesake of the present charter. Secondly, they might be identical. Since scarcely any village
answering the name is and the southern
traceable in the northern taluks of the Nellore District
taluks of the Guntur District, I am But in this case
inclined to prefer the second alternative.
we shall have to explain the discrepancy in the geographical position of the same village in the
two records which are removed by a period of about fifty years only. Here we might note it pri-
marily that Karmarashtra formed part of the Pallava dominion and that it figures often in the
records of the rulers of the line.® Subsequently, this tract, as indicated by the Kopparam
plates, 7 appears to have been subjugated by Pulakesin II and passed on to the sway of the
Eastern ChalukyavS,® some time before 630 A.C. We are, therefore, not facing an anomaly
if we surmise that a part of this Karmarashtra, particularly the
southern or the south-western
part, was reconquered either by Narasimhavarman II or his father Paramesvaravarman I, parti-
cularly taking into consideration the ineffective regime of Vishnuvardhana II's successor, Mafigi-
yuvaraja.® This newly conquered tract might have been constituted into a separate territorial
unit and named ^lel-Mundarashtra.
biandakurra wherefrom the ajtidpti Isvara hailed may be Nandavaram in the XJdayagiri
taluk of the Nellore District, which has yielded some inscriptions.^® Kuravasri where the donee
resided must be the same as Kuravasiri occurring in the Tandantottam plates of the Pallava king
1 Another instance ^ f a similar nature denoting the western extension of an original territorial unit is Mer-Pakkai.
nadu see above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 25.
;
2 Compare above,
Vol. XXIV, p. 301, and also see V. Rangacharya's Topographical
Li-^l of Inscriptions of the
Madras Presidency, Xellore, Xos. 505, 533, etc., containing references to
Mundanadu which is a later term for
Mundarashtra.
3 This identification has been put forth by the late V. Prabhakara Venkat^vara
Shastri : Journal of J§r%
Oriental Institute, Vol. VIII, p. 92.
Înd. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 187.
5Above, Vol. XV, p. 250 A. R. on S. I. Epigraphy for
;
1916, part II, para. 3, p. 113.
•Above, Vol. VIII, p. 234; Vol, XV, pp. 251 and 255.
^ Above, Vol.
X\7II, pp. 257-58.
® N.
Venkataramanayya Eastern Chalnhyas of Vengi,
;
p. 46.
' It must
be admitted that no specific evidence is at our disposal
?,t present to show that territorial expansion
was accomplished by these Pallava rulers. But the fact that
they were brave and indulged in aggre.s.sive warfare
is proved by the historical events and the titles
borne by them, such as lianajai/a. Samara- Dhannnjvja, Ati-ava-
ckanda, etc., which might not be altogether vainglorious
S. I. Vol. I, i)p. 144.43 Vol, XII, pp. 10-11. Compare
;
;
Eastern Chalnhyas (op. cit.), p. 69,
M Topographical List, etc. (op. cit.), Nellore, Nos. 738-39.
Xo. 11] REYURU GRANT OF PALLAYA NARASIMHAVARMAN YEAR ;
12 95
Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman, which was also the home of more than one donee of the record.^
The same place seems to have been alluded to as Krovasri in the Sataluru plates of Gunaga Vijaya-
ditya,“ after about a century and a half. One of the donees in this charter, who belonged to this
place,was Narayanasannan of the Rathitara gotm. It would appear from this that this place
was the resort of learned Brahmanas for generations. It may possibly be identified with Krosuru
in the Battenapalle taluk of the Guntur District.^
TEXT"
First Plate
1 Svasti [|*] Srimat^ jitam(m) Bhagavatam® [[*] Kauchipur-adhi3hta{3htha)nat=PaIlavâm(rii)

Bharadvaja-
2 sag6tra(tra)nam sva-vlryy-adhigata-rajyasya’ abhyarchchita-sakti-siddhi-sampannasya
3 pratap-dpanata-raja-mandalasya Madhyama-Lokapalasya Lokapalanam^pali®(ncha)-
4 masya® paramabrahma(hma)nyasya Mahariljasya srl'Mahendravikramavarmmanah pautrah’

bahu*
5 samara-vijaya-labdha-yasah-prakasasya vidhi-vihita-sarvva-maryyadasya sthiti-sthitasya’
6 amit~atman5 yathavad-abhrit-Asvamedh-ady-aneka-kratu-yajinas-satya-VTatasya dharm-a-
7 tman5 mahimapp*^ Mahendrasya Paramesvaravarmmanah putrah’ Bhaga\ ad-bhakti-sad-

bhava-samarppi-
8 ta-sarvva[h*]"" praja-samram^‘jana-pariprilan-ody6ga-satata-satya"‘^-vrata(ta)-dIkshita[h ]
Ka-
9 liyuga-dosh-apahrita-dharmm-oddharana-nitya-sannaddho^" aneka-sainara-saiiighatta janita
vikra-
para-
10 ma-vasudha-tal-aih(-ai)ka-vlra(rd)^" rajarishi(jarshi)-guna-sarvva-3andoha-vijigIshu[h ]
mabha(bha)gavata[h*]*^ pa-
^ S. L Vol. II, pp. 532-34.

-Journ. Andhra Hist. Rts. Soc., Vol. V, p, 11^, lines G0-6L •
of the ><6 ore istnct.

are other possibilities also, e.g., Kovuru in the K'>vuru and Kandukur
^ There taliit:s
" From the original plates and impressions.

r ui
, - _
srimatd or snmatam, preferably
" The consonant t may be read as rta also. This word should be read either as
the former. In the former case Bhagavata and iii tlie latter Pallavanatn.
it qualifies j u.
« Read Bhagavata. The abbreviated invocation jitam Bhngamta is met with in the Uriivupalli and other records*
tSandhi is not observed here.

This letter
®
is peculiar and looks like li. The engraver seems to have incised the ivrong form of the intended
akskara
hara ncha.
whereas
“ In the Uruvupalli and Pikira grants the expression reads Lokapaliirum panchama-sya
The expressions Madhyamalukapala and LoiapiUd-
>t is Ldkapalanam pancharmsya only in the Vilavafti grant.
pahehama obviously refer to god Varuna.
The reading intended is perhaps mahim-opama-.
For clarity of sense it is better to separate this c')mpound expression.
This anusvara is placed wrongly on the akshtira ja.
The word is satra in the XJruvupalli grant.
Bandhi is not properly observed here. ^
.
also be taken as qualifying

Buppa-b apfara '(f, in w uc case we
This and the following two expressions may
need not separate them.
.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. xxik

11 ramamahesvara[h*] paramabralimanya(ny6) Bappa-bhattaraka-pada-bhakti[h*] dii-Narasim-

havarmma-
12 nah(varmma) Mel-Mundar^htre^ Asidharapurasy=6ttare p ReyurU'‘nania-gramam(masya)
grameyaka-
13 nîttham=ajnapayati [ |
*] ayam grama[h*] Kurava^ri-vastha(vasta)vyasya Ratbitara-
sagotrasya^
14 Apastambha(ba)-sutr-adhyayiiiah' dveda-paragasya Veda-Vedamg^-Etibasa-Purana-tatva-

(ttva)-yi-
15 da[b*] Kulasarminanasya( 9 a^) pautraya dvi{dve)da-paragasya Kumaraâi‘mmana[b*]

putraya dveda-paragaya
16 nitya-svadbyaya-nirataya Somayajine Kumaratnandaârniinane^ asmaka[m’^] ayur-
17 bala-vijaya^-aisvaryy-abbivriddbaye brabmadebi(y1)krity=asmabbir=ddatta[b*] pravard-

dbamana-vijaya-
18 raiya-samvatsare dvadasa-varshe Vaidakba-paurwama8ye(syam) sozna-âhaiâ-

nimitte datta eva(ttab |
eva)-
19 iii=avagainye(mya)* ima(ma)[m=a’'^]niatya[b*] sarvvab(rwe) karaigia‘yukta[b*] sarwa-

niyogakab^ raja-vallabba^=cba sancbarantab(ata^)
20 sarvva-kara-parba(riba)rab(ram) paribarantu [ |
*] Imam=ajnain=atikramet=sa papa8=sariran==
[ 1
*] ^Somaditya-
Third Plate ; Second Side
21 8Utia[b*] sriman^Nandakurra-nrip-E^varab [ |
] ajnapti^âsanasyâsya Rajaditya-pratba-
(ta)pavaii OllH*] Yatra(Yad=atra)
22 bba* sbatab’ slokab{kab) [ |

*] Brabiiia-8vam(m) *visbam gb6rah(ram) na visbam visbam=
ucbyate [ |
*] visbain=ekakiiia(iiaih) banti brabma-
23 8vam(m) putra-pautri(tra)kam [ 11211* ] Svadattam(ih) paradattam va p yo bareti(ta) vasun-

dbaram [ *] sbasbtP-va- ]
1 ASandhi is not observed here*

2 The dav4a is superfluous.
* This anv.8vdra is placed wrongly on the following akshara gi.
* There is some confusion here. If the akshara myl is treated as a case of sandhi^ then the following initial %
should be deleted.
^ This and the following verses are in the Anushtîhh metre.
* The form of this letter is queer. It is neither bha nor ma. It is clear that the engraver wanted to make it
&Aa.
^ Read bhavanti.
^ Insert hi before this word to make the 'pada metrically comet.
» The subscript t of this akshara looks like the subscript dh or r. Compare, for instance, ndha in line 23 and
in the following line
3
Keyuru Grant of Pallava Narasimhavarman; Year 12
t
k
2
3
'#/ 3i Iffi 5 £ li'i ® ®'^|j0ai33 3j|@J] 3 S3 i
^
gc^nT® agAo| “|£y® 10
®- c«, chhabra scale: three-fourths ScBVEr of India, Calcctta

’*«• No, 397F E'36-499'53.
^Sjîgiff
0 Mf^j S'aws; 3-ga3a^g33as37Ma?jg||!
#j ;
® j uiia|3.
a^ oii s au^g & '. Q jj a
( H
Jjj]
^ ai?n9^T f aii^ ca/^cjj(3^f^S(3^j^3â:5 0jGiB

(j
Seal
(From a photograph)
No. i2J BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA YEAR ; 969 97
2i rsha-sahasraai vislita-(shtha)yam(yam) jayate kriinih [ 1| 3 1|* ] BaLubhir=wasudhk

datta bahubhi-
25 ^=ch=anupalita(ta) |
yasya yasya yatha^ bhumi[y tasya taaya tatha^ phalam ||^ [4 |1*J
No. 12—BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA ; YEAR 969
(i Plate)
L. P. Pandeya, Raigarh, and P. B* Desai, Ootacamdnd
The credit of the discovery of this copper plate document, the existence of which was known
Pandeya, Honorary Secretary of the Mahakosala Historical
as early as 1940, goes to Pandit L. P.
Society. It was in the possession of Dewan Hardayal Singh, Zamindar of Bilaigarh" in the
Raipur District, Madhya Pradesh. Through the kindness of Mr. R. N. Banerjee, Commissioner,
Chhattisgarh Division, it was obtained on loan from the owner and sent to the then Government
Epigraphist for India, for examination, in November 1942. Subsequently, at the advice of
Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India, who accorded his kind permission and other
facilities, Mr. Desai, a member of his ofiS.ce, was also provided with an opportunity of studying
the epigraph. Thus as a result of joint co-operation the inscription is edited here for the first
time.
It is a set of two copper plates held together by a ring with seal. The plates measure roughly
from 10 to IOt inches in length and 6| inches in breadth. A hole with a diameter of about half an
inch is bored towards the centre of the top of each plate for the ring to pass through. The plates
are engraved on the inner sides only and a margin of about an inch is left out towards the left. The
size of the letters on the first plate is bigger than that on the second, the average being roughly
\ and -i- of an inch respectively. As a result of this the first plate has accommodated 16 lines and
the second 22 lines. The seal is circular measuring about 2f inches in diameter. It is partly
damaged and obliterated towards the left. Its upper portion contains crudely carved figures of a
seated goddess, viz., Lakshmi, in the middle and two elephants with jars in their upturned trunks
on either side. In the lower portion is incised the figure of a dagger placed across pointing towards
the right. engraved in Nagari characters the partly damaged legend
In the intervening space is
(Sn),.PTatdpamalladeva. In respect of this seal and many other points which will be dis-
cussed presently, the present plates bear close resemblance with the Pendrabandh plates of the same
king, already published in this journal.®
^ The dai^da is superfluous.

- The subscript ( of this akahara looks like the subscript dh or v. Compare, for instance, ndha in Une 23 and
rrva in the foUowing line.
“ The words yada and ladd are more commonly lu d for yatha and latha of this verse.
* This punctuation in the original is made up of a spiral followed by a wavy line.
® This
is the first set of Bilaigarh plates. According to the official sources, the plates were originaUy unearthed
^hile ploughing his field bv one Ramnath, son of Gopi Kahra. a resident of the village Paoni, about 3 miles from
Bilaigarh. They were handed over to the agent of the Zamindar of Bilaigarh, who passed them on to his master.
The information gathered by Mr. Pandeya reveals that two more sets of copper plates were discovered in the viHago
aadhu, was subsequently recovered by the
Paoni in September 1940. One of these, which fell into the hands of a
said Zamindar. of the Government Epigraphist for India in IWS. This is
This set was received in the office
styled the second set of Bilaigarh plates for the convenience of description. It belongs to Prithvldeva IT and is
dated 896 of the Chedi era. Bilaigarh is being published in this journal. These plates are
The second set from
now deposited in the Central Museum, Nagpur.
• Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 1 ff.
The characters arc Nagari of the thirteenth century being on the whole identical with those
of the Pendrabandh charter. Some of the peculiariti- 3 noticed’ in the case of the latter, such as
non-distinction between p and y as the second members of conjunct letters, scoring off of the
superfluous syllable by vertical strokes at the top, besides others, can be detected in this inscription
also. The avagraha sign is not used in many places for instance, Ratnadevo^bhavat in line 12 and
;
tatd=bhut in line 13. It is, however, used in vadand=jani in line 8 and a few other expressions. As the
first member of a conjunct letter, n sometimes looks like t, e.g., -anvaye in line
2. The subscript th is
°
not generally distinguished from t ; e.g., pratisht-6- in line 27 and vishtayam in line 33. The
form of cerebral n is made up of three vertical strokes —-the first being slightly curved, the
second a wavy
and the third a straight line, similar to its later counterpart. This kind of n is
line
not met with in the Pendrabandh charter. In the Pendrabandh inscription it is represented
by a symbol resembling I without its top joint.
In regard to orthography we may note the following. In rare cases the anusvdra is replaced
by the class nasal, e.g., ^gahga in line 13. Y is substituted for 6; e.g., Vrahnui- in line 1 and
"ârhvara- in line 2. used for y and vice versa ; e.g., ydiah iot jaUik in lines
In certain expressions ji is
5 and lyjah for yah in line 13 andjasas for yasas in lines 9 and 14. In a majority of instances s
is written for s ; e.g., sivam for sivam in line 1, dese for dese in line 4. The reduplication of the
consonant following r is resorted to in a large number of syllables, though the exceptions to this
practice are not negligible ;
e.g., pratyartha(thi) in lines 3-4, °sau{sau)fya in line 6 and °darpana
in line 10.
The language With the exception of the usual salutation to Brahman in the
is Sanskrit.
beginning and the date at the end, the whole record is composed in verse. There are thirty verses
in all. They are generally punctuated by single dandas at the end of each half and double daiâs
at their completion. The verses are numbered. An inadvertent omission has occurred in numbering
the 16th verse. On account of this the following verses are all numbered lessby one than the
actual figure. This mistake has been corrected in the accompanying text. Some errors in marking
the dandas have also been rectified. The first fourteen verses describing the genealogy of the
Kalachuri family down to Pratapamalla, are identical with those in the Pendrabandh plates.
The next six verses, which are new, give an account of the donee's family and the circumstances of
the gift. The following nine verses constitute the familiar praise of land gift and the customary
imprecation. The last verse refers to the scribe who wrote the record.
The object of the epigraph is to record the gift, on the date specified below, of the village
Sirala to a learned and pious Brahmana, named Haridasa, by king Pratapamalla. Pratapamalla
belonged to the Kalachuri family of Ratanpur. The genealogy of the family is traced as usual
from the primeval ancestor Manu of the solar descent. This account is identical with that found
in the Pendrabandh inscription. Pratapamalla was the son of Ratnaraja or Ratnadeva III and
great-grandson of Prithvldeva II. From the last part of the otherwise conventional eulogy (verses
13-14), can be
it gathered that Pratapamalla was quite young when he became king. Pratapamalla
is the last known ruler of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur and his existence was brought to the notice
of scholars lor the first time by Mr. L. P. Pandeya's discovery of copper coins bearing his name on
the banks of the river MahanadI near Balpur." Subsequent disclosure of two copper plate charters
issued by him, viz., the Pendrabandh record, and the present one, have placed his reign beyond all
doubt
The date as given in lines 28 and 38 is Sarhvat 969, Ashadha, lunar eclipse. The Sarhvat evi-
dently refers to the year ol the Chedi or Kalachuri era. Assuming the above year to be expired
J
Ibid., p. 1.
*Ibid., p.3.
Xo. 12] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA ;
YEAR 969 99
and calculating with 247-48 A.C. as the starting point of the

era, the lunar eclipse occurred on the full-
moon day Ashadha in 1218 A.C., corresponding to July 9, Monday. This appears to be the date
of
of the record. We may, however, note that the lunar eclipse took place also on the fullmoon day of
Ashadha in 1219 A.C., corresponding to June 29, Saturday. The present charter is dated four
years later than the Pendrabandh epigraph, thus extending the reign period of Pratapamalla
up to 1218 A.C.
Before we proceed to other details, it seems necessary to examine a few facts connected with
the history of these Kalachuris, not adequately noticed by scholars. One is the place allotted to
Prithvideva III in the genealogical account of the family. In his Dynastic History of Northern
India^ Dr. H. C. Ray postulates that Ratnadeva III was succeeded by Prithvideva III, The only
basis for this assumption is the Ratanpur in'^cription.- In this record three generations of kings are
mentioned, viz., Jajalladeva, his son who might be Ratnadeva who defeated Chodagahga, and his
son Prithvideva. The characteristic achievement of vanquishing Chodagahga is attributed in all
the records of the family to Ratnadeva II, father of Prithvideva II. From this it becomes explicit
that Prithvideva of the Ratanpur record identical with Prithvideva II and that no grounds exist
is
for the assumption of a Prithvideva The subsequent history of the family as known from other
III.
epigraphs, 3 reveals that Prithvideva II was followed by his younger son Jajalladeva II. After
a short while the rulership passed on to Jajalladeva II’s elder brother Jagaddeva. The latter was in
turn succeeded by Ratnadeva III and grandson Pratapamalla. Thus we are justified in dis-
countenancing the existence of Prithvideva III.
Dr. Ray tries to support the above view of his by saying that the date of the Ratanpur inscrip-
tion agrees with the ascription of the epigraph to Prithvideva III. This argument is fallacious for, ;
the date which is taken to be Vikrama Saihvat 1247, as read by its editor, the late Dr, Kielhom,
is itself doubtful and his observations^ on the same reveal that the record might have been originally
dated in the Chedi era, the first digit of which was 9. As a good number of inscriptions of Prithvi-
deva II with dates ranging from the Chedi year 900 to 915, has been disco\ered, there should be no
difficulty in assigning the Ratanpur epigraph to his reign. Another consideration that has obviously
persuaded Dr. Ray Ratanpur record to Prithvideva III, is the chronological position
to assign the
of its composer. This was Devagana®, son of Ratnasimha and grandson of Marne. Now it might
be that this same Ratnasiiiiha was the composer of the Malhar inscription^ of Jajallade\a II dated
919 of the Chedi era. Ascription of the Ratanpur inscription to Prithvideva II would lead to the
result that whereas Devagana, the son, drafted the record of the king who was the father, Ratna-
This superficial anomaly can
siriiha, his father, composed the charter of the king who was the son.
^ explained away by pointing out that there exists a difference of

only four years between the
^ Vol. II (1936), pp. 813-14. The same view appears to have been held by other scholars also, though not
without diffidence; compare Bhandarkar’s List of Inscriptions of Northern India,

No. 421 and the genealogical
of the Kalachuris of Southern
statement on p. 393. It must, however, be noted that in his article on the History
‘
Kosala,’ Mr. Amalananda Ghosh has shown that Prithvideva of the Ratanpur inscription was PnthvTdeva II,
and notPnhvIdeva III ;
Acdrya Puspdhjali, pp. 274-75.
® Above, Vol. I, pp. 45 ff.
^ Ibid., p. 40 ; Vol. XXI, p. 762, etc.
•Ibid., Vol. I, p. 49, n. 41.

‘ Bhandarkar’s List, Nos. 1234, 1236, etc.
• We may incidentiflly note the title Rdyarasimhn of Bevagana’s son, Jagatsimha above, Vol. I, p. 51. This ;
is influenced by Kannada. A study of the inscriptions of the period shows that a good many titles of similar origin
parts ol ludia.
from Karnataka were adopted and exhibited by distinguished persons in other
’ Above, Vol. I, pp.
last known dates of Prithvideva II and his son Jajalladeva II, viz., K* 915 and 919, and that there
would be no absurdity in surmising that both Devagana and his father Ratnasimha lived up to
an advanced age and composed the two records removed by a brief interval of time.
In his recent study of the inscriptions of the Southern Kalachuris or the Kalachuris of Xarna-
taka, rather inappropriately described as the Kalachuryas of Kalyani by the late Dr. Fleet, Mr. Desai
has been able to detect a large number of affinities' that go to establish closer ties among the
Bouthem and the northern branches of the Kalachuri stock. An inscription from Harasur attri*
butes lunar descent to the Kalachuris of Karjâtaka and this claim is supported by further epi-
graphical evidence. ^ Among the northern Kalachuris, those of Tripuri and Gorakhapur trace
their descent from the moon.® In glaring contrast with this comes the statement^ in the inscrip-
tions of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur, which commence with an invocation to the sun god who is
represented as the originator of the family. men-

It is interesting to note that solar descent is also
tioned in some inscriptions of the Southern Kalachuris.® Some of their records* open with an
invocation to the sun god on the analogy of the inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur. It has
to be observed further that the Saivite traditions of the northern families, particularly those of
Tripuri and Gorakhpur, such as intensive devotion to the god Siva and adoption of his vehicle
Nandi as their royal emblem,^ were preserved intact in the southern family as well.® An
inscriptionfrom Chadachana® in the Bijapur District, dated 1057 A.C., introduces Bijjala I, the
grandfather of Jogama, as a subordinate of the Western Chalukya king Somes vara I, and as
bearing the significant title Dahala-bedanga (ornament of the Dahala country).
The donee Haridasa belonged to a learned and respectable family. His father was Divodasa,
son of Bhfigu-Pandita. These belonged to the Samkrita gotra, having the pravaras Samkrita,
Amgirasa and Vachaspatya. After the statement of the gift in verse 19, a renowned teacher of
Saivite persuasion, named Isanasiva, is eulogised in the next verse. The position held by this
divine in the transaction is not made clear. It is likely that he was the royal preceptor and spiri-
tual guide Verse 30 contains a description of Pra-

and introduced here at the behest of the king.
tiraja of the Gauda lineage, who wrote the record on the copper plates with clear letters out of
natural devotion for the Brahmanas. This Pratiraja is identical with the scribe of the Pendrabandh
plates wherein he is characterised as the light of the Record Office. The gift village Sirala may
possibly be indentified with Siroli in the Janjgir Tahsil of the Bilaspur District.
^ Fleet has alluded to only two links, '^riz., the title Kalahjarapnravar^hlivara and reference to the Dahala
country in a Harihar inscription ; Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 469.
* Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 24.
*
* Ibid., p. 25, n. 3 ; Kannada Sdhiiya Pariskat Patrike, Vol. XXXVI, Nos. 1-2, p. 107.
* It is shown that there is no real contradiction
in the divergent claims of lunar and solar descents by the two
groups of the same family and that they can be easily reconciled above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 25, n. 3, ;
* Bom. Gaz.y Vol. I, pt. II, p. 448, Compare the allusion to the solar lineage of Bijjala (I) in a Silahara in?
scription ; above, Vol. XXVU, p. 178.
* Two inscriptions, one from Muttigi and another from Bombay-Karna-
Ihgalesvar in the Bijapur District ;
tak collection. No. 104 of 1929-30 and No. 11 of 1930-31.

^ Above, Vol. II, p. 30.5 ;
Vol. VII, p. 85 ; Vol. XII, p. 205 ; Dynastic Hist, of Northern India, Vol. II, p. 742.
* The theory of Jaina leanings of Bijjala II is now it is shown on the .strength of
thoroughly exploded and
epigraphic and literary evidence that all the members of the Southern Kalachuri family were staunchly Saivite in
their persuasion. This and other topics briefly referred to above and in the article Harasur Inscription of King
‘
Soma ’ (above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 23 fiF.), have been elaborately discussed in his lectures on the Southern Kalachuris
delivered by Mr. Desai in February 1951 at the Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar. These lectures are pubt
lished in the Kannada Sdhiiya Pariskat Patrike, Vol. XXXVI, Noe. 1*2, pp. 102 CF.
» B. K. ooU., No. 17 of 1937-38.

;
^’o. 12] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA YEAR ;

969 101
TEXTi
[Metres: Vv. 15-16, 19, 21-29 w. w.
1, 7, 9, 11, Anushtubh ; 2, 5, 14 Vpajdti ; 3, 12 Sragdhara;
vv. 4, 6, 30 Vasantatilalid v. 8 Mdlinl w. w. 20 Sardvlavikn-
; ; 10, 17 Sikharinl 13, 18,
First Plate
1
[II*] II
(iini;) I wiTTf(ir) tx
w II ? II
2 ^ C\ >D*- -*0 'TTPir: I ^nTT^® ^

'O
3 ^ ^rrM(TT)#T: IRII ^TPinr5^(=5^)^^#:

#(^)^:(5r:) ^ strtT: I® 5Rir-
4 ^ ( f%) 'T’E^ Pd + r<,^<[JTt] I
5 5t:(?t) rt(^)^; mil

WKRi (
m )
^nmrsfr 3rRfr?TT?^(^) ^ ^-
7 ^PTTft(^)?R- =RRnT ll'S'll +nrlRAW:
rt(^)^-
8 WW TW(rT).-
XRt
^ From
the original plates and inked impressions.
*Kxpreseed by a symbol.
* There appears boignor^
to be an antiavara on this letter ; but this and a few other dots elsewhere have to
as they are apparently due to the defect in the metal.
* This ru is not properly engraved ; it may be compared with other rus in the inscription, «.y., lines 8 and 11.
* There is a scored-out sign for medial i before the letter sya.
* This daTiâ is superfluous. By inserting this punctuation mark, the scribe possibly meas^ that tto first
quarter of the verse ended with the word jdtdh* This is wrong, as it ends with kau.
’ This is clearly lla , compare lla of Kokalla in 1. 5. The intended akshara was perhaps nttw which is hqwaTcr
^ng for mna. See above, Vol. XXIII, p. 4, n. 2.
^
The word humbha is followed by the two scored-out syllables vitAo.
* The ^
form anuja is wrongly used for anuja for the sake of metre* .
. . .
15 lKlA/52 •
) 1
^(^)-
10 ^ ll^ll cl
( ^ ) T: ?rT(5nT)f^rf%^: I
?nFRT5TW[:p^]'TTWJi¥^: 1 1^1
c\
11 m («ft) r^d+^'+\5?rîi%: i
'O
12 ^»Rr^[:*] ^f^!|r<cr gwnTr ^ ii=;ii t^-
( ^ )
^[S*]>T^TTFTT5r^-
13 I
^ qrr^^ iie.ii
l^^wtiiesT ( %
14 ?riw(’i:Rr)^T^ f^JTn'k?+TM 4 (
^ ^?it(wr)f^T^^WT(5T) i
TTJT ^(?r)tftT(f^)fe7êT^«TT-
15 ffwr: gq%; ii [?o] n sRî^gw-

16 I [^(5nT)fj?rf^:
II ?? II cTc55rf^(f^)^^tf^: ?T^RW^-
Second Plate
17 Ifwrgsrt g5(^)^#:(«ft:) [#(«Tt)]HHc$e^d (iT)^^'^rH+<FH-'tT-
e\
18
[g^ '<FI<R:] II? ^11
19 (iffir®^) g^qT kk^cnF*i«r[:*j
?nnTwg #(^)TR5raTTt ^fr: i gqr-
* This letter is not clear on the impression. The plate is slightly damaged at this spot.
* This dafk^ is superfluous.
* Better read aSraya^ for diaya^.

* The formation of the letter tkd is not normal.
* The word 6hiimi generally ends in short •. The long • is necessitated here evidentiy ior the sake of metre.
t I 1 ' ^
Bilaigarh Plates of Kalachubi Pratapamalla; Year 969
fg fTi"'-?
" tui IV
'1
f7i\ r
qg -Pi'll :| ^ ^<3 g' c ;i'q;'3 ^ '•.-^ 9 rj <3

>yj 1 4 ^ 'i‘^^ (] ^ 4 3 t\K ^C <fj ^(W 12
q?;a'^-3:.'7°.\y'r-;>.3'n_'l,5‘^^^. c.
r.-'.-^;)
411^
ilf? i ^ Jt i
' .-Jll -'o . 'S^rliM;
'
<- ’
^ ^
-4 -3.,'!:: ^'T-jrq; ,-5, ..n >;?-?« A.?
~ ' A ' -"^
'' '''
m^-fa '-^v; A„? '-^^'r :,V' V '^ j'*''^! 't r :, r.r.r ^ -3 .:
-<-^.'l’-
ij
~ V -
-}jn ~ ^,- -- T ^ ;
1 .,:, ? ii M A. a 5i A AA V -
A .- --
:
•- c ^ : : - ' r- 3 c-
<3:- ";' ^'-r- - ^-7 t- - fa - t. -,

a - - a > ^
f ^C'
i
'T'^<-i;ii' 3!»qc-? : ;:i : 1
A,c^->3 <^.-;'C A^ja-A 3 ^sA;.- r -c ,-- 3^/ --.*1 S^ ^.A >J1

-^.’''P AI/A-V*
'
>1 -/dir 3 -A -f.1 ns -'l .;i;? > ^ '3
.'-A>-3 --'<•
5 V’'r7‘'AAcSd-?'A Ai* ;q x,''

^ r rÂA'A a--A’<3-v
AJJi7i3,:r,
j
-,; i|A ? An? ?A j a -AO A^;
v ^ j.-nAd r,^ ’
-'"-niy'
’
c?!'îd?^'''?<''cArr3i,s-q£f'!’oAT3'9ri' ''ÂVipi'
- r a.--.-"-: :
' -
a 3.-. a
A'-waz-'T'':’ '??<;{’ f!i>flq?’ <?( r!":JI’'3A-'A':'i Arp.dlflfAAA/ , ',Â';'^'

a^vTps.a a- -^:<Va,y.a. L~J,
A- -
A ^
?^/Â?>r>adriAf?«ii‘c''U-a<cl-Rj -75 i a3A]A]icjî^Ci'’___-'vA
" '^' .1^- Aiv v?ni -^ .'

^
^ _.^ ,‘^3 :3 '-A
^
f,_ -'
A ^LfA^âo'-r-AA- y _
.: -A"--
_
S'-
"3!- --.'v
'?( C‘.->l 1 r--'V;'i^^ -A d Ai.
.-
_^
. . '; . -
j
-^^j.;;ri.lV a'-! r 1
A,
' j
' n - rc ^ ;
'”
,> a A n ^-^'•JT' '
/ :;.,i 7 ^
<^H. Chhabra SCALE: ONE-HALF Survey of India, Calcutta

No 3977 E-3e-480-5S.
Seal
(From a photograph)
No. 12] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRATAPAMALLA YEAR ; 969 105
20 WMT<r|=<^r»Tf'n[^
fir# f#^R(Tr)fw; iinn
21 T^w.{w.) 5rTT#(^)^rTT?5r. [i]
'T«#tBT«#twdc^rnvTTT Hr(^)^ ^{?)f#-
22 Ii^vil [I*]
'ffeft nun ^(^)-
^ ^<1 UKrKrdRT (^ )
[I*] ^TRlW^^fror:
fsrW'P ^TT^(#)R^:i[f?^n*]
24 ^ (t: )
f^'kRT: 5^: 5r(?r)'t»<?i^J,''ir«<5<nr^;iuf: [|*]
?RT^TTc#r(?#r) f##; ^(M)?RWPT-
25 #(#)5r5rJT^: II?^{?'3)|»
26 '^(Tr)?pif|-[:*] f##+<=iyrd; f#(f^)^ =ffF(f#:
[I*] ^ (^) (^) rdTdf ^(^)^(^)f^:(fe:)
27 ^fr+'Tdf f#f#d«ft'. NFd:® 5rfd^t(’^)^: ll?'3 (?«;)ll d?#
STdlM^dd (d) TRTT [I*] 51?^;
28 5n'(?rr)<TT?ff(^)^'iHH<='4r«T ii?'?(h)>> ^Hi-^wPd-
(f#)TtRf#: -dH4.R ^ WfiT: m{f^^)f^{^)^{^)^-

29 STMt [I*] ?r?rRt«r^(d)#tf#dTW?fT.
’T’irpri' 1^ f^#^-
30 5re[%R(ft)S^(c^) iih(^°)'< W?Rpf ^
^ This liamEa ia superfluous.

* This va is redundant. Read z:ch=*chhaiadhar<i ttw.
* The visargci i^ter prapta is redundant. Bead pfap(<i-pf(it%»hih‘ddayd^»
[V0L.XXIX
^ EPI6KAPHU INDICA
L
f^(^) ^{^)^-
32 ^ 5nm(=5^)ftr » ^{^)
^TTft^ irr(r^)ii q:W](5#)^t
^•
(T 1)
33 w:(^) ff hmH*t(^) 11'=^^
Prg-
*
c c\
l[l*]^v(^K)U
^R^{5r)»K '
34 f*: Wi
\(%)^ ir<«(^^)ii ^-
tir.m4 ^ =T
^
irat i
=r
W"f ’i(«)P^- I
Wp]3T(Wl)
35
=1^ ^^(5) I W'j wf I#
^ ?r-
IR=;(n)n Mir^nT4 ^:#T-

37 ^{^) ^rdf%
(5ft)?ft iH 4) r^^'Tn>4 Rot I
5JTf^5Ttf^fecr^(^) 'r(5r)ftnT^(^)^-
38
m 5.(ô)u 6.^5. [11*]
‘TUs yiuya >• engraved above the line.
'• This «am a correction from itdw.

is
..«neaT in the
. . ,
line “P^“
.
as the letter dha at the end of the foregomg

. These four letters and the danda as weU
through oversight, who later discovered
inargin. Apparently they were first omitted by the engraver
mod made it good. •
4.^ 4’1,a
h lAft hand
* Or perhaps the original has correctly psu, the upward stroke of the medial « merging into
downward stroke of s.
often met with in inseriptio .
» This is obviously meant to be tamram, being the incorrect form
No. 13] SLDDHESWAK INSCRIPTION OF NARASIMHA IV ;
ANKA YEAR 19 105
No. 13—S©DHESWAR INSCRIPTiON OF NARASIMHA IV ; ANKA YEAR 19
{1 Plate)
D. C. Sircar, Ootacamuiid, and K. B. Tripathi, Cuttack
Amongst tlie tracts where the NIA dialects are spoken, Orissa offers a unique opportunity
to the students of Indo-Aryan linguistics. Numerous are the epigraphic records left by the rulers
of Orissa who flourished before the Muhammadan conquest of the country about the middle of the
sixteenth century. Distinct traces of the influence of the Oriya language and orthography are
noticed in such early inscriptions as the MadrasMuseum plates^ of the time of Narendradhavala,^
which are written in quasi-Sanskrit and are assignable to the tenth century A.C., while epigraphs
Written in the Oriya language are found in fairly large numbers since the fourteenth century.
Although Orissan inscriptions of the age of the imperial Gangas, whether their language is Sanskrit
or Oriya, were usually written in the Gaudlya (the socalled proto-Bengali) script, which is the
mother of the Oriya alphabet, we have, from the fourteenth century, epigraphs showing fairly
developed characteristics of the Oriya script. Unfortunately medieval Orissan records, written
in the Oriya language and alphabet, have been very rarely published with facsimiles and accurate
transcripts. In the editor’s preface to the South Indian Inscriptions Vol. V, 1925, H. Krishna
Sastri, then Government Epigraphist for India, observes, “ Of these last (i.e., the Oriya records
transcribed in the volume, Nos. 1006, 1119, 1152 and 1161), the texts given have to be considered
as tentative since there are no published inscriptions in this language and script to afford comparison
and since scholars capable of handling them are also few.” Of course, some early Oriya inscriptions
were published by M. M. Chakra varti without facsimiles in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal, Vol. LXII, Part I, 1893, pp. 90 ff. cf. ibid., Vol. LXIV, Part I, 1895, pp. 119 ff.
;
Another
Oriya inscription from Bhubaneswar was published vrith Plate in the same journal in 1924 (pp. 41 ff.)
by G. Sircar but the characters of this record are early Bengali. The Balasore copper axe-head
;
inscription of the SuryavaiiiM monarch Purushottama (circa 1470-96 A.C.) published by Beames
in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. I, 1872, p. 355, and by E. A. Gait in the Journal of the Bihar and
Orissa Research Society, Vol. IV, 1918, p. 363, is the only early inscription written in the Oriya
language and alphabet, of which both a facsimile and an accurate transcript are available to the
students of Oriya palaeography and linguistics. Krishna Sastri ’s remarks about the paucity of
remain substantially true even today. The transcripts
satisfactorily edited early Oriya inscriptions
of the large number of Oriya records since published without facsimiles in the South Indian Ins-
criptions, Vol. VI, 1928, are by no means remarkable for their accuracy. No apology is therefore
needed for editing in the following pages an interesting inscription of the fourteenth century, which
is written in the Oriya language and alphabet and is one of the earliest of such records so far
discovered.
The village of Siddlieswar lies in the vicinity of Jajpur (ancient \ iraja-tirtha) on the river
Vaitaram in the Cuttack District of Orissa. The name of the locality is derived from that of the
deity Siddhesvara (Siva in the Linga form) whose temple is the only attraction in the area. There
is a stone vi'isha-stambha standing in the courtyard of the said temple, although the figure of the
bull is missing. The pillar bears an inscription, the preservation of which is unfortunately not
quite satisfactory. The record engraved around a section of the pillar, which is tapering*
is
upwards. It occupies a space about 54 inches at the top and 63 inches at the bottom in
length and 7 inches at the left end and 6 inches at the right in breadth. The writing is
» Above. VoL XXVIII, pp. 44 ff.
[In deference to the authors’ wishes, macron over e

* and o is not used at all in this article, as in Oriya these
vowels, say the authors, are often Ed.]
divided into two parts by a vertical line, the space occupied by the portions at the left and right
being respectively 37" XT'" and 17" X 6". There are five lines of inscription in both the parts,
the first line of the smaller portion at the right being a continuation of the last line of the bigger
part at the left. Individual aksharas are between and 1" in height. Of the two parts
of the inscription, the preservation of the bigger one, which is more important, is fortunately not
quite unsatisfactory ;
but a piece of stone has broken away from the middle of the second part
together with a number of letters from all the five lines of writing. The first line of this part, with
the exception of three aksharas at the beginning, is broken arwsLj, while the gap caused by the break
in the other lines of writing is between 4" and 8" in length. This has rendered the decipherment and
interpretation of the latter part of the record extremely difficult.
The inscription is written in early Oriya cliaracters which may be compared with those
employed in the Balasore copper axe-head inscription of a later date, referred to above. Of initial
vowels, the inscription under review employs a, a, i, u, e and o. Of these, i is of the Gaudlya type,
whde a (pronounced in Oriya and some other East Indian dialects as o in English not and often
confused with o) and d are of the modern Oriya type. The medial d-stroke is short and joined to
the top curve of the consonants. The medial signs of i and I are sometimes not easily distinguishable.
K is without its vertical stroke as in the modern Karan! variety of the Oriya alphabet.^ The same is
the case sometimes with v which is invariably pronounced as b in Oriya and other East Indian
dialects. T and t are of the Bengali type, while n closely resembles the Telugu form of the letter.
In some cases, there is little difference between g and p and, in a few cases, m also has a similar
shape. R has more than one form. Sometimes it resembles ch ;
but often its tail, which developed
out of the protuberance of the lower slanting line of Gaudlya r, is joined with its top curve (put
at the right side in a few cases ;
cf. vdre in line 1) as in modern Oriya. The form of the akshara ru is
interesting, H resembles the same letter as found in other Orissan epigraphs including the Bhuba-
neswar inscription (in early Bengali characters) referred to above. The akshara hi in srdhi (line 1)
has, however, a cursive form noticed in some records including the said Bhubaneswar inscription. In
modern Oriya, dental I is distinguished from retroflex I (derived from the sign of I in Gaud!) by a dia-
critical mark. It is possible that this distinguishing diacritical mark has been used in our inscrip-
tion in a few cases (cf. I in mudula in line but the unsatisfactory state of the preservation of the
3) ;
epigraph renders it difficult to be definite on this point. The numerals I, 2, 4, 5 and 9 have been
used in the inscription. The figure for I shows its Telugu form, while 2, 5, etc., are of the Bengali
type. A peculiar Oriya method has been followed in pa 50 sa in line 4 to indicate pahchdsa 50.
The language of the inscription is Oriya. An interesting orthographical feature is the
almost universal use of the dental sibilant in accordance with the peculiarity of Oriya pronuncia-
tion. Noteworthy are also the expressions narasihgha for Sanskrit narasirhha, vlje-rdje for
vijaya-rdjye^ samamthu for sarhvat {sarhvatsare), klshna for krishivi, chatarudlga for chaturdik,
irik r ana-pat dndeka for srikarami-paUandyakay mdhdsendptl for mahdsendpati, sanlmigra for
sandkivigraha (sdndhivigrahika), kotha-hrana
vehorana for vyavaharana^
for koshtha-karana,
vise for vishaye, parldarasand for paridarsana, jdvata for ydvat, dsa for dyus, sldhtsara for siddhesvaraj
etc. Similar expressions are also noticed in numerous other early Oriya inscriptions.
The date of the record is given in line 1 as samamthu 19 srdhi Kakadd-klshna 14 Chandra-vdre^
i.e., Monday, the 14th of the dark fortnight of Karkata (solar Bhadrapada) in the Amka
year 19 of king Narasirhha. The mention of Srikarana-pa ttandyaka Visvanatha-mahasenapati
as an officer of the king, as will be seen below, shows that he is none other than the imperial
Gahga moiiarch Narasirhha IV who began to rule about 1378 A.O. The expression srdhi, used in
the date, is believed to be a corruption of Sanskrit iarac/i^Prakrit sarahi meaning “ in the year
» Be© JBOBS, Vol. X, Plate XIII foUowing p. 170.

1
No. 13J SIDDHESWAR INSCRIPTION OF NARASIMHA IV ;

ANKA YEAR 19 107
and here refers to the peculiar Ahka reckoning connected with the medieval, rulers of Orissa.
Omitting, according to rule, the years 1, 6 and 16, the 19th Ahka year of Gahga Narasimha
IV would indicate his 16th regnal year corresponding to circa 1394: A.C. The details of the date
suggest Monday, tke 27tli July, 1394 A.G., to be the actual date of the document.
The inscription records the grant of part of a village called Bhaimgrama which was situated
in
the Raahga vishaya or district. The revenue-incoma (jita of the land was 50 mddhas probably of
)
The said district formed a part of Purvadik-Dandapafca, i.e., the eastern administrate
e unit.
silver.
The governor of this Dandapata [danda-parikshd) was hiandikesvara-sandhivigrahika who was
subordinate to a higher Srlkarana'pattanayaka (designation of the chief officer in charge

officer,
of the records department) Visvanatha-mahasenapati. Yisvanatha was the chaturdik-danda-

parlkskd, i.e., the governor-general of four Dandapatas in the east, west, north and south in a
is no doubt mentioned as
Puro-
particular area of the Gahga kingdom. The same officer
the two
inkaraim Visvanatha-mahasenapati in the second set (M A, line 24 VI B, lines 3-4, 12) of
;
Puri plates of Narasiihha IV.^ A Simhachalam inscription of Saka 1313 (1391 A.C.)^ mention
modern Cuttack,
Visvanatha-mahasenapati as the Srikarana^pattandyaka of Varanasi-kataka,
i.e.,
which was the capital of the later imperial Gahgas.
The grant is made with the consent of all the administrative officers including
said to have been
in question and was exempted
the pasaita, mudula, koshtha-karana and hknga-loka of the Dandapata
bheta, voda a,ndparidar-
from the payment of all taxes {avadana) including ohoru, pdukd, paika,
is used in the form pasdya ot
pas
Sana. The word pasdita is derived from Sanskrit prasdda which
maintenance of the village-artisans or
etufh in Gujarati in the sense of “ land separated for the
pasdita or pasaita an ma a
for religious and charitable purposes”. The official designations
is the same as modern riya tnu
pasaita are also found in other Oriya inscriptions.’ Mudula
conceived as an emperor. os
indicating a class of servants of the god Jagannatha ^
called Koskha-vydpdra in the uri

thakarana seems to indicate officials of the revenue department
be the same as bhaya-bhuj found in
Plates (B) of Narasimha IV.’ The expression bhaga-Ma may
ohoru
the Kanas plate of Lokavigraha.’ Among the taxes mentioned in the list of exemptions
is apparently tbe same as dandodsi-ohoray i.e., the
watcbman-tax, mentioned a aânna p m
and may have been a tax on the money realised
inscription.’ Pdukd may be modern Oriya pduseri
paddtijivya of other inscriptions
by the creditors from the debtors. Pdikd is apparently the same as
the maintenance of the clubmen.
and pdikdli of modern Oriya. It was probably a tax levied for
voda (tbe same as modern Oriya
Bheta means a periodical or occasional offering of money and
Paridarsand, as the name implies, was a supervision-
vaddi) a similar offering of uncooked food.
tax, although its real nature is uncertain.
«.a. for Sanskrit
The purpose of the grant was apparently the long life (cf.
. .
condition of the second part of the record

in line 6) of king Narasiihha IV. Owing to the damaged
easy to determine. But itispermis^
under review, the names of the donee anj^hôno r are not
* JASB, VoiTlXIV, Parti, pp7T5n52 above, Vol. XXVHI, pp. 302 ff.
;
* Sir, Vol. VI, No. 801.

1 ro 1 of fhe Oriva familv-name Pasdyata or Pasdita.
See SII^ Vol. VI, No. 94, lines 4 and 5 No. 1153, line 4
.
*
^ \
;
1-7 the Hntv

duty
,
* -
J
of the Muduhs is to stamp a seal on
tipa.1 .
of vne
iocksoi
the locks the
*.
* According to *^he Purxiachandra Bhashakoshat

doors of the Puii temple.
‘ See above, Vol. XXVIII. p. 306.
•Seeabove, Vol. XXVIII. pp. 329, 331.
JASB isyj,
* JAisxs, 1893 Part 91
p ui.
rart Ii, p. Ohori as the name of a tax or
cess occurs me
. PAni. fcf Mahanti’s
^
•
that was lent out, together with the

Prachinagadya.pady-adaria, p. 5, last liney 0“
o j pa tillage deity . ThU offering Is called
stipulated interest in grain, the lender offers a quantity y
oAor* in lome parts of Orissa even today.
* Above, VoL Xn. pp. 240-41. JBORS. Vol. XVII. p. 17-
to think that the^ grant was naade in favour of the god Siddhesvara in whose temple the record is
found. Line 8 of our inscription reads the name Sidhesara (Siddhesvara) at the begi nnin g and
data (i.e., “ given to. .after a big gap.
. It seems therefore that the grant was made by
a person named Siddhesvara. It is interesting to note in this connection that an officer of the
Gaiiga monarch Narasimha IV is actually known to have been Pdtra Siddhesvara- Jena mentioned
in the Puri plates B (Plate VI A, line 23). The extant medial e-mark after Sidhesara in line 8 of
the inscription may suggest the title of nobility or family name Jena (originally meaning “ a prince”).
Thus it is possible to think that Pdtra Siddhesvara -Jena, an officer of Gahga Narasimha IV,
installed a Siva-liuga named after himself^ and granted part of a village in favour of the deity for
the longevity of his master.
Only two geograpliical names are mentioned in the inscription, viz., the village of Bhaim-
grama and the district of Raahga, the intended reading for which may be Rdahga. The name of
the district reminds us that of the Ravahga inshaya mentioned in the Puri plates- of Bhanu II and
the Ramahga vishaya mentioned in the Alagum inscription^ of Anantavarman Chodagahga. The
village of Alagum about ten miles from Sakhigopal in the Puri District was situated in the Ramahga
vishaya. It is not impossible that Ravahga, Ramahga and Raahga (or Raahga) are variant forms
of the name of one and the same district.
TEXT^
Part I
1 [VIra]-srI-NarasIhghad[e]va[h]ka vl[je-ra]je samamthu 19 [s]ra[hi] Kakada-kishna 14 Cha[ndra}-

vare
2 chataru-dlge(ga)-danda-parlksha sr[i]kra[na*]-patanaeka Vis[v]anatha-mahasenapti[h]kra

10 danda-parlksha [pu*][ruva]-diga-danda-
3 pa[ta*]ru Nandikesvara-sammlgra[h]kra v[e]horane e-dandapatara pasa[i*]ta muduli

kothakrana [bha]ga-loka
4 samasta-vehorana-anumate Raahga-vi[se] Bhaimgrama -grama jita madha pa 50 sakra [bha]-

ga[ka] dana
5 [o]horu pauka paika bheta voda paridarasana javata avadana n^ti-kara(ri) Vira“4ri-[Na]-
rasihghadeva-
Part II
6 hkra asa[kamarthe]
7 ti ne ti pa 1
8 S[idhe]sara“[Jena] hk[u]^ data pa 2
9 madha du [2]
droho [ka*Jrai [ra]i [||*]
* There are numerous other cases of naming a deity after the person responsible for its installatioiu See abOTe,3
Vol. xxvni, p, 182.
* doum. As, Soc., Vol. XVII, p. 24.
® Above, p. 47.
* From impressions. The inscription was copied by Sircar in January 1950.
* The name of the deity seems to have occupied the space before this dative suffix.
Year
Narasimha IV; Anka
Inscription OF
SiDDSESWAB Part I
Left side
SCALE
ONE-TH.RD
UHABR/^
3977 e36-4a9’53.
No. 14] SANGALOODA PLATES OF EASHTEAKUTA NANNAEAJA SAKA : 815 109
No. 14-SANGALOODA PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA NANNARAJA : SAKA 615
(/ Plate)
M. Venkataramayya, Ootacamund
These copperplates were received for examination by the Government Epigraphist for India
in 1949 from Mr. N. W. Samudra, B.A., LL.B. of Akola, Madhya Pradesh, to whom the plates
have since been returned. They were reported to have been discovered at Sangôoda
(Sanglud), District Akola. The charter consists of three plates held together by a ring with
a seal containing the legend Sri-JuddJidsurah and an emblem which looks like a flying garuda.
The and the third plates are engraved on one side only, the second being written on both
first
sides. The plates together with the ring weigh 60 1 tolas. The record is registered as C. P. No. 59
of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for the year 1949-50. A brief notice of the inscrip-
tion has already been made by Prof. Mirashi.^ I edit the record here with the kind permission
accorded by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India.
The inscription is engraved in characters belonging to the southern class of alphabets.
They bear close resemblance to those in which the Anjaneri Plate of Tejavarman* and the Ellora
Plates of Dantidurga^ are written. In general appearance, style of engraving and palaeographical
features, the script of our record falls in thesame category as that of some Kalachuri, Chalukya
and early Rashtrakuta records of Maharashtra and Gujarat, viz., the Sarsavni Plates of Buddha-
raja,« the Abhona Plates of Sahkaragana,* the Nausarl Plates of Srya^raya-Siladitya,* the Nirpan
Plates of Nagavardhana,’ the Sahjan Plates of Buddha varasa,® the Manor Plates of Vinayaditya-
Mangalarasa^ and the Antroli-Chharoli Plates of Karka II Saka 679.1° gome common charac-
:
teristics of this group of inscriptions are the following. The characters employed in them are
round in execution and show a tendency to cursive writing especially in the engraving of the
letters w,w, y, r and 1. In the marking of medial i and w, e and ai, and in the invariable use of the
looped yi and the unlooped t they are all alike. The palaeography of our record is regular for the
period to which it belongs, i.e., the 7th century A. C.
The alphabet of the inscription calls for the following remarks. Instances of initial vowels,
d u (lines 21 and 22) and e (line 23) occur in it. E, initial, is exactly of the same form as that
(line 6),
in the Ellora plates of Dantidurga.^^ In the marking of some medial vowels peculiarities are found.
Thus, medial i is indicated by a vertical stroke within the loop marking the short e.g,, si in line
21. Medial u is indicated by two separate strokes as in ku in line 2. But the same sign is marked in
two different ways even though attached to the same consonant e.g. pd in lines 22 and 24. The
:
(line 9), ketuK^ka

jihvdfnuliya which is exactly like 7na is found in kantaU-kd (line 8), rahitah=ke
(line 9) and patiH^ka (line 11). Y is written in two forms the bipartite
:
form occurs in dhaya
(line 15) while the form with a loop at the left like the Grantha y is noticed in uishaya (line 14).
The darâs are marked for the full verse only and not for the halves.
^ Above, Vol. xxvni, pp. 4, 7 and n.

• Ibid., Vol. XXV, plate facing page 236.
* Ibid., plate facing page 29.
* Ibid., Vol. VI, plate facing page 299.
*Ibid., Vol. IX, plate facing page 296.
•Ibid., Vol. VIII, plate facing page 232.
’ Ind. An/., Vol. IX, plate facing page 124.
• Above, Vol. XIV, piatea facing pp. 160-fil.
•Ibid,, Vol. XXVITI, plates facing pp. 20-21.
•• JBBHA8, Voi.XVI, plate facing p, 106.
“ Above, Vol, XXV, p. 30, text-line 10.
16 DGA/52 m
110 EPIGBAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
The langruage of the inscription is Sanskrit. Portions of the text are in verses of which
there are only two, both in the Sdrdulavikridifa metre. The rest of the inscription is in prose.
The usual imprecatory verses are conspicuous by their absence but a passage in prose occurring
towards the end (lines 26-28) contains the imprecation against violators of the charity.
The phraseology of the record deserves particular mention. The inscription opens with
the usual svasti and the mention of the place of issue, viz., Padmanagara. In certain portions the
phraseology of the record is exactly the same as that found in some early Katachchuri records,
viz., the Abhona Plates of Sahkaragana K. year 347^ and the Sarsaviai Plates of Buddharaja
:
:
K. year 361.* For instance, the passage dtmany=dhita-âJcti-siddhih describing Svamikaraja in our
charter (line 7) is found in both the records cited above where it is applied to Katachchuri
Krishnaraja. Again the sentence yas-cJia sarnsraya-visesha-lobhad^îva sakalairâhhigamikair^
itarai^^cha gunairûpetdh (lines 11-12) eulogising Nannaraja-Yuddhasura of the present charter is
traceable in the above records also where again the same Krishnaraja is eulogised thereby.
It is not improbable, therefore, that the composer of our inscription drew inspiration from
the earlier Katachchuri models much in the same way as the writers of Gurjara grants in the time
of Dadda Praântaraga drew upon same Katachchuri records.® Whether this fact by itself
the
could be taken to indicate some political connection between the early members of the Rashtxs-
kuta family figuring in our grant and the Katachchuri s is more than what can be said at present.
The orthography of our inscription shows some noteworthy features. iV is used for n in
mna (lines 1 and 24). The same consonant n takes the place of an anusvdra in padavin=vigdhya
(line 4). A redundant n occurs in sarhniraya (line 11). P is used for b in samanuvddkaya- (line
15). Mistakes like hhumichhidra (line 23) for bhumichchkidraf panch(ida^dn=mrsheshu (line 29)
for panchadaSa-varsheshu and paurnnami (line 30) for paurnTmindsyam occur in the inscription.
In some cases the consonant after the repha is duplicated.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Rashtrakfiita chief NannarSja who bears
Yuddhasura which is engraved on the seal of the plates.
the surname It is issued by him from
Padmanagara. Nannaraja’s genealogy is described as follows in the Rashtrakuta family :
was bom Durgaraja whose son was Gdvindaraja to whom was born Svamikaraja. The son of
Svaznikar&ja was Kannaraja who was endowed with innumerable virtues and who was a
ParamabrahmaTiya and a Paramabkdgavata.
The object of the charter is to register the gift made by Nannaraja of lands in the villages of
Umbarika-grama and Vatapuraka-grazna, to the Brahma^ HaragaM-dvivîn, son of
Bhutagana-bhatta and grandson of Varmmulaka-chaturvedin, in order to secure religious merit for
himself and his parents. The donee is further described as a resident of Tagara, as belonging ho
Va(or Ma)rula gotra, Kauîka pravara and Taittirlya eharana and as AnwarU-annasattra-priiddyin.*^
'The boundaries of the land granted in Umbarika are stated as follows on the south it was bounded :
by the boundary of Vaivadraka, on the north by Tati- or Tilingichchhi-Bhataraka (temple), on the

east by the boundary of Nagayayi and on the west by UchcbhT(chhI)vahala.
The gift is stated to have been made with libation of water on the day of Karttika-Purnima
and the date of the record quoted at the end mentions the same day in the Saka year 615 which
is expressed in words.
1 Above. Vol. IX, p. 297, text-lines 6-6.

*Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 297, text-lines 4-.5 and 6-7.
> Ibid., p. 296.
* The <’OTni>onnd Anivdrit-dnnasaUra may be understood as an mnnamttm wtiich wa* unhindered
‘
;
or, the
annasatra was named after a person who had the biruda, Animrita, See below.
No. 14] SANGALOODA PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA NANNARAJA SAKA ;
615 111
The chief Natmaraja who issued the present charter from Padmanagara is already known to
us two other inscriptions both belonging to his reign and in which the same genealogy is
prefaced to his name. These are the Multai Plates^ and the Tiwarkhed Plates.* The former
is dated i§aka Samvat 631, expressed in words, and it records the gift made by Nannaraja of the
village of Jalaukuhe situated to the west of Kinihivattara, to the north of Pipparika, to the east
of Jalnka and to the south of Arjnnagrama. None of these villages has been located yet. The place
from which the charter was issued is not specified. But the findspot of the record is known to be
Multai in the Betul District of Madhya Pradesh which lies about a hundred miles northeast
of Akola, the locality in which the Sangalooda Plates were found. The other inscription, viz., the
Tiwarkhed Plates, discovered near Multai, records another grant by the same king Nannaraja,
of gome land in the village of Tiverekheta, i.e., modern Tiwarkhed, on the south bank of Aihve*
viaka. The date of this record is given both in words and numerals as 553 of the Saka era and
the place of issue of the charter was Achalapura, i.e. Ellichpur, 50 miles north of Akola.
Although the chiefs mentioned in the three charters are the same and the texts of the inscrip-
tions up to the donative portion are identical except for slight variations here and there, and some
omissions in one of them, viz., the Tiwarkhed Plates, some remarkable differences do exist in other
respects between our inscription and the other two. In the first place the latter two are engraved
in the angular northern characters while the present Sangalooda Plates are incised in the rounded
southern characters. Again, there is great difference in the dates quoted in the three records
although they purport to have been issued by the same king. In the Tiwarkhed Plates the Saka
year 553 is given as the date of that charter while our grant and the Multai Plates are dated in
iSaka 615and 631 respectively. Obviously the Tiwarkhed Plates must be understood to quote
a wrong date, since in other respects also, besides the disparity of over sixty to eighty years in
date between that and the others, this charter is faulty and contains large omissions in the textual
portion which in the other two is complete and identically worded. These and other defects in
the Tiwarkhed Plates, as pointed out by Prof. Mirashi,^ cast some doubts on their genuineness.
The difference in the script of our record as compared with the other two is indeed noteworthy.
That in the same region two different scripts were employed and that by the same king must be
considered to hold some particular significance, the nature of which it is difficult to establish
although similar instances are known.* There are indic-ations afforde d by the p resent ch arter to
^ Ind, AtU., Vol. XVIII, pp. 230 fif. and plates.
* Above, Vol. XI, pp. 276 ff. and plate.
® Above, Vol. XXVIII, p, 3.
* Chola chief Punyakumara coming from the same locality, some of which
We have inscriptions of the Telugu
Me engraved in the Telugu- Kannada script of the Chalukya variety and some others in the Falla va-Grantha
characters e.g., his Tippalur inscription is in the Pailava-Grantha script (above, Vol. XXVU, p. 231 and plate)
,
while his Rame^varam is in the Telugu-Kaunada script

of the Chalukya style (above, Vol.
Pillar inscription
XXVrr, p. 234 and It is well known that this chief was a
plate).
feudatory alternately of the Pallavas and the
Chaiukyas (above, Vol. XXVD, p. 251).
Attention ma> also be drawn in this connection to the enigma presented by some charters of the Sailodbhava
king Madhavavarman, the characters of each of which are so dissimilar to those of the others,^ thus presenting a
palaeographical incongruity
‘
WhUe two of his chaiters, viz., the Ganjam Plates (above, V"ol. VI, p. 144 and
in one style, his other two records,
pl.) and the Cuttack Museum (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 148 and pi.) are
Plates
viz., the Buguda Plates (above, Vol. VII, p. 100 and and the Puri Plates (above, Vol. XXIII, p, 122 and pl.)
pl.)
Me engraved in quite a different script and style. The late Mr. N. G. Majumdar tried to give some explanation
of the enigma presented by these charters (above, Vol. XXI\» p. 1*10).
The two records ofBantidurga, viz., the EUora Plates and the Samangad Plates may also be cited aa othar
instances in point. The former which is in southern characters like some Chalukya records of Gujarat were iasued
by the chief when he was still a feudatory of the W. Chalukyas (above, Vol. XXV, pp. 26-7) while iht latter
which are in northern characters were issued by him as an independent sovereign. Although the genuinenew
of the latter has been caUed in question yet one cannot set aside the inscription altogether and for our purpose
^0 are concerned with the script of the record (see above, Vol. XXV, p. 26).
112 EPIGRAPHU INDICA [VoL. XXIX
the effect that the issuer was not a paramount ruler but one enjoying only a small status. This
becomes evident from the fact that no titles of independent rulership like Maharaja much
lessthose of supreme lordship like Mahdrdjadhirdja or Paramahhattaraka are attached to the
names of any one of these Rashtrakuta chiefs from the time of the first member of the line,
viz., Durgaraja. The recently discovered Nagardhan Plates of Svamiraja,^ an earlier member
of this line, also show that the issuer of that charter, Svamiraia likewise does not assume any
of independent rulership but actually describes himself as Bhattdraka-pdddnuddhyatah i.e.,
titles
devoted to the feet of his lord (Bhattdraka). To whom then were Nannaraja and his ancestors
of the present charter subordinate ? Prof. Mirashi^ expressed the view that they were at first
vassals of the Kaiachuris and later, of the Chalukyas of Badami who displaced the Kalachuris,
and that Svamiraja of the Nagardhan Plates was a Kalachuri vassal to start with. He also
adopted the view, subject to revision, that Govinda, the adversary of Pulakeîn II mentioned in
the Aihole inscription (634-5 A.C.), was to be identified with Govindaraja, the grandfather of
Nannaraja and that the Chalukya emperor reduced these Rashtrakuta chiefs to vassalage after
his subjugation of Kalachuri Buddharaja and his acquisition of the Three Maharashtrakas. In
my opinion these conclusions can for the most part be sustained as shown below.
It is not improbable that Govindaraja was a contemporary of PulakeMn II in or before 634-5
A.C. For, the earliest date for his grandson Nannaraja provided by the present record from
Sangalooda is Saka 615, i.e., 693 A.C. and as the latest date afforded for him by the Multai record
is l§aka 631, i.e., 709 A.C. it is not unlikely that he started his reign earlier and that he succeeded
his father even before 693 A.C., say about 680 A.C. Assuming further that his father Svamika-
raja had the usual reign of 25 years, i.e., from 655 to 680 A.C., the date assignable on the same
reckoning of 25 years’ rule to Govindaraja would be 630-655 A.C. Thus he could have been a
contemporary of Pulakesin II in 634-5 A.C. Besides ths reference to G5 vindaraj a in the Aihole
praSasti there isanother piece of evidence suggesting some Chalukya association with this Rashtra-
kuta family. Pulakesin II is described as Ndgavardhana-pdddnuddhydta in one of the records
of his collaterals ruling in the Nasik District.^ This Nagavardhana is believed to have been some
preceptor of Pulakesin II. was the name of his preceptor or favourite deity, what is
Whether it
worthy of note in this connection is that Nagardhan or Nagavardhana was the findspot of the
grant of Svamiraja and this place might have been named after a deity or a person called Naga-
vardhana to whom Pulakesin II was devoted. If this surmise is proved correct by more substantial
evidence, it may just be possible that Pulakesin II, in the course of his campaign upto the Reva and
the Vindhyas,* passed through Nagardhan, the capital of these Rashtrakuta chiefs and subdued them
sometime before 634-5 A.C. Since then the family might be supposed
in the time of Govindaraja,
to have continued to be Chalukya vassals upto the time of the present charter, the script of
which as noticed already, bears such close resemblance to some Chalukya records of the period,
particularly the Nausari Plates of Yuvaraja Srya^raya-îladitya\ the Manor Plates of Vinaya-
ditya Mangalarasa,® and the Anjaneri Plate of Tejavarman of the Harischandra family.^ Besides,
there is yet one more indication in the present grant to connect these chiefs with the Chalukyas
politically. The donee of the charter is called Anivdrita annaâttra-praddyin. It is well known
1 Above, Vol. XXVni, pp. 1 ff. and plate.

• Ibid., p. 3.
• Nirpan Plates of Nagavardhana Ind, AnL, Vol. IX, p. 124. Fleet doubts the genuineness of the grant
:
(Bom. 0<u., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 358, n. 1). See, however, above, Vol. XXV, p. 228.
• Above, Vol. VI, p. 10.
• Above, Vol. Vin, plate facing p. 232,

• Ibid., Vol. XXVm, plate facing pp. 20-1.
» Ibid,, Vol. XXV pp 227, 235 a jlate.
;
AppehdiX] RAJAPRA8ASTI INSCRIPTION OP UDAIPUR el
34 [»]wcTW [i*J II? ^11 ?im(?r>)
•TTP'T 'l5^5ftf3R 55nT®F(®rf)
36 f>wnf«r: l Sl^?»T[5r] [w]?T^(?T^)HmT?T^ *T?T ll?V||
f^?TT5T(5T) ^^[:*] «ncT(«15TT)^: 5'l?5rara(^)-
36 I *T(^T) 4My*<Hg^ H?50l
*r«q^nnTca ^ 5^wrq%.
37 5^ I to !itrM«i«ifii("ê>^'^tvt<'i ii??ii HTO5fêc(i5)
38 m: I wviraf amgsnjHbf^Tfrf^^Trtat ^ h^: ii?«ii acft-
W»T(5»T)3q^njTO ^ TO
39 I ’frafwg hto 5T'1ct(^:) g^niT ii?cii iw:
f5I«mPT: ftT^nin(^)rfTft«rrT:
40 Ji% sm: I <n»5»W(*T?) ^<T(^5f ?)n(»l)^ H ^TO

II? 5.11 f5rf^ srf^ g^(^)
~
>>Yo||
41 ^?n«TTTf¥W g g gqT ^ i
I 3f5n5T«f)Hl4r4M4M4SP^
Slab XVIII ;
Canto XVII
[Metres vv. 11-14, 21-23, 26, 27, 29, 33, 37, 38 Upajati
v. 2 Indravajm ;
v. 3 Upnjati
: 1, 5-8,
of Upend/ravajra, Indravajra and Varhiasthabila ;
w. 4, 32 Drutavilambita w. 9, 16, 17,
; 20, 24,
25 Upajati of Vamiasthabila and Indravamia ;

vv. 10, 25 Indravamia ;
w. 15, 18, 30, 31, 34,
Anuahttibh ;
vv. 19, 41, 42 ^drdulavikridita ;
v. 28 Prithvi ;
w. 36, 39 Upendravajrd ,
v. 40
Malinl.]
1 II ^[:*] I
ftnSJlt l WTH<*yif: fvw gfiftlTOT(Jrt)
HTO5rf^: I T15ft?^:
2 ^rPT^c5r9r(f%)sz: 5j^»i3^f5*PT ii?ii wRFti'^niMi g^»r
«nifif^5fPRT I k^hW^-
3 5f rr^ *NW(5HT«TT WRU ^
^ Me&ning * gold’.
* Smndki la not obterred hara.
16 I>GA/62
62 £PIGRAPHIA INDICA Vot. XXIX
irhwvN <9
»
5 H'>ni ^?rrt*r
Jit^: 5^d<H>^s'^ I *15^-
6 gfl*n <.»iq)l < Tmr«<»»<T lHIM ftPTT^Rft T*'^^
J^niHT: SIV5*^ I 5f?n5nTT(>Tt)-
7 aff<i((i(H ^ ^ fnwwTi: ii^n ^
f«WT»T I »^r?n
8 ?W TTflmWJfHTfw ll\9H WT fWWt HwlgH'ni(^rf)
^ Tnnnr: I UfilftSTt m fWTTil^-
9 Trni»rf^(^) >TT% II*;M m: I
10 ll€.M 5nT^fT«f HIWm«T(«?T)TT(m)nT?HW [5^3?^^*
^4^Ti5T(f^) ^ I ^|>?T PWÎ-
11 giT Htfa q^^w^: nioM v^Tf^r w f^Pf^rnr-
wi(nT)^(^)firpwf^(P>r) ?T(?f)f«nfqcTi«ra5r q«r ars-^
12 HhT^(?sp)TTf^ ’l!*Tm(H>) ^?TfiT ll??U «(w)fW^ SCSW ^

?m: ?rfrCTT(wf)
[
1 *] «it ^;no(^mOT) ?rom 5
-
13 4^ *r(n)»ra(OT) •»?5?ii ?Emr?T^(54) fnifj*i5a?iiT(<) T»»wpf(>i)
w [i*] VT «»t4»(w)^ W9ffk(f^) »wr(4)fCrrTf?T n??i>
14 ijmfiT H 9f5VTfH(f4) ??4(f4)^ [t*]
41 <3 T ir(fdl«wT^FtqT < fm^ i

<
3m^ ftf^t^r: ii?'>fii
16 m(*T)5i3TfT(?f) H TriTftT(fti)5> [i*] «m«HK»i«icf ’nfir
vtfw(f^) SWT5T*R II? HU ®SS3R7m^M441 «q«m-

16 »»t »i T i; n^r»Tr< f q fiT 4 4?q^
l 1 VT*rf(*ff) ^ 5I>TH«?WT»Tr?T4 fH(?f)
II? ^11 4(4)4<j 1%rar
*
This avc^rafuL sign is not necessary.
* Aaad ^«=sa
^ These t^ro avagraha signs are unnecessary,
*
There is a superfluous anusvdra over this letter.
17 *reo!i [i*] rncd^f*!^-
i>?v9M »n(»it)^'hrf5'ra^(fti)^ Hh
18 WT i(w) ««?rm»TTR [i*] a tmifTgR^f^ ^

5i5m: ^(y)^ni*^rT^[:*] wrof*^-
19 «N «rT 3rar^ 4r=(wi %l [»*] ^tsrthj qir
W11 ?TfHhinff%miTO>lTlT Ha(?T) dnTd4%«t HUH

20 'iliT <1
^ irm snrf;*] t diiw0^l^«g(9f)-
t môu nmg-
21
g(g)»rf|f%inr ^ ii^?ii
22 g5rre5(^)t3Fi5fV îii igra w ^ sfenq i wizm: wwis;
5i1>R5T fîTT: 5%
24 îw: [»*]
n^îi ggmwffTqftg(g)fTm[*:[
n(9)|5RgHig% «m[:*] imHgf»rRT-
25 IRYll iM3(tdT(^)
^
iw(%)tTCT [i*] linn: wM'iydJ*mT(5Tj g^(«T)f%-
26 iRhT(9)<il1II<»ygO(^^'T 5T^f(f?T)%^ 55ftf% [»*J

WcT[:] IRSOI
% W*ITW iniWT ?T(f)5TWrT:
27 !??rT?{?)5f ^ i
5^: Hi.HhI 3T^!ir»T
28
g^(g)?f^(fefT)f%?T% *1fT-
29 M Mt 3r5rf% <i3ifti^ H'f: Tfs(«»)g«rflf
5«>Tf gwr g«r4»ig*r sn«i
?r I <1^ ;iw*nf ww-
31 11^ oil ^(5#:) frof !t«i(«t) «ftw gnm [i*]
ftr^Rn §5T(5rt)f%w ii^?ii im[Tftt]^-
32 H(>n)fi?^q:5ct g^< qhl4T?r?fimf JrqrmRf^: f«T(w?)of §5i(m)
f«rf^?nnrrft?T ii^îi ^ f«n»WT-
34 vT(fiTT)fH [i*] TRfw(ftr)5 wm^jr n?'><ii
«l5n5ratc^5^P^^HT*TT?RT5T??^*
35 «T§5TrfH«»R« I îhnT(«i) f^ fiftf^fiw^^ grr; i^ »rrm 5Tf(^)ft^lw *K'hiw*
11^ mi 5m(jft)«^(;T)V(v)?T[*T]-
36 5 I nqpTqt:g^8r<^ yR^t?l ii^sn
y*T(m) [I]
37 ftrfVT»ratf>Tr<nfiT 5Rn5^%^'t»P*R ^ *IR I tfr4Jjf lfg<«ft ("ff)ggTT IRl
«ft'< r5ifti^' W fJf-
38 ^nfir «iwrr ii^'sii ^n«ft(v)Hnf^(?R) (ct)* * nKifa4 i »f îrff<*R ir(irTff*Tt)*T"ft-
5T5H(5f) I
5I«T%: snp-
39 [5R] ’TRTf^(sr) ?PnRTfiT5(TO5rt)^(isJ:) ||?«;|| J|¥(«)T^ ’Tfl^TfR’n l'
JTm' ^ ?RST 3TR: I ?T 5f^T:
40 ^ OT(«?i») f(?)yt
R ypai il ?
vft(?fm)WT[:] llêil fjnR^»(4)'
41 ^{f)Mt^fll»l(«f)'<MI*<l(€)TRT I fciTftWf>TTînt4q>44ft;Trs^» <V (g)Wgm r
11^0 II
* This dar^da is mmeoesaarj.

* The last letter, t.s., sa, is superfluous.
* Perhaps we have to read <n-mur^'mad*6fai(m«.
* The letters in brackets are to be omitted.
Appendix] KAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 65
43 ^(?i)nhF*i a(§) ^ fCTft5PT ^ nm:

?rp5lf%CTT«nn[:*]
44 5H?pt ^ ^('?)['^*] I
46 w ¥tTT(TT)^(^)[^^ T^‘
^ 'd<4<iigi*l4*i»I^^J: ll['<^^l»*]
Slab XIX Canto XVIII

;
w. 17 Upajah v. 4 Indra-
[Metres : vv. 1, 2, 32, 39, 40 Sdrdulavikrldiia ; 3, 6-8, 11, 13-15, ;
Indravarhsd and Vamhasthabila v.l6 Indravamka v. 18 ;
vajrd ;
vv. 5, 9, 10, 12, 19-21 Upajdti of ;
vv. 22-31, 33, 37, 38 Anushtubh vv. 34,

Upajdti of Indravarhsd, Varhsasthabila and Upendravajrd
,
;
35 Sragdhard ;
v. 36 Mdlini.]
1 (I «i>n»T5nv ?m(«r:) i
2 ?3V I 5T^[f5i] ^ ^M:*] sf^n^mPTt
3
gr^rW^ i
4 5m[5n]»^ w iRii *rd^(^)*
«[THmq(g)frt?Rnv umxf^-
5 [1*] ^ HR5««HI«.n:(«rf)
iRii ^(?r)5n4'>f ^ ?mf^(?ri)%cT-
[flj^: tjfhfMihTRfh* [<m! si]-

6 5nr(5jfn»q^:
Ji«4<sr tT[^] tr^: iRii ^ : 5t-
~~
Ttus nnmbering is wrong. We
^
* The -^fords yuktam maha* are supplied from v. 39 of the canto XIX,
serial number o e can o
* This hgure 18 is written on the top of the slab and refers to the
* This should be corrected into
B
15 DGA/52
«6 '
EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
7 JT?VcT: I
f^9TT
?mmcT: itnii vc'A'iRrvri' ^-

8 jncTO: ^?nT ^ § ^Wss^mqt i ur<^»i>Fff^:(fk)^<nfT
JTprf^refMT:^ ?!m ll^ll 5

-
9 ofrnrtfiT vTir?^ ci«tt ?inrqf^»if^ 5"f rwrfhg®?
srtTts^ry^cmt ii\3ii fjmfJT
10 5n^«n^ 5orff^{xrt)fnrraTf^m i §HTf^?!5Tf^nfTifft ^fhiFiiggwig^ u*:m
§?r>i^('^) f^-
11 ^ !T5ftfg^0T w TTaTrff ^ ) «r>rfTT5ft ^fTOrTngHT-
^rrla/JiwIf fm: iieii
12 ?itn HH75f 5<»rf|fcT5rta^cm>?Jj^ 1 »TT>^(^)<ii«iw^<lf^fT«T?T g^'Ty»rf
13 n?o»l Hd: 5T^> H: [1*] ÎTTÛ
f5Tcm^(^)5TTm sr*Tt?:(?)3wr(wff)5i^ ^ ii??ii
14 SRI? JTd: g^^T?f(gT?§)5TT(?Tt) g^RST^TT nn'lci’ild

N
I
19
Trsm(tff) g?rt fRRmiti?
15 II? ^11 sTT^d^mRf^wqfir *TmT(?TT) 3(5)nf(oif) I 5[?TTOl?TmT-
?rTt|?Tft[?sT]?T?inn
16 II? ^11 ?R9f?TST: H Wfd SlftlS* <
17 5 : ll?VM H 5nT’»fl jrf^: fffT 3 3 )<»Tf

S»
(
I
srÎ5f ‘
5TT^T^^”
18 pTT: imil TTSRTWJTmV: ghf3?rrem> I JT>CT
^ TTviW^ TRT-
f^ 5Tl*^| =niT(T) 31c fWT ii?îi mr^ «r(sT)w

5 1
srkrsrfH^
^ The avai/raha signs are superfluous.

* Before t<4l^ there is again a superfluous avagraha sign.
* This tianâ is engraved above the line.
* This avagrahaix ? i i s also superfluous.
Appendix] * RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 87
21 »Tfgg'» re{»M 4 dUTT^c?l(^)?TOTWT
fM f? ^(^)-
22 3H: I fH ?r?nTr STHt: IIH»
23 5Win|^'5RTT^ J*!:
I
g fif*
26
24 wg Hôii ?ragcrmfq^: g5T:(^)g|: [I*]
gfgg??n f<r<g4
25 «TPThl?rrnT> 1(5?? II fPT(ii) I
iRîi
H?ft ^(w)5H^ iTai I

?t[T]5nif«i5^ 5ig«n
g?T iRîi smt ti»m*nrFT fniTj(g)»trn:(T)»i^: i

^^
27 ?^fe5r?Tfcrj[ff]m sj4 iR'>fii »t54 <NHHif5r [?rf^-*]«^: [i]
miWrT44f^TW7 ^WT?nT 5^(f) 5T IRSOI ^ 4T-
28 3RnTjr?JT as afiaaigfr i jusfrsgsTRt ^ «fts: f’n: <4^ g'T

4
as TTiffnnrfiT aaa «ihr a<T f«TO i ins-

« <s •
29 r<igsiH](»^) % aT(sT)g(sa)s?m»>ng iRvsii ^naanrTsraa aanagwif^ i
fesnat slasrfsia srot frlfa fssr iir^(^';)ii aa('a)wT-
30 arsTasa gaa^'anarga: i
srafâsTfsiaaâ: ir!;(^£,)ii sa^-
g^maa: gaulPiRafnaTa i jaai-
31 at ai5??a(ajrma) ag(fT)fTi(sa)saat ^ ii^5.(?o)ii gargsasiaa srafag
aat nrar i
5 (f)â(ai) STRsgaiagai axanaar iiô(^?)<' ^
32 ^ TTaaaiaqaas ^ 5aTata(a)fa: iiô(?^)ii nX?at]asr[?at]a:(5n:)
?sf(nR)fss>asaiT: I anar: asarofR atarai
33 aaai aar: ii^?(?5)ii aaaT('»?aT) ?ata fa(ag) a aa(a)fa Rra as aw

a^(?r)sa>tat ^wr swt jsf inaaaaaaa: %sia> 5R%a: i

* A.fter this tifty-six syllables are wanting, which shows that one complete line of the inscription is missing.
68 EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [yoL. XXIX
34 ^fkmTTTSrfH?
36 «P [f]fcl ^ sfldSHlI »T«lf3t *f5wfa H ^ ^ f!nfKHrc(^)
H^?(?sc)ll fST5RT»m[s5]TRn *f55n^S-
37 l
?T55Rf^-
TT3iftT|f?T 3nH ii^v(^^)n
38 gmw RMi ?nr3R: t crarnw^ 5i3rfw:
39 mg^ § I whpi sOrraft-
sr^nrsrm: gafdfq «ft-
40 so I g^> TTWT?«Tf^(5^)
art p: sfbsnrt^ (?«? f-
41 5Tm(^)5^'k: ft l gflHfeCd <I?^(H)h ?TO?5T 5T^ ?T^ an
srhr^-
42 I apTSJi TiaRWlfwaj^T^: WBis:%CCT(a5T)fe^: ??TNm

[uvon] ffir ?nfl(:) ?t;u
Slab XX ; Canto XIX

[Metres : vv. 1, 12 Sragdham ;
vv. 2, 3 Vasantatilaka ;
vv. 4, 42, 43 Sdrdulavikndita ;
w. 3,
38-41 Upajdti ;
w. 6-11, 14-20, 22-23 Anushtubh ;
v. 13 Pramdnikd ;
w. 21, 34-36 Rathoddhatd
V. 37 Sikharini.]
I II as «TiTn>T5TW w [n*]
(2^;)®sqir<-»ll^lH4q^rdH«n«-
* These three sjlJables are miss mg.

2 Sandhi is not observed here.
* This ta is redundant.
^ This figure 19 appears on the top.
® This sign of avagraha is unnecessary and is to be omitted.
2 [«*]
H3RT: «iftTftm(^)-
3 ?<wnT: ll?ll 3ird?^cft 5T2roRt^JI: ?T^:
4 rHBd«f^ ftrfifT TTimflS lyr: II
rTfd^: PPR r[CTr]m(^)^d [l*] iRft-
5 TfH?m«n3^^ll«*i<n> 55^ ffk ^sf*ermrT5in: [ll?ll*] ^ «Tfss(fe)-
h^wvtctwt: 5?it' «^«r<ii(?nwi)-
6 yn(»f)m?n Rôft^marPr «RtS7JT: ||^||(|)1 ^

rTfWW>-
7 ^^fr%T[f^]EWWPHK<TH^ ^smt lllfll ?TRir ^ ??TfH ?rT«r
H ^ I rT?T> *T^(t%)-
8 ^ 3T5fT5PT>l(ii) Sl>rT[:*] ?nTJ: IIKH 3TH ftipm aimT
H ^ i*dl I ^ 5R»TT flfRTRff-
9 iiîi ^«n(flrr) W^Rz^rnmr 5rRT5W i FRrrfjr
mf^r ’dw i Fn >t«i% iiîi a srfnRf
10 3f>rw: ^ .
-
sfj ^d ff TT: I JTRHT ^ ^»rT mFT niiniTWrflRm: llcil
11 ?(i)m: I 3RaT^T^(fir)^> ^»»TRT fen ii&ii 9fl(sr>)fn|(i)n1 sm^rnfl
dHWvrd |:fTt(|6f^) I 5<diHnnw(in) 5n-
12 fnnRT(nV)f^: nTnf(n)fT5(^)n: n?oii ^[fjwr: erT('i)fiT sf%< ni: i
13 nlfinT: H??o ?n?^T(?^>)fnf^?^^>isr|[n]^mfûnfI^dT^fTnIn^5reIT(^T)^^^n(m)^^^
14 fir{fn)|[Tnann i \(Me<4KffldlM«ffiffn ^ n^nr: jnnft finjlnr votivit:
^ This nuniboring ought to have oome after ^RfTPT* ha the proviuus hue.
]
70 EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [VoL. X XTX

15 ft»Tf^(f?r)^ iin>< *WT 5f«n srw: \
5nftR??WT 3n7(^)fH >j«r^ ii[?îi*] ^Jffwrcn j*tt: ?r#(#) ^-
16 STWT I
U?^(?'if)u jpf ^
^ ftf5»T4»iTPr 5i5n5r^ i 5r?Ri?cft-
17 ^n^?rrf% u?v(?:t)u ^«n[H]?Ta?Ht5rpmTRH i cr»r>
ll?!<(?^)(l *P»T-
^^ftron^^TTnHT m mni w?t f!t(m)-
19 fc^ I HiPT ^fâr: «R[<inft^] ii?v9(?t;)n gent 5tgr«iMni vasr
TT3r% fw ^ [i] n^rfbr f#(^)f?T ^-

23
20 anr m?':(?€.)ii «ft^^T?rf|r(^)[3n:wwr]5Ta^n i a«(^[3rrT(4)»raW('n4)
5TTmt llH(R‘>)ll 54'Tf5^g[?ftl]-
21 «ift?TT^/*ra a ?(?)fen>^T: I [— w— gr^5r> ,4:

^)âT <Ro^(r?)h m ..
‘^2 ' f^TT^ rraf^ nT3T(?)45mn?RlH a?i fsnT[a]«ft

^naT%5TT?sn[qTT*]; <?S{s)^r^(fT)5raT-
îTWTO^feTJT: f?'iTaT[:*] âTa:{4)at ?rf^; ga: i
^(5rT)5i»imH(?g)2 ?m(4)finm ?nnm ar-
24 ^ a(4)5iJT: iR^(^v)u Ha> -

gT>f^ dc i <) f^.- i a?r(?r)
25 f^5?mwTT(wTt) a??aT['iT]ff4^5t) ggn ^H<<T>:)
iR'«’(^^)n® #fT(q^) «ftq?n?q7(5in)5^ g5TT[sr]5ti a^t
26 af [i*] +^q»feHd[?a]nf^HK(*itii u[^v3U*] T^ s')»^ i«m (^)a

^(^)f i
§htjsii [a]îf4d ?caT(^) gaff(qa)[f^*]«T:

I
aîgaa^Tâa: n^5i(^t;)n
faa(%)qfT5-
* The number 20 between a pair of double darida appears above the bne, whUe there is a single daâ after
ta, the iftflt letter of the verse,
* Sandhi is oot observed here.

* After this there *re two dots and two dartdas, which are all superfluous.
Appendk] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OP UDAIPUR
ogfqiil#)
27 ^( 5^) ?r
lR^(Rt)n 5TH:
*15^= ' *(^)'
H«ftfh(>j:^:)
fsr(fir)^Tf^ [llôll*] ^(*f)f?wr: ]

28 «rT(^)T^[«»t*]
g^(tif) I
^(^t) 3T?^SW5T ^mVTTT [w — w — ]'
29 ftr f^rcrarf^: ,
^T-
55TRt ^ cTT^'T^TfiT I
TTsrmt R^rsnn-'
^(H)»r5t siHTfTH I
^'TTism f^-
[f^]wcT: 1
33 nRnf^(ftrT) ^^:(c^?r:) ll?^(?^)ll ggTT^(Î )55q ^

T^^mnwrirR
34 »f rT(%) ar( 9 )f?T^^?^(?^) 'fT(p)f^
fTm«»nJIPTNTm«l:
'^^
U^^(^'a)u
?R^'^(5«rt)f5WT(«n) qirTM'SVl'jJair«ir<SI-
37 iMt |«Wv
’ll*
pf^PT(rrT) vr^Pt
38 ^nin»nîT?ra^Tf^-mH^ <
[^*] n^\9 ('*f?)ii ^
» The intended reading may be

alamkarams=tatha bahuti.
l-arttrims=i»am
tula-larUrmsd xai.
= Two long syllables are missing here. The intended reading seems to be
to be omitted.
•Tkis word pamdite is superduous and is
unnecessary and is to be omitted.
‘The sign of avagraha is
® The word gaiigSya means ‘gold* here.

72 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Yot. XXIX
g mWa ?f?T ^ fcgrtyr ^ »im: 5(g)5r>-
40 Hnwg(g)a?T^(??T)JT fJj ^(?j)^5TftwTq»rT: [nv;?ii] «w*nH(?ft)?«wgf?rFf apfvl
Woft W nhprrfirarTSVnTRTT T^rej^r fcWPT TT5|im(5T)frl7T-
41 ^ I VTwf <i« iT> unq q gf^*<4 ^'yTtara^(^) *T^(a) snf^(f*r)5ft^»m?r ;af??rt
^PT4?pf?«B?: i[i><'?ii*]^ irgf^(f^)5Rqm ?mW-

42 ?nff?J5T: ffh
Slab XXI Canto XX

;
[Metres : w. 1, 6-9, 15, 20, 24, 27, 28, 34, 35, 38, 41, 55, XJfoglti ;
w. 2, 10, 17, 25, 31, 43-46,
48, 52, 53 GUi ;
w. 3, 11, 14, 19, 21, 22, 26, 32, 36, 40, 47, 50, 51 Udgiti ; w. 4, 5, 12, 13, 16, 18,
83, 29, 30, 33, 37, 39, 42, 49 Arya ;
v. 54 Anicshtiibh,]
1 II [ii*] sfy»m5Tm [ii*] ttw TRfta-
5n«nJT iiîi
2 *Rr i Tt3RT^5rcwnfhmfw5T^(Tf)H g<<TT< (f) irii
<72r(s)[5m]f»Ttf<^H*»aTf>T: [l*] ^'irr ’Sf
3 ii?ii a(^)f?rT?iwr5T gfhrg^ i
TT^: ^ Tgreitar>^??T iivii rm-
4 rm ftf^r 4ra!(5S5)wr^^<TW i rrij^4awr5%5rarranr?rTf^RTg?»i lUx

gaTn^rPWT^(»f) i® T^rcwargn i *lâ5T5T*
6. #: ^f?«rfW5JT iRii wtf i
jTwgrn
6 fsT ll\9ll ^f^5T^TfTmggf|: I

^ yglfaîrrl :
iimi 4y(«f\)gpp7fTsrW ?rRrqf^m tpto [i*]
^ Instead of dvdvhnsa, we require here ehonavimaa. Apparently this line of the verse was intended for the
22nd canto and has been wrongly copied here by the engraver.
* This line of verse is redundant. It is meant for the 24th canto.
^ This DM in be ring should be omitted.
*
Read ekdvaviminh sat gall ^
®
The metre
This danda
is
Is
deiectivê here.
superfluous.
Read tfTi>g^ <g4i i 4 5rT*r w etc.
’The absence of sandhi is in favour of the metre.

Ai’pendix] RAJAPR.iSASTl INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 73
8 a i^'«i Ri*i n?on ^(?T)r^;i?T'?T5mr?TcTTra^jiTfem?^ i
|*nim5«ra(9)TTfiT
9 ^?frf5f n??ii ?TiTt i
II? Tram ^rafn-
10 ^wwMMra II? ^11^ Erf(cr)?isncT(rara)?i^m5rara(d:) i Tm?T>
’prot fa ^jhrtj f5T?(?) § fhrflTTm(^) ll?'^ll
11 K(dd (d)^(^)m I gTH jra?ra(^)gT ^»Tcit(t) ?ra5fhTra«T
II? 5^11 Homg(g)H3T(’TT)^rHcTTTd n (d)y5mf4(fa)a^(m)^ I
12 fHTHnrrf^TcnraT ^(4) ?i^(m)g(g)TTf'>T Tn>raf^; i
îwraTT*T(Tr) n?îi ^rad^(^)?ra
13 ^ Trara I HT5 fei!lH li< ^d!^pf(^T)^(^)g(T^)ra<75TfiT: ll?\3U
»r3iTT3r 'jm?tTrf5Rpnftm gTn [i*]
14 W<T(5t) fadHN[a*]gSTT rdd^^ II? 'ill HT^'mcTSld [l*^]
‘t>dH<m(?Jr) ^TH ^ra(ra) ii?c.ii ttsji-
15 irar g^lrar ><g t<ii gi T*'id ra : i Tragrra^ ra^ Ht(^)ftra(?) m® irou

4
î^qmra® Tra^rarÔTrfti^ra i Tm-
16 »j(d)^vra5ra^?nj?*r jicTFr?(5T)m^ iR?ii i
^H$dHK l(g?) ?T(?n)3®?»'d5Rrafrr-
17 5ra*qTOin(3T)fVT: n^îi j>dMetDiqT <Tra gTfdi7fH(m)g |iraH^>iT(?5W) i
^ IRÎI ?raT(Tm) !SHHitTl
18 TT*?^^ JT'rfd^: u^'>^ll 5JH^dfH(fti)55TTrai

I ?raftrrraTdd
tra^raxrfJT i q îmq tto-
The first half of this verse is missing.

*Xhe second quarter of this stanza is too short by four syllabic in^tautd. To sot the metre aright wo may
«ad i
•Instead of S|f^^ read

•This half verse is in excess here. Compare above verse 15 and n. 1.
•The metre requires this syllable to be long.

•This ta is unnecessary and hence must be omitted.
’ The absence of sandhi is in favour of the metro.
^
15 DGA/52
19 cmmf irigi § i
JTTTfir: <[i^^m*]
20 TT»tH^>?nTf4 <^ cT Hgmt i sragr^Rmîi ii^^(5JV9)h
21 §Tn*m‘ W I ^R?P»?JTR(9)^9(?) »I(?t) SrT^RrrirfH^’J’T: IR'9(^ti)ll TWH-

^^PTcRRT^^nj^ sRTri5j>it(nT)T I feq*r3r(«r)TTftr
22 9 u^t;(5ê)ii i?a»T5ii H(^)*»iij5rT«rt i
fk«m(^)TTfiT ^ ^ Tm(^)TT(TT)^^-
23 ^ iiê(ô)ii Trsnms3»cTT5iwmfHm^nwn^ i Trsi ^^ g TO t m <bdMH4i»4Mif«i(W)-
24 wfTq^5Trrnwf§miH(5T) i g^ftq(5)feR^!n5f h nô(^^)[ii*]
5^ I q[^]îwc#('5T)ffmflcqîcn-
25 v(tf)?g l f?®RT^ TT^tayim Tf^dH?q g^TR U??(^?)ll V»f*Wr-
aingl^rnaltg55ii*jt4'dj<u}wi 5^ I
26 ?T?ra^(jM«i >niv?Tl sr??> [ii^vn*] ?reOT5^(w)f^(f^)Tf^[*T>*f [m*]
27 5i?w[:*] n^^(?!()ii Tmdqsjmt 5(^) r 5qntiT(5«f)
ferart TiqRW2T35:5icT»T5td ii^^(^^)n q>w(5i)wri^(ir)-
28 T[^]? g?fiW(«^)tT5TTnT qf(»t)ST%5TTO I tt[w] ii^^(^v»)ii
ciTOqj ahrqrîpf i ??^(f?rT)
29 w(w)55T ^ ii^v(î:)n TT3Rw(*T)ffmf ^ f?Riaw«g>

«^*^f>a*jjrtnn I H g[^W(d4( 3(§)Tmftnra«lT-
30 imRqfirwj: im(H)tl f^T3nTlTj^)?m(lT)5JTT(5m) qv{^(off) I
d1 «?Kwr«(^)i!;|qw »rra(^) ^ fm^[:*] n^^(Yo)n m[?}er§[:*>
31 5RwqaftRi(p5Tg(^)awfeqrTOrJTR
^ qfa^:
[j*] 5T(T)»ri?^<Tt55r w€\ fH^?(*i)î«iPiR!
»i^«ii(>f?)<« ^qfnwfe5(fe)qq d qd»idi)fad» -
1 The metre requires this syllable to be long.
* Instead of JT perhaps we have to read :

AfPEKDix] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR *15
32 'irw(jrT)»rt i ^
33 SRft 5m?!Wcf^lT«ft^W«T: |iH(>f^)l<
5nH0i«itgi?i [i] 53fN?Rif*i5^!*n^rp>i3tnf^^5itH-
34 ^wrtfq uYo(yY)M «ihnifftT55mTpT%«Tl5^t T|^wq(4) H I *H**^W-
5mrfw:(wi:) i '>^?(>f!<.)ii 5nHpT%«i>!JT-
35 SRT
'
în 'i^4qRT ^» rTf>rH '-

«Tgg i
f^*n^HRT(5nH)f^(^) uv^(')f^)n
«^(m) I
5 TP»raKtgTH « 5i-
36 ?TOUR»T?«T 5lT?rfHwft?m |Of^(-!fa)M
37 n'if'if(yt;)n »T>PH5ITOfH%V!T^TmT^T5n?Tft>?l^ »
38 VH I ^ms^'hmrfH«n>’Jri(«rt) i
trarHg^nfH^r^jm^^niTHtvgn^-
f5T«rt llY^(!(o)ll T|c(d4iyfJI 5Tm-

§
39 f’T^(^) [l*] h1*»>HRj 5V<W f?(f5)5T?r^^^4
^mT{Ht)f«
41 ^ U'^«.(Vl^)H «Tf5^[:*] I
9r^ l»Slo(j(V) flJHRWlrH’rfWTHJr#
42 ^(filaT I f%TI3I^ TlftlrTTm^'h: ^ sflTT»Rnjrft
3I51??T 5fhr?T WIT
Slab XXII ;
Canto XXI
v. 2 Sragdhard w, 3-21, 23 25, 28^36 Anush tubh ;
[Metres : vv. 1, 40, 42-45 ;
Sardulavikrldita ;
;
T. 22 Salini 26 Arya vv. 37, 38 Sikharinl vv. 39, 41 Vasantatilaka.]

;
v. Giti ; v. 27 ;
;
1 nss f^(?) [n*] smr»? 5TTw ^:(ww:) [n*]
wTTTiwyrgn[few: i]
Tqm<tM T <w*4^ wT^ Ti[5]wfCTiwiww1waft(«ft)
*The absence of sandhi is in favour of the metre.

'This ni is scored out. Read
* The metre requires this syllable to be long.
‘ This liae of verse is too short by six syUables. Perhaps we have to read TTWfW^
II? II iTJ^c3rTR(^)51?1^!E[r?T]-
«T T3Trni^f?^Rt(m) 5T^Rt ^«TT%«r ^^R^:<srfe#5mfimT^ I
4 T?JT^gf%5Tc?TSTm!^m^
>3 'N 'O *3
*Tq)fcf IRII
^CTTfil ^(^)?T3T5{^)%[f^] I
5 ?p:cT^5Tf^[?TT]P»r i7f5r(fkw)^Ênf?T 1 1? II I
TTO-
6 # rTS^ llVll q(q) ^gr iiT ^g ^'<jt4^^»l (Vi;iH f^

: l ^ \ 4i qT «4Hinrc< ^ W14»l(?qTg;)
rTR rm(«n) IIKH si(5)Êt5ir(?T)^(^)?jm-
7 I fT?^9r 5mTfH 'sr iiîi «rm«s^r5raftTPT^(t)^
n'lPTPm I
<1-
8 11311 ^35f^TOWWWtcTFcl^{sr)ftTmpT ST I ?T^(m)'>qV5Rl¥
E?T ll=;u ’SI-
9 fs^PiiEHHT § ^qR Tforrmw^ ii(i) ?TfR5R§R^'«i(or ris 5Tmfr ^msi<K iitii
ti^,M^ T rq< fin cf sr5Er(5if) ^ sr-
10 R<mRH: I rTRT STHRÎRTP^ cT?%^ »T»>RTf?sni ll?o|) W 5T5nfiT RVIIR
arrÊii^TR Mr: i qfiJTSRnpr??! S(5)^-
11 II?? II g(5)w>H?5iT»n»r^f^: f^tr^ jfr: i g i fji îrff^ Rw i Pf
rlRT II? ^11 Ri>T[qrr]-
i The total sum spent on the actual construction of the lake amounted to Ra.
46,64,625J.
* The details of Uk? expenditure are specified as follows :
R«. 27,36,497-1 in Ramasimha’s account (also mentioned in verse 28-29, canto XX),
Rfl. 5,04, 880i in pifrivyas or uncle’s account.
Rs. 2,12, 538J in Mohanaslmha’s account.
Rs. 4,78,107 in carrying tlie earth thrown out of the quadrangular ditch in PanchoU Syamaladasa’a
account.
Ra, 32,G01J in plastering.
Rs. 7,00,001 in the inauguration ceremony.
Rs. 46,64,6251
3 The meaning of the word iaphe is not clear. It seems to be the Sanskritised form of the similar Arabic
word kiraf which is used in the sense of and is also spelt as tarf.
side, direction, etc., are told in verse 21, We
canto IX tnat Rajasithha, finding the work of construction unmanageable by a single hand, divided it among bis
officials. The expenditure on items in charge of Ramasiiiiha, (the ruler’s ?) uncle, and Mdhanasimha and Syama*
ladâ seems to have been given in verses 4-0. The word has been used side by side with other items of expendi-
ture. The word laphe may therefore bo translated as ‘in the account of’, or ‘on items in charge oP.
Appendix) RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 77
12 I q(q)«tT TT3fH»TJ?5r ^nTT(irt)4 ^

linn ^ *t(^) h-
13 4 I ^55^??nfT5raw^5TTpT ^ nnn «il»TJT3RTiTgFi ^ ^ sfftr:
[i*J anih’1%^^-
14 smi ir<THm^d imn '?(i?)«r i
5rRi^xiTOrmw(^)q^'lf^ imn
15 ^4IV|44^«(i W Wg T 1
il <ft»^ l <l]; I 5TfcT«l(5^)5^^:
n?v9ii n gri^^<jqi 5n?f ^h]-
16 «RT(5i i) 5tfeq(si)wfw^{^)m 5T(5T)s^tS5f*7 unn
17 imJTT nte.u 5?fmpn »mi h?i ?t?i i 5?n!tsnss%>taifiRt
18 5n(?iT) Tm<^ wi §(ff)>THi wrnj^T i »m5T5%i»mT ^(3n)«i^
cRT iR?ii îftf?: tf'^ ?renf^
19 »rt in i
^ctpiiss^ w 5f1^(f5f) w
l??T%(ff)cfW^ IR5?II
20 !Tf nwi nim [§] m i ^ ^r^^siPFii it§®t?§ m nvîi
^ tTSRTO § ir(in)^TTra3:T^{5r3nff)9^-
21 : I rrcinmf firfn q w 5T i* irîi hwjt ?RnT?T(?iT?in)
Hirn [5i*>wV 5 irm'l I n 5n^X^) ^-
22 ^ nXTihT IRUII ?PT('rTK5r5T*]^^'lX^)'^(^) 'igr^=iiirH«l«»«(s?)iimr<H I
farîan^rnd
ftT55fV(5n)in Tf%^-
‘Thia 9 a
is redundant ; read asvdndrii,
This presents another view according to which the total expenditure on the construction of the lake,
* its
inauguration and rewards to masons, etc*, amounted to Rs. 1,05.0’7,608,

itfântu means ‘
fault.’
* This sign of punctuation is not necessary.
* Though the correct form of the word is hdtaka, the author has contracted it into An faku for the sake of the
metre, relying upon the adi^ê x Api mdshcun nutshatn k'Htydch^hhon^lo’hhufiijani an frAra3/2l»
73 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vox,. XXIX
24 n^vsn ^ I 51% ^^5 t 5p«f ^
3r)5T^3mr«l 5r(s)!aR ll^t:n 9TT(#fT)5n-
25 ?r fir^Vr 5ra?ra(^)^ qlfef i tk fit T>;fhTqf3 ^ i»^€.ii
l«t-
26 5fhTf>i I «ttt ^q: nôii mr nfw

WId I Hjnr-
e\
27 ^ffT: q{q)Î5rr«^l'JHff5>rRT: 11?? 11 m «W5 l(5T)cft% t
«fkmshr??mT: TTsnrl
28 »T3r- n^;?ii Fq^qww ?hh: i v: f'WR 5n?f?
qnwq u??n tr-
29 f%5 xidrqdm'(’T)^ i
Xr'Hr^qrUdimrH: 5T^'I(f5fy)^-
30 I 5^5JrM 5 | H ^ — ®IN: U?i(n 5n5 f5nd 5t «iqn t%
HcTcT I «ftTI3rftr(?%)5 >Tq5T:
31 u?û srTr% ftrfl^q] Mi64iH)q>q)<«i: f5TfnfH: 5rj-
(^)on(»»ri) wqHf%ft9(sf) irfjTqTR
32 1 St5Tt ftsTT spq^mfrT m JTmq?5fh%nT5ff ?T^f q>Hirf% d^q piqafW ; ll?'»ll
im^ft Htff ftR-
33 fif frgxrir: stth: i

^ >TT%t »nrt ftirfir
H5n%: 5T(5T)v^<n? g sn ?i)
34 HfUtql q?Tf% ^(5f)5rf^ n?t;M ^T^JfT W — w 'H3nTH%^*TTf% IT^

qi«»rt<q qEiTqT(q i) qr-
35 nfq »rf%(?) f%»Frt(5n) f%q5fhT5n qs [5frt^'I(5fI)5T ^(^) ?m(q) w(#)-
wftf% a ? €.11 qpiqrd q(^)ft?ivin-
36 qf 3mrT(?J qfHhrffNtÎ f?mq ?*m^fT(S»)q??rfNreT | 5|qfiTOT«nf%-
fq^TOS^qW qro % «ftTmTqf5iI-
* SandAi has not been observed here.

•Three syUables are missing in the Utter half of this verse and the sense is not clear.
» This long syUable is obliterated beyond
recognition. Traces of the medial long { are visible.
; ;
Appendix] EAJAJ>RASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 79
37 gwm: iiôii Trwsi^ 7Tm(^)ir
Jlcf I
38 vmi ar(^)«P iiv?ii «ftTT-
39 I «fW(»?)fSRfn: gctww «rT(*Tl)‘!m5^^>?q cRJt: ^ I 5?i>
a?Tiftsf»njn3i%^?n m g^f: [F]fT?T(^)«fk:
ftT[?rT^ftf?rJ Il'i^^M ^’•1 51^
40 err fTfW(f5r)5rf5*»aH(5r)f^ ^rtTrsfftr^spft: [i*]
VIST CT'il^wa fitWSIH W:
41 f5rT(«Tt)?rWH(w) T"rajts^lfT^(5f ) TT3W5I??m^ ll^?ll
42 ^ffitf?Rn(5r>) ?nF*TJlflRm??f(w)rT: I ^>pr § Tm^(^)?T(3) ffri ^

^ »Tm: gift W Tp g j j ( ^ ?ft 5^5I^w(st^)T-
43 *n[:*] n'xvn ^ iftêrrftwTsîTTHT r^rati
^[i(] I
44 aftTT(Tf)3![^ q^cT*] !Tfff)T?6R*irf^5r%5TWf*T(fH)w>^^
i[>Y5^n*]
Slab XXIII ; Canto XXII

[Metres : vv. 1, 26, 30-46 Anushtubh vv. 27, 28 Upagiti v. 29 Giti ;
vv. 47-50 Sardulavikndita.]
1 u «ftnW3Tm 5»I:(5TO) h H(5t)ft i(
§ ^(#) -siRrmTfRhT ii?ii sftTi3rf?qf*n5mft
«ftT»T#^(») ff«?(65) H ftmf Rft < 'R^(53m)5pnfW inft
3 ftHRTing(9)^ ll^ll fiff^fttl:

1 f3»tft5^ 335lflJ
?ftfm4<HMI3.0dV MVll *?iRTmn7T

«
^Sandhi hae not been observed here.

*Thia aa is redundant. Read Ainar€h'ard=sya»
• The absenee of Bandki here is in favour of the metre.
80 EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [Vot, XXIX
4 I q fPi ^g wnm
grtffcraTT^ ^ i >r^?i-
5 gr pm iiîi *t^:g;^sg(c5) ^<wi>g T <q (m)wTHq *rT(JT)«rV
f%cf I ?m\!i ii'aii ^-
6 mi *nrmjr mrrmT «jmm i +r<’*iT ^ pi gmT(^^) *n?fi ^«iw*i
sffh imii WTi ^ ?mt 35i(5s$)m{®5) TTO5^gT(T:) i gg-
7 d g^mhftii Tidgi dtgmgd U5.u 5i& gw(^) erfi^Rnn^ »
ipmgfTggm iigri ii?on ?it-
8 ummf?? \ cmr apT: snmT('a;) îam-
am(?nna)[a:*] ii??ii dgt TT[3r]an^ i amdd:
9 gjffaaT^^ 5ii;:(aa:) giwamal^; n?û ga: aaaftrpir gr .. ..
a: I âr] apmftrfpi T«rfapi»fia ii^n
10 akTEfmma: aJifa a«n i fmri ^ arar f>fan(TaT)
>maT(?v)[T*>mcT ii?vii f^d: a>â(a)?nrarT5ri TnmgT(T)gT:
11 I gpT[ti]afraf[T]g.«<y|w(^) grT(aT)|3rT[:*] imn wmf§ «rfa
iTT(jft)5 af[^]a: ) a^>(aTT)[al*]HiPw>(??f»)aT: ?fl(w)Tam a^-

12 ar: ii?sii Tr»ft[^]amaT saa aai flrc?fi5T sfma: i gp Oag mf
i ai{f)mT
afRmaa(a)
a
ii?'3ii ^(q)^â5Tfaâ ft ara h t
13 fafii dgmr [i*] f^>:(5!T>)gagT 'TT(5»T)ml

^ iramaq^: ii?«;ii aai^
?W5aT: snml a^lgarg^ aa: i aar apr(ar)T: ^(frT)fifa-
14 ?fai a^[:*] fa ii?s.ii gmaa i |a i <»a (a)7mra: i
fdftrama: u^ôn ajiamam: g?-
15 fzgramV aagm i âl5i%(a )an?m'hT aw(%)gqa n^?n

amnaai phn ^âa ^ t »T3ft(aa?) \ ai{aT)-
1« %gaw(w)«?a(a)l(g)4Mmftaasr^: <iai5i ?+«?!« ila !niT(Bji) aezifa a%ii: «
fgpalm(5a)T?aa: s(siT)mf5a?wjamT
• The absence of sandhi here is in favour of the metre,

• Sandhi is not observed here.
• The meaning of amhu is sin ’ or * *
crime*.
MGIPC--S1— 15 I>GA/52-^ 12.2.50—450.

No. 14] SANGALOODA PLATES OF BASHTEAKUTA NANNAEAJA SAKA ; 615 113
that Anivdrita waa a aumamo of Chalukya Vikramaditya who ruled from 655 to 680 A.C. It is,
therefore, not unlikely that the sattra was named after his aurname either in commemoration of his
having founded it himself or was named after him by some other founder in token of his respect
to him as his suzerain.- That Vikramaditya I was a great conqueror is attested by his records in
which he claims victory ‘
in country after country and in all directions That in the south
he went as far as the Kaveri region is proved by his Gadval Plates.^ As for the extent of his
possessions in the north, we have as yeL no direct evidence. Nevertheless, it can be supposed that
in these northern regions he inherited the Three Maharashtrakas first acquired by his father,
Pulakeîn II, since we have it stated in Vikramaditya’s inscriptions that he not only regained
possession of his father’s but also acquired the fortune
kingdom which had been lost to enemies
and sovereignty of his ancestors.^ Further it is well known that the Western Chalukyas were
recognised as overlords by the kii^s of the Hari^chandra family ruling in the Nasik District. One
Svamiohandra of this family is explicitly stated as the feudatory (pada-prasad-dpajlvi) of Chalukya
Vikramaditya Rashtrakuta Nannaraja of our grant, though not actually a contemporary of
I.®
Vikramaditya evidently came under Chalukya hegemony at the time of recording the grant
I,
under study, i.e., in Saka 615(=693 A.C.), when his suzerain must have been Vinayaditya, son of
Vikramaditya I. It is also interesting to note that it was this Vinayaditya who conducted a
successful expedition in the north in which he was ably assisted by his son, prince Vijayaditya.’
None of the kings mentioned in our record barring Govindaraja is known to us from any other
source except the two other grants of Nannaraja referred to above. However, in respect of Svami-
karaja, attention may be drawn to another person of the same name who figures as vijndpti in a
7th century record of Kapalivarman of the Bhoja family® who ruled the area arouud Goa in the
west coast. Except the similarity of name and the proximity in point of date between the two
persons there is nothing else to connect the two, much less to treat them as identical.
The area of rule of the family of Nannaraja lay as determined by the provenance of their
records and the places mentioned in them roughly in the districts of Akola, Amraoti, Betul and
Nagpur of Madhya Pradesh, which all lay adjacent to one another. Ancient Vidarbha roughly
corresponds to this area. The earliest record of the family, viz., the Nagardhan Plates of Svamiraja,
was issued from Nandivardhana, the same as Nagardhan which lies three miles south of Ramtek
in the Nagpur District. The family seems to have moved south-west to the region of Amraoti
and Akola where they fixed a new capital at Padmanagara from which our inscription is issued.
of Akola.
This place may be identified with modern Padmin® lying within the postal jurisdiction
• Above, Vol. X, p. 101 and n. 4.

® [The word anivdrita here sense of * unhindered it is not proper to ooimect it
is to be taken in its literal ;
with the name or title of any person. —Ed.]

® Ibid., p, 103, text lines 13 £f,
*Ibid.,p. 101.
• Ibid.,
p. 103, text lines 13 ff.
• Ibid.,
Vol. XXV, pp. 226, 227, 228.
’ Bom, Qaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, pp. 368, 371.
• Above, Vol. XXVI, p, 339.
•was at first inoUned to identify Padmanagara with Paui?i in the Bhandara District,
I a place wWch «
(above, VoU XXIV,
known Padmapura, and where an early inscription of Bnara Bhagadatta was discovered
as
P- 11). In that case Umbarika, the gift- village, might be Umrer lying about 15 miles WNW
«here are two other
villages of the name of Pauiî, one in the Betul
District and the other m the âgpm Distrist
near Ramtek, one three could be Padmanagara. See Mirashi, above,
cannot be sure as to which of these
Vol.XXVin, p. 7, m2 .
3 DGA/53 ^
114 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA \Yoh. XXIX
This indentification is supported by the location of Umbarika, the village mentioned ;
for, this is
Umbari near Akola. Even the findspot of the plates, viz., Sangalooda, lies nearby. The Tiwarkhed
Plates mention another capital of the family, viz., Achalapura, the same as modem EUichpur
in the Amraoti District, north-east of Akola.
Of the places mentioned in our charter Padmanagara and Umbarika have been identified
in the foregoing paragraph. Tagara from which the donee hailed might be modem Ter in the
Hyderabad State. Nagayayi, situated east of Umbarika, may be Naigaon, near Akola. I am
unable to locate Vatapuraka, Vaivadraka and Uchchlu(or chhi)vahala which are stated in the
record to be in or near Umbarika.
TEXT^
First Plate
1 Svasti [|*] Padmanagarad=Vi(rad[(*]Vi)stImna(rn9a)-sthiti-palan-apta-ya^siSii-
2 R&3hâlnit*a2ivaye ramye kshira-nidhav=iv=endur=abhavach=chhri-Durgffara-
3 J5 nnpah [|*] lok-ahladana-hetubhih pravitatais=tej6“vi6e-
4 8h-6dayai[r]=yyen=6chchaih padavin=vi(vim vi)gahya vidhivat=paksha-dva[yam]
5 bhasitam(tam) |1
(1||*]* Tasya sunur=asi(sl)d=aneka-samara-sahas-a[vashtam]-
6 bha-ya6a[h] 6ri-V6(Gd)vindarajas=tasy=asid=atmavan=atmaja a-
7 tmany=ahita-6akti-siddhih Sn-Svamikarajah [j*]Putras=tasya ma-
Second Plate : First Side
8 hanubhava-charitah Sn-Nannarajah kiiti(ti) kantah=karu:^kah=kala-
9 nka-rahitah=ketuh=karal6 dvishan=dhaureyo rana-sahas-a-
10 hita-dhiyam=agresar6 maninam vaidagdh-oddhata-chetasam-adhi-
11 patih=kalpa-dra(dru)mo yo=rtthinam(nam)* ||[2|l*]Ya4=cha saianira(saiii4ta)ya-vifi68ha-lo-
12 bhad=iva sakalair=abhigamikair=itarai^cha gunair=upetah
13 PaiamabrahmaQyah Paramabhagavatah iîi-Yuddlifisitr-apara-
14 namo(ma) 8as=^sa(sa 8a)rvann==e(nê)va raja-samanta-vishayapati-grama-bho-
^ From impressions*
* Metre ; ârdidavikridita^
Sangalooda Plates of Rashtrakuta NaNiVaraja; Sara 615
n.a
14
ii,h.
Seal
SANGALOODA PLATES OF RASHTKAKUTA NANNARAJA; SAKA 615 115
No. 14]
Seccmd Plate : Second Side
v5
15 gika-purillaka-chata-bliata-sevak'adm=samanuv6(bo)dliayat7=astu
puny-avaptaye Taga
16 viditaih yath=asniabliir=niiiiata-pitr 6 r=atiiiaiias=cha
tra-Kaugi(si)ka-pravara-Taittmya-sa-bralimacha-
17 ra-v5stavya-Va(or Ma)rula- 3ag 6
18 riije Aaivarit-aima-satra(ttra)-pradayiiie Varmulaka-chaturveda-pautra-
Vatapuraka-grame
19 ya Bhutaganabhatta-putra-Haragana-dvivedaya
ksbetrafi=cha nivarttana-Salaih
20 vinsa(viiiisa)ti-karmma[nta](nta) madhuka-sameta(tam)
tachchlia (tacb-cba)
21 Umbarika-gram6(me) daksMm(ne)iia Vaivadraka-sima-maryyada
22 uttarah* Tatilingicbclihi-bhatakara{rakab) purwatah Nagaya[yi-marya]da»
Third Plate
kslietra[m*] bhuimclilu(chchM)dra-
23 pa^chimato Chcbhivahala® [e]bliir=aghatanaih*
pratipaditam
24 nyayena Karttika-paunuia(rEugLa)masyam=udaka'purvvam
iripati-bhogapatibliir=asiiiad-dar
25 yat 6=a 8 mad-vaihsyair=anyair=w=againi- 3
v=ajnana-timira pa
26 y 6 =numaiitavya[h*] pratipalayitavya^cha yo
v anumod"
27 ^-avrita-iiiatir=a[ch*Jcliliiiidyad=aclichlia(cliclilii)dyanianam
syad-iti [| ]
Sak
28 ta sa pancliabhir=iiuiiahapatakai[s*]==sa[m]yiikta[b ]
Karttika-Suddha-
sbatliau(tsu) pancba[da]ân=va(§a-ya)r8 beshu
29 saLmjvatsara-âtesbu
pau‘
30 [r9^]mi(niasyam) likhitam=iti [jl*]
Seal
^ri-Ju[ddlia]siirab
^ Tliis may be also read as uttaraUih TUiiigichchhi,

end of the plate,
* Da is inserted below this last line at the left
* This may be also
A similar omission occurs m the
Malta! Plates (/luL
* Some word like upalakehilam is to be added here.
VoL XVUt p- 206. n. 1). a2
Il6 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXll
No. 15-MUNDAKHEDE PLATES OF SENDRAKA JAYASAKTI ; SARA 602
(1 Plate)
V, V. Mirasti, Nagpur
These plates were found several years ago in the possession of a Patil of Mundakhede, a
village in the Chalisgaon taluh of theEast Khandesh District, Bombay State. They were brought to
notice by the late —
Mr. 6. K. Chandorkar, who edited them twice ^first in the Marathi magazine,
PrahJidta of Dhulia, Vol. I, No. 12^ and afterwards in the Annifâl Report of the Bhdrata Itihdsa Sa-
rnmJiaka Mandalafar Saka 1834, pp. 169-177. As no facsimile of the record accompanied either
of these articles, I was under the impression that it was not published. Several years ago, while
I was studying the Bagumra plates of Nikumbhallasakti^, I felt the need of critically examining
this record in view of its importance for the history of the Sendrakas, and I tried to trace the original
plates, but could not succeed. I was, therefore, agreeably surprised when I received recently a
copy of the printed facsimile of the plates from my friend, Dr. From the date
M. (x. Dikshit.
Chaitra, Saka 1829, as well as from the name Prabkdta printed on it, it is clear that the facsimile was
published in the same magazine Prahhata in the next issue after the text of the record was first
edited by Chandorkar. This facsimile has enabled me to correct the readings of some important
words in the transcript published Again, Chandorkar did not calculate the date or
by Chandorkar.
identify the places mentioned in the grant. For these reasons as well as because this is the only
record of the Sendraka prince Jayai&akti and is important for the ancient history of Maharashtra,
I re-edit the grant here from the aforementioned facsimile published by Chandorkar.
The copper-plates are two in number, and are inscribed on the inner side only. Their size
and weight have not been recorded. From the description given by Chandorkar they seem to have
raised rims for the protection of the writing. At the bottom of the first inscribed plate and the top
of the second, there is a hole for the ring which strung the plates together. This ring is said to
have carried a seal with the legend Sri-Jayaiakti, but no photograph of it seems to have been
published.
The record consists of twenty-four lines, twelve being inscribed on each plate. The writing
is in a good state of preservation. The record is, however, rather carelessly written and contains
a few mistakes here and there. The characters are of the western variety of the southern alpha-
bet as in the other records of the Sendrakas found in Gujarat and Khandesh. The only peculiarities
that call for notice are as follows (1) the initial e resembles Z, but has a long vertical on the right
;
see esha, line 14 ; (2) is turned upward in the case ofj as in ‘dvijdti'f line 6
the stroke for medial d
(3) has everywhere a straight vertical stroke on the right ; see ’labdha-, line 2 ; (4) w generally
Z
appears looped as in samunnate, line 1, but it is sporadically unlooped as in 8undr=, line 16 ;

final consonant is shown with a horizontal stroke on the top see vaset, line 21. ;
The jihvdmuliya
occurs in line 10, Punctuation is indicated by single or double dots. The language is Sanskrit.
Except for four benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end, the record is in prose throughout.
It may be noted that the writer has used in the eulogy of Bhanusakti the very expression iarad*
amala^‘Saidhka-rnai(ji4^la-yaiasalli(ya^dh), which describes Aditya^kti in the Bagumra plates,^ and

Allaiâkti in the Again, the expression Bhava-sunur-iv^pratikata-iaktib^ which
Kasare plates.*
describes Adityaâkti in the present plates occurs in connection with Alla6akti in the Bagumra a
mistake
^
Thi« No. beam the date Phalgtma, Saka 1829 which is plainly a
^ for Saka 1828, The same
ooours on the first page of the previous two issues. As stated above, the facsimile of the plates published h* the
next number bârs the date, Chaitra, 8aka 1829.
a Ind. Ant,. Vol. XVIII, pp, 265 ff.
• Ibid., VoL XVm, p. 267.

* G. H. Khare, Sonrces of the Mediaeval History of the Detcan, Vol. Ill, p. 71. Above, VoT. 3CXVIII> P* 3^1*
—
No. 15] MUNDAKHEDE PLATES OF SENDRAKA JAY ASAKTI SAKA 602 ;

in
Nagad plates.* The drafter of the present grant has thus drawn upon previous records of the
family, and, evidently regarding the epithets as conventional, has not scrupled to transfer them
from one prince to another. As for orthography , we may note that n is used for n in PhalguMy
line and the consonant following r and that preceding
24, r and y are reduplicated; see
'-chaturddanta- and vikhrarm-j line 2 and -anuddkydta^ line 4.
The plates refer themselves to the reign of the Sendraka prince Jayasakti. They were issued
from Jayapuradvdri. They record the grant, by Jayasakti, of a village the name of which
Chandorkar read as Seridi^kalasha, The it occurs is Sewaâ
correct reading of the passage where
esha grdmdhy The village was therefore named Senana. It was m-
not Sh^d^kalasha-grd'iYial^.
eluded in the Kundalikfimala vishaya. The donee was the Brahmana Bappasvamin, the son of
Revasvamin, who belonged to the Kasyapa gotra and the Hiranyakesin branch of the Taittinya
sdkhd of the Black Yajurveda, and resided at Kallivana. The gift was made on the occasion of
Mina-raî on the lOth tithi of the dark fortnight of Ph^guna in the
the sun’s entering the
year 602 of an unspecified era. The year and the tithi are expressed only in words. From the
Nagad plates we know that Jaya^kti’s father AUasakti was flourishing in Saka 577. The year
602 mentioned in the present grant of Jayasakti must, therefore, be referred to the Saka era, and
corresponds to 680-81 A.C. In this period the sun entered the Mina-rasi at 20 h. 10 m. after mean
sunrise on the 17th February 681 A.C. The religious ceremonies connected with the sankranti
must have been performed after sunrise next day, the 18th February 681 A.C., which was the 10th
This date shows that the amdnin scheme
tithi of the dark fortnight of the amdnta Phalguna.“
of
the lunar months was in vogue in Northern Maharashtra in the seventh century A.C. The grant
was written by the Sdndhivigrahika Rama.
The present grant gives the following pedigree of the donor :
Bhanusakti (Srivallabha)
Adityasakti
Nikumbhallaâkti (Satyasraya, Prithivivallabha)
Nikumbha)
Jayasakti (Satya^raya, Prithivivallabha, Vikramaditya and
misled by
Chandorkar read the name of the third prince as N ikumbhallasaktiy being probably
present
Biihler’s reading of the royal name Bagumra plates. The facsimile of the
in the
*
The same tea o

however, shows the correct reading of the name to be Nikuthbhdllaiakii. ^ ^
name occurs in the Nagad plates We now know rom ^^
published by Mr. G. H. Khare.
plates that the proper name of the Sendraka prince was AUasakti. This occurs not o
^
y m
.
evidently a bir
text of the grant, but also
on the seal of the plates. Nikurkhka was ,
Jiis name.The same biruda is seen to have been assumed by AUasakti’s ^

a^ gr ^
present plates. The biruda was evidently derived from the name NikuMha o
of Bhmusa t w c ^
lather, mentioned
in the Kasare plates. He had another name
s
ia the three
other grants of the family, including the present one.
and Jayasakti seem a bituday pro a y
^ ,
his name Nikumbha as

to have assumed
the founder of in Gujarat and Khandesh.
this Sendraka branch which flourished
*
tiainiddhaka (Marathi), Vol. VIII (October, 1939) ;
above, Vob XXVIII, p.
* This titki commenced only 15 m. after mean sunrise on that day.
118 EPIGRAPHIA tNBICA [VoL. XXlX
The present grant and Jayaâkti as samadhigaia-jKincha-inaha-iabdat

describes both AUasakti
i.e., They both were evidently subordinate
as having attained the right to the five great sounds.
chiefs^ owing allegiance to the Chalukya Emperor of Badami. Bhû;Sakti, though described
in a more grandiloquent style, probably enjoyed no better status.^ As his grandson AUasakti
was flourishing in 653 and 656 A.C., Bhanusakti may be referred to the first quarter of the seventh
century A.G, He was probably placed in charge of Gujarat and Khandesh by Pulakesin II after
he had conquered these provinces from the Kalachuris. No records of the reigns of Bhanu^kti
and Adityaâkti have yet been discovered, but AUa^kti is known to have made three grants, two
of which, recorded in the Kasare and Bagumra plates, are dated in the Blalachuri era and one, viz.,
that in the Nagad plates, in the Saka era. The earliest of these, viz., that in the Kasare plates
isdated K. 404 (653 A.C.) and registers the donation of some land in the village PippaUkheta,
modem Pimpalner in West Khandesh. The second, known as the Bagumra plates, dated K. 406
(656 A.C.), registers the gift of the village Balisa, modem Wanesa near Ten in South Gujarat*
The third record, viz., the Nagad plates, though issued from Kayavatara, modem Karwan in Guja-
rat, mentions the grant of a village in the vishaya of Nandipuradvari which is probably identical
with Nandurbar in West Khandesh. This grant is dated in Saka 577 (655-56 A.C.). These records
show that AUasakti continued to hold Gujarat and Khandesh at least till 656 A.C. Sometime there-
after, he seems to have lost Gujarat for the next date from that part of the country is K. 421 (671
;
A.C.), furnished by the Surat plates of ^rya^raya-Siladitya, which register the grant of the village
Asattigrama, modem Astgaon, not far from Ten. From the Manor plates, * recently published by
Mr. Krishna Deva, we learn that Dhara^raya-Jayasimha, the younger brother of the Chalukya
emperor Vikramaditya I, founded the Navsari branch in 669-70 A.C. Thereafter, the rule of
the Sendrakas seems to have been confined to Khandesh. As shown below, the places mentioned
in the present Mundakhede plates can be satisfactorily located near the western border of that
district.
Itbe noted that Bhanusakti, AUasakti and Jaya6akti bore certain birudas which are
may
usuaUy associated with their Chalukya suzerains. One of these deserves special notice. Jayaâkti
calls himself Vikramaditya in the present grant, dated 681 A.C. His suzerain was Vikram^tya I,
who had died just in the preceding year (680 A.C.). As this is the only known grant of Jayatekti,
we do not know whether Jayaâkti had borne the biruda previously or whether he assumed it
only after the death of Vikramaditya. any reference to the imperial family in the
The absence of
present grant lends colour to the latter view,^ but we may note that similar hirvdas were assumed by
other feudatories of the Early Chalukyas. The Manor plates, for instance, show that Mangalarasa,
the son of Dhartoaya-Jayasimha, had assumed the biruda Yinaydditya before Saka 613 (691 A.C.)
during the reign of the Chalukya emperor Vinayaditya. The present grant does not, therefore,
give any indication that Jayasakti had thrown off the yoke of the Early Chalukyas.
No descendants of Jayasakti are have suggested elsewhere*, the Sinda kings
known but, as I
who flourished in Khandesh in the 10th century A.C. may have belonged to the same lineage. Like
the Sendrakas, they also claimed to have descended from the lord of serpents* Later, a family
caUed Nikumbha is known to have flourished in the Khandesh District. It is known firom the
* Chandorkar’s view that the Sendrakas were independent kings who helped the Early Chalukyas to establish
themselves in the Kanarese country is not supported by any evidence.
•Above, Vol. XXVm. p. 18.

* Dr. Fleet also inferred that the Bagumra plates belong to the period when the Western Chalukya sovereignty
was in abeyai ce. See Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, Bom. Gaz., Vol.I, Part U, p. 361. Since then we have
known of several records of the feudatories of the Western Chûkyas which make no mention of the reigning
emperor.
* Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 166 ff.
No. 15] MUNDAKHEDE PLATES OF SENDRAKA JAYASAKTI SAKA 602 ;
119
Pat^ inscription of Saka 1128 ; but it is not likely to have been connected with the Sendrakas,
as it traced its descent not from the lord of serpents but from the Sun^.
As for the localities mentioned in the present plates, Kimdalikamala, the headquarters of
probably identical with Kundalgaon, 14
the vishaya in which the donated village was situated, is
miles west of Nandgaon near the western border of the Khandesh District. No place exactly
corresponding to the donated village Se^â can be traced in the neighbourhood, but Saundane
whiffli lies about 10 miles north by west of Nandgaon may represent the ancient village, Jaya-
puradvari, from where the plates were issued, may be identical with Jeur which lies about 7
miles almost due north of Nandgaon. Kallivana where the donor resided is undoubtedly Kalvan,
the chief town of the Kalva^ taluk of the Nasik District.
TEXT«
First Plate
1 [I*]
^-s^TT[?rr](^5rnTT)^-
ir(wT)-
7 V'l^'j,r<4Ta Pa^niil Pkt:®
<r4-lP4»
IKîrqRroftfyTTnT:(mr^ )
8 J^
l
* Above, Vol. I, p. 342. ^ <s i ooa

for Ohaltra. Saka 1829.
» From the photo-zincograph published in the Prabhata (Marathi)
isTJS to describe IdityafeWi in the BagnmrS

plates.
•
the Bagnmri and Nagad pUtes.
‘ This expresrion occurs in the description of AUaiatti in
>TTf^fGdT?JT-
11
12 A c\ -o
^*]
Second Plate
13 w. W M WtÎM ( ^ W )’TtFcq‘ [f|]
PW:]
14 4?I%'iTFrT qiT llFr:^ ^TTf^: H Rc^ Rl Pt-iM I fd
WT[«RR]%[fe]-
16 ^TN":
17 jwznRft-
9rr^'jm^(fr)5iJ4^*}diAi
TT]?^(?T)wf?R^TTJTT ^rf%^ fir(^ft)Taf^
•Chandorkar read -faM<fi«9a- but the sign inscribed above |J is that of jihvamHiya.
*Chandorkar read bnt the correct reading is clearly as given above; compare
^Btf*nTTOT IJ*! ÎW: in the Vadner plates (above, VoL XII, p. 34) and ?IT*T! *“ ***®
Saisamt plates (above, Vol. VI, p. 29d).
•Bead
•Bead
Mtjndakhede Plates op sendraka JayasaktI; Saka
Year 602
Survey op India, Dehra Dun
Ch HABRA From a Photograph

No. 16] CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION 121
21
20
MWTT
55TT^ [1*] rWcT ^rfir?: [I*] ?rr'
=^r(r)^ ^ riF^ ?n:% ^%[ii?ii*]
22 ^ ^'s+"+k^=)T%?r:[l*] fOTir^t fl ^STRT^ vjfiT^ ^ l[RII*]
MWT TT^M: ^HRlf^fM: [I*] IPR ^-
23 R W MfRRR ^ ^ [11^11*] fe^5n1%Rt
• [I*] Rff R^Mar ^prrs^îftRfn-
24 ^[R*] [iivii*] [RR]^(R)Rf^;^ ?wrt %%-

^(R) =#RRTfRfRRf^Rr?T[R]R(R)% [ll*J
No. 16-CHATE.SVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION

(7 Plate)
B. Ch. Chhabra, New Delhi
This beautiful prasaati is neatly engraved on a well-dressed slab of black granite. It is kepi
in the temple of Siva, that goes by the name of Ghatesvara, in the village of Kisnapur or Kisan-
pur (Krishnapura), in the Cuttack District of Orissa. This village is situated about 12 miles north-
town of Cuttack. The inscription seems to have been examined first by Babu Nagen-
east from the
dranatha Vasu as early as November 1893. He noticed it in Bengali, in 1894, in his Visvakosha,
Yol. VI, p. 229. Later on, in August, 1898 he read a paper on it, giving its full text and transla-
tion,which has been published in the Journal of the Asiatic Societij of Bengal, Vol. LX VII, 1898,
Part I (History, Antiquities, etc.), pp. 317*327. No facsimile of this prasasti has so far been pub-
lished elsewhere.
After Vasu's treatment of this inscription, no other scholar seems to have cared to examine it
closely,though it has been referred to by various scholars in connection with the history of Orissa.
In the winter of 1938, the writer of this article, in the course of his ofl&cial tour in Orissa, happened
to visit Kisnapur, where he studied the inscription from the original slab. As a result thereef,
it was found that the text presented by Vasu is as inaccurate in places as his interpretation ol it
is erroneous. The present writer had occasion to comment on this inscription in the Hindi monthly
Itihdsa,September 1951, pp. 155*158, as also in the Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. I,
1952, pp. 11-13, where the importance of the inscription as well as a few examples of the defects
in Vasu’s treatment of it has been pointed out. These may be considered as enough justification
for a re-edition of the inscription.
^ Metre of verses 1-4 AniisUiuhh^

:
^
This visarga is superfluous,
3 DGA/53 B
.
122 EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [VoL. X XIX

The inscribed suiface measures 31''xl8". It contains 25 lines of writing. The engraving is
beautifully executed, and is fairly well preserved throughout, except a few scratches about the
middle of lines 17 and 18. These, however, do not cause any difficulty in the reading of the ahsharas
affected.
The alphabet of the inscription is the eastern variety, proto-Bengali, of the thirteenth
century A.C. Some scholars prefer to give this script the name Gaudi.^ Forms of Ih, j, t, s, etc.,
which resemble the modern Oriya and Bengali forms of these letters, are noteworthy. The forms
of initial vowels ri, ?, u and e may be seen in lines 6, 8, 22 and 8 respectively. The sign of visarga
ISremarkable inasmuch as it consists of two small circles, one above the other, with a horizontal
top stroke on the upper circle. The form of looks somewhat like that of g. The forms of some
of the conjunct consonants are worthy of note, such as ttra and nja in line 1, rtti in line 3, vgu in
mhru in line
line 7, 12, and shta in line 7. This last shows that the subscript t resembles t. The
form of t otherwise may be seen in inukute in line 2. The lang'uag'e is Sanskrit, and the composi-
tion is in verse throughout, except the obeisance in the beginning. There are altogether twenty-
five verses in various metres. The verses are not numbered but the end of the first half of every
;
stanza is marked off, as a rule, by a single danda, and the completion of every stanza likewise
by a double danda. The style is highly ornate.
As for Orthography, no distinction is made between the signs for h and v. Properly speak-
ing, the sign for v stands also for b. In givdng the text, I have read it correctly as b wherever b
is required.^ A consonant after r is generally doubled,
cases like rthi in line 6 being exceptions. In
those like amarsha in line 5 the rule of reduplication does not apply at all. In such cases the con-
sonant after r is correctly left single.
Grammatically, the pronominal use of the word dmya in verse 13 is interesting. Such a usage
is rare, butwe have instances of it in Sanskrit literature, as in Magha's Sisn_p~ilavadhti, III, 57 :
janairâjdta-nkhahnair^na jdtu dvaye^pgâmuchganta vituta-wdrynh In ver-ê 9, the verbal form

ajani, in the causative sense, is a solecism, which is repeated in jajne in verse 10. Similar sole-
cisms are not uncommon in Sanskrit inscriptions. On the seals of Bhaskara varman of Pragjydtisha,
for instance, we have tena jdtd devydm srl-Eatnamtydm Kalydnavarmd.^ To quote an
earlier instance, we have msundharesas^tanayam prajajne Mandasor inscription of Malava
in the
Samvdt 521, referring to the Gupta king Govindagupta.'^ The word hildhddi in verse 7 has pos-
sibly to be taken as synonymous with kevaldm, which would be of lexical int^^rest. The construc-
tion, however, seems to be faulty inasmuch as a tarn was essential in the
subordinate clause and that
is absent.
Instead of suddkdm, something like tdm-eva would thus have been better. These
observations, it may be admitted, hold good only in case the interpretation
of the verse in question
as given below be acceptable. The verse no doubt is a hard nut to crack.
The main object of the inscription is to record the erection of a temple of Kamantaka, i.e.,
8iva, evidently identical with the present Chatesvara temple. There is, however, a difference of
opinion as to who exactly was responsible for raising this edifice. Vasu ascribes it to Ananga-
Dr. D.C. Sircar, for instance, justifies this designation (above, Vol. XXV7II,
1
p. 236; IHQ, XXVIII, pp.
130*1). The script of the present inscription compares Well with that of Svapnesvara’s inscription of the time of
Anangabhima II above, Vol. VI, plate facing page 202.
;
^ The confusion between

v and b is not only a palaeographical feature, but also a phonetic peculiarity, which
isnoticeable in certain inscriptions even of the Gupta period. See Dr.
G. S, Gai's note in the Journal of the Ganga^
natha Jha Research Institute, Vol. VI, pp. 308-309.
® Dr. Hirananda Sastri s Jâlanda
and Its Epigraphxcal Material {Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of
No. 66, Calcutta, 1942), p. 70.
« Above, Vol. XXVII,
p, 15, text I, line 4.
bhima 11/ whereas a careful perusal of the text, even as it is presented by the said scholar, will
show that it was Anaugabhima II s (really III s) minister, Vishnu, who built that temple. Babu
Manomohan Chakravarti, who, by the way, proved this Anahgabhima to be Anaiigabhima III
(and not II), has evaded the issue by merely observing “ Several years would have elapsed bet-
:
ween the minister A ishnu s fight with the \avanas and the finishing of the temple. " Babu ’
Rakhal Das Banerji, on the other hand, strikes a discordant note by attributing the construction
of the Siva temple in question to Govinda who was the said Anangabhima’s grandfather’s minis-
ter.^ The confusion is probably due to the fact that Anahgabhima 's grandfather’s name also
happens to be Anahgabhima and that both he and his minister, Govinda, also figure in the present
inscription, as we .shall presently see. Dr. Hemchandra Ray, however, correctly ascribes the erec-
tion of the temple to Vishnu.^
Our inscription mentions only four members of the later Gahga dynasty of Kalihga :
Ch5da-
(1)
gahga, (2) his son Anahga})lilma, (3) his son Rajendra, and (4) his son Anahgabhima. Not taking
Vasu took the second of the
the earlier rulers of the lineage into consideration, aforementioned me-
mbers as Anahgabhima and the fourth as Anahgabhima II. In the context of the full genealogy,
I
however, these two stand as Anahgabhima II and Anahgabhima III respectively, one of their
forefathers (Yajrahasta by name) Wung Anahgabhima I.^ It may further be observed that a
variant form of this name, which frequently occurs in inscriptions, is Aniyahkabhima, and that
Rajendra of our inscription is to be equated with Rajaraja III. The full genealogy as well as
the events connected with the various members of the dynasty has recently been reviewed by Dr.
D. C. Sircar in his edition of the Nagarl plates of Anahgabhima III Saka 1151 and 1152.^ The ;
portion of the genealogy contained in the present inscription stands as follows ;
(1) Anantavarman-Chodagahga (1078-1117 A. C.)
(2) Anahgabhima II (4th son of 1) (1190-97 A. C.)
(3) Anantavarman-Rajaraja III (son of 2) (1198-1211 A. C.)
(4) Anahgabhima III (son of 3) (1211*38 A. C.)
Again, as indicated above, in connection with Anahgabhima II, our inscription mentions his
minister Govinda ;
and in connection with Anahgabhima III, it describes his minister ^ ishnu.
As a matter of fact, the CiiatcAv'ara inscription is a eulogy of this Vishnu himself. Of the total of
twenty-five verses, the poet has devoted as many as thirteen to Vishnu alone, describing his valour,
learning and charities. The first eleven verses, descriptive of the Lunar Race and some of the
later Gahga rulers belonging to it, serve as introduction, while the concluding stanza mentions
the poet's name and fame. A perusal of the whole inscription leaves one with the iniT)ression
that Vishnu was that type of a minister who is all in all in a state, while its ruler counts us a mere
figure-head.
The contents of the inscri])tion are, briefly, as follows. It opens with a symbol for siddkam
followed by om and obeisance to Siva. Verse 1 is in praise of the Ocean and verse 2 in thc.t of the
Moon, born of the Ocean. Verse 3 refers, in a conventional way, to the kings descending from the
Moon, i.e., those of the Lunar Race, Verses 4 to 6 describe, in a general way. king Choi igahga
Vol. LXVII (1808), p. 31U.

= Ibid., Vol. LXXIl (1U03), p. 120.
^ R. D, Banerji, i/uWor#/ nj 0/*4o.>a, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1930, p. 255 and p. 262.
’ H. C. Kay, The Di/na^tic Hi'itonj of Soithern India, \ol. I, Calcutta, 1931, p. 478.
* Ror a fuU genealogical ii^t of the later Gaiiga^ of Kalihga, see Dr. D. K. Bliaudarkar of Ins JipUont of
Northern India, pp. 387-388.

• Bee above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 235 ff.
EPIGRAPHIA INBICA [Vol. XXIX
(i.e., Anantavarman-Chodaganga). It is of interest to know that, in verse 4, he is described as an
incarnation of the Narasiihha amtara of the god
Vishiiu. We
may parenthetically observe here
that, as is known from
other inscriptions, Chodagahga’s ancestors were all
staunch devotees of
e god Siva, and that Chodaganga himself
was one such in the earlier part of his life but that,
;
ôut 1112 A.C., he started adoring Vishnu as well, later on becoming
a devotee of Vishnu alone!
His descendants all adhered to the Vaishnava
faithd Verse 7 describes Chodagahga’s son Anaiiâ-
bhima (11) as a peace-loving ruler. Verse 8
mentions his able minister, Govinda, a Brhhmana of
the Vatsa Verse 9 introduces Anahgabhima (II)’.s son Rajendra (Rfijaraja III), whose .son
Anangabhima (ITT) is described, in verses
10 and 11, as a valorou.s and munificent ruler. Verses 12
to 2:. are descriptive of Anahgabhima (III)’s minister, Vishnu. In verse 12 he i.s stated to have
stabilised the empire of the lord of Trikalihga
(i.e. Anangabhima III). Verse 13 represents him
as a great warrior. Verse 14 alludes to his having routed a king of
Tummana, while in verse V,
mention is made of his fight with a Muslim ruler
( Yainn-avanmdra). Verse 1 6 refers to his vigilance
an war-preparedness, ensuring safety
and security to the empire of the lord of Utkala (i e.,
Anangabhima III). Verses 17 and 18 contain a poetic
description of his glorv (yahx). Verse 19
adverts to the Tulapurmha gift which,
it is indicated, he ceremoniallv
gave on the sea-shore
near Pun. Verse 20 contains a poetic
description of sea-breezes and informs us that the minister
IS iiu caused pools
and tanks to be constructed along principal roads.
Verse.s 21 and 22 describe
pro ciency in the edas and various
idstras. It may, in passing, be remarked that it is on the
strength of these two verses that Vishpu
may be taken as a Brahmana. Otherwise, neither his caste
nor his parentage is expressly stated
in the inscription. Besides, we are not in a position to sav
whether he was in any Way related to Govinda,
the Brahmana minister of Anangabhima II. Verse
3 informs us that Vishnu erected
the temple of the Destroyer of Cupid (Kamantaka), i.e., Siva,
in ver.se 24 a long life is wished
to this temple as well as to the pram.ti.
The author of the
prasasti, a poet, Bhaskara by name,
introduces himself in verse 25, as the last item.
It may
be realised that this eulogy gives
us more of poetry than of history. The translation
® ereto will give an idea of the heights
of imagery and hyperbole to which the
poetf Bhaskara has soared. He has
e.xhibited his skill well but, alas
he has not been imderstoo.l
; !
so well, with the result that what little

of historical value his poem contains
has suffered distortion.
The obscurity that prevailed over the identity
of the builder of the temple has already been pointed
one Following Usu s translation, Banerji
says » According :
to this inscription either Govinda
orAnangabhima III erected several pleasure-houses
at Purushottama or Puri and performed the
golden Tnhpurmka ceremony at that place. He also constructed many roads and e,xcav.ated
wrong. In the first place, neither Goviuda nor
TTT *
it is Anangabhima
III, but
t.
Iishnu, who
should be credited with the works
of public utility enumerated. These,
again, m
reali
y consist only of tanks. He constructed no pleasure-houses
and no road.s. A
perusal of the text and its rendering
(of verses 19 and 20) given
below will .show that the .so-called
pleasure-houses refer to the toy-hillocks of
jewellery for the Tulaparmha gift,
mignifted bv the
poetic fancy into so many replicas of
the Mount Mcru, the abode
of the god.s, and that, .so for a.s
roads are concerned, Vishnu only dotted them
with tanks here and there, an 1 had nothing to do
wit 1 their constructions. Be.sides, even
the excavation of tanks may
not be taken as a personal
chanty of \ ishnn. It was presumably a part of
the liberal policy of the government with Vishnu
as Its chief minister. What stands to the
credit of Vishnu as a person,
judging from the descrip-
tion given. IS the great gift of Tidopurusha,
apart from the building of a ^va temple, the mJn
o jec of the insc ription. It may be observed that
the Tulapurmha is the first of sixteen
‘ Ibid, pp. 239-40.
~
* B. D. Bauerji, HUtoTi) of Otvtaa. Yol.
1, p, 262.
No. 16J CHATESVARA TEilPLE INSCRIPTION 125
‘
mahadanas, great gifts,’ enumerated and elaborately described in tbe Puratjasd In tbe ci'v
of the particular gift in question, tie donor :r..-yy in charity his own weight of precious
metaland stones (gold, silver, ornanifut^, jewels, etc.).
Historically, the alhnions to the wars w.ic^ d by Vishnu on behalf of his master, Aiiaiigabhiraa
III, are more important. Tiiv^v nie, LoVvH^vorj ho v.iiiiih* tlial V.n-y du not add mucli to our know-
ledge. Verse 14-, shorn of its hyperbole, means to coiivny that Vishnu foinaht with a king of Turn-
mana and possibly hara^'êil him. W know tint Tumialna wis tiie LM]’.itai of a braueh of the
Zamin-
Haihayas of Mahakosahi, now represented by a small village called Tumaiu ’
in the Llplia
dari of the Bilaspur District in the ('Inittl-giirli Division’ of ^Lidhyi Fr.idrsh.- Vb* Irnow also
that these rulers came into ciantbct v;bh the (iaMuas of Chin hi (Ori--a). In fact, Ratnadeva II
of the Haihaya line is kucAvn to have iudict*^! a dtdVeit on tie* nonl (hi a 4.1 momrcli Anaiit.ivarman-
Chodaganga, the great-grandfather of Auaheaiililia i III. ' U i-^j hoivfver, not known as to who
the adversary of Vishnu was. It mav be argued tint the auihor of tin* prasii'^ti would have given
us a more detailed and detinirive iiiformation on the point, if tlie war were lea.lly a major one.
Chakra varti infers from the iioetic dt*^criptiou that
*
tlie tight took place rn the moves on tin* banks
of the Bhima river at the foot of the Viu>diya hiiK ^ It is tine tint the I
bhhna-tatini-Jcunje of the original does lend itself to tiiat sort ot intereiice, yet it is open to various
objections. In the first place, the word may not reier to a river ot the name of Bhima,
as W3 have taken it to mean. In fact no river of this name is known to ovist in the mgion concerned.
,
The well-known Bhima or Blumarathl, a tributary of the Ivrnlin river, is too far in tlie south. i
It is thus more probable that the compound is to be rendered by in the
fearsome groves along rivers.’ The choice of the word in this context seems to have be<m
dictated by the poetbs liking for alhtei.itaui. Alter all, the ]HH*t is de-crlbiug the bewildered
state of his hero’s adversary running about in all dirHclujii'i, and not the site ol any l>atile.
The reference to Vishnu’s em ouuter wutli a Iludiin iiilrr in wove 13 is even muie, obscure.
Chakra vartl’s supposition that tiiis ‘

refers probably to some iuroavls of Giyas-ud-dlu Iwaz, the
fourth Bengal ruler lacks con o bora t ion.
It ia needless to dilate tqiou the faulty text and the free renjltanug of it prcsi*nted by \asu,
resulting in misconceptions .-ome of whivh have been shuwm above. As indicviied abo\e, tho
inscription is to be treated more as a piece ot poetry than a bit of history.
TEXT-
[Meters : V. 1 &ikltari)V V. 2 Up'ijdti; V. 3 Snitjdhn'd; v, -1 I/un iTA/'d/ifa ;
vv. 5—7, 10—17,
;
20 Sdrdnlaviknflita vv. 8, 9, 21, 23 ]hnviw/aGGb7; v. 18 //a/bp; v. 19 v. 22

;
Vamidsthahila ;
vv. 2:3, 21 d/d/b/b]
1 3^- hr; Ui^ta II H

o o c\
^ The sixteen great gifU are: 77?/ /, i.u;- k /)- u'mH'!?. * A ? { (III, O' iltran-
yulcamadhtniiy lliranijn'>t>i^ Diitnjy'i.' II /I'di'a,;?, /r ?< m iic'l -u /v- i

•'.y-i; I'l't' huluf'f,
tasdyam, Rathiuik^mi toi tli'ii he' ;.L)U')n, .'5<*o tii<‘ Piiiju ?, ('luinttn.'.
i\iul Mahnl/I' ^ I
Compare also Hemahrifs tc?'’'/

'
'h/?''/ //('?/( », (KiioiUniij'! PtUuUKinn \.

^ Indian Antiquary, Vul. LIU (i'JJt), n.
^
11. 0. Kay, DUyi, Vol. 1, p. 470.
^ jAibh, Vol. lAXlt (BJOS;, p. il9.
^ Ibid.
• From tho original and from inketl e't.un[*a.(e>.
’ Expressed by a symbol.
126 EPIGfiAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XX IX
q^'^jrnrra' ^ruiRiFirtp] jTTfr: ii[;iii*]
c\^^ c
3 M 5srf^ d+ T^ I ^TlW[t]:
4 odder i ^('^'f)fTfrfOT-
srf^q^q-: srifidT ii[vii*]
'ti'<H?d^ ^rdddl-MId^ #-
5 frf^JT: TTW I d# dfTdddd^dddft^'f
Wdddi: 5^:: d?dT|¥Wdfd^fTdsr^r5dd^dFr^: ll[K.II*] dcdT^dtfdd-
6 T^5^dd4smdr^RdT#; 5Rqf«rf^: TTfd#: I

ipiddnrTJd
fdf^lT d^^ddT \3
fd5df^5#^ddt
C C 'O
^T^df'JRft'dT JM- ll[^ll*]
^
?Trd)<:^H Td
10
7 fd: yidTddd^d^ d drfddTM+'^d ddl’d^d) TdTfdd: I ^
d^dT d|?dddrfT5d^fd(^ fd)5nnddT dd ddddT
dT^jddWrfddd Il[v3ll*] ?rfd-
8 ddd^fd^dl^ddldt dtfd^d ^dfd d^fd I W: ^ dffdT
dddTddd drdrnrdRd^ fddd ll[=:ll*] ddr(df)ddsrfddfldfd-
%ddT^5fdTddf^df^ra’-
9 ^ d^d^dT: I ddTTddfdd^f^rfd'd: ^ddfdT TTd^ ^dfd ^ dd:
fedt^; ll[S.II*] dt?ft ddd^^ddqfd d?d 5rdNTddjdTdTd^(dd)rdd:

gdOdftPddt drfd dd?d
dfd I dRTdddfftrd dfd ddT d^tfnd d Orti rdRIi:

l
c[Tfdd ddlfd
fdd^ dfTd%fdddT: ll[ô|i*] ^^dd fdd ^d^^tfd d^ d^f^^ddT

?d5^ d>®5
1
Chatesvara Temple Inscription
IWWIBPIJ'
10
12
5gSl|2)^J^||5![5|15J|âftSQ|^ 14
16
16
-1 . -j . ^ I - I '•nj vj
j
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18
24
24
ii
9jsi;qq5nSa(siis!21§Rin^5sqpi2?if5Jiî[îi5;i?3i!3jftiR5CR5^^f?tji3ift/5i!^?i?fer?'5^W.3ni|. _ .
.,
Survey or India, Dehpa Dun

B- Ch. SCALE’ ONE-THIRO
Chhabra
No S92 H E (C) ’53 - 499.
c\
12
M^c5TRfe%qT?r?TT^Tj^% ll[ ?>))*] cT^^TTÎ f^f^m^-
H K I <?t 1=4 6ij^P<c( H <: =t)nio'î'tiiP-i«MH'='m^ri+H I

n3
^T^RIT Rl tIOrR 1I[H"*]

f«TR'T^^'6 Id d dl'fd ^
R Id 1 : ^T’T
13 5fr f?«TcTR I
g^f^r ^ f?TT5WTir Rp] MFdT fRS^-

pT<='4fdM'Jlfddi ST-
14 Rlfil^T: ll[?^ll*] fR^t-znirf^RtR îRiftf^-
NO NO
TfR% MRlt T^Êi: 1 iftRPfMRiqPc^r^PiT d[
^«TT ÎdHRIdlfR^
15 f^tsi^TTif iniT qfwi ii[?yii*] ^'frifedqTFmd’
gMaid+ir+dt fd^: f^Rt RddHdVjTIM^ I
d^dT<dl+d+V^q>=RRfd'-
16 qt oiTlRl^-ot H i r+ d TRTd ^-1 ^1 -1 cR d : ll[?i<.ll'^]
'ifer: qf«T
f^+q’hHi-
17 I ?TT^(^)q-; qrjîT f^^RTMdt [^]t
d- ^rrarîr^r^Rt^Ri: ii[?îi*]
^«T f^R-
18 i ?tt# ^ ddlfd =dTir r^-
^RPlt# ^ rdddfd ll[?\3ll*]
19 qnwfj^'^q f%wi¥ 5’^^: I

H-I^Rpa'
^ fddit4dl4l^ d^?T*]^: II[?=;II*]
^Kilvi^wfW
128 EPIGRAPHTA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
20 ^q'[|]q'^rfy^rr: I ^WmfcRT j?r€N<^H=lir<#
21 1 ^r^Tiqlr^^Rsfr^TR't: qr^JI^TRTRt
q’r2r^prf^'rrsf%^fd-?iT: ii[xou*]
JT ^-cr^Ti^T-rir
22 I 5r îlTffVF^Rfq fjRJR-
RTl%fr?r:f ii[RUi''l i
^T^[5r]fd'T%^PT-
23 ^''T? 'TTt'Trrr-T 5nwrd w. ii[2/îr’'] ^TR^'^rf^
âaf^FjT: | ^
NO
24 ^RT^RT II[k5II*]
'Tstd^ST: I R^?rni^JT?3:^^'E^q^3:3r5rf^C3Tfq'^ d^T^^ftlfcTTs:^
wfRl: ll[^î'll*] RRTT-
25 ^ ^rRr wr ir^Ri ^ ^trt ffe: i
TTRRrTTi?ifT =^5f^ Rrrfq'^rf^ r q^fq-; w^qRRqr;
n[^r'] II
TRAN8LAT10N
Biiccess ! Om I Obeisance to Siva !
{Verse 1) Hail to the Ocean, the sole {lovnfdt) lonl of {submerged) \n yrhôm the
{all) tlie rivêrs,
famous {motoU) Maiuaka {still) cherishes the memory of his {childhood's) frolics in the parental
lap,^ in whom Vishnu is {oijogitig himself) as son-in-law at {his father-in-law' s) home,^ {and) who
1 Mt. Mairicika, son of Mt. Himalaya fioin Menil or Mrriaka, is de-NCTibcd here
as absolntely care* free, because
he was lucky enousli to hav'o e')napetl the cMkiinifcy when In-lra clipp.ul the winj^s of the m<îmtaiiis. H© owes his
escape to his friend'^hip with the Ocean. The wovA jannka in the original stands for holhjannka and Ja«a»b
‘ father
and mother according to Paniiii, I, ii, 67 or I, ii, 70.

“ Vishnu is known to bo Mahodadhisaya, one who reelinos on the waters of the great ocean’.
i.e,, ‘ The ocean
is his father-indaw', because his Avifo, Lakshmi, happens to be the daughter of the Ocean,
freely distributed ambrosia* among the gods (eveny- after having experienced torture at their hands
at the time when they churned him !
(Verse 2) From him (the ocean) was born the Moon, causing wonderment to the eyes of one
and all, whom Vishnu placed in his eye, (and) whom Siva placed on his forehead,^ out of loving regard
for his virtues.
{Verse 3) From him (the Moon) sprang kings, the glowing flames of whose amazing prowess
manifesting itself on the (ever) expanding battle-fields consumed the swollen stream of rut of the
enemy elephants, the union with the celestial Ganga rising every
moment through the ceaseless
influx of whose fame caused such
a (thrill of) joy to the Ocean that he started rollicking with surging
waves, the which revels he keeps indulging in (to this day),^
(Verse 4) In the family of those (kings) of the spotless fame did the glory of the Narasiriiha
incarnation (of the god VishnuY manifest itself in the guise of the king Chodaganga whose
sword
a veritable hermit on the sacred banks of the river of rut
of the (enemy) elephants flying into a
frenzied rage, helped the hostile princes attain the blessing of salvation.®
(Verse 5) With his mind agitated by the palpable displeasure, he (Chodaganga) grabbed, in
his hand (50 soft) as a fresh leaf, the chignon of the enemy Fortune even before’ he clutched his
creeper-like sword, (and similarly) he first rendered the gorgeous ladies of his enemies bosoms of the
bereft of their pearls (and) afterwards’ (he did so) the broad temples* of the boisterous scent-
elephants® (of his enemies), from which rut was trickling profusely.
(Verse 6) At his indignation, the hostile chiefs, obviously frightened by his scimitar being
brandished and looming large (to their horror), (and) shuddering under the volley of the multitude
of his arrows, sought after the joy of complete -extinction type, as if priding themselves on eman-
^ Literally, *
installed an alms-house of ambrosia for the gods. Ambrosia [amrita or smllid) is one of the four-
’
teen gems that the Ocean yielded when churned by the gods and the demons. These include the Moon and
l^kshmi as well.
The implication being that he treated benevolently and generously even those who wronged him grievously.
^
^ WhileSiva’s carrying a crescent on his forehead is well known, the idea of Vishnu’s bearing the Moon in the
eye goes back to the Yâs, where he is described as having fire as his head and the sun and moon as his eyes’
‘
{agnir=murdhd chakskushi ckandra-suryau). It is on account of this that one of Vishnu’s thousand names is Ravi-
lochana, i.e., ‘ one who has the sun as one of the eyes (see V ishnudahasrandma, with Sahkaracharya’s commen-
*
tary, verse 93).

* In order
to appreciate the poetic fancy here one must know that kirii (fame) is conceived as a white liquid
while the waters of the celestial Gafiga (really speaking, the Galaxy or Milky Way in the heavens) are regarded to
he milky. The augmentation is thus supposed greatly to add to the gracefulness and charms of the fancied lady,
hurrying to her lover, with the heaving bosom.
® N
arakaritanu of the original is comparable with Ndrasimhavapuh of the Visknusahasrandma, verse 3.
A florid substitute for saying ;
‘
he killed his enemies.’
The alleged reverse order of vanquishing and molestatiotij rhetorically speaking, indicates the agility of
’
action and confidence of victory on the part of the person whose valour is described here.
* As for the
temples of elephants having pearls, they are traditionally known as one of the various sources of
pearls. The tradition is recorded by Mallinatha as follows Karindra-jimuta-vardha-satikka-matsy-dhi-sukty-
:
vdhhava-verûjdni muktdphaldni prathitdni lake teshd/h tu hikty-udbhavam^va bhurL Pearls are known in the ‘
world as emanating from elephants, clouds, boars, conchshells, fish, snakes, oyster-shells and bamboos. Of them,
however, those coming from oyster-shells are most common.’ For details, see under muktd in the Sabdakal-
padruma.
® A scent-elephant, gandha-sindhura, is supposed to be one of the most excellent kind of elephants. It is defined
as Yasya gandham samdghrdya na tishtkanti pratidvlpdh sa ml gandha-gajo ndtna nripaterîjay-avahah. ‘A
scent-elephant is that having smelt whose scent the rival elephants take to flight ;
such a scent -elephant brings
victory to the king (who ovms if).*
3 DGA/53 o
cipation (from the bondage of this world), having pierced through the frontal disc of the orb of the
sun in the heaven.^
(Verse 7) From him (Chddagahga) was (born his) son, king Anahgabhima, a very parasol of
piety, 2 who was not touched by the spurtings of billows of the ink of sins of the Kali age. What
a (wonderful) magic trick was that, leaving aside the array of rutting elephants, (and, depending
rather) on the one-legged bull (i.e., dharma), adopting merely ^ that (magic), he had secured the
empire
(Verse 5) In the family of (the Brdhmanas belonging to the) Vatsa (gotra) there was born an ex-
cellent Brahmana, called Govinda, who was voluntarily adored by the hymns and chants of (all)
the three Vedas.® What an (astonishing) greatness was this of the king that he made him (Govinda)
the bulhat-the-yoke for carrying the burden of (his) empire
(Verse 9) Then, from him (Anahgabhima) was born a king, named Rajendra, the swans (in
the form) of toe-nails, the house-holders (so to say) of lotuses (in the form) of whose feet, rest^ on
the top of mossy weeds (in the shape) of locks of hair of all the hostile chiefs who bowed (to Aim).
(Verse 10) He (Rajendra) begot that king Anahgabhima whose manner of disporting himself
by giving charities far excels in fulfilling desires (of the suppliants), even if the mountain of gold
(i.e., Sumeru) gets melted by the blasts of the flames of the fire of his prowess, and the clouds, having
taken it (molten gold), shower it in milliard streams day and night for filling (all) the quarters
(of the space),
(Verse 11) If his fame purifies (all) the three worlds, in vain is there the celestial Gahga ! If
his utterances roll about in the neck (of the people),^ fie upon pearl necklaces ! If the purpose
^ All this means that the enemies fought and fell. Seeing no escape from the sure death, they made a virtue
of necessity, hoping to he rewarded in the world hereafter with the reward of a happy warrior. And that reward
consists in the attainment of perfect bliss in the solar region, as the tradition has it, which only two can reach,
a yogin and a warrior. Compare the couplet Dvavîm'iu ’pitrusltau loke sarya-tnundala-bhedinau par ivrdd- yoga-
:
yuktaS=cha ch^bhimukko hatah.

rarie There are these two men in the world who burst through the disc of
*
the sun {one is) a peripatetic yogin perfected in meditation, and {the other is he) who is killed in the battle without
,
turning his back {upon his opponenty, {Subhdshitaratnabhdnddgdra, Xirnayasagar Press, Bombay, 6th edition,
1929, p. 161, verse 106.) Mr. X. Lakshminarayan Rao, kindly informed me that this couplet is met with in
certain Kannada hero-stone inscriptions. See B. Lewis Rice’s Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, London,
1909, p. 172. It may be recalled that, among the duties of a kshatriya, a noteworthy one is yuddhe ch^py-
apaldyanam, not running away in the battle field’ {^rlmadhhagavadglld, XVIII, 43), which is echoed in the rane
‘
ch^bhimukho hatah of the couplet quoted above.

* This means that the pious people enjoyed special protection
and security under Anangabhima.
* Mark the use of the word suddha in the sense of kevala in the present
context. The English word pure offers
a parallel inasmuch as this likewise is occasionally used in the sense of sheer or mere. See remarks above, p. 122.
* The implication is that Anangabhima was a peace-loving
and righteous king. Though he possessed war
elephants, he never went to war. The bull, symbolic of dharma, stood on all the four legs in the Krita age, on three
legs in the Treta age, on two legs in the Dvapara age, and in the present Kali age, he stands only on one leg, mytholo-
gically speaking. Again, mantra-kald apparently denotes here
magic trick or the like, but in reality it stands
‘ *
for mantra-sakti, ‘ the expedient of wise counsel,’ which

one of the three exj)edients well-known in the lore of
is
statecraft, the other two being prahhu-sakti and utsdha-sakti, referring to the personality of the king himself and
the enthuisasm of his forces respectively. The poet astutely tells us in the present verse that Anangabhima’a
success as a ruler was due to the wise counsel he used to receive from his ministers, one of whom is described in the
verse that follows.
In other words, he easily acquired proficiency in the Vedic lore.
*
Another of the jxiet’s pet conundrums!

* Being a calf {Vatsa), a great favourite of the cows (gavi),
GOvinda must indeed have made a fine bull of himself to drag the great burden Shorn of the poetic embellishment,
!
the circumlocution means that Govinda was Anangabhima’s chief minister.

’ Mark in this verse and in the following
ones the historic present tense, referring to the past events.
® It need not be pointed out that the
Sanskrit word kai^fha means both ‘throat* and ‘neck*.
! .
No. 16 ] CHATESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION 131
of decoration could be served by the sparklings of lustre of the toe-nails of his lotus-like feet, what
was the necessity of tying a tiara on the block of a forehead of the hostile chiefs ?
(Verse 12) Now, he (Anahgabhima), the toes of whose feet used to fall into a slumber (gi5 if
(hostile) princes, had one Yishnu, like a

xvere) on the balcony^ (in the form) of the foreheads of
second (god) Vishnu (himself), who served him uninterruptedly as his minister. What
should
we speak of his (Vishnu’s) fame which, having created hundreds of white parasols (all over the
world), brought the (whole) empire of the king, the lord of Trikalihga, under one single
parasol ?
than both
(Verse 13) Howwonderful that no sooner had they approached the foot of \ ishnu^
arms front of him in
(hinds of) the hostile chiefs, those who surrendered to him, laying down the in
swords* upraised,
the forefront of the battle-field, and those who stood their ground with their
itching for a trial of strength, achieved the blissful state of complete emancipation
of
(Verse 14) The anchorites of the Vaikhanasa order, by their striving in the practice
appeare
do not so much perceive this universe to be composed of (the god) Vishnu as indeed it
hallucination) out
to the king of Tummana to be consisting of (the minister) Vishnu, who, (in his
is Vishnu, (dur
of fear, saw him (in all) the directions, repeatedly uttering there is Vishnu, there
‘
in the forests along the Bhima riêr,

ing his flight from the battle) at the skirts of the Viudhya hills,
(and) on the shore of the sea.^
fight with the Mus

(Verse 15) How are we to describe that heroism of his (Vishnu’s) during his
lim king, while all alone — his arrows appearing as his ear-pendants*’ —
he shot dead (mang)
expert
soldiers,which (display of heroism) became a grand feast to the sleepless and unwinking e)es
of the gods who were the interested lookers-on in the heaven above ?
sovereignty
(Verse 16) While he (Vishnu) is no harm whatsoever (can come) to the
on the alert, ’
are pla> ing a out
of the lord of Utkala horses in their thousands are prancing on all sides, elephants
;
in herds, all the (quarters of the space are choked with multitudes of lilies swa}îng on (either si
on the ore
of every) road, residence is in camps (also^ on the mountain ridges), (and) tramping
is
heads of (hostile) chiefs of noble birth (also, on the p eaks of the celebrated mountains).
of a sloping roof
^The term vaiahhi or valabhX, properly speaking, means ^topmost part of a building’ or 'p'ATt
projecting from the outer wall,’ which in Hindustani is called chhajjd,
the one hand, an n t i
^ The point of
poetic perplexity is the creation of hunderds of umbrellas on
the keeping of the government imder only one umbrella. It may be pointed out that a single paraao is
^
bolic of universal sovereignty. Cf. ekdtapairam jagatah prabhutvarn, in
Kalidasa’s^ Eaghuvamsa, II,
proximity.
® Vishnu’s
pada refers to the god Vishnu’s holy feet as well as to the minister \ ishnu s
surrenderee were
impHes that those of the enemies who dared to oppose were kiUed downright, and those who
allowed to enjoy their freedom I
in fh'
--
* The poet has cleverly kept up the minister Vishnu’s comparison with the god of that^ name
as well. For a different interpretation of the expression bhXma-tatinl-kunjey see above, p. 125.
arrows.
® That is,
pulling the bow-string right up to the car while shooting
without jinking. The po^ eviden y
4.1
« The eyes of
the gods are traditionally known to be ever wide open,
eyes proved an extra
wishes to convey that, in watching the heroic feat of Vishnu, the natural winklessness of their
time as the twmkUng
advantage to the gods, because thereby they did not miss the great sight even for so short a
of an eye.
, » ti *
. •
^ *
On the alert ’ is a free rendering of the original kruddha which literally means angry
of the rdjanlti or statecraft. Expatiating
is to be equated with the udyata-dartda (‘one with the rod upraised’)
on rajadharmay Manu says : ityam-udyata'davd^h' ^y^ty etc., Let him be ever

N ’
the East, Vol. X. , p.

-) nnwmoTi '
amriti, VII, 102 and 103, and 6. Buhler’s translation in the Sacred Books of
miUtary
tators like KnUuka explain danda in this context by hasty-ah-adi-siksh-abhydsa,
prasasti ev
especially for wars with the help of elephants and horses.’ The poet of our r-..
. . • .
elephants aiu
preparedness on the part of Vishnu in mentioning the sports of horses and
throug is g administration
present verse. The Ulies and lotuses symbolise the peace with plenty established
while the tramping on foreheads points to the proper subjugation of hostile elements i e m .
m
^
:

(Verse 17) Just think (of it) ! How extensive (after all) is the surface of the earth where his
(Vishnu’s) Fame can comfortably sit ? How spacious is the sky where she can stretch her feet ?
How big is the mansion of heaven where she can enjoy herself ? How roomy are the quarters of
the space where she can leap about ? And how expansive is this fragment of a universe where she
can dwell ?
(Verse 18) The world having been (white) washed by the heaps of his fame, owing to the (all-
eriveloping) whiteness produced (thereby), Siva grabs at Yamuna dam-

for adorning (his head), fair
sels carry blue lilies for their ear-ornaments, (and) in the heart of the jasmine groves the bees make
out their mates (only) by the buzzing sound. ^
(Verse 19) On the shores of the sea, favourite of (the god) Purushdttama,^ he (Vishnu) raised
many a veritable Meru (mountain of gold) while performing the Tuldpurusha ceremonies. (Con-
sequently) Indra, seeing (not one hut) a hundred pleasure-resorts (resemhlin^g Meru), cast askance
amorous glances on the lotus-like face of (his comort) Sachi.^
(Verse 20) He (Vishnu) dotted the roads with hundreds of lotus-pools, at convenient intervals.
From that time onwards, the sea-breezes, with their fatigue and weariness of the way removed
by (their resting in) the deep inner cavities of the blooming lotuses, carrying provisions for the
journey —provisions consisting of the spray pregnant with the fragrant essence —gently follow
the way-farers.
(Verse 21) Logic regarded him with favour ! Lore of the Vedas kissed his ruddy lips ! Ethics
had a free play in his heart ! Statecraft, too, embraced him lustily!
(Verse 22) As for the Purdms (the old persons, so to say),^ he, himself being a repository of
the wealth of clear understanding of the real meanings (of the Vedas and the like), revived (and
rejuvenated) them (for), owing to the great defect (and the derangement, attendant on old age,
;
of the humours of the body, known as tri~ddsha) through the perversion of the views about the
Vedas (and the decays in the faculties of hearing and seeing), they were leading (people) on the
wrong path and thereby becoming unpopular (and going astray and stumbling).
(Verse 23) This temple of Siva has been built by him (Vishnu), where the Sun has assumed the
form of its globe® of gold, the Moon has become its crystal pitcher full (of water), ^ and the celestial
Ganga (i5 apparent in) the fluttering beauty of its banner.
^ Traditionally, the waters of the Yamuna and it is white lilies
are black whereas those of the Gang;! are white,
that ladies take for making them into ear-pendants. The bees are naturally black. The confusion, such as Siva
reaching for Yamuna instead of for Ganga, is wrought by the fame which has turned everything white, poetically
speaking.
2 The allusion seems to he the beach near Puri in Orissa, where there is a famous temple of Purushottama*
Jagannatha, so closely associated with the minister Vishnu’s patron, Anafigabhima III.
3 Mythologically, Mount Meru consists of gold and gems, and is the abode of the gods. In the Amarakosa,
I, 49, we have such significant synonyms of it as Hemadri (‘mountain of gold’), Raimsanu (gem-peaked) and
Ruralaya (‘abode of the gods’). The sight of a hundred such delightful abodes must needs rouse a desire for dalliance
in Indra, the lord of the gods.
• The analogy with old^êrsons is kept up in the attributes that are given in this verse to the If
need hardly be mentioned that the word purdna means old/ ‘
® The use of the word vibhrama in the sense of bhramsa, decay or decline, is best illustrated in the Srlmad'
bkagavadgttd, II, 63
Krodhad bhavati sammdhnfy
sammohdt smTiti’Vibhramafy |
fmriii’bhramsdd buddhi-ndsd
ouddhi‘7tdsdt prariasyati {
•By this is meant the spherical member of the pinnacle of a Hindu temple, from which rises the bad-shaped
spire.
’ This obviously refers to the pitcher of water, which is kept suspended or placed on a tripod over the Siva-
ling a in the sanctum aanctoruyn, the pitcher having a tiny hole at the bottom to allow water constantly to drip on
the linga below.
No. 17] EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES 133
(Verse 24) As long as the great mountains^ remain inside the ocean, as if engaged in the jala-
ja'pa prayers^ for the removal of dangers from and the establishment of peace in (all) the three
worlds, so long may this temple keep up the grandeur of swelling heaps of foam^ in this world,
and so long may (this) eulogy be sung (as well) !
(Verse 25) That well-known Bhaskara is the poet of this (poem), whose fame is hardly contained
in (all) the fourteen worlds* that there are, whose intellect is hardly satisfied with (all) the fourteen
lores® that there are, and whose elevated speech never loses ixs freshness throughout (all) tlie
fourteen aeons® that there are.
No. 17-EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES

B. Ch. Chhabra, New Delhi
A. —Kcisyapa Image Inscription from Silao
This inscription has been published by me.^ It attracted the attention of Professor Dr. E. H.
Johnston England, who was good enough to offer some illumina-
of the Balliol College, Oxford,
ting comments on it in a letter, dated the 18th October, 1911, addressed to Dr. N. P. Chakravarti,
the then Deputy Director General of Archaeology in India, New Delhi. Dr, Chakravarti kindly
supplied me with the relevant extract from that letter. This extract runs as follows :
to various circumstances I have only recently seen Dr. Chhabra s interesting

“Owing
article inEpigraphia Indica on the Ka^yapa image inscription at Silao. On one or two points
however he has overlooked references, which would have modified his interpretation. If you
would be good enough to send this letter to him, he might be interested to look up those
I mention, and if he washes to publish a supplemental note, he is welcome to make what

use of my remarks he likes ;
there is no need to mention my name.
“On page 330 he refers to Buddhacaritra, xvii, 12, in Cowell’s edition; but the whole of
the text in Cowell from xiv, 33 on is a nineteenth century addition by Amrtananda, who was
Hodgson’s pandit in Khatmandu. Asvaghosa did give a full account of Mahaka^yapa s
conversion, and an English translation of from the Tibetan and Chinese by me is to be found
it
is also an earlier translation in German

in Acta Orient alia, XV, canto xvii, 24 ff. There from
the Tibetan only by Fr. Weller in Das Leben des Buddha von Asvaghosa.
The reference here is to the submarine mountains.

*
formula there in an
In an ordinary japa, the votary sits in a quiet corner and mutters prayer or repeats a
^
the term indicates, he is required to keep sitting under w ater all

undertone or inarticulately , but in a jala-japa, as
the while.
® One has to imagine that the exterior of the temple was originally white- washed, and
that the main item of
tlieup-keep of a temple usually consists of a fresh coat of lime -wash at least once a year. The poet no doubt
after and might einlare for ever, but the phena-
wished that the temple built by Vishnu might be well looked
equally to a totally opposite and undesired sense the solidity of a heap .
punja-pratishpha of the stanza lends itself
of foam, a mocking reference to the ephemeral nature of man-made things.

here replaced by itw
* The broad division of the universe into three earth, heaven and the nether world,
:
is
tapos. sntya,
more eleborate classification into the following fourteen sections: bhu, bhuvar, star, mahas, pinas,
The one refers to this earth, the next six are above
aiala, vitala, sulala, rasatala, talatala, maUiala and patala. first
it, one over the other, and the remaining seven are under it, one below
the other.
• The fourteen traditional lores are four Vedas, six V^ngas, Dharim,
Mimdmd, Nydya and the Purdm^
collectively as the fourteenth.
• The fourteen manvantaras constitute but one day of Brahman. Ihey coinpirse 4,3-0,000 human years
Six such periods have already passed, we are living in the seventh, and seven more are jêt to come.
» Above, Vol. XXV, 327 ff. and plate.
^
m EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX

*'In verse I, should not javana be taken in the technical sense, as described in Rhys
Davids-Stede, Pali Dictionary, s. v. ? It is a puzzle to me that the term does not appear to
occur in Buddhist Sanskrit. I would suggest the meaning here is ‘‘of immeasurable intelligence^’
(or “power of perception’’?),
“The last verse refers to the legend that Mahakali attained Nirvana, but after it his body
was preserved by magic, and he entered the Gurupada mountain, where he awaits the coming
of Maitreya. Hiuan Tsang’s account of it differs slightly from this and from the verse,
in making his Nirvana be deferred till the meeting with Maitreya. For the canonical accounts
see Watters, On Yuan Chwang, II, 144, and much more fully in J. Przyluski, La Legende
‘Acoka 167 ff. (Is this latter important work not available in Indian Libraries ?) Dr. Chhabra
is clearly not satisfied with his own translation and has not seen the significance of adkistMya,
which refers to adhislMna, the magic spiritual power of Buddha, by which he causes things
to endure, or a Bodhisattva to explain the most esoteric points of doctrine. For references see
La Vallee Poussin, L’Abhidharmakosa de Vasubandhu, ch. 31, and ch.
iii, vii, 119 and
E, Lamotte, Notes sur la Bhagavadgita, 56 ff., and Suzuki, Studies in the Lanka vatarasutra, 377.
“Despite the last, I think it is unusual to find the power attributed to anyone except
the Buddha. It is of course a specifically Mahayana doctrine, and the Hinayana adopted
it from them. I take it that the verse means “This K^yapa, who passed into Nirvana and
yet kept his body in existence by his magic power just for the good of the world, resides
(lit. shines) in the Beautiful GurupMa mountain; i. e. inside the mountain, not on it.”
I have nothing to add, except one remark in connection with Dr. Johnston’s explanation
of the last verse. It might be considered right provided the so^^yam of the original be taken
as referring to Kasyapa himself. It is, on the contrary, presumed that we are concerned
here with the statue and the inscription on its pedestal. And when the latter says s5=^’yam^bhdti
Kasyapah^ it obviously alludes to the stone image of Kasyapa,^ and not to Kasyapa as a person.
Such being the case, would it not be correct to say ‘on the mountain, not inside it’ rather than
‘inside the mountain, not on it’?
Further, I am inclined to connect Gurupade girau

ramye with niter itah and not with
s0^^yam==ahhdti} makes is as obvious as it is consequential. According to the
The difference it
latter construction, the statue must necessarily have been set up on the Gurupada hill itself,
whereas according to the former it might have been established anywhere else as well. In fact;
the possibility of its having been erected in the vicinity of the village of Silao, if not at Silao
proper, has already been shown.
B, —Chandrabandi Rock Inscription, Saka 803.
This inscription has been edited by the late C. R. Krishnamacharlu.^ It is a Kannada record
and pertains to the Jaina faith. It consists of only six lines, the last two of which comprise
the following Atyd in Sanskrit :
*
^ It has been pointed out that the inscription is virtually a label to the image ’ (ibid., p. 328).
* Ibid., p. 333, note 12.
* Ibid., p. 327, para. 1, p. 331, para. 2.
* The Kannada Inscriptions of Kopbdl {Hyderabad Archaeological Serks, No. 12, Giloutta, 1935), pp* 6-7,
plate I (b).
* It may be pointed out that the sign of medial (long) I is not distinguishable from medial (short) i in
this inscription and that the

rule of sandhi has not been observed in kiiryydi irf-.
No. 17] EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES 155
The learned editor introduces this verse by remarking that it “expresses a wish that the
glorious Sarvanandindra may ‘dispel the drought of sin by the clouds (or waters) of his conduct’.
The reading in the photograph appears to be jala^dhdraii—, in which case it would refer to the
’’
waters of his pure conduct. His translation of the couplet accordingly runs as follows :
“May the glorious Sarvanandindra w onderfully effect the destruction of the drought of sin
by the clouds (or waters ?) of (his) ceaseless teaching and (his) absolutely pure conduct !
’’
First of all, the possibility of the reading jala-dhdrais- is ruled out by the fact that it mili-
tates against the metre, not to speak of the dubious nature of the use of dJidraih^ for dhdmhhih.^
Secondly, the term nidagha, that has been taken in the sense of ‘
drought, ’
usually means
*
heat,’ * summer/ or ‘
hot weather. ’
This primary sense of the word appears to be quite
appropriate in the given context. In fact, it is doubtful whether the word niddgha has ever
’
been used in the sense of ‘
drought.
It is, however, the last word of the couplet that the present note seeks to draw particular
attention to. Indra in Sarvvanandindra is evidently not to be equated with Bhatdrar in
Sarvvanandi-Bhatarar that occurs in the Kannada portion. The word indra appended
to the name Sarvanandin plainly refers to Indra, the lord of gods, the god of rains, with
whom Sarvanandin is metaphorically identified. The rest of the verse will bear it out that
we have here a Rupaka, and that the very Indra
clear instance of the figure of speech, called
is the mainstay thereof. The idea embodied in the verse thus becomes manifest as the :
god Indra allays the oppressive heat by pouring rain, so may the holy Sarvanandin dispel
the evil by spreading knowledge and thereby turning the common herd into good characters.
Finally, as implied by the above free rendering, the long compound in the beginning
also lends itself to an interpretation slightly different from the one offered by Sri
Krishnamacharlu. According to him, it speaks of two diverse things sastra ddna and :
prammala-chdritra. And the chdritra he takes as referring to that of Sarvanandin himself.

It would perhaps be preferable to treat the two things not as separate, but the first as the
cause and the other as its effect, and thus the chdritra as referring to that of the people
at large. This would not only justify the plural number employed in the expression, but
would also be more consonance with the adage vidgd daddti mnagam vinagdd gdti pdtratdm,
in
etc. A more literal rendering of the stanza would therefore be “ May Indra, (the god :
of rains,) {in the guise) of the holy Sarvanandin, in his wonderful way, put an end to the
(blazing) heat (in the form) of the evil by means of rain-clouds (in the shape) of perfectly
flawless characters (produced) through his ceaseless teaching or continuously disseminating
”
knowledge^ (amryng the people) !
^ What has been taken for the length mark (or medial a) on the letter dka seems to have been cancelled
by the engraver.
^ Considering the religion of the teacher spoken of, the sastra here may be taken as adverting to the Jaina
scriptures, but may as well be taken in its broader sense of knowledge as defined in the fttf* :
II
Mr. P. B. Desai, Epigraphical Assistant, has kindly pointed out to me that the inscription is in the nature
of an epitaphand that the concluding expression in the Kannada portion, sanyasanan^nontu mu4ipidar, translated
as ‘completed the vow of renunciation,’ implies, as similar expressions in similar Jaina inscriptions do, that
Sarvanandin died. In that case, the blessings invoked in the Sanskrit Aryd would sound rather inconsistent
unless, of course, Sarvanandin’s agency as preacher or teacher, after his death, be understood to be continuing
through the succession of his^disciples.
136 EPIGEAPHIA ETOICA [VoL. XXIX
C, —Balsdne Inscription ; Saha 1106
Ttis short inscription of four stanzas, rather indifferently engraved, has been published
by Dr, M. G. Dikshit.^ Its text seems to be defective here and there. I had an opportunity
of examining Dr. Dikshit’s article on it at the time when it was going through the press.
I even made a suggestion or two regarding its reading. The observations offered here are
the result of a study which I subsequently happened to make of this interesting record. It
presents certain difficulties that are still awaiting solution. Dr. Dikshit’s provisional identi-
fication of the king Krishna figuring in it, for instance, with a member of the AbhTra family
of Bhambagiri needs corroboration. And his explanation of the line read by him as
2T: PraiT(^T)^(^)
who no time made over the
in earth., .to the possession of the king Krishna does not seem
to have hit the nail on the head.
In the present note, however, I propose to draw attention to a more obvious point, namely
the object of the inscription. ‘‘The object of the inscription, says Dr. Dikahit. “ is to
record that the Pa\i(lita repaired the Koyal Matha (Rdja^matha), standing on the banks
of a river, at Balaslnaka, for the inhabitance of Brahmins.”'^ The relevant text MHS
^ has accordingly been translated by him aa “he caused to be
repaired, for the perpetual inhabitance of Brahmins, the dilapidated Royal monastery/’*
The use of the term matha in the original has given rise to what I may call a misconception
as to the exact purport of the record. It has been taken in its ordinary sense of ‘
monastery,’
whereas it has in all probability been employed here in its secondary sense of devalaya or temple.’ ‘
In the very opening sentence of his paper, Dr, Dikshit informs us that the inscription
is carved on the lintel of the entrance door of a temple.’® And in the absenoe of any specific
reference to the contrary in the mscription, we may be justified in accepting that the matha
mentioned therein refers to the very temple itself where the inscription is found.
Going through theearlier reports on the epigraph, one gets at the root of the confusion.
Mr. H. Cousens drew attention to its existence
first upon the matha.^^ Mr. R. D. Banerji,
‘
who happened to examine it later on, has asserted that it is found on a temple and not in the
maftiaJ It appears that both the scholars in reality referred to one and the same building,
the former naming it matha after the manner of the inscription and the latter calling it temple
in accordance with its actual appearance. The mistake, however, seems to lie in the fact that
to Mr. Cousens, the term matha meant nothing else but monastery.’ To him the building ‘
in question was thus a monastery, because it was labelled, so to say, as matha whatever
its form and size. One finds him describe it aa such in his Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan^
In this publication he gives also a plan of the matha^^ from which one can see that the modest
dimensions of the structure answer more to a simple fane than to a monastery.
remains to be shown that matha, meaning ‘ temple
It is found not only in lexicons, but
also actually used in old inscriptions. T he Dhauli cave inscription of the time of Santikara,
^ Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 309 ff. and plate.
2 Ibid., p. 313.
» Ibid., p. 310.
* Ibid., p. 313.
® Ibid., p. 309.
• Bevised Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency,
p. 65.
» An, Prog, RepoH, A. S. Western Circle, 1918-19, p. 45.
» Archa€o]ogical Survey of India, Imperial Series, Vol. XLVIII pp 23 26*97
» Ibid., plate XXVIII.
NAGARJUNIKONDA IMAGE INSCRIPTION 137
for instance, records the erection of a temple, where the term employed is ma/Aad The word
occurring in line 8 of the Kaman stone inscription, has been taken as referring to a
temple of Siva.^ The Alagum inscription, dated in the sixtvsecond regnal year of the
Ganga monarch Anantavarman Chddagahga, obviously refers
to a temple of Siva, under
the name of Gartesvara, again using the word matha for ‘
temple.'’ Instances of mathi
and mathika (diminutive forms of matha) the sense
in of ‘
shrine ’
or ‘
cell ’
are also found
in inscriptions.^
If now, in view of the foregoing discussion, we accept that the mafJia of the inscription
refers to a temple, the question arises as which particular deity it was sacred
to to. The
answer is : to Brahman. This is indicated by the very words
which may now be rendered as ‘ for the permanent residence of (tlie god) Brahman.’
The word
brahman thus retains its primary sense. This conclusion is substantiated
by the fact that the
inscription begins with an invocation to the very god Brahman. An<b as if to lend conviction
to all this, we have a report by Mr. Cousens himself that among the sculptured stones, that
lie about at the ancient site of Balsane, there is an image of Brahman.^ It may, therefore,
be suppoS‘ i that this image must originally have been enshrined in the /M/r/Aa spoken of in
the inscription. It is called raja-ynatha or 'royal temple,’ which possibly signifies that it
was built originally by a king. It may be worth while to investigate as to who this king was.
Considering that temples devoted to Brahman are few and far between,® the present specimen
though now deserted, may be counted among rarities.
No. 18-NAGARJUNIKONDA IMAGE INSCRIPTION

(i Plate)
H. K. Narasimhaswamt, Madras
The sculpture bearing a short one-line inscription engraved at its base, which is published
below, was discovered in 1940 at Nagarjunikonda, Guntur District, Andhra State, by Mr. K.
Ramamurti, the Senior Conservation Assistant in the office of the Superintendent, Department
of Archaeology , Southern Circle, Madras, who
was then in charge of the Archaeological Museum
at that place. It is a mutilated image in high relief on a white marble slab that was found half
buried in the debris of rubble and stones on the northern slope of the Nagarjuua hill, overlooking
the river Krishna. In the process of clearing the debris, Mr. Bamamurti discovered traces of a
large many-pillared hall, at the extremity The
of which the image under review was found.
partly exposed pillars of this hall are made of marble similar to that used for the other
monuments of this place. The building, of which these pillars are the survivors, perhaps
enshrined under its roof the very image which forms the subject matter of this article. A search
for the missing portion of the image round about the region proved of no The image
avail. is
now kept in the Archaeological Museum at Nagarjunikonda itself. When I visited this place
* Above, Vol. XIX, p. 264.

2 Ibid., Vol. XXrv, 330.
* Ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 47, text line 14.
Îbid., Vol. XXVI, p. 225, text lines 26 and 27.
Mediaeval Temptea of the Dakhan, p. 23.
* An article on The Temple of Bmhma at Khed*Brahnia, by Mr. Henry Cousens, hi the Aw. Bep. A*
1906-07, pp, 171-78, may be consulted with advantage on this point.
3I)GA/54 X)
in 1940, I took a pliotograph. of it and a couple of estampages of tlie inscription at its base,
both of which I publish here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India. ^
The lower half is all that is preserved of the image now. Even so, the sculpture is of
considerable iconographic interest. It depicts a nude female hgure iur the sitting posture, with
the legs doubled up and wide apart and the feet pointing outwards. The image is profusely
ornamented. The broad belt below the navel is highly decorated with what look like rows
of pearls or precious stones. The distended belly with the ornamental belt around it very much
resembles the decorated 'purna-ghatay the representation of which is a common feature in the
Buddhist sculptural art of this period at Xagarjunikonda, Amaravati and elsewhere. The
anklets and other jewellery adorning the ankles are again typical of the ornaments portrayed in
contemporary sculpture. On the narrow strip of space below the image is engraved an inscrip-
tion in a single line in Prakrit language and Brahim characters assignable to the 3rd century
A. C.
The inscription does not give us any clue as to the identity of the image. Nevertheless,
the recording that was it caus:‘d to be in ide by a queen who is described as an a-vidham,
‘one who has her husband and a jlvaputd (Sanskrit jivaputrd), ‘one who has her child
alive’,
or children alive’, gives room it must have stood for a cult image and
for the surmise that
that its sponsor was a follower of that cult. The cult of worshipping the naked forms of either
the male or female, the one in the form of the linga and the other in the form of the
yoniy both representing the generative principle in nature, is a very ancient and wide-spread
one. The excavations at Mohenjo-daro in Sind have brought to light numerous female
terracotta figurines akin to those discovered in Baluchistan and in countries of Western Asia,
around the Aegian coast, Elam, Mesapotamia, Asia-Minor, Syria, Palestine, Cyprus, Crete,
Cyclades, the Balkans and Egypt. These figurines are identified as the representations of the
Great Mother or the Goddess of Nature. India is known to have been the home of the worship
of the Divine Mother, Adya-Sakti, Prakriti or Prithivi, the Earth.* Apart from the
terracotta figurines referred to above, an interesting oblong sealing found at Harappa depi 3 ts,
on one of its faces, a nude female figure, upside down, with legs apart and with a plant
issuing from her womb.* This is considered as depicting the Mother Goddess in her role as the
author of Another instance of a figure akin to this is afforded by a small repoo^sse
fertility.
gold plaque bearing the figure of a nude female recovered at Piprahva which is believed to
represent the Earth Goddess.* The inscribed sculpture of Nagarjunikonda also seems to be
a representation of the Mother Goddess in her aspect as the Goddess of fertility or fecundity.
It is in all probability a votive image dedicated as an offering in response to the fulfilmenu of
certain wishes or desires.
As for the contents of the inscription, Queen Khamduvula who figures for the first time
in this record is described as MahadevI and the wife(?) of Maharaja Siri Ehavala Chamtamula.
The latter is probably identical with his namesake who is mentioned as a son of Siri Vira
Purisadata and Mahadevi Bhatideva and as the brother of Queen Kodabalisiri, in inscriptions
from Nagarjunikon^ itself.^ In an inscription from Ren^la, not far from Nagarjunikon^,
1 Photcgraph No. 1996 of the office of the Government Epigraphist for India inscription No. 470 of
;
1940-41 of the Madras Epigrapidcal Collection.
* B. K. Mookerji, Hindu Civilisation^ pp. 19-20.
» Sir John Marshall, Mohenjo-daro and Indus Civilisationy Vol. I, p. 62, pi. XII, 12.
* JRASy 1898, p. 579, pi. opp. p. 679, figs. 11 & 15.
Above, Vol. XX, p. 5 and inscriptions G and H. The king*a nanift occura variously as Ehuviija
ChaUmula In inscription G {page 24, plate V, line 7) and Ehuvala Chatamula (in inscription H, lina
10. plate V,
reverse).
No. 19J MORE INSCRIPTIONS AT ABLUR 139
the name of this king occurs in a slightly different form as Ehuval-i

Siri Chamtamula.^ The
expressions a-vidhavd and jivaputu used in describing the queen are noteworthy. The latter
occurs in an inscription on brick from Mathura, assigned to the 3rd or 2nd century B. C.^ and
also on some inscriptions of the Suiiga period on the railings from Bodh-Gaya.^ In literature
these words are commonly employed either as an auspicious mode of addressing a lady leading
a married life or when such ladies are referred to.*
TEXT
Sidha[m*] Mahadeviya a-vidhavaya j[r]vaputaya Mahar[a] ja-siri-
[Ehavala Chaiiitamu]®la-pati[ya]^ Kharhduvulaya karitati^ [[]•
TRANSLATION
Success. (This image is) caused to be made by Mahadevi Khaihduvula,
(who is) an a-vidhava (i. e., one with her husband alive) and (who is) a
jlvaputd (Sanskrit, jivapatrd, i. e., one who has her child or children
alive) (and who is) the wife (?) of Maharaja Siri Ehavala Cha[m]-
tiimula.
No. 19-^MORE INSCRIPTIONS AT ABLUR

(1 Plate)
P. B. Desai, Ootacamund
Ablur is a village about 6 miles north of Hirekerur, the present day headquarters of Kotl
taluky Dharwar District. Traditions are current in these parts asserting that formerly it was a very
big and included within its extent the present day neighbouring villages of Bhogiivi Sutkoti,
city**^
Nulgeri, Dupadha]!i and Yattinhajli. According to another tradition Ablur is the birth place
of Sarvajha,** a popular Kannada poet (circa 1700 A. C), and a house near the S5me^vara temple js
shown as the place where he was born. In one of his tripadi verses Sarvajha states that, be was
born at Ambaluni*^ which is identified with Ablur.
* An. i?ep. 5. I. E,y 1936-37, p. 62, para. 11, Ins. No. 349.
'
* An. Rep. Archl. Survey of India, 1911-12, p. 128.
*Ibid., 1908-09, p. 149, f. n. 3 ; cf. the Nasik inscription of Gautaiutputra Satakarni and
Jlva-sutd in
J Iva^putra-pavird in the inscription of Prabhavatigupta in the Select Inscriptions. (These references wore
kindly pointed out to me by Dr. D. C. Sircar.)
* —
Bhartur=mitram priyam=avidhace Megluisandesa, v. 99. Jlv pulrdsâlhCi stnyah —Rdnidya'â, Y uddho kd?ido i
Jivapuiri 8 i(tas^te=ya 7h Dharmaputro Y udki'^hthirah— Mahdbhdrata, Adiparvan, ch. 144. (I am indebted to

Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra and Dr. V. Raghavan for these references).
® The punctuation is indicated by a hook-tike mark.
* This portion of the inscription bears numerous scratches on the stone somewhat obliterating the letfeis
enclosed in the brackets.

^ The stone has slightly peeled off here and with it the lower half of the letter ya has gone. There is a
distinct mark of an anu^dro over ii. Probably the expression is patimja, b, corrupt form nsed in the sense
of paXnyd.
* This expression obviously stands for kdriid iti.
* The slanting stroke at the end seems to stand for the punctuation.
also says that
wTho Abcdura charitTey to which a reference will be made in the later part of this article, it
was an extensiye city.

^ R. Narasimbachar : Karnataka Kavicharite, Vol. II, p. 632.
Cbannappa Uttangi Sarvajno Vachanagafu (3rd edn., 1936), verse 8.

T)2
140 EPIGKAPHIA INDICA [Vou XXIX
Over half a century ago the late Dr. Fleet noticed in this journal seven inscriptions^ from this
place, three of which were edited in full. In the course of my annual tour during the field season
of 1951-52, 1 visited A blur (January 1952) and explored its antiquities. My investigations reveal-
ed that this village contained a large number of inscriptions many of which were not known to
Fleet and that some important points connected with its antiquities were also lost sight of. In
all I discovered thirteen more inscriptions. I propose to study a few of these here briefly.
Most of the interesting facts regarding the activities of Ekantada Ramayya,^ the militant
protagonist of the Saiva upheaval, are centred in the temple of Somes vara. Besides the epi-
graph E® furnishing a graphic account of his miraculous exploits^ this temple contains an inscrip-
tion above a panel of sculptures depicting the scene of Ramayya’s encounter with the Jainas as
described by Fleet.® As there are some errors in the understanding and reading of this record (F)
by Fleet, I may point them out here in the first instance.
Firstly, it is a label inscription and the word tdvu appears to have been used in a rather
technical sense denoting ‘
a place representing the scene of. ’
We meet with its variant idii and
thdvu in other inscriptions at this temple, which we shall study presently. The expression
may be derived from the Sanskrit root sthdj though it appears to have been influenced in its for-
mation by Prakrit. It is interesting to note in this context that the labels in Tamil incised near
the sculptures representing incidents in the Pallava history, found in the Vaikunthaperumal temple
at Kanchipuram, similarly end with the word idam^ meaning likewise ‘a place, etc.’. Secondly, the
epigraph is not incomplete and none of its letters is The first line
missing as supposed by Fleet.
ends properly with the word kudureya- and continues in the second. At the end of the second
line, again, it is unnecessary to supply some letters through brackets as done by Fleet. For its
continuation is found on the front side of the parapet wall and it reads almost exactly as conjectur-
ed by Fleet. The whole inscription now reads as follows ; —
TEXT (Fleet’s F)’
1 Sri-Brahmesva(sva)ra-dcvaralli Ekantada-Ramayyaih basadiya Jinan=oddav-agi taleyan=aridu

hadeda tavu I] Sariika-gavundaiii basadiyan.=odeyal=iyade aluih-kudureya-
2 nôddiralu Ekantada Ramayyaiii kadi geldu Jinan=odedu linga-pratishte(the)yarii madida

t^vu] [ ii’^]
TRANSLATION
This is the place representing how, at ( the temple of ) the illustrious god Brahmesvara,
Ekantada Ramayya laid a wager, at the cost of the Jina of the shrine, of cutting off his head and
received it back again. When Saiika-gavunda would not let him destroy the shrine of the Jina,
Above, Vol. V, pp. 213 ff. ; inscriptions A to G.

i
The epithet Ekantada appears to have been acquired by Ramayya after his victory over the Jainas. In
*
lines 28-29 of inscription E the propriety of this epithet is justified on the ground of his firm and single-minded
devotion to .îva. But it appears reasonable to add that he might as well have claimed it to bring into con-
tiasit his great achievement which consisted in vanquishing the doctrine of Anekanta that characterised the Jaina
faith.
3 Above, Vol. V, pp. 237 S.
^ It is of interest to note that the achievement of Ekantada Ramayya against the Jainas is also described in
one tvf his compositions in the RagaU metre by Harihara, a Kannada poet of about the 13th century. Harihara s
account agrees in many respects with that of the Ablur inscription E.

* Above, Vol. V, pp. 260-61,
« Sll, Vol. No. 135.
’ In situ and from an impression.
More Inscriptions at Ablur
Inscription I
Inscription II
— )
141
No. 19] MORE INSCRIPTIONS AT ABLER
Ramayya fought and vanquished them. He
arraying his men and horses against him, Ekautada
smashed the Jina and installed the liitga (in its place).
the same
Now up two more inscriptions in the same temple. These deal with
I will take
These are also of the label
theme as the above, viz., Ekantada Ramayya’s victory over the Jainas.
of the above
category. They are not dated, but evidently belong to the same period as that
considerations.
epigraph. They may be assigned approximately to 1200 A. C. on palaeographic
INSCRIPTION I
into the inner shrine of

This is incised above a panel of sculptures to the left of the entrance
side and a row
the Somesvara temple. The sculptures represent a dignitary with attendants on one
of Saiva devotees on the other. A person holding a document in his hand is shown prominently
in the middle. The epigraph reads :
TEXT'
1 Srimad- Ekantada -Ramayyamge Samka-gaumvum-
2 dan=61eyam kuduva tka[vu] [||*]
TRANSLATION
(ofmctory) upon the illustrious
This is the place (depicting the scene) of conferring the certificate
Ekantada Ramayya by Sariika-gavunda.
INSCRIPTION II
to the right of entrance into the

inner shnne of the
This is incised above a panel of sculptures
horizontally ready to e ro 'ea
same temple. The sculptures depict the scene of a Jina placed
The epigraph reads
officials and Saiva devotees.
.
amidst a group of local
TEXT^
] Ye(£)kantada Ramayya m gain Jinauan-odedu
2 lihga-pratishtheyam madida tavu[ ||* ]
TRANSLATION
image Jica
Ekantada Ramayya breaking liiie ( Gj >
At this place (
is depicted the scene of
and setting up the Sivalinga.
INSCRIPTION III
made up of labels. It is incised above a panel

This is an independent inscription by itself,
proper into t e same ®
of sculptures to the right side of the parapet wall at the entrance
same period as those of the fore^
and just opposite to Fleet’s F. The characters are of about the
as well as the inscription divide themse \ es into t i ee por
going records. The panels of sculptures
tiona pertaining to different episodes in the lives of Saiva saints.
The first senes o scu ptmes
of a Saiva men icant ^tan ng
consists of the figure of Siva in his divine form followed by that
before a devotee holding a long piece of cloth in his hand. The
second series represents a devotee
facing them. e ast is
with his wife carrying a child in her arms and a Kapîka bhikshu
figure of a seated man holding an obje ct like a small round
bat. The labels below t ese scu p
^ In aiiu and from impressions.

‘
In aitu and from impressions.
144 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL.XXIX
whereas Bijjala was a protagoiust of the orthodox Brahmanical creeds,^ Basavesvara was a re-
formist directing his attacks against the rigidity of Brahmanical dogmas and practices and preach-
ing his new cult of liberality and equality amongst the devotees of Siva.- A volume of epigraphi-
cal and other evidence is now available to prove that Bijjala, like all members of the Kalachuri
house, was a staunch follower of Saivism and had no particular interest as such in Jainism.
Thus the theory of Jaina leanings of Bijjala stands thoroughly exploded.^ When Fleet wrote in
this journalmore than half a century ago, he expressed his doubt^ in regard to the historicity
of Basavesvara on account of the paucity of sources then available to him. Subsequently the
discovery and pu]>lication of a substantial number of literary works and epigraphs which constitute
quite reliable and contemporaneous documents, have established him as a historic figure beyond all
doubt. ^ Of paramount importance in this context is the evidence of the Arjunavada inscription
published in this journal.®
We are in possession of more epigraphical evidence now to show that besides Ramayya and
Basavesvara, there flourished in this century other sponsors of the Saiva movement, whose aggre-
ssive activities must have contributed to its success. We may illustrate these observations from
the contents of two inscriptions. An inscription at
Dharwar District, referring
Annigeri’ in the
itself to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Vira-Somesvara IV and dated
in 1184 A.C., intro-
duces a feudatory chief of the Sagara family named Vlra-Goggideva, An ardent upholder of the
Saiva faith, he is described as ‘a fire to the Jaina scriptures’ and ‘a death to the adherents of the
Jaina Law.’ The record further him as ân eagle to the snakes which are the Jainas’
characterises
and hunter of the wild beasts in the form of followers of the Jina.’ Another epigraph from
‘a
Talikoti® in the Bijapur District, referring itself to the same reign and bearing a date in the same
year, furnishes the following facts about another feudatory, Mahjamandalesvara Viruparasa.This
Viruparasa propitiated god Hara by his multifold devotion and was busily engaged with the ad-
vocates of the rival faiths. He launched a regular crusade as it were against the adherents of
other sects, A conflagration to the forest of Jaina creed and adept in demolishing the Buddhist
Canon, he pulverized the Jaina temples and raised the thrones of Sivalingas. Thus did he vindi-
cate his solemn oath and hold aloft the banner of Siva in the three worlds. By virtue of such
achievements he was endowed with the encomium of innumerable Saiva devotees, both of the past
and present generations. . Lastly we may note here the significant circumstance that both Vira-
Goggideva and Viruparasa of the above two epigraphs lived in a period slightly later than that of
Basavesvara and that their spheres of activities too were confined to the northern parts of Kama-
^ka. This might have been responsible for the confusion of later writers attributing to Basavesvara
active hostility against the Jaina creed.
^ I have discussed this topic and illustrated it with

extracts from Harihara's above-named work in my lectures
on the Kalachuris of Karnataka, delivered at the Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar, in 1951. They are now
published see Kannada SMtya Pariskat Patrike^ Vol. XXXVI, ‘pp. 102 ff.
;
The Sayings of Basava are replete with utterances that testify to these observations.
2
They show that h^
chief opponents were Brahmanas of the orthodox school wielding influence in the society. The Briihmanas and
their practices are criticised severely and more often in his utterances than the Jainas to whom only passing
references are made. The following among others are a few passages criticising Brahmanism Basavav>V'^' jS/w,
;
VachaTiagalu (op. cit), Kos. ,571, 576, 583, 588, etc.

3 The ‘Kalachuris of Karnataka’ referred to above ; Kan. Sah. Pari. Patrihe, Vol. XXXVL pp. 11344. Al o
see Govind Pai’s Muni Upfinyiisagaiu, pp. 79 flf.
• Above, Vol. V, p. 242.
3 Mum VpanyasagaJu, pp. 59-62.

• Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 9 ff. and 17.
’ Bombay-Kamatat Collection, No. 207 of 1928-29. The text of this and the following inscription are not
published. Their short summaries only have been given in the Annual Reports on
S. /. Epigraphy for the years
concerned. But I have utilised their texts with the permission of the Ooyemment SpigrapAijit for Jxidia*
8 Ibid., No. 68 of 1929 30
Xo. 20] PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARaUDEVA 145
No. 20—PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA

(I Phte)
P. D. Chatjdhury, Gauhati anb D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund

A set of three copper plates was discovered by a cultivator while tilling his field at the village
of Parbatiya which lies about three miles from the town of Tezpur in the Darrang District,
Assam. It was secured by Mr. Biswadeb Sarma who was then a student of the Law College,
Gauhati. Mr. Sarma handed over the plates to his teacher, Mr. S. K. Datta, Barrister- at~L aw,
then Principal of the Law College, Ultimately they were presented to the Assam Provincial
Museum, Gauhati, where they are now deposited.
The plates measure 10'" by 6. 2". They are held together by a ring to which a seal, similar
to those found with the charters of the ancient kings of Pragjyotisha, is soldered. The seal is
oval in shape with its diameter measuring lengthwise 4.7" and breadthwise 4.3". It has a
conical projection at the top and contains, on counter-sunk surface, the emblem of an elephant
facing front, below which, separated by a cross-bar, is the legend in characters similar to those
employed in the inscription on the plates. The legend is written in three lines and reads :
1 Svasti [ II* ] 3rlmdn=Prdgjydtish-ddhip-mva~

2 yo maMrdjddhirdja-in-Vanain{dy
3 lavarmmadeva[h ||*]
The first and the third plates have writing on one side only, while the second is inscribed on
3
both the sides. There are altogether 59 fines of writing, the first plate having 15 lines, the
second 16 on the obverse and 15 on the reverse, and the third only 13. The borders of the plates
are raised; but the rims of the first plate are damaged and the last line of the inscription on its
face is partially obliterated. The upper border of the obvêrse of the second plate is also slightly
damaged towards the right. With the exception of certain aksharas in the last fine on the first
plate as well as the vowel-marks of a few aksharas in the first line of the same plate and also
of line 1 on the obverse of the second plate, the inscription is in a good state of preservation.
The aksharas are neatly and beautifully incised. Wirh the exception of the third plate, all the
inscribed faces of the plates have one or more aksharas in the margin opposite the ring-hole or in
the space left out near about the hole. In the margin of plate I (reverse) there is the single
akshara kri, while plate II (reverse) has similarly sa. But in the space near the ring-hole of plate
II (obverse) there are the stray aksharas irl, in, sa^ sa
and sta (?) together with two indeterminable
marks, which are all fashioned here and there without any order. They, however, do not appear
to have been the aksharas inadvertently omitted in the inscription on the faces of the plates in
question. The akshara iri may of course be taken as a mahgala but the other aksharas can ;
hardly be accounted for.^ The plates together with the seal weigh 258 tolas while the seal alone
weighs 127 tolas.
The characters employed belong to the East Indian variety of the Siddhamatrika or Kutila
script of the ninth century, sometimes called Early Nagari or Proto-Bengah.- Indeed it is the
Gau^l lijri or the East Indian script as known to Al-Biruni ^ and was the source from which th«
Bengali alphabet and the allied Assamese, Oriya and Maithili scripts gradually developed. The
inscription employs several times the initial vowels a (lines 2, 5, 58), i (lines 4, 10, 19, 22, 23, 53),
u (lines 41, 50) and e (fines 15, 28, 50, 52). Initial i is of the ordinary type in all the cas«i,
^
Por similar stray aksharas on the lost Tezpur plates of Vanamalavarman, see P. N. Bhattacharya, Kama-
ûpa-ânâvuU, p. 62 and note 2.
• Some of the aksharas ( cf. a, kh,
g, j, s, medial e and au, etc.) xslosely resemble tJieir
Bengali- Assamese forms.
® Sachau, AlherunVs India, Vbl. I, p. 173; cf. JRASB, L. Vol., XIV, 1948, m>. 11^16; JHQ, Vol. XXVni, .
pp. 130-31.
DGA/63 E
;
146 EPIGRAPUIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
except in 23 where the lower part has a double curve instead of the usual one. Medial a has
line
the
no less than three different forms. In addition to the usual sign resembling a danda put at
right of consonants and generally joined above with their top mdtrd (cf. °Kaildsa in hne 1), there
are some cases where the stroke is a little curved towards the right and reaches only
down to
about half the length of the consonants (cf. krtdd in line 2), while in others it comes only a little
down and then goes up, leaving a sharp curve below and ending in a stroke curved towards the
right above the head of the consonants (cf. 'pahk-dvila in line 1), Medial u and u are usually of
the ordinary types; but the forms of chyu (cf. ckyutair^ in line 2), ru (cf, dhvdnt-dru^ in line 23),
ru (cf. °drudhair° in line 11) and others are interesting. Bhu has been written in two different
ways. The ordinary u has been employed in some cases (cf. °abhut in line 53)
sign for medial
but often the u sign i^ formed by joining the sign for u with a danda put at the right of hh cf. ;
lines 9 (°6Auf ), 12 ( %hut ), 18 hhutd ), 20 ( ^ddbhue for

( ), 24 (
hhumishu and 25 ( bhuri ). )
Medial e is formed by lengthening the left end of the top mdtrd of the consonant in a curve form-
ing almost a loop at the end; but it is yet shorter than the developed sign of the mdtrd reaching
the bottom of the line. The akshara b has not been distinguished from v. The consonant^ A, which
is of rather rare occurrence, is found in the conjunct jjAi in line 43. The final consonants t (lines
5, 12, 54, 57, 59), n (lines 51, 53) and m (lines 4, 7, 8, 23, 25) occur many times in the inscription.
The language of the inscription is SanskriiT. It is written partly in prose and partly in
verse. The prose portion exhibits the quality called djas in a considerable degree in imitation of
the style of masters like Bhatta Ban a (cf. lines 33-46) but the versification is rather weak, there
;
being several cases of metrical errors (cf, verses 8, 9, 19, 26, 27). The formal part of the charter
from the beginning down to Vanamdlavafmtnadevah kuiall in line 48 is the same as in another
record, viz., the Tezpur plates/ of the king who issued the charter under discussion, except that
two passages of considerable length have been omitted in the present inscription, perhaps inadver-
tently. As some mistakes are common to both the records (cf. °ddyasya for a word like yuktasya
in verse 9 and vijagrihuk iov jagrihuh in verse 21), it seems that they were prepared from the same
draft which was There are altogether thirty verses (actually 29 verses and only the first
faulty.
half of another stanza). Of the five verses in the latter part of the document, two are the com-
mon imprecatory stanzas, while the remaining three describing the donee are written in a style
which is definitely worse than that of the stanzas in the formal part of the record. Weakness in
the composition even of the formal part is exhibited by the repeated use of some expressions cf. ;
adhindthatva in lines 7-8 ;

niJtêsJia in fines 16-17 ;
asesha in fines 17, 20, 26 ;
anghri in lines 9, 14,
30 vairi-vtra in lines 10, 12 anuyd in lines 13, 19 vrdta in lines 30, 36. The number of ortho-
: ; ;
graphical errors, although not many, is not inconsiderable. The conjunct ngh has been written
as nh. The word pushkarini is found in the form pushhirim. Anusvara has been used instead
of the final m in the imprecatory verses quoted at the end of the record. As regards other ortho-
grapical features, the consonants g, V' au^d dh have been reduplicated after r but m and v have ;
been only occassionally reduplicated under the same condition, while th and y have not been
subject to reduplication. T has been reduplicated when followed by r.
The not dated even in the regnal reckoning of the king who was responsible
inscription is
for its issue, although that was expected considering its age and locality. There is, however, no
difiRcuity in determining the approximate date of the charter. As a record of the father of its
issuer, viz., the Tezpur atone inscription of Harjaravarman,® is dated in the Gupta year 510
corresponding to 829 A.C., the inscription under notice has to be assigned to a date about tbe
xniddle of the ninth century A.G.
^ iSee JASBf Vol. IX, ISiO^ pp. 766-67 Kamarupa^hddan-avaXi, pp«

; 58-6o.
* Kd7n4jgupa4i9an dvali, p. 187.
^
147
No. 20]
.
PARBATIYA
^ PLATES OF VANAMALAVAEMADEVA
verses of adm
siddham and the word svasti and two
The inscription begins with a symbol for
and
ration, the first in honour of the
Lbhitya-sindhu ne.. the river B-hntapntra. ,
Siva. Verse 3 introduces Naraka,

honour of the god Pinakin. i.e.,
next verse says how Krshna kdled
Vishnu) and the goddess Earth, and the
Bhagadatta and \ajradatta
to go unpunished the latter’s two sons.
over Pragjyotislm, bs brot er a]r
when Bhagadatta obtained the lordship
forest where he propitiated Isvara
the god’s favour the lordship over

for L
(probably the god Siva) by his
Uparipattana
descendants. Verse 7 introduces a
as well as the
penance
later king of Pragjyotisha

1-dship of ^ tluough
The following two verses

lineage, whose name is given as SalaxnbEa.
the country begmnmg wi
Salambha joined in heaven the past kings of describes
eudi^ with Ha^ha
" rHarjLvarmau) who was
(i.e.,
was an incarnation of the goddess Lakshmi on

the eart erse
jr^W'.r.r
^
-15 w- .
-j— Mangala. Verse 24
Vanâla (i.e.. Yanamalavarman) ndio wa^lê son ^
says how king Vauamalavarmau rebmlt a fa 1
? Paramabhattaraka MahdrajadhirSja
a magnificent building. Lines 47-48 mention on (or
Mahesvara (i.e., Siva), meditated
Vanamalavamadeva who was a devout worsi ipp^ i t
"
i, 4- from Hadapesvara. Lines
W.S f.v.u.ed by, .he tee, h,s parents s.Ie.s t,o»
33-« give n lengthy description ot '‘‘y “
the Tetput
t.tolh they can be tesloted ttom
the omission of a number of words at the end g î^y was situated
plates of thesame king, referred above T ^ Brahmaputra). The river is said to
on the bank of the tSbitya-bhattaratea ( .
the god Kamesvara and

.,
. f ^ installed
have passed by the Kamakuta hill, on the top o w ,
ic
,g
the goddess Mahagauri. The following passage 3 gift of the
by two imprecatory verses
graut which, is followed
m i
^
^
^ Svalpa-Maugoka
eiHspeenhed Htipann.n.™ .hleh », atf eb- Ob.Jdlhd
Situated in Uttara-kula and was bounded banyan tree in
^ „ the south a
(possibly the goddess of this name)‘ in the big ali
in the north-west, a
the .south-west, a bush of bamboos ® The gift viUage
north-east.
(possibly an embankment) in the north
^
and theti irregular
(i.e.,
have been made a-ckfita-bf/ata-p>avesa
is said to ^ (i e. not endowed with
peons)
troops, or,more probably, by policemen and mention that the viUage
-ji^
the right to enjoy taxes from temporary of
Chudamapi who was the sou
was made a rent-free gift. The donee was a Sambhu.
Detbbha, Garga and
eldest of four brothers,
the o »
Jejjata and was the thev feared in that the
all living jointly
without
It is said that the brothers were ^tirfamily but was
in favour
loss Apparently the grant was made
of dharma. grant is said to have
and tbeir
meant to be enjoyed by all the four brothers with the request
^ km,
the a riaients
merit and fame of .
been made with a view to increasing the
that it might be approved by all.
Hapdsagrama was
As regards the absence of any clear
imna were of
ancient Indian rulers
made a rent-free gift, it
1-16, 47-48, and

are notes.
rîovw m8X?i)Ipri
Kamikhya near Gauhati. Cf, The Mta Plthas *^“7
{JBASB, L, Vol. XIV. 1948, «o.
pp
^
several categories. In many cases, land was granted as a free-gift and a rent-free holding.^
Sometimes a piece of land was sold at a specified price but was made a perpetually rent-free
holding.^ In some other cases, the land is said to have been ‘ given ; but a specified rent was ’
fixed for it.^ There were other cases (cf. the charter under discussion) in which land was given
without any clear specification whether it was made a frec-gift or a rent-free holding. There is
little doubt that in many cases the word ‘ given * actually meant sold ‘
' and silence about making
the land rent-free is an indication that it was revenue-paying, although certain concessions may
have often been allowed to be enjoyed by the holders.^ In ancient India, often the sale of land
was theoretically represented in the form of a gift. This is definitely suggested by the Mitdkshard
on the Ydj?iavalkyas7nriti, II, 114: sthdvarasya mkraya-jyratisMdhdt . . ddim-jprasamsdch^hi
vikraye-^pi kariavye sa-hiranyam-udakarh dattvd ddna^rdL'pena stJidvara-vikrayam kurydt.^ Thai
Haposagrama was not made a rent-free holding and may have actually been sold seems to be
suggested also by the absence of the customary list of officials and subordinates who were usually
addressed by the kings while making free gifts of land.
The reference to the joint family in which the four Brahmana brothers Chudamam, Detobha,
Garga and Sambhu were living together is very interesting. It is said that they did not get
separated for fear of the loss of dharma. This seems to acknowledge the right of the sons to de-
mand partition of the family property (even during the life time of the father) as provided for
in the so-called Mitakshara system of inheritence. It is interesting to note that some early
writers on law (e.g., Gautama,
28, 4 ; 3Ianu, IX, 111) favour partition because it teudsto iucrease
dharma. Manu says that “ the brothers may stay united, or separate in case they desire an
”
increase of dharma by living separate dharma increases therefore separation is meritorious.
; ;
As indicated by Brihaspati and Narada, when the brothers are undivided the performance of reli-
gious acts is single for all of them, but when there is a partition those acts are separately performed
by each,® and this explains the reference to the increase of dharma by Manu. According to Sankba-
Likhita, however, brothers may stay together, since being united they would prosper materially.^
This view was no doubt shared by the members of the Brahmana family mentioned in our record.
The fear of dharma-kshaya referred to in the inscription points to the fact that such acts of
dharma as the worship of the gods and manes and the entertainment of guests were easy for a joint
family with its undivided property but difficult for each of the tiny families partitioned out of it
with the small resources at its disposal.
The great importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it is the only legible record,
besides the Nowgong plates® of Balavarman, of the Mlecbchha dynasty of Pragjyotisha, which
was founded by Balastambha and was preceded by the Naraka or Bhauma dynasty, represented
by Bhaskaravarman and his predecessors, and succeeded by the Pala dynasty founded by
Brahmapala, although both the dynasties of Salastarabha and Brahmapala claimed to be
offishoots of the ancient Naraka or Bhauma line. According to verses 9-10 of the Bargaon
plates ® of king Katnapala of the third dynasty of Pragjyotisha kings {
i.e., the Pala house of
Brahmapala), the kingdom of the descendants of Naraka passed to the MlecJichh-ddhindtha
^ Cf. Select Inscriptions^ Vol. I, p. 417.

* Cf. ibid., pp. 347-9.
» See JlÂSB, Vol. I, pp. 12-13.
* Cl. JRA8, 1952, pp. 4 ff.
* Of. P. V.Kane, History of Dhar7nasdstra, Vol. IIT, p. 567.

® See Kane, op. cit,, p. 572.
^ Kane, loc. cit,
* JASBf 1897, Part I, pp.289-92 ; Kdmarupa-sdsan-dvalh pp. 73-8*;,
^ Kdmitifii2ni~idsan-dmli, p. 94.
,
No. 20] PARBATIYA PLATES OE VANAMALAVARMADEVA 149
Salastamblia, the twentyfirst king of whose line was Tyagasiihha this king ha^diig died ;
childless,the subjects, preferring a scion of the Naraka or Bhauma dynasty, made Brahmapala
their king. Of these twentyone rulers of the Mlechchha house of Salastambha, mentioned
in verse 7 of our record (cf, the expression tasy~anvaye indicating the relation
between Vajra-
datta and Salambha) as a branch of the Naraka or Bhauma dynasty, we have inscriptions of
three kings ordy, viz., (1) Harjara or Harjaravarman to whom belong the Hayungthal plate^
and the Tezpur rock inscription- (2) Harjaravarman’s son Vanamala or Vanamalavarman
;
who issued the Tezpur plates^ and the charter under discussion and (3) Vanamalavarman’s ;
grandson Balavarmau who issued the Xowgong plates referred to above. Of the four published
records of the family, Harjara varman^s inscriptions, one (the Hayungthal epigraph) of which is
fragmentary as only one of the plates has so far been found, are both in a miserable state of
preservation. The original of the Tezpur inscription of Vanamalavarman is now lost and its
transcript, published as early as 1840 in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal is palpably
full of mistakes of all sorts. The late Mr. P. N. Bhattacharya made an attempt to emend the
faulty transcript of the record with the help of imagination but the result could hardly be satis-
;
factory. The only published record of the family, reliable from the historians’ point of view,
is thus the Now gong plates of Balavarmau, although this epigraph also suffers from a few
damaged letters.Under the circumstances, the Parbatiya plates of Vanamalavarman under
publication remove a number of defects and doubts in the history of the Mlechchha or
Salastambha family of Pragjyotisha.
In the first place, from the published wrong text of verses 7-9 of the lost Tezpur plates of
Vanamalavarman, it was so long believed that king Pralambha was the father of Harjaravat'
man. The clear reading of those verses in our record shows that Pralambha was a wrong
reading for Salambha and that Harjaravarman’s father was not Salambha but the latter’s
brother (apparently younger brother) named Arathi. It further shows that the reading of the
*
name Aratha in verse 9 is wrong. The theory about the existence in this dynasty of a prince
named Aratha, regarded as the son of Arathi who is mentioned in the passage chakr-drathi
(Chakra and Arathi) in line 9 of the indistinct Hayungthal plate of Harjaravarman, is thus
entirely imaginary.'* Secondly, it was so long believed, on the strength of the wrong reading
of verse 5, that it was Bhagadatta who is said to have received the lordship of the territory
called Uparipattana, It is, however, clear beyond doubt from our record that, while Bhaga-
datta obtained the kingdom of Pragjyotisha, his brother Vajradatta secured lordship over
Uparipattana through the grace of Isvara whom he had propitiated.® Thirdly, the name of
^ Ibid., pp. 48.51.
* Ibid., p. 187.
®
pp. 58-65 ; JASB, Vol. IX, 1840, pp. 766-67.
Ibid.,
Xamaruâ-sdsaH-di’air, introduction, p, 20. The reading and interpretation of verse 8 of the Hayung-
*
thal plate are not beyond doubt. According to Bhattacharya (op. cit., pp. 48-49, 51-52), Harshavarman,
who seems to be placed immediately before Salambha in our record (cf. krl-llarsh-antair'^ in verso 8), was
followed on the throne by his son Balavarman then in the family were bom the princes Chakra and Arathi,
;
and the son of the latter, whose name is not traced in the record but is suggested to be Aratha (on the basis
of the wrong reading of verse 9 of Vanamala’s lost plates) became king Jivadevi, mentioned in the following
;
verses 9-10 and described as the mother of Harjara in verse 11, was the wife of Aratha’s successor Pralambha
(sic. Salambha). We now know that Salambha was succeeded by his younger brother Arathi, who was the
husband of Jivadevi and the father of Harjaravarman. It seems therefore that the second half of vers© 8 of
the Hayungthal inscription has to be h > interpreted as to indicate that the throne passed to the two brothers
named Chakra and Arathi and that the younger of the two brothers was the husband of Jivadevi. If
this has to be accepted, then it has possibly to be suggested that Chakra was another name of Salambha
and that the rule of Balavarman intervening between that of Harshavarman and Salambha waa ignored in
Vanamala’s records because that king was succeeded by Chakra alias Salambha after a very short rale.
‘ Cf. Joum. Assam Mes. Soc,, Vol. VH, p. 88.
Harjaravannan’s queen, who was the mother of Vanamalavarman, is given as Srlmattara in
verse 15 of the published text of the lost plates, while the Hajungthal plate of Harjaravar-
man (line 24) has it as Marigalasri. The correct reading of the name in Vanamalavarman’s
inscription is now found to be srl-Mangald, The real name of the queen thus seems to have
been Mahgala or Mahgalasri. Fourthly, the name of Harjaravannan’s mother was read in the
lost plates as Jivada (verse 10), although the Hayungthal plate gives it as JivadevI (line 13). The
present record shows that Jivad—Ui suggesting the name Jivada is a wrong reading for Jlvadem,
Fifthly, verse 24 of the present record as well as of the lost plates refers to the rebuilding of a
fallen temple of Hetuka-Sulin (&va) by Vanamalavarman. Whatever may be the real signi-
ficance of the word hetulca in this context, Bhattacharya’s emendation HdtapaSulin to indicate
the god installed at the city of Hatapesvara seems to be entirely beside the mark. Sixthly, it
is usually believed that the name of the capital city of the second dynasty of Pragjyotisha
kings was Haruppesvara. This is no doubt the reading of the name preferred by R. Hoemle
in line 29 of the Nowgong plates of Balavarman, It must however, be pointed out that
Hoemle did not forget to note that ^^the first two aksharas of the name are not quite distinct
Possibly saTu° In line 21 of the Hayungthal plate of Harjaravarman, Bhattacharya
reads the name as Hdtappesvara (although not the slightest trace of d sign on h is found in the
photograph of the plate published by him) and corrects it to Haruppesvara.- In line 1 of the
Tezpur stone inscription^ of the same king, the reading seems to be Hatapp^vara, although
-Bhattacharya suggests HdruppUvara, The late Mahamahopadhyaya H. P. Sastri reads the name
in this record as Hdruppesvara.^ As regards the first akshara, however, he says, “The d
stroke has been obliterated by a fissure in the rock ;
but we know from other inscriptions
of this dynasty that the name of the capital was Hdrupp^vara'' In regard to the second
akshara of the name, he says, ‘‘There is a • slight peeling off of the stone close to the left-hand
limb of Hence the Government Epigraphist (H. Krishna Sastri) read it as kka'\
ra. In a
damaged inscription, that master epigraphist, F. Kielhorn,
note^ on the reading of this read
the name as Ha..pp€svara and observed as follows: “Of the name which follows upon
the initial consonant (h) is clear, but it is uncertain whether the first syllable of the name is
simply Aa, or hd or hu'y and the second syllable, which I have ommitted, is quite doubtful.
The same name we apparently have in line 5 of Plate II6 of the Nowgong District plates of
Balavarmadeva of Pragjyotisha where by Dr. Hoemle it has been read Haruppesvara with
the note that the first two syllables might possible be saru. But in the published photograph
of the plates the second syllable hardly looks to me like rUy and in the impressions of our stone
inscription to read ru seems impossible.'’* It will thus be seen that the reading of the first
two aksharas of the name Hdruppesvara is doubtful in all these cases, though the first of
them is probably ha and not hd. As to the lost Tezpur plates of Vanamalavarman, the name
is found in the rough transcript published in the JASB as HarayesanUy although, it may be
pointed out, the letter d has always been read by the transcriber as r as a result of the
^ JASBy 1897, p. 291, note 29. See alao Kielhom’s remarks on the reading of the name, quoted below.
2 Vide Kamarajm-ân-avall, p. 50 and plates feeing p. 47. Cf. Joum, d#. Vol. I,No.4,p. HI,
note 9.
^ Vide ibid., plate facing p. 187.
« JBORBy 1917, p. 512, notes 1-2.
5NachriclUen von der KonigL Oeaellschaft der Wissensehafien zu Ootingeriy Philologisoh-historische Klassa au3
dem Jahre 1905, pp. 465-71.
« Ibid., p. 468.
17 srnt «nr i fwr
iRvi HT5l(j(f) srfH m-

18 ffl T lUMlft W; I »Vg]ffT*< a [ :*] 5ft5l(Ei) 5RT: IRKIt
3pird i f3T5(«i)^-
19 ?Trft *m: IRS II 3rfei^ ^rft(fr)5iW|w(?r)ftHT; i
TI3IHWT ^Thif%5 55
20 IRÎI H9td*ill(*io^'-M<is{l®ft I T* I Pin 'I I '‘ft'
*T5nmW-
21 IirHtot gT?(^)*ro lfeg ^gT?ft l srVTf5Irr(5IT) 11^5.11
22 I ^^KN^HKMl'ilMrfr^ 5im:(w)* iRoU Hmiw4a4l>I'l ^ft^PTT ^r’TH(H)m I
?!»n ?nr(^)5rf^ t«i^-
23 iisîi i^«<lfa;?»i i R T 5qpn TT%«r 5fH^ I TratsnWlHm’T^ wft%5fJT
iRîi >T*ni?nf3fH^
24 wirtMh: I h%t: ?^T%raiT fr^(H) iRS[ii*] HfwrfT'
25 qSTdlHT *!^t*ld t IIS''ÎI ^ *15^ SrfH l dd^

mV ?nrc *q^(q)HTqT: iisxii «5«dwf-
26 3|cq(c^)ihRq I
IRSH Hîsid-
miRlTT n^lRT aT?q%qjrT(q) I
27 ^qRotllfd^R ^ W IIS'S!! S'diOq slVl-TiW ?5H I
)filRn(fift) qr H5K»iff?ft
28 frft IIS«:II ^qdWdW 5iq5IW %HT««5wfw: I *tn^ 5?^

llS5.ll ^&ei4?l tjqFSRn^-
29 q\MR«j<i^q R I f«{<rVn41«*qKW*lq TPftnq »q%qq?I iRoll Tpqs^r fqrfN
qrgftfq(^nfR)a; i gfir^s-
^ The absence of sandhi here is in favour of the metre.

*Bead luTjkfiiam, luf would be Hindi.
3 if (Midi stands for mosjul, i.e*, mosque.
* This fourth quarter is too short b^rtwO'^yllaldmi* .Pethaj® the inteDdedreadm^ wns Jait/aisiihh^dHHtdinakah*
82 EPIGKAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXIX
30 ^ n'>f?n ^ 5i«K(Hl<'>fh[*T] i ê5f«*r
m(cn) !!5ftsT(«i)*T: I
31 ^ I ?rf(srf)TWt T«f
nvîi TiwfriT n^T 11^
32 %(ftT)^ n(n)?Tif^(f5n)n: » nw if rol n(n)n3fTn at(5)nngT *1^ nvvil
7TC55rn(n) fninsnrremnnnTfn nr i ncn(fn)n ^^r-
33 n® fm‘ w Tpirn ywnw

nrRsr •*
fnn: f^(n)5rR3n?r
34 nv^n gf) sftn(n)cacnn: «rVsrat5nThn cfJW: «rT^-
nr \ gn> Tm-
35 ?Rntf*nnT(aT)3rfH^ nr gn: qn fnni?nk:
IIYV9II g(5)®f 5T% ?N% ^

36 di infil l Jirq^: sfknrf^^ft: i ^ TrsRnT(^)sfH«33i^:
HMM fd WT(B5T)f^: ??ft-
37 snf?T(«Rf) <T5l5TgT ^ [^]»T llVq||

^ I ?T(«IT)?ft^m?R§
38 f*i(??r)^5«iTv: ^(sf)ftfH3ft ?iw-rir«CHWWf(fa)5T: I

§ TT[*rsf]J
[f]fh ^ 9FlSflf^ ITT HTW

39 ?r(w)fnfrft:wj^T]: i ven JTFrmT(?ft)?»wg?^ ^pm{n^)
w <it^ P{»(
i i s4jg^n tn T«rajhr fa-
40 I fi«i Tma«fN?m»w aT(^)Tff^(w) i* arrfasftaa^
an afeft nmnanaK(?5)z: i[i!(oii*]
41 [a5]fn(rn)5Tannn anWanfaa;* n!t?n ^ sftTT3w[3T*]fa(?5ft)
«fl'<Nain(nT)sfhRa «Tlanfffn5Tfn^ a[n:]
1 We have probably to read yuddarjv=adbhuta-vihramab»

* These two daydo^ are superfluous.
* A more correct form would be milanam*
* This day!4o> is superfluous.
Sandhi is not observed here.
* The portion of verse from chatur^ to ^nnaiah is redundant here ; it is meant for the tweaty«f<mrth canto
vberein it occurs in the thirty-sixth stansa.
V ^niB maattiog of ibis pbrt is obscom $ this line of writing in any way is superfluons. . .
1
Appendix] RAJAFPvASASTI IXSCRIPTIOX OF UDAIPIJB 83
Slab XXIV Canto XXIII ;
[Metres : vv. 1-3, 9-43, 45-62 Anushtuhh ;

vv. 4-8 BJiujangaprayata ;
v. 44 Sdrdiilavikrhjita,]
1 >1 sr><m5nJI Sfq[;*] n 5T% I
mT3[^]?T: 11? n JTFTTf^Tf^ [?t]-
2 jttPt I
sjqinHt
iRii ff? ^ ^ i ?Tq5T-
H^HT: 5g’>rfR^T:(>jrf:) I cT|q?i qi^f 5f-
4 ^(9)?r ^qt incr: i!'*fii fm

5TW ^>T^?^CT ^ q:(qT:) I cT?T( 5\? )qt^-
5 fq:?qpiTq>T^pirq>Tf^: f^Tf^FTSST^H fqqrq(q) ^mTq(?f) ll!(ll ?tqfqcr
I H
6 HTq; sirq iiîi qp’q
?qt(?qT)fqcrt qr^cRcrtfqcft
7 J<rT I qfT?RqmTcT3TirqfircjT(c3T)q>T> fqc^qTqq|^ ETq35l:('>T:) ll^ll aff:
cq^snriqt ^fr: qqfir-
8 ?qT (gqXfV g5T(?T)ssqiTq xfxqrqqTqiH qW 1 1®: 1
a^:{?T:) qqt r5TfqT 5mrH>l(3:)?ft I
9 TTOTfH^qfiTqfiT(fcT) i
^mhm: xi?q?r?5T qrarTq ii5.ii
fr{T)TW Twra^tq «>n(oft)q-
10 qiq5lT(5TV)'? sflqHTqSI^T^ft
^Vf^sftqRr: II? oil 5T^ XT^^SI I
HnT'»rm?: ii??ii qxtcqT(?q>)^ ’iq-
11 snxf^ qîsTHT: I «jr3rT ^ ^ ii?îi ?rTqtfr(fi)
*Ifqqf?T?ftfq5f qftqjftfl: I ?q>5rTcTK
12 >fVq qTs^(arT ll??ll ^ XTqT5qTXir crqr I

SjqtrcXT g
9(q)T: ii?'^h
^ This ga is superfluous.
3 BGA/53 r
13 ?^55(T®)HcJn(^7in)f5T l <T|!JfcT(Wc?') |-
II? SGI [i*]
14 ^5r^5T^cTS3rTiTT(q'T)cft fIPT(»fI? )5(^)rTt?iT § ll?^ll HT4f ?tT> TT^W»ffn?m|
I ^TjTfcmt Tr»rFTt^[^]l f%«j-
15 #: ll?\9ll Tf^?TlTm^?TTf7 ST^d) r5T?flr^J I H
I ?=:il ?T«f HTHml g-
IG I srsTcft *nqmr»mT ii?€.ii ?[#*j?n?r(^T)q(q)
sr?q^ HqTf???^'l5Tmfqq: i ?T5?rT®q^TTmT(«»TT) ?Tqq(qq q- ?)
17 ^?5TT3I ^ llRoii tTofsTfq^TTsiTql fq:qT?q(fq) ^

qf i
11^? II
18 qTrTFfqqcT: ^ I qqT%(qTt)qt?q^ qr(%)rf HTfTffI:qKirrFq5 IRÎI
%c?qT<TqTfq qqT(qT)tq cI^TcT I q«rW (5^0?^)^ mmnfcT m-
19 f5 ^qrfq qTT'jf ll^^ll qri^q^q mq?q qietrq [l*] H^qqT(qT)qq
3 II ^^11 Heft q ^:qcT?q^ [^*]qTq(qrq)-
20 ?qqqfTT q^qqsng??q(^)q>?q fesiTHq ?Tqq^ ^ q*

q5?q(?() II SGI
qqT(qT)q1 1 fq:qcTt7^q(q) qT’T'q TTift rf-
21 5ITfq qfqqrq l|5?^ll TcqqkTq?ft T?q q(q>)qTqT(qf) JTTqql ST^lcT I
fq:qT>n qqT(qT)q: q>T(qr)cicT> 115^^11 W?q q^?r-
22 ^qTq?5 fq[:*]qqt q(q)jq5îq [i*] f??HhTTfqq> mmq: qcsrt
q:(H:) ii^t;ii fq(?q) fq:qrq fqffqTqrql qqr(m)q)?ErTq qt
23 qq: I ?^HqT((qi) qqtqTq(q) qn? qsq qqr qqt 11^5.11 TT<q('q)jt qq

[q*j5qm qi qqqrqa: i irtm ^ qrfTqrf^q qiqd ^q fq[:*]-
24 q[q: llô|(*J ?TrqT(qT)qTqTf?Icqirq qlq.Tqf § q5[:*j5TqT(qV) I qqT ^q f?r:(fq:)qq?qq‘
«J?qT f???fl5T ?JTfq: ||ô(^?)ll ?ITqTq> fq(%)?T-
•25 q(q) ^qaq: i Tmm'hr'qfq^fq %qT(ql)q?qqql qql ii5?(?5?)ii qrlq-
qrqfqcgw: jqjqfq^ f^qq: I 8|t(f)rqT fq(^)qqqTqf(qf) qf
1 This pa appears like gkei, while next to it there is a superfluous danJa.

* The reading of this latter half of the verse is not dear ;
possibly w'e have to restore it as follows (air=ûktam
:
tu Nnvdbena kfitam ghatla-trayam dfidham,

* Read agribaia/n cha kritvd tam»
* Smdiii is not observed here.
RAJAPRASASTE IXîCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR 85
AlTEN'DIX]
'2(j 'TTT^ licit Bat ^TS^JTtBBtcf c»«IT
27 «T fB?R‘ ^^sftBBTBBtcT [l*j
Bf^rnilRBBTTPJTT fTB B I
f^-
28 B: B^BBf'BBB^SIT: BBTB(B)vft H^\<.(^^)ll f^BB: B['^JBTBBf«BB% I
bIbB ?I5BBTTBB BBB(B) II^‘^(^'3)|| B-

BcB^^(^)Bi3tB:
20 BTB'tBTBBBB^ BB BBTfBBBUBB: I BBT BfBBB BtBB BB^T
H^^(^t:)n B^BfW BfTBBt BBiB^^BBt B(B)Bt [Uj
TTBBB(B)BfB|reB BBBTB-
20 BI^- ^^TBB Bt(Bt)fTB ^BTBB^BT: U^=:(U)ll
f5TT^BfB I BttBTB BÎBTB
TTBTBBFJBTBBPIT^-BTFil-^
31 llH{ô)n ^^BTcTB BBTB 5TBBT?5T'BBTBBt?BBT I
l|Vo(B^)|| BBfB^BBtSBT ’?BB BB*"

^BfBBTB
t'iT|BBt(Bl) fBBBT'Bt(Bf) BBTSBBB

32 B?BUB ^(Bt)cBB: I BTÎfft
BtfB BTBT BB%BT: I BBcBBBBT

TBBtBB:(B:) BTtBBTBT
%(B)rTBT^B<B(B)B^'tBTfB: BBcBBBTgt
33 B^T t?BtB ?BTfBBT: f%B ll'*f^(^?)>l
TTBTsntB:'
34 BtBtB(B)B BBt‘
BB:|jtfBBTB%(^)mrBBt^BfBBT5^
qT[:*] l!'«f^('if'(f)|| B>BBBBbKBI

3 fBBBt-
BBTtBB[:‘] BTBBT
35 BBT gBBT B: I
BBrXIBgTBInTBtjlB^B
%(ft)BBTfBBBT(Bt)BVBBOTBTBT; [l*] B^W 5BBTB(^)-
^TT(B)BBaBtBT(Bf) B(B)5BfB >
36 B^fTB[:*] U'>fH(y^)lI BBT
TTSTSt TTBfB^Bt TBBTB3TfBIB[:*]
^ The sign oi avaijraha is unncuossary, Hindi.

us ilivio. which Is
mihinu, yot our author iuâîa
t \
* Though the correct form of this word is
^Sandhi is not observed here for the sake of the metre.

* Sandhi is not observed here,
^ *y'(
seems to be Siirt'dfi=(ikharta'iln^
* The intended reading of this portion
* This samije is redundant.
’ There is a superfluous daVkda here.
;
86 EPIGRAPhlA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
37 [r=j ??nnm: iiv\3(v=:)ii'
?5r145^ HqTfcT: I f95qT(?*n)44^-
38 wmw: l!'^f=;(VS.)ii HcT[:"J I
^ i[iKoM*j ^'t[^]5rgrT(sn)?R[5^]sT !i^(fcr:)
39 ^v.{m) [r-'^j iT
5 mHT:(m:) il'>f5.(K?)'<
)!^S!(^)*ffI^’^5mT«rfw5ftf^^T:(;T:) I ^»TT(4(HHT? )^JTgTjTmim#5fff»TTcTHt-
40 fT n!(o(!(^)it ?fpiT*TTwgf^T(gTwr)«Jr> g^f i sR7T>f?;TJTt^(f?r)
ll!t?(!(^)ll (T^?5T *rat(5rT)¥r5^(5WT)5^^^5lNcinT
41 JSTHm I ?TT3rm^jmT Tm(^)[?>jT('f)jn»Tm ii5(^(Kv)!) gr^rm
IT^ f?4(q5p *T?nTfl fj<T?) I ?rc?Tr?5Tfcnt^5gT71T|i;^-
42 nîfl: ll!(?(K!<)n 'T^5Ic5Tr{Tm g;<?T(<?:) I i75T?r5*rT"
f5T?T;7 g^rlTH «T-
43 'JT Sf*r> I ?m(ir) TT?n 3Tmf^>»Tf»r: ([avsn*] TTW:
TfqH>TT*TTmw: I w>^rr ^(^)3T: 5T<THT(^:)
ii!t!((K';)ii T-
44 TJTTTTS^ TT5>T(3T)frr4r TT«rTgrcftfTfrT(m:) I f?T(f?r)5T: m»T»T?pTr*rT:
iiX^(X5.)n ii^V'n 5iTSf^ fg5Trn5(f)# i ^-
45 TT ^ TWfcqT [llôH*] ?fmT(*ft)'g4fT^H4 ?Tc5l^
?T 5TEr[:*] M (0 ?igfcS> 3jqfe^(^)aT ??Tî âT4«IT(fcn?T:)
sfl-
46 ft; f5T]fwt*mT?r: I WfqwXrfTnrjfr: 5ft5T(£r) [»riraT?ti?r?] n!i*:(^^)ii
[50T:] ?m ff^T ?nT: II
Slab XXV ;
Canto XXIV
riletres ; vv. 1-10, 10-27 Anushtulh ;
v. 11 Upajdti vv. 12-15, 33-36 Sdrdulavikrldita ;
v. 28
Aryd ;
v. 29 Upnglti ;
vv. 30-32 Glti.]
I II f»T(sT*I:)
[ 11 *] ^4(f4)oT: I
tT'>X(9r)3tT3lf45?JI Tt5ltT3f??T initT II? II 1^4? ?5T
> The two sets of da r das and the liîire 47 appear above the line.
2 The reading of these four s\dlal)les is probably intended to be habhav^dijaa,
3 The sense is not clear here.
* This third pdda is too short by two syllables.

^ The absence of Bandhi here is in tentional and is in favour of the metre.
2 5#:^ >TcT: I g(fg)H'SST2TO§?rrirT 515^^: II
5feTJT>Tc^{rF^)^ I
j^ qg qr *(^^(35q)?rcT?I
ll^ll ll(l)
3
II VI I ?^Tf5I5-
4 [qitqjqr® [t*] ^fSTcT ^feT^?n(?TT)f 515^ IlKlI
m(q)5KTtriT*>rTTT q>^'VcJff?fcftfcf I STf^J^f
5 qif H3Tq)^?% ^{^)'>^* Hq I ct4T^
ii'an TT%Tr-
C '7f^T5n(fTr)fHfWIT^'I l «fVTr!TTTrjlf^?5 HT^T f»ia[SJcTf'nTT 1 1':! I
HT f?T( I
7 fq?f 5feTf!n(J!n) ii5.ii
fcrniT: fq'q^qT^gHWT^t^
f’TRt <.«i4^1TP7: I f^rTT:

8 II? oil qT^(q)qT5T54'
^tq5n(^T)3TTTormT: l>nil
H^PT:
9 «n«(57)?SlfTN:
arr i gait TTam»j?Tfî(fH)5ar
10 cRqt^WT^lft^t^ gai: sftsnrfiT^ <7^ fHqFqk: fttHTSS^feH II? ^11 g^
?T^?5i 51% W'lfn ^ HcgHm-

TfafHiJsfwsr^r^:
11 ^ Srfq5rf?*I?T^^ ^Tq%: stt^TST^S’Tt: I ^1^51(54)
^(cj) sr%55if^: ?rft^T^
qmqqtsfHldW
12 Tai^SHfTfer Tr3I5I5T?f4T^ II?? II T*i t'**l
[5T*Jr?Tq5^T^: ^-
13 S>{s1f)ff^5ft 5I55qTf?qr4?g(5H)H: I %H<Ttf2T § TTO^S WfH ^Ti
q?qmt^q^?Hf5 ^ qt?qTfTrinr4 >-fncfT T®r #5

14 ^ 5TfqBOTqqT: ll?V||
tolas.
*In V. 28 , Canto XVII, the quantity of gold mentioned ia 12,000
* Perhaps we are to read tuUyad—rncka.
* The absence of sandhi hero is intention \1 and is in favour of the metre.
* 8avdhi has not been observed here.
ll?!(!l TT5T5l5TfeTa«ftq'(jf) Sff^: ?in-
16 «3r*T?JT?r I ?f^lfIJTf(HT)«TTf?5T?TRt *TT5 t 4* srTiTSrt HTTTininfirg'RTT-
?T(cfT)TT9rg:PWJT^^ I ?Jn[f^*]^'f(«Tf)-
17 5^3^q>3rg^Sl? ||?V3|| THTTfeTT3r^rRfW>T5iT Tmm'if^W I ^5T[:*]

f^TTr^TSl^ *1^1*1 p!. Il?5|| *1T-
18 ^TTT^fir^WTfrf ^JTTîr^rWrf I
II Hi I
5T(sT)^> ^(irT)|irt
19 I #5^t 5T(^)5t ^ fmT%5f IRo|| î^rTWr
TC?H>:JTt(WT)?^»n>^Tn<T I fWTrri ^TrOf
20 rTFT |R?II %ftfTST5>3r?n%¥JT: «fwir>S%?r»TF*r<T: I #5ift ^*1
?mcspm?«r: g^^sfl h%-
21 11^ ^11 TT3r(5rT) 5MnT^'F!iqq^vT I
11^ ^11 <re7?fT:|[;nT^-
22 I *ilT+6 STTcHinf?? Il^>f|| gq TvT^

fcim^T mrof I 5T-
23 ?%5i(?)fF’raT5(5) IIRSGI *TRT37:T(Tl)mT'»f ^ »mlfea faqEFf i
24 IIRÎI *151+1 wlf^TcR *ciqP«*i5. ^?fl:(rfl l) srH^Tiift ITTîlf^f^riTq’: iRvslI
«l»t?hT^(«r)?R^t
25 m’^T^kl^lfiinTITfilsr: [l*] TTHim?3r^5mggrf5T%^ <Tfnpim IRt;|| gT?5RT?nTiiTfiTfiT^
sn^(nT)[»T*]5l£i
26 I SR^n^Tcmfiifh^ ^Rnfe(fe) ii;?5ii M mT

HTW|wre|(^)îi^spirT I
27 H?xjTij5Tfai^ fT?Tf^¥Ti: n?oH iTfe?(3f?)^-?nTO — cTSTT
TT3rr«5^%JT I ^3^ «PT^(li)¥T-
‘ Tljo correct Ibrm is labheta ; better read viruled^

3 Read Di^&la for Daydla for the sake of the metre.
» Sandhi has not been observed here.
Appendix] EAJAPRASaSTI lA'SCEIPTlON OF UDAIPUR 89
28 [f] 3?:: rT?T VJT(^)fmiT 3 ^:
I ÛiR37(3l)«T(fST)qiTT«l(*Tf^)-
29 53Tm ^{f^) ftrqt ^q?En?fk 11 ^^11 st>Tni(ncsr)?nq[:*]
30 cR^t: ^ i 3^1 TrirsRfqf^ ^ 3^:
31 T: f5Rnss#%jf n^îi 3«i 5T% cTqRT ^T Hf3piTm^(?q)
JTTq^: «ftTf3Tf^-
32 Jnft: I q>!oij TT5RRsrfil^r3RT^[:*] H<ss(5j) qfh'SSTf^^: ??fI^Tqa(qcf)
ll^'<^ll JIR [ti*]
33 ?mft: ?T??R53rR>: q>5>(^)f^f?T3ft ?T?Tm-

5 rR>?:?Tf§
f^’q?g(?5T)rT: I
M ^ ^ Tra^ ?f^ m ^ 5^ 3(?l)^5T
fjItuNm: II ^1^11
35 5f?5 qRqi) %'jft ^ frRuirsra5T?rin^ 1
«I»V4?I
36 §f^(fg') 5TriTRJ| ?rifH?UTf^(?r)cT: 11 ^ ^11 I^T" l>
T^?T sr^ rn snift [?] 1 ’shs 'e-
37 T’q TP»n 5^31 TT3i?ft ii?ii sqKq ^>15 *1^ *TTfT3T 1
Tmt TR TT^ T3i^ TTaml 1 ^ 11 ® ["*]
38 ^ ?V9 ?t; \9
|«‘T3ft ?T?m«Tq:T‘ VH:
qrrm n trun^
^ Sandhinot observed here.
is
local dialect. It begins with two
2
ThatDoha, a couplet. From here onwards the composition is in the
is
uncorrected.
Dohas which, however, do not conform to the metrical scheme. The text, howc\er, is lett
® The sense of these two dohas in Mewari seems to be :
a son \\ho cou turn t e ocean

1. A great Rajput {lady) is the queen who gave birth to a bon [hahara)
— and that is yourself. O Rajasi.

tj~'
2. You kill all these Mughals of Aurangzcb, O Rana, thou art the only way, as thou art, O Kajasi, full of
the boa^tfu . UoIaaIs of
martial Duly Rana.
spirit. Rdjasimha, who is lull ot martial spirit, ktip^j
Aurangzcb under his control.
^ Atara means so many, such and such.
•Same as Hindi mil-kar ‘together*.

40
39 3fV TTJTTWcT l
=5r5(Wcr 5#p-
iroVsmt smfltRTOPsft [*Tt]5T(3rT)^ rrets Tisti:
?iir5f?sr> ftfMI TR;(5t)^ *t>F*Rfht-
41 f^m'RT{f^3Rr(T) U Tt(TT)»T^ TT*?(?T)5|TRnHTar ?n
n^??!!T'T^lRy 57TRT[f^] sft ?TO(^) 'f^r^'V]
42 -«T3rEpc f^ctiHgrr ?r«r>
5tW45cT [)!*]
43 !T^??t(c^) pllT 5H(5TH) *T^[5ft]grT 5(g)WT

3*i'5fl g(^)^ HT . . gn:
^The vlrama is shown here with two dots*

A simUar list of masons is found also
2
towards the close of Slabs III, \l, YIIl and IX.
MGIPC— SI—3I)GA/53-~25-5.55-^4.50.
No. 20] PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA 151
resemblance between the forms of the two letters.^ The Parbatiya plates under discussion
read the name of the capital city of the second line of Pragjydtisha kings (i. e., the house of
Salastambha) unmistakably as Hadapesvara which was apparently also the reading of the lost
plates. This seems to suggest that the readings intended in the records of Harjaravarman and
Balavarman were Hatappesvara and Hadappesvara respectively.
The inscription mentions a number of geographical names including those of a river and a
hill. The adoration to the river-god Lohitya-sindhu (cf. Lohitya-bhaltdraka also in the Tezpur
plates), i.e.j the Brahmaputra, is very interesting. The same river is also adored as Lauhiiya-
vdridhi, Lauhitya-sindJiu and Lauhitya ity=adhipatiJi saritdm in the records respectively of Bala-
varraan who was the grandson of Vanamalavarman, of Ratnapala who was the son of Brahmapala
founder of the Pala dynasty (the third line of Pragjyotisha kings), and of Indrapala who was the
grandson of Ratnapala.^ The kings apparently held the river-god in special veneration. But more
interesting is the reference to the Lauhitya or Brahmaputra as a ‘sea*. This seems to be associated
with the tradition about the existence, in early times, of the Eastern Ocean (i. e., the Bay of
Bengal) near Devikotta which is modern Bangarh in the Dinajpur District in the northern
part of Bengal, and with the presence in the central region of Bengal of large bits or lakes
like
the Chalan.® Wide areas in the Mymensing District of Bengal (now in East Pakistan), through
low-
which the Brahmaputra at present passes, are spoken of as the ^sca even today. It is a
lying country which for six or more months of the year is under water ; in that area,
communi-
cation by boats of maundage varying with the stream and season is always possible. The coast
hiikli, Dompara
line of this ‘sea’ taken to be passing through Bhairab-bazar, Bajitpur,
may be
a bed of
and Tarail and then towards the north-east. To the west of lAiis line, the country is
dead and dying rivers. Equally interesting is the mention of the Kamakuta hill,
on which the
The same deities
god Kamesvara and the goddess Mahagauri are said to have been installed.
Pala dynasty or the third

are also mentioned in the Guakuchi plates* of king Indrapala of the
as Vttara-kide Mandi-
line of Pragjyotisha kings. The land granted by this charter is described
i.e., the land of
vishay-dntahpdti-Pandari-bhumitd=’pakrishla-dhdnya-dvisahasr-6tpattika-bh,umi,
Pan(Jari (modern
an inferior quality yielding 2,000 [dronas] of paddy out of the area called
situated) in the Mandi
Panduri Mauza in which the Rangiya station on the old Assam Railway is
(literally ‘the north bank’) was apparently

district pertaining to Uttara-kula. This Uttara-kula
Brahmaputra. In the
a division of the kingdom of Pragjyotisha lying on the north bank of the
inscription mentions several
description of the boundaries of the above land, the Guakuchi
Mahdgaurl-Kdmesvarayoh deva-satka)-sdsa7ia-Pandarlbhdmi, i. e., the land

satka(oT
Pandari which was a land belonging to the deities
gift
Mahagauri and Kamesvara. The names
the goddess Mahagauri was
of the hill KamaHia and the god Kamesvara would suggest that
(literally ‘the goddess with
no other than Kamesvari otherwise called Kama or Kamakhya
the name Kama') whose temple stands near Gauhati^ in
Assam. According to t e
* Cf. Kamarupa-sasan-avali, p. 59, note 1.
* Ibid.,
pp. 73, 92, 117. ,
3 Cf. purve kila Devlkma-sanupe paschirne (sic. purve) Pur.odaMr^sU m ,

Ephaspati-Bayamukuta s
on
For references to the sea bordenng
«
Padachandrika {Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 501).
201 Rama (Vahgavasi ed.), Kishkindha-
Pragjyotisha or Kiimarupa. see Saohan, Alberuni's India, 1, p, ;
kanda, chapter 42, verse 30, etc.

* Kamarupa~iân-dv:ilXt p. 136-37.
‘ Of. The Sdkta Pifkas, pp. 12-13, 15.
6 DGA/63
^

Purana, Kamarupa was one main Silkta Pit has where resided the god Kamesvara
of the four
and the goddess Kamesvari on the Nila-parvata). Another passage of the same
(installed
Purana} speaks of the hill, on which the Pitha was situated, as Kamagiri, no doubt the same as
Kamakuta. The PJfkanirnaya (Mahdpitkanirupa'm), a standard work on the Sakta Pithas,
also connects the Yoni-pitha with Kamakhya on the Kamagiri.^
It has
been suggested^ that the capital of the second line of Pragjyotisha kings, called
Hadapesvâra in our record, was probably situated at Daha-Parbatiya in the vicinity of modern
Tezpur in the Darrang District, Assam. Although nothing can be said definitely on this point,
the find of the present record in that area seems to support the suggestion. Haposagrama, which
was the village granted by the charter under discussion, cannot be satisfactorily identified.
It was situated in the Svalpa-Mangoka (literally the smaller Mangoka) mandala (district)
pertaining to the Uttara-kula division which, as already indicated, is also known from other
records of the ancient kings of Pragjyotisha.® Interesting in this connection is also the mention
of another similar division called Dakshina-kula, no doubt lying on the southern bank of the
Brahmaputra, in Balavarman’s inscription.* The name Svalpa-Mangoka suggests the existence
of another mandala called BrihamMangfika or the bigger Mangoka but nothing can be said in ;
regard to the territorial unit with the exception of the fact that it lay to the north of the
Brahmaputra. Akshidahika and Dirghanga, which are mentioned as boundaries of Haposagrama
and appear to have been names of villages, also cannot be located with any amount of certainty.
The word hduka in the name of the god Hetuka-Sulin, a dilapidated temple of whom was
rebuilt by Vanamalavarman, may be geographical or personal name referring either to
the area where the temple was standing or to the man who was responsible for the original
temple and the installation of the god. But it is diflScult to be definite on this point, although
persons named Hetuka are known from Indian literature.
famous in ancient literature, was the country, the heart of which lay in the
modern Gauhati region of Assam. From the fourth century A. C., sometimes the name of the
country is also given as Kamarupa, a designation possibly associated with that of the goddess
Kama, Kamesvari or Kamakhya,^ According to Chinese sources,® the boundary between this
country and Pundravardhana or North Bengal was the river Karatoya, and to the east of
Kamarupa ‘‘the country was a series of hills and hillocks without any principal city and it
reached to the south-west barbarians [of China], hence the inhabitants were akin to the Man
and the Lao. The territory called Uparipattana in the records of Vanamalavarman is not
known from other sources. Since, however, the name seems to indicate literally
‘the town above,’
the region, which was apparently not far from Pragjyotisha, may have been no other than the
hilly eastern land mentioned by the Chinese and referred to above. In
line 46, while showing his
knowledge in the science of erotics, the author mentions the women of the Karnata country
which may be roughly identified with the Kannada-speaking area of
South-western India.
We are thankful to Dr. B. Ch.
Chhabra who has kindly offered some suggestions for the
improvement of the transcript and translation of the inscription.
Chapter 64, vcise 43 . KamarUpam rnaha-pUham tatha Kamlsvarim sivam Nllam cha pamata-hrishfham
j
natham Kdinesraram tathd H

Chapter 18, \er 3 e 42 Kdmarupe Kdmagirau nyapatad^ydni-mandalam.
:
» Cf. The Sdkta Pithas, p. 47 Yoni^pitham Kdmagirau Kamakkyd tatra devoid,

:
• Kamarupa sdsnn^dvali, introduction, p. 22n.

® Vide ibid., pp. 81), 116, 131.
« Ibid., p. 72.
’ The Sdkta Pithas, p. 15.

• See Watters, On Y uan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. II, pp. 185-87.
No, 20] PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA 135
TEXT^
[Metres : Verse 1 Sragdhard ; verses 2, 18, 29-30 Anushiuhh ;
verses 3*6, 8-9, 11, 15, 17, 19, 21-23
Aryd ; verses 7, 12-13 Iiidravajrd ;
verse 10 Glti ;
verse 14 V asantatilakd ;
verses 16, 25
Mayiddhrdntd ; verse 20 Raihoddhatd ; verses 21, 26-27 Sdrdulavikndita ;
verse 28 Upajdti.]
First Plate
1 Siddham- Svasti |
Srunat-Kailasa-bhubhrit-prithu-kanaka-sila sauchav-asphalan-otthair-
asar[air]=hema-pank-avila-tu-
2 hina-jadaih sikta-vaimani-sarthah ambhah-krida-prasakta-pravara-sura-vadhu-kesa-liasta-

|
chyutair=vvo nake-
3 6a-dru-prasunairârunita-salilo^vyat^sa Lohitya-sindhuh || [1*J Sa panatu Piniikl vo yan-

natye svarddhu-
4 ni-jalam j
kirnnam rechaka-vatena tarakaprakarayitam |1
[2*] Naraka iti sunurâsid^
Adivarahasya bhu-
5 vi tad-uddhare Aditeh kundala-harane pratapam=api yo Harerâliarat |1 [3] Krishnena

|
tan^nihatya cba sri-
6 sbtau^ Bhagadatta-Vajradatt-akhyau tasya sutau tad-vanita-karuna-vilapa-hrita-

|
hridayena ||
[4*] Samprapte Bhagadatte
7 ^rimat-Pragjyotish-adhinatbatvam vanamîtaro^pi tadêtya praradliayadÎsvaran^
|
tapasa j]
[5*] Tushne(shte)na
8 tena tasmai dattamÛparipattan-adliinathatvam |

Pragjyotish-udhirajyam kalena ta[d-a*]-
nvayasy=api H [6*]
9 Tasy==anvaye=bhut=kshitipala-mauli-mamkya-roclii-spliurit-anliri-pIthali |
Pragjy5tish-e-
10 âh kshata-vairi-virab Salambha ity-uddhata namadbeyah ||

[7*] Sat-purvva-nripati-guna-
sampad-augba-rag-anu-
11 ranjita-dig-autaih
|
Sâstambha-pramukbai[b*] ^ri-Harsh-antair=mmabipalaib ||
[8*]*
Divana=arudbair=adyasya^ bhubbujo=iie-
12 ka-vairi-vir6=bbut |
bbrata saury a-tyagair=a-samo namnÂrathîti nripah ||
[9"^] Srl-Jiva-
devl-8a[in*]jaa rajni
13 briday-anug=abbavat=tasya va{ba)bu-jaiia-vandya mabatah prabbata-sandbyêva tejaso

|
janani ||
[10*] Tasyan^tasya tu
14 rajnah suto=bbavaii=nripa-siro-rcbit-aabri'yugah sri-Harjaro imri(nri)p-endrah sriya

|
svayarb yah samupagudbah ||

[H*]
15 [Dbarmma-pravadesbu*] [Yudbisbtbiro yo Bhl]ino=ri-varge sa[mare] cba Jisb[nuh] |

eko-
py= aiiekair=iti sad-[gu] ^-o( n-au)*
^ From the original plates now preserved in the Assam Provincial Museum, Gauhati, and impressions pre-
pared at the office of the Government Epigraphist for India.

* The word srishta has been used here in the sense of visrishpi,
* The metre of verses 8-9 is Jrya. But both of them are defective from the metrical point of view,
® A word like yuktanya seems to suit the context better than adyasya.
154 EPIGRAPHlA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
16 ghair^nihsesha-Kunti-tanayatvamêtah ||
[12*] Gopijan-aranjita-manasasya s-e[r]shy=eva
vakshah parihri[tya*] Visht6(slin6)li [|*] nih-
17 seslia-rainajana-deha-saihsthamâdaya saundaryam=ih=ajagama ||
[13*] Varnn-ady-ascsha-
guna-jatam=ayam=va(m=ba)bliara patyu**
18 r=inam=atula-va(ba)lasya Rathangapaneh j
tenâham-agra-mahishl jagatlbhuju^sya bhuta
jane na khalu lagbavamâbhyu-
19 paimi ||
[14*] Iti yasya mahadevi viganayya mano-nug=abhaval=LakshinTh |
Sri-Maiigal-
abhidhana pramada-ratn-ottaman=nri-
20 patch II
[15*] Tasy=asesha“kshitipa-makut-5dghrishta-pad-avja(bja)-plthasy=adbhu(bhu)-
t=su nur^nripa-gun a -maha ratna-maia- vibhusha[ h*] 1 1 ( | )
tasya ih ( sy a) n^de vy am=akhila-
bhuvan-ananda-
21 k5 yah 6a3=Iva ^rIman=khyato jagati Vanamal-abhidhanah kshiti(t“i)-
22 âh II
[16*] Jalanidhi-tata-vana-mala-slm-avadhi-medim-patitvasya ]
yogya iti nama dhata
cha-
23 kre Vanamala iti yasya ||

[17*] Prachand-arati-mattebha-ghata-dhvant-oru-samhatim ]
divakarayitam
24 yena vidarya rana-bhumishu ||

[18*] Kshiti-tanaya-nripa'-vaihsa-prabhava-narendra-amal-
amva(mba)re yena |
sphu-
25 tam=eva mrigahkayitam=ut3ary=arati-ti[mi*]r-o(r-au)gham ||
[19*] Bhuri-dripta-ripu-vlra-
vahini-saila-va-
26 jram=uru-vikram-asina )
yena rajakam=aseshain=asyata srlr=akari chiram=eka-bhartrika |j
[20*] Yasya pratapa-bhltya
27 va(ba)hu-ripu-jayino=pi medinlpalah [(*] kechi[d*]^dis6 vijagrihuh prasabhamâlam chama*

rany=anye ||
[21*] Rajnamânyesham
28 ye niîtan=ajav=ishu[n*] nripa mumuchuh |[ ( | )

yasya ta eva vibhitya bhumir=duran=iiija
vijahuh ||
[22*] Yair=abhimukham ripu(pu)-
^ nam=aghatita matta>kari-ghata-va(ba)ndhah |
tair=vikram-aika-hete[r*]=ya8y=a[m*]-
jalayah krita[h*] kshitipaih ||
[23*] Dhurûhe Nahu-
30 shasya yena patitam kal-antarad=alayam saudham bhakti-nat-akhil-amara-vara-vrat-archit-

ahhreh punah |
Praleya-
31 chala-6nhga-tuhgam=atula'gram-ebha-ve3yajanair=yukta[m*] Hetuka-Sulinah kshitibhuja

bhaktya nava[m*] chakrusha^ [24*] (|
32 Yasy=Ananta-dyTitiin=atisita naga-loke hasanti |

dih*uaganaiu ^vasita-janitam 6ikar-alin=cha
dikshu
1 The word nripati would suit the metre better.

2 There is an ornamental design at this place to cover the space at the end of the verse.
j :
No. 20] PARBATIYA PLATES OP VANAMALAVARMADEVA 165
33 II
[25*]’ praprita-samasta-varnn-asramad=apariniita-subhata-sadhu-vidvajjan-adliishthanad=
vichittra-gaj a-turaga-sivi-
34 k-arudhair=ininahanarapatibliir=avanipati-sev-artham gacbchhadbhih pratyagachchhadbhis

=clia sankuia*mabarajama-
35 rgad=a-samkhya-gaja-tiiraga-padati-sadhana'nirantara-mruddha’sakala-digantaradûbhaya-
vel-achal-6-
36 tthit-otu(ttii)nga-taru-gahana-visranta-matta-varliina-kekaraV'6dbhranta-bhujaga'Vrata-
mukta-phutkara-pavana-pra-
37 kampit-aneka-lata-vigalita'kusuma-nikara-parimala-surabhi-salilena |
- tad-upavana-lagna-da«
38 vanala-dahyamana-krisht-a(shn-a)garu-dhuma-sainbhav-amva(inbu)dhara-vrishta-sugandhi-
jal-augha-pravahina |
39 *sakala-sur-asura-makuta-mani-iiiayukha-maujari-raujita-charana-plthabhyaih srl-Kamesva-
40 ra-Mahagauri-bhata(tta)rikabhyamâdhishthita*sirasali Ktoiakuta-gih(gi)reh satata-nitam-
va(iiiba)-
41 kshalanad-adhikatara-pavittra-payah-sampurnna-srStasa ubhaya-tata-mahidhar-opavana-
|
granthipamn-a-
42 nkura-bhujam kvacbit^svaya[iii*] mritaiiamâ(in=a)iiyattra puiidarikair= hata-yuthanam=
aparattra vrika-sanhrai(nghair=) vinihat-arddha-blia-
43 kshita-mans-6(mams-o)jjhitanam kastu(stu)rika-mriganam mada-gandhenâmodita-sakala-
tir-opakantha-nivasi-jana-
44 padena |
majjan-no(t-to)ya-vilasini-kucha-kalafâ-tat-a^lishta~madva(da)-pank-avila'Sugan-
dhy-ambhasa |
veiy-angana-
45 bhirîva nan-abbarana-ôbhita-prakat-avayavabhih j
va(ba)la-kumarikabhir=iva kvanat-
kinkim'inaia-dba-
46 rinibhih Karnnatibliir=iva kathin-abhighata-saDiva(samva)rddhi[ta*]-vegabhih I vara-
|
stribhir=iva cbamara-dharinibhi[h*]^
^ As known from the Tezpur plates, this is merely the first half of a stanza in the Mandnktdnta metre, the
latter half of it running as follows :
sampuryjL-lndor-viyati vichitram
rdjnd=nalpd vickaratitaram k%Titir^dy^'py^j<isram\\
This verse is followed in that inscription by four more stanzas which are not found in the present record.
The amended text of these verses as given in the Kamardpd'Sasan-avaU (pp. 62-63) runs as follows :
Satya-gdmbhirya-i uiigalva-pratdpadydga-vikramaih \
yd^jayad-Dharmaj-abdhy-adri-bhdnu-Karna-marutsittdn H
ycLsya yasdb-âsin-edayn hhuvanain dhavallkritam vildkya drisa |
sa-vrld^ iv=ddeii prdleyamarichir=ady=dpi |1
dev-agdram vddya'gita-praiaiAdair^ndn^drdmdh satrindm vydhriiaU—cka \
gdyanty=ady=dpy:=abja’ramydh‘ suvdpyd dese dese snllnhn yasya kJrttim \\
bahu-hema-raupya-gaja-vdji-mahi-pramad-ddi-ratrui-nickayam bahuiuh ]
pradaddv^ aidram=anisam nigadan pramit’dkshard^pi bahu-vdg-ahhaLat []
English and
* The daidtda in this case as also in the following lines has been used as a comma is done in is
really unnecessary.
* The passage sakala srotasd (lines 39*41) is found in the Tezpur plates after ubhaya janapadena
(lines 41*44).
given in the
* has been omitted at this place. In the amended text of the Tezpur plates, as
A passage
Kdmarupa'Sdsan~dval% (p. 64), the passage missing in the inscription under discussion runs as follows
Oakavadan‘dntalLpurikdbhir=iva ru)n{ru)ahita-saniata-dakindbhih ^ rawa-

'i(S\ya-daluh‘dngandhhir=dva sakala-jana-manohdrinlbhih j6A r=tVa narUaka-purush-dkramana-sa mmrddki t-Otkam--
satat‘0Udna-stUifUi-kdminibhir=naiibhir=alankrit‘Maya4tr-dpdnta-deaena sri-
pabhir=durgata-devapdlibhir=iva
Lauhitya-bhaffdrakena aandtha^. The expressions daluh-dngafidbhib and devapdlibhib are doubtful.
—
156 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXlX

Third Plate
47 ^ri-Hadapesvarat=8a paramamahe^varo mata-pitfi-pad-anudhyatah paramesvara-parama-

bhattarako maharajadiiiraja-
48 4ri-Vanamalavarmadevah kusali i|
Uttara-ku(ku)le Svalpa-Maôka-mandala-
prativa(ba)ddha[m*] purvve Akshidahika dakshina-pu-
]
49 rvve Chaadika-pushki(shka)ri[ni*] dakshine Dirgkanga[h*] dakshina-pa^chiuie vata-

| |
vriksha[h*] |
pa^chime venu-vitapa[h*] pa^chim-ottare 6a-
|
50 Imall j
uttare vri(bri)bad-ali uttara -purvve Dhavala'pusliki(sbka)rinl evam=asbta-sima-
| |
paryantam=a-chata-bba^-pravesam Ha-
51 posa-gramam mukt-oparikarara kritva Pj Tyag'i satya-dhanah par-opakritiman sadbuh
satam sammatah sastr-a-
52 rth-anmri(mri)ta-tripta'dh:h j^kaliyuge ttraryah® sa eka-griho^ ved-abhyasa-ratas=cha Bama-

charanah Sandilya-gottrS maha-
53 n bhat5(tto) Jejjatah(ta) ity=ab]iut(bbud) guna-aidhih sanma{mma)mtQ rajabhih i[|2G*]
Tasmyai(sy=ai)te guna-salinO ni-
54 ja-kula-prady(^t(ta)-daksha-kri(kri)y<5(ya) jatah satva(ttva)-hit'aika-datta-manasah(sa)s=

Chudamanir^DetObka® [|*] Garggas=clia®
55 tato=py=a(py=u)dara-charita(tah) Sambhu[h*] sametah sutah bkinnas-cha paraspara[m*]
vinayin^ dharmma-kshay-asanka-
56 ya [27*] Tattr=agrajaya pradadau dvijaya gramarh

jj Li CLudamanaye pra4asyah(sya|)^
Haposa -namana m=i-
57 ha prayatnat pu(pu)nye=hani priti-mana narendrab ||
[28*] mata-pittr{3r=atmanas~cha
punya-yasa-bhivri-
58 ddhaye® atah sarvvair=anumantavyam=iti (
Va(Ba)hubhir- vasudha datta rajabhi[h*] Sagar-
adibLi[L|*] yasya yasya yada bhu(bLu)mih(mis=)
59 tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) |j
[29*] Sa(Sva)-dattam para-dattam=va(ttam va) yo haret-
(ta) vasu[m*]dharam(rain|) sa visLta(sLtLa)yam krimir-bLutva pitribhi[h*] saha
pachyate [||30*]
TRANSLATION
(Line 1) May there be success May it be well {with us)
! !
(Verse 1)May that sea which is the Lohitya protect you ; (iiê sea) which wets the host
of the riders of celestial cars with showers that
from its striking the multitude of big
its rise
golden rocks belonging to the glorious Mount Kailasa (and) that are icy cold (and) mixed
with golden mud —
(the sea) the water of which is reddened by the flowers of the trees
;
(in the garden) of the lord of paradise, which are fallen from the hands and the (braids of)
hair of the best heavenly damsels engaged in playing in the water.
^ There an ornamental design here between the two
is dajiLdas apparently used to separate the prose
portion from the following section in verse,
• The dartda is superfluous,
• Possibly the reading intended is trayydh sa eh-dkrayah»
• As the first half of the stanza ends here, a danda is necessary after grihah which is not required to be joined
in sandhi with the following word.
• The metre requires a short syllable in the place of (6, Was the intended name Debhata ?
® The metre requires "^chîva.
^ The word intended may also have been prasasyam (to go with gra/mam) or prakxsyah (to go with narendrah).
• This passage may be taken as half of a stanza in the Anusktubh metre.
— , ,:
No. 20] PARBATIYA PLATES OF VANAMALAVARMADEVA 157
(Verse 2) May {the god) Pinakin (i. e., Siva) purify you ; {the god), at whose dance, the water
of the celestial river (i. e., the Gahga hidden in the god's matted hair), being scattered by his exhaling
breath, shines likes the multitude of stars.
(Verse 3) A son, named Naraka, of Adi vara ha (i. e., the Primeval Boar or Vishnu in his
boar incarnation) was born of the Earth (goddess) at c^) her rescue ;
— (the son) who
destroyed the prowess of Hari (i. e., Indra) as well in (the affair of) the carrying away of Aditi's
ear-rings.^
(Verse d) After having killed him (i. e., Naraka), Krishna, his heart being moved by the
lamentations of his wife, allowed his sons, named Bhagadatta and Vajradatta,^ to go (unpunished).
(Verse 5) As Bhagadatta received the lordship of the glorious Pragjyotisha (coimtrg),

the other (i. e., Vajradatta) then, having repaired to the forest, propitiated Isvara (i. e., Siva)
by penance.
(Verse 6) The lordship of Uparipattana was granted to him (i.e., Vajradatta) by him (i.e., the
god who was pleased) ;
(the god also granted that) the sovereignty of Pragjyotisha would belong
to his descendants after some time.
(Verse 7) In his family was born one whose foot-stool was shining witli the lustre of jewels
on the heads of kings ;
who was the lord of Pragjyotisha ; who destroyed the warriors of the
enemies ;
(and) who bore the majestic name Salambha' ’.
(Verses 8-9) The brother, by name Arathi, the (very) fire to numerous enemies (and)
unequalled in (i. e., Salambha) who was joined^ with the
valour and munificence, of the king
monarchs beginning with Salastambha and ending with Harsha, who had ascended heaven
and dyed the horizon with the colour of the flood of the richness of merits of the good kings
of old, became king.
(Verse 10) His (Arathi's) queen, bearing the name Sri-Jivadevi, became gratifying to his heart
— (the queen) who was adorable to a great multitude of people (and) was the source of great splendour
as the morning twilight is of strong light.
(Verse 11) The son of that king, from her, was the king of kings the illustrious Harjara, whose
two feet were worshipped by the heads of kings (u?id) who was embraced by the goddess of fortune
of her own accord ;
(Verse 12) who was (the very) Yudhishthira in religious discourses, Bhlnia to the host of enemies,
(and) Jishnu (i, e., Arjuna) in fighting who, although one, acquired the sonship of Kunti in its
\
entirety (i. e., became equal to the three sons of Kunti) by means of the mass of good qualities
(mentioned above).
The goodess of fortune, having left, like a jealous woman, the breast of Vishnu
(Verses 13-15)
whose heart was amused by the milk- wo men, (and) having gathered (in herself) the beauty per-
taining to the persons of all women, came here (and) became that king s queen gratifying to his
heart, by name Sri-Mangala, the best of jewels that were women, thinking thus He bears^ the .
mass of qualities in their entirety, inclusive of complexion, of the bearer of the discuss (i.e., vishnu),
uiy husband of unequalled valour for that reason I have become the chief queen of this king
;
indeed I have not incurred disrespect in the world
(Verse 16) The son of that king (i. Harjara), the stool under whose lotus-like feet was
e.,
touched by the crowns of all kings, was king Vanamala by name, who was born of that queen ; who
' Cf. Bhagnvata Purana, X, section 59.

- The Mahdhharatn (XIV, sections 75-76) makes Vajradatta a son of Bhagadatta.
® See note on the text of this stanza.
183-4.
* For the lit or Perfect Tense osed here for the Present, see Kdmarupaddsan-dvaU pp.
; — —

was famous in the world, beautiful (and) the delighter of the whole earth like the moon ;
(and)
who was adorned with the garland of big jewels that are royal qualities ;
(Verse 17) whose name the god of destiny made Vanamala

‘ ’ (literally, '
one wearing a forest-
garland ’) saying, ‘
(Verihj he is) fit for the lordship of the earth bordered by the row of forests on
the shores of the ocean (around it) ’
;
' (Verse 18) who, having dispersed on the fields of battle the great mass of darkness that was
the assemblage of the intoxicated elephants of the mighty enemies, shone like the sun ;
(Verse 19) who, having dispersed the mass of darkenss that was the enemies, shone distinctly
like the moon in the clear sky that was the kings bom in the family of the monarch who was the son
of the Earth (i.e., Naraka) ;
(Verse 20) by whom, having destroyed completely with his sword of great strength the assem-
lage of kings who were the (venj) thunderbolt to the hills that were the armies of the warriors of
their excessively proud enemies, the goddess of fortune was made for a long time to enjoy only one
husband (i. e., his own self) ;
(Verse 21) for fear of whose valour, some of the kings, though they were subdures of numerous
enemies, fled importunately towards (different) directions while others readily took up the chowrie
(to fan thier conqueror, i. e., to become his servants) ;
(Verse 22) out of fear for whom, even the kings, who in a battle against (other) rulers shot sharp
arrows, (themselves) left their territories far away (behind them) ;
(Verse 23) to whom, whose only weapon was his valour, those kings, who effected formations
of the assemblage of intoxicated elephants against (other) enemies, folded their palms ;
(Verse 24) who was the king that bore the burden of Nahusha^ by making new again, out of
devotion, the palatial temple of Hetuka-Sulin(i. e., Siva styled Hetuka) whose feet are worshipped
by bowing
the host of all the best gods down through reverence (the temple), that had become ;
dilapidated owing to the passage of time, was as high as a peak of the snow-mountain (i. e., the
Himalaya), (and) was endowed with incomparable villages, elephants and prostitutes (i. e., dancing
girls styled devaddsi )
(Verse 25) whose excessively white (farae)^ excels the radiance of (the jewel of) Ananta in the
world of snakes and the row of water particles^ raised by the breaths of the quarter-elephants in
(different) directions.
(Lines 33-47) From the illustrious Hadapesvara which has the people of all the Varnas (viz.
Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra) and Asramas (viz. Brahmacharya, Garhasthya, Vana-
prastha and Bhaiksha) well contented which is the abode of innumerable good soldiers, virtuous
;
men (or, merchants) and learned men the big main roads of which are crowded by the great kings
;
who are seated on beautiful elephants and horses and in palanquins and are going and coming with
a view to attending on the lord of the earth (i. e., Vanamala) which has the whole of its space always ;
obstructed by the armies of innumerable elephants, horses and foot-soldiers (and which has the ;
river Lauhitya running by it ^)
(the river) which has its water perfumed by the fragrance of the flowers fallen (into it)
from the numerous creepers shaken by the hissing sounds produced by the host of serpents
frightened by the cries of the peacocks resting in' the woods of tall trees rising from the hills
on both of its banks ;
which carries the fragrant flood-waters showered by the clouds arising
* It seems to have been believed that Nahusha was a great devotee of 8iva.
* See note on the text of the stanza.
* The reference seems to be to the milky-way.
* See note on the text of the section in question.
159
N'o. 20] PEABATIYA PLATES OF VANA1IALAVAR3IADEVA
conflagration
from the smoke of the bl.ick baiidil trees ( the tf},ie of their) being burnt by the
of the forests near the gardons in it (i. e., H i-japeAcarti) : which has its by the
current filled
waters that are purer owing to their constantly washing the slopes of 5Iount Kainakuta ha\ing
]\rahagaiirbblia' tarika v.'hose foot-
its head made an abode by tlir gl()riou^ Kamesvara and
the di ideins of tvll the
stools are beautified bv tlie foliigue that i-? the lustre of the jewels in
gods and demons the whole neighbourhood of its banks
: whicdi has t];e [‘eople living in
delighted by the frag

agrance o f the niU'^ks or the musk-deer that graze on the shoots of the
Granthiparna plant^’ in i
tlie forests on tlie hills on its two banks — here (sono^ of the deer)
dead by themselves, there a lierd them killed by tigers (oed) elsewhere some of them left
has
by a group of wolves after havi]ie killed them and eaten u]) he If of their flesh vvhich ,
pot like
its water scented (rts if is) mixed vith the musk unguent applied to the bides of the
breasts of the girls spoitiim' in tlie wmter while taking bath ;
{ond which has the lands adjoiinng
both its hanl's adorned wi^h —
numerous loads like
{the boats) which have their {oj>n€r) part o]ên and adorned with
many ornamento which aic mdowet
the prostitutes having their limbs visible cjnd adorned with .
enhanced b> sharp

with garlands of tinkling bells like the yoiiuc; girls : the speed of which is
sexual
strokes {of the ores) the pasbiou of the women of Karnata increases at violent
enjoyment ;
{and) tvhich ]H\Tr chowTies like tlie prostitutes.
the illustrious
(LinesThat Paranhh'nrn Parawahhatfaralca Mahdrrijrtdhirdja
47-18)
n\ecdtate^ on (or, i
Vanamalavarmadeva. w'ho is a devout ivorshipper of 5Iahcsvara (i. e., Si\a),
favoured by) the feet of lii'^ mother and father, (and) is in good health ,
to the k\alpa
(Lines 48-51) having made^ (the village called) HapOsagrama, attached
peons ôr,
Mangoka district in Uttara kula. unfit for the entrance of policemen and
the tax on temporary tern
and irregular troops), (and) unendowed with (the right to enjog)
^
the east, the tank of C a

(the village) AS far 'ds these ouudaries: Akshidahika in I
in the south-east, Dlrglianaa ill banyan tree in the south-west, a bamboo

the south, a
north, t le t.
the north-west, a big embankment in the
)
in the west, a âlmali tree in
of Dhavala in the north-ea'^t
(Verse 26) A great Bhatta (i. e. learned Brahmana), named Jejjata, was born m the a i age,
respected b\ -i
munificent, exceedingly truthfiib kind to others, honest
(uuid) ”
who was .
the nectar that is the meaiim,^

people; whose mind was contented by (drinlnng)
was ir
who was the sole repository of the three Acdas.who
eiijâê ^
scriptures;
Sania\eda) (and) t e
of the Vedas who belonged to the charana of the Saman (i.e.,
;
by the kings.
goira ; who was a store of virtues (and) who w'as esteemed :
a3 e
Chudamani, Det^bha and Garga as
wê t
(Verse 27) Those sons were bom to him, viz.,
'
qualities who il iiinm
sons) wdio were endowed with good
.
noble-minded Sambhu : (the
own family (and) w^pre skilful in tlie ecremouies

performance of who applied t leir n i ,
good of living beings who wmre modest (and) who wmre imitea and did not separate
; :
another for fear of the loss of virtue.

pleased, nosv grante y or ermg
(Verse 2S) The king, having delivered his order (nml) being ^
the Brahmana Chut iiman

especially the village called Haposa on an auspicious day
,
to
among them (i. o., the four sons of Jejjata)

— i f
parents and himst
(Lines 57-58) for the inert' a se of the merit and fame of his
(the gift of the king) shoultl be approved of by all.
ori verges.)
(Verses 29-30) (Ihvo of the usual imprecatory and benedict
1 See note on the text of the passage in question.

^ This sentence is incomplete; its end can be traced in verse 28 below.
6 I)GA/53
No. 21—TURIMELLA INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA I ; YEAR 2
(1 Flute)
H. K. Narasimhaswami, Madras.
The inscription’ edited below with the kind permission of the Government E^jigraphist for
India, was copied by me during my tour in the Telugu Districts in the year 1919-50. It is engraved
on a neatly dressed granite slab set up in front of the small dilapidated temple of Surabhesvara,
the earliest among a group of temples situated at the confluence of the Gundlakamma and a small
rivulet called Rallavagu, about a mile north of the village TurimeUa in the Cumbum taluk of the
Kurnool District. Besides the group of these temples which range in date from the 8th to about
the 16th century A. C., the extensive site at this confluence shows marks of early habitation like
large-sized bricks, partially exposed brick structures, varieties of potsherds and old coins occa-
sionally discovered, as I am told.
The inscription is engraved on two sides of the slab, the broad side and its adjoining narrow
writing running on from one side to the other and the entire inscribed surface
side, the lines of
occupying a space roughly a foot and half square. The writing is neatly engraved in the typical
Telugu-Kannada script of the period. The damage sustained by the edges of the slab has resulted
in a few letters of the writing getting obliterated, but otherwise the record is quite well preserved.
The palaeography of the record calls for some remarks, as it forms the main basis for dating
it. This inscription, like most of the stone records of the early Chalukyas, does not furnish any
details beyond the regnal year of the king to enable us to fix its precise date. Before taking up
the question of fixing the date of our record, a few noteworthy features of its palaeography mijy
briefly be recorded. The intial and Alakuinara (line 6)
a occurs twice in dchandra (line 4)
and the vowels u and e in Ujenl (line 7) and Eruva (line 8) respectively. It is worth noting that
in u the ends of the line denoting the serif, instead of pointing upwards, point downwards as if
standing for the o sign. But for this peculiarity, the form of this letter compares well with its
similar forms occurring in the Aiho}e inscription of Pulakesin 11 ^ The vowel e is almost indis-
tinguishable from the consonant ch except that the latter has a broader and more pronounced
base than the former. The medial d generally indicated by a downward curve attached to the
consonant on its right side as in rd, md (line 2), Id (line 3), etc., is in the case of id denoted by a
shaft at the top of the letter cf. td in tatdka (line 7) and hhattdra (line 9).
; The Dra vidian r has
two forms in one the circle forming the body of the letter is divided into four equal quadrants by
;
two diameters intersecting at right angles as in r in Eruva (line 8), while in the other it is divided
into three chambers by a horizontal diametrical line cut at its centre by a downward perpendicular
line as in r in ^r=ayina (line 6), etc. The forms ^bhujdyamwnmrâyina, '^tanayimr-ayina (line 6),
°ddhishthdnumr=ayi (line 8) are to be obviously taken as the honorific plural forms of the corres-
ponding expressions in the singnlaT SLS°bhujdyamdniindu, etc. In vasumndhardm in line 10, the
use of both the class nasal n with dha in the conjunct consonant ndha and the anusvara in place
of the one or the other may be noted. The cursive form of mute m occurs in purassaram (line 4)
and hshetram (line 9).
Of orthographical peculiarities, the consonant following the repha is doubled in rddha in

pravarddha (line 3), but not in rta in varta (line 5) ;
the form varsham (lino 5) is used for vurshamu
and the use of the i sign in prii in priithvl (line 1) is redundant.
* Annual Beport on Indian Epigraphy for 1949-50, Stone Inscriptions, No. 30.
* Above, Vol. VI, pp. 6-7, text lines 15, 18.
^
No. 21] TURIMELLA INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA I ;

YEAR 2 161
The language of the introductory portion of the inscription is Teiugu and of the operative
part of it is Sanskrit. The record ends with the usual imprecatory verse svadattdfh paradattam
vd, etc., attributed to Vyasa. As in early Teiugu records S we meet here with such archaic
expressions as Bhafariddkun, samvatsnramhul, elan, etc. The donative part of the record consists
of a single sentence in Sanskrit which is neither accurate in its syntax nor precise in its expression,
7n(ltd in place of the instrumental mdtrd and the expression Bka-
using the nominative singular
The object of the inscription is a gift of 150 units^ of land to Govri-
ttdraho,^ for BhattdraJcaya.
shâ-BhattSraka by the mother of Ujempisacha, the dear son of Alakumara and the right-hand
man of Goggi-Bhatara, in the second augmenting year of the reign of Satydsray a Prithivivallabha
Mahdrdjddhirdja Vikramaditya Pararn^svara Bhatdra when Ujenipisacha was ruling over the
Eruva mshaya with the city {nagara) [Turujtataka as its capital (adhistkdna).
Among the Chalukyas of Badami, only two kings bore the name Vikramaditya. The first
was the son of Pulakesin II, the conqueror of Harshavardhana of Kanyakubja and many other
kings both of the north and the south, among whom were the Malavas.* There are as
many as ten copper-plate grants issued by which some are spurious.

this Vikramliitya,® of But
of stone records pertaining to his reign, strangely enough, there are incredibly few. Indeed the
only stone inscription that could be definitely assignel to Vikramiditya I is the Dimmagudi
record,® for, it is dated in the 27th year of the reign of a Vikramiditya Satyasraya who could be
no other than the first of this namesake and great-grandson, Vikramaditya
name inasmuch as his
II, reigned only for a little more than a decade, 734 to 747 A.C. This inscription, it is worth observ-
ing, gives the latent date so far known for Vikramaditya I, two years beyond the date (680 A. C.)
hitherto assigned to him. A close comparison, in the formation of individual letters, of this record^
with the Turime]li inscription reveals certain interesting features. Apart from the similarity of
the letters in general in both, a certain development in the palaeographic features of the Dimma-
gudi epigraph such as the later and more developed form, in place of the closed archaic four cham-
bered shape, of t marks it definitely later than the Turimella record, later at least by a quarter
of a century. In other words, the record under review is earlier than the Dimmagudi inscription
by at and therefore belongs
least 25 years reign of Vikramaditya I, to
to the early years of the
wit, his second year as the record itself states. That this is indeed so could easily be confirmed
by a glance at the general get up and the forms of individual letters in this and in the Aihoje ins-
cription of Pulakesin II.
Above, Vol. XI, p. 346, and Vol. XXVII, pp. 22.") ff.
^
in hert it should ha\e been

BhattdrahOf the nominativ e singular in Prakrit for Bhat tnrnkali, would not tit
.
^
BhaUdrasaa to convey the dative or the genitive sense in Prakiit,

* The word expressing uiiiU of measurement seems to have been omitted in the
text aittr sa(ii‘panckdf>at
before kshetram^
recount these
Vol. VIII, p. 241. Most of the coper-plate grants of Pulakesin's successors
exploits while describing the king.
more tecort s ia\e come
Subsequent to Kielhorn’s List (above, Vol. VII, Appendix, p. 5, Xus, 18 to 2-.), five
*
the Talamanchi plates (C.P. No. 8

to light and they are (1) the Madras Museum plate (C‘.P. Xo. 9 ot 1900-07) ; (2)
oi. X, p. 100 F.)
of 1906-07 ; above, Vol. IX, p]). 98 f\\) (3) the Gadval plates (C. P. No, 3 of 1909-10, above, \
;
;
Atch. Btj)., 1939, pp. 1-9

(4) the Savanur plates (above, Vol, XX\ 11, p. lo.) fl.), and (5) the Honnur
plates
ff.)* Of these the first is considered spurious.

xxv. An inscription
No. 364 ot 1920 of the Madras Kpigraphical Collection *S7/, Vol, X, Xo. 24, app. p.
* ;
District has been assigned on palaeogiaphua grounds to

on a hero-stone at Annavaram-agraharam in the Xellore
this king (Ann. Bep. on S. /. E„ 1933-34, p. 29 and plate). But the later develoi)ed foims of j and b found in this
be assigned to V.krama-
record make such an assignment highly improbable. The lecord may, on the contrary,
ditya II in whose inscriptions the later foims of these letters occasionally appear.
^ Plate opposite p. 1 63 below,
® Abov% Vol. Vr plate opposite p. 6.
1G2 EPIGRAPHIA IXDICA [VoL. XXIX
The inscription refers to a chief who is de'^crihed as the rig'hthand man of Goggi-Bhatara and
the dear son of Alakumara. He bears the rather unusual epithet Ujenlpisacha {Ujerupisdeha-
ndmadlPijumdu) which sounds more like a title than a name, a title probably acquired by him as a
campaign that he must have undertaken, against Ujeni (Ujjaiii). Who could
result of a terrorising
this unnamed hero be ? An inscription at Aihole in the Hungiind talulc in the Bijapur District of
Bombay State mentions a certain Alekomara-Singa (i. e., Alekomara's son Sihga) as the founder
of a temple.^ This record vv-hich refers itself to the reign of Vihramaditya is undated but could
be assigned ])alaeograp]iically to the period of Vikramaditya 1. If this Sihga, the son of
Alekonnira could be identical with the unnamed son of Alakumara- of our record, would not it
be impossible that this Sihga found an opportunity of following his suzerain in a campaign
against Ujiain and of showing his prowess which earned for him the said title as w'cll as the fiefdom
of the Eruva vl^haija. It may be recalled that it was Puiakrdin II who distinguished himself as
the conqueror of Harshavardhaiia of Kanyakubja. His com[uests were by far the most widely
spread and included among the conquereil, the Mrdavc.s." Whetlier Sihga alias UjenipiAlcha
obtained the fiefdom of Eruva as a reward for his valour from Pulakesin II himself or from
his son Yikrcimaditya I when the latter re-established his autliority in the south after a tempo-
rary set-back following the defeat of his father, Pulakfsin II, at the hands of the Pallavas, is
more than what could be said at this stage. As regards Goggi-Bhatara who figures in the
cajiacity of a master or leige-lord of ALikumara's son, a chief of this name born of the Chalukya
family and bearing the title Mahdsdmayita figures in stone inscriptions of the Mysore State. ^ It is
interesting to note that one of these e])igraphs ascribes the title Ujjenibhnjanfja apparently to this
same chiefs But all these records are assigned to the lOtli ceutiuy A.G. anfl therefore the chief
mentioned in them muc^t be di lie rent from Goggi-Bhatara of our record.
Of the place names, [Turujtatakais obviously the present Turimolla, the findspot of the record.
Legend connects it vWth the mythical story of the sage Jamadagni anrl his celestial cow Surabhi.
The and mention the temple
later inseriptions at this village refer to the place as JaynadagiLi-n.^rai/i't
as that of Surabhesvara. The story goes that king KrirttavIrvajJuna clninced to visit the sage
at his dsiayyia once with his retinue and was amazed at the iny^terinus powers of the celestial cow
which granted anything that its owner wished for. Possessed with the desire to own this cow,
the king* deniauded it of the sage and took it from him by forc^^ which resulted in dire conse-
queru es not only to the king himself but to generations of the Ksliatriyas after at the hands liini
of Parasurama, the son of Jamadagni. The word Turamelfi or Turimella {tnra^ meaning cow
and maUa corrupted into mella, ‘ drive *), as the vullage name uoes, denoted the spot where the
‘
cow was driven
The territorial division £ruva-vishaya seems to find the earliest mention in this record. It
was a small principality on the borders of the Kurnool, Xellore and Cudda[)a]i Districts and was
^ Ind. Ard,, \ol. VIII, p. 280 and plate , text lines 2-3. i)r. Fltcd reinaik.s tliat this record might belong to
the reign of either Vikramaditya I or Vikramaditya II.
^ Among the early Teiiigu-Cholas figures a tâktikomara. Except for a vague .similarity of tliis name to
Alakumara, there is nothing to suggest any relationship ludween them.
3 Among the 8uccessi?r'* of Pulakc-in II, neither his son Vikraihaditya I nor the latter’s great-grandson
Vikramaditya II claims ûy camjiaigns against tlie Maiuvas. \ juayark^ ''a d A" ja\ ."fdt ya no d(»ubt fought with
i ? 5
the kings of the north, i-hey do not specifically mention the ^]? \ airei g th( rn. '\1k later Vikiamaditya’s
i
\
pre-occupations seem to have confined themselves mainly to tl.e so utli, especially to the Pallavas.
^ Ep. Car., Vol. Ill, Mysore
36, 37, Vol. XI, Chitaldurg 74.
* Ibid., Vol. XI, Introd.
p. 9.
® Mr. M. \enkataramayya
suggests another derivation of Turimolla from Turutataka Turutataka would, in :
Telugu, correspond to Turumadugu and this may have undergone changes like Turtimadugula, Turumadla, Turi-
maUu and Turlmel|a.
Dtmmagudi Inscription of Vikramaditya (l)
First Piece
Ao. 21] TUEIMELLA IXSCRIPTIOX OF CHALUKYA VIKRAMADITYA I YEAR 163
; 2
the dominion of one of the
branches of th. Tehi.u-CV.da who held sway over it about the
o nmg of the 15th century A.C A ^lembers of this branch at:tached the name Eruva to their own
names as a distinctive surname of their family to indicate perhaps their political sway over
territory, or, at times, to
distiuiîij^li tliemselves from members bearing similar
names but
belonging to a different family.
That their sway over this di^dsiou could be traced to a considera-
y ear ler period, almost co-evai with the record umler review, is proved
by an inscription in
Characters of the 8th century
A. C. on a sajjtam'fnkd paiml at Turimella itself which mentions
name Fruva-Mahadevl.^ It is not unlikely that this Eruvci-^l.ili'idcvi was the wife of Alaku-
and the unnamed mother of tue who
cuiei called lumselt UjeriTpiAacha and whom we have
iîfied with Siiiga, the son of Alekomira ot the Ailiole record. A few later records copied
rejîon furmsh some more details logardiug this ancu^'^nt division. A fragmentary inscrip-
time of the Kakatiya king Ganipan h,'va dare«l in 8aka 1161 refers to this tract as a
hrice-Seventy division with Krochcherulu
as it^ capit ilA L ter still, in 8aka 132-1 during the
cign bf fihe Vijayanagara king Harihara II, it is m‘:‘nt:on‘"'l as Eruva-nl'fu and as a division in
rajya.'* A
copper-plate grant ot a latrr date beloiiûuL^ to king Achyutaraya mentions
same nddu as situated in Kochcherlak
-ta-dnia.'' it will he evident from the statements in
cse inscriptions that
this division which origin, dly coverel a smill area round about Turimella
^t t e time of the
record under review, later spr-^ i 1 far wi lea-, covering a considerable area of the
western portion of the
Nellore District from Kochrhericikota in the Darsi Division right down to
the river Pennar.
The
gift as well as its recipient
de.-;erve a fe.v remirks. The unit of laud usually expressed
y the
word nivartami that was go mu-ally currtuii it the [).u‘lo 1 of our record^ seems to h ive been
quitted here. Another
instance where this term is -biinil.irly left out occurs in the Dommara-
.t
andyala plates of Punyakumara."
Ihie reeip-Aut of tie' gift, Govrishaua-Bhattaiaka is possibly
entical with the god '
Surabhesvara, for •surahhi is a synonym h)v <ji>, cow h
TEXT
1 0m®[(*] Svasti[|*] srlmat Satyrisray<i 8iI-Prii^^thivI-
p
2 vallabha-Maharajadhirhja-Vikramaditya-Parame-
3 svara-Bhatarujakun srlmadûnnata-pravarddhamana-vijava-
^ rajya-sarhvatsaraiiibul a-chamlra-tara-purassaram(iii)
^ ^'îfiya-varsham-^pravarta^biianam kauu
| |
] Uoggi-Bhataral a dakshina-
^C. P. \o. 8 of 1911-12

aba\e, Vol. , XXVi, pp. 14 ti.
Jiep. on Indian Epipuphy
for >h.. 40.
Ibid., Xo. 40. The rele\aiit poilioii oi Ki orhy/o riihi nihiridi/yan-Af uvu-mumdu-
debbadulum.
Ibid., Iso. 58 the exact wording in the ia-^ iiptioii
; i-:, j>/ .-inji/u/tt'nidida ilrjrri-hdnftlO,
^
Nellore District Imcripfion.î, Vol.
1, P. Xu. lo, p. s" : tr\t-liie Si, — rrnt‘(-'<n(. c^-vtl'hudla’KocJieiliakdla^
simani.
Above, Vol. X, p. 102, the GadvAl plates the Maiepadu plates of
or Nhkf.iinrelitva I ; dad . \'u!. XI; p. 3,49,
runyakumara, etc.
’ Above,
Vol. XXVII, p. 275.
®
liepresented by a symbol.
* Danda unnecessary,
The i sign over the consonant redundant. Read
is Frith id-.
The syllable rta was omitted first, but was late! introduced below the line between va and ma.
164 EPIGEAPHIA INDIGA [VoL. XXIX
6 bliujayamanumr=ayiiia Alakuma[ra]^ priya tanayi(yii)mr=ayiiia
7 Ujeiupisaclia-namaclheyi(yu)mru [TuruJ-^tataka-nam-abhi-
8 dhana-nagar-adbl (r-adlu)slitbanumr=ayi Eruva-[visha]^yamb=elaii tasya
9 mata(tra) dattaiii Govrisbana-Bhattaraho sata-pamcbasat ksbetram [ |

*]
10 Svadattani paradattam va |
^ yo hareti(ta) vasiim''^ndhara[m |
*]
11 shashthiiii(tim) varsha-sabasrani visbtbayam ja-
12 yate krimib [ j*]
No. 22-PURI PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA

{1 Plate)
Sometime before February 1891, tbe late Mr. Man Moban Cbakravarti secured two copper-
plate inscriptions, on temporary loan for examination and publication, from tbe Raghavadasa
Matba at Puri, Orissa. Tbe results of bis study of tbe inscriptions were published in the Journal
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIV, Part I, 1895, pp. 123-27. Both the charters were issued
by a king named Kulastaizibha belonging to the 6ulki family which Cbakravarti identified with
the Eastern Ohalukya dynasty. He even suggested the identification of the issuer of the charters
in question with the Eastern Chalukya monarch Gunaka-Vijayaditya HI who began to rule about
the middle of the ninth century and alternatively with the Chalukya-Chola king Kulottunga I
who ruled in the and the first quarter of the twelfth, although
latter half of the eleventh century A.C.
the plates were assigned by him on palaeographical grounds to the tenth century. The identifica-
tion seems to have been suggested to him by the occurrence of the name of Kalinga in his trans-
cripts of the two inscriptions, Cbakravarti further observed, The text purports to be in Sanskrit,
''
but has been badly transcribed., ..The context is not therefore clear everywhere. I have given
a verbatim rendering without attempting revision As the two inscriptions generally agree
till we come to the grant itself Cbakravarti transcribed only one of the two grants (marked by
him as A) but quoted the text of six lines from the other charter (marked by him as B), which
give details of the grant recorded in the latter. According to him the legend on the seal of A
reads srtmdm K}dastambhadeva and that on the seal of B
srimdm Ralasiamhhadeva. He also
believed that both the grants mention Kulastambha’s son or governor (koddlo), named Kachchha-
deva, and that while A records the grant of the village of Kaiikanira in the Ulo-khanda subdivision
in favour of the Brahmana Madhusudana, son of Velu, B records the grant of the village of
Pajara in the same sub-division in favour of the Brahmana Veluka or Velu,
Unfortunately the facsimiles of the inscriptions were not published along with Chakravarti’s
paper and it was impossible for scholars to verify the correctness of his transcripts and interpreta-
tions of the two Puri plates of Kulastambha. But his identification of the l§ulki family with the
1 This letter is eomidetely damaged on the stone,

* Both these letter^ are ])art ly damaged on the stone.
» These two letters are again paitially damaged. A part of the lower portion oiv and part of the i sign attached
to it arc visible on tne stone so also the right half of aha
; is visible.
* The redundant here.
5,troke is
* The aniusi^ra K reUundaMt.
No. 22] PURI PLATE OF KtfLASTAMBHA 165
Eastern Chain kya dynasty and of Kulastambha with Gunaka-Vijayaditya III or Kulottuhga I
has generally been discarded. On the strength of other inscriptions of the family, since discovered,
we have suggested, while editing the Hindol plate of Kulastambha in this journal,^ that Chakra-
varti’s K5dalo-Kachchhadeva of the Sulk! family never existed as the intended reading of the
passage in question is undoubtedly Kodalokat sa era (or, deva'").

Recently we had an opportunity to plates, of which a few
examine the second (B) of the two
lines only were transcribed and translated by Cakravarti. A careful examination, however,
enabled us to trace numerous mistakes in Chakra varti’s views on the inscription. In the grant por-
tion of the record, he read a passage as karastarn pla 10 and translated it as with Karaba tree
worth (or rent ?) ten pals The actual reading of the passage is, however, kara-sdsna ru-pla 10
which shows that the inscription, like those mentioned in connection with the plates of Narendra-
dhavala,^ records a kara-sdsana (i,e. a grant liable to pay a fixed revenue) for which the rent,
apparently annual, was fixed at ten PaJas of silver. Chakra varti therefore could not realise the
nature of the document. It was also noticed that a large number of errors that crept in his trans-
cript and interpretation of the other plate (A), which he fully transcribed and translated, could be
easily eradicated with the help of the inscription under review. It will be seen that most of his
suggestions (including the one relating to the mention of Kalinga) in regard to the two records, which
have so long been troubling scholars,® can quite easily be proved to be wrong.
This is a single plate measuring about 9 inches in height, 5 inches in breadth and O’l inch in
thickness. A circular lump of metal (nearly 2 inches in diameter and 0*4 inch in thickness), soldered
on a semi-circular projection in the middle of the top side of the plate represents the seal, on which
are counter- sunk the usualemblems of the Sulk! family of Orissa. These emblems are much cor-
roded, although the crescent above, the legend in the middle and the standing boar to proper right
below can be made out. The legend seems to read either srl-Kulastarnbhadeva or sn-Eanasta’
mbhadeva. The preservation of the plate and of the writing on it (especially on its reverse) is not
quite satisfactory. There is a break in the plate affecting the writing on lines 5-7 on the obverse and
lines 24-26 on the reverse. The weight of the plate is 90 tolas.
In point of palaeography, language and orthography, the charter closely resembles other
grants of the family including the Hindol plate (which belongs, as will be seen below, to the issuer
of the charter under review), edited above. Although nothing requires special mention in these res-
pects, a word has to be regard to the date of this record as well as of other inscriptions
said now in
of the Sulki family. It has been shown in our paper on the Hindol plate that the Sulkis owed al-
legiance to the Bhauma-Karas and that the Talcher plate of Rauastambha (grandfather of the issuer
of the Hindol plate and of the present charter as well) is dated in the year 103 of the Bhauma-Kara
era. But relying on the suggested identification of the era of the Bhauma-Karas with the Harsha
era, an earlier date was then assigned to Ranastambha and his grandson. It has, however, been
shown recently that the beginning of the Bhauma-Kara era falls somewhere about the middle of
the first half of the ninth century A.C.^ The Talcher plate should therefore be ascribed to a date
about the middle of the first half of the tenth century® and the inscription under review about the
end of that century.
The charter begins with the SiddJiam symbol and the word svasti, which are followed by seven
verses fornoing the introductory part of the document. All the seven verses are found exactly in
^ Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 107 ff.
* Ibid., pp. 44 ff. See also JRAS, 1952, pp. 4 ff.
> Cf. Ray, DHNI, Vol. I, pp. 439-40.

*
See below, p. 191, note 2.
As the era in question probably started from 831 A. C., the date
® of the Talcher plate (year 103) may
actuaUy correspond to 934 A.C. See IHQ, Vol. XXIX, pp. 148 ff.
the same order as in the Hindol plate of Kulastambha, son of Jayastambha and grandson of Rana-
stambha. But the language of the verses in our document is slightly different from that of the Hin-
dol plate. Moreover, the important verse referring to the son of Ranastambha and father of the
reigning king Kulastambha is defective inasmuch as the foot containing the name of Jayastambha
as found in the Hindol plate isomitted in the record under review no doubt through the inadver-
tence of the writer. There is, however, little doubt that Kulastambha who issued the charter under
discussion as well as the other Puri (Raghavadasa Matha) plate published by Chakra varti was no
other than the issuer of the Hindol plate.
Another interesting fact worth noticing in this connection is that the text of the introductory
part in our record closely follows that in the Bhimnagarigarh (Dhenkanal) plate of Kulastambha,'
although, where this latter mentions Vikramaditya and his son Ranastambha, the present record
mentions Ranastambha and his son (name omitted through negligence of the scribe, but known from
the Hindol plate to have been Jayastambha). The Bhimnagarigarh plate represents its issuer,
king Kulastambha, as the lord of Gondramas with Sankhajoti forming the borderland of
all the
his kingdom exactly as in the record under notice. Since the relation of Kulastambha, referred to
as issuing the charter, with Ranastambha mentioned in the introductory part is not specified clearly
in the inscription, the Bhimnagarigarh plate is generally believed to have been issued by Rana-
stambha who is suggested to have had Kulastambha as a second name. But we have elsewhere*
remarked, “ The Bhimnagarigarh plate represents Malm raja Ranastambha as the dtmaja (line 10) of
Vikramaditya. The word suta (line 12) again used before the following mention of Kulastambha may
suggest that the record in question belongs not to Ranastambha-Kulastambha but actually to a
Kulastambha who was the son of Ranastambha”. The close resemblance of the Bhimnagarigarh
inscription with the record under discussion in regard to both language and style, however, now
appears to suggest that the corrupt introduction of the former epigraph actually intended to
describe, as that of the present charter, Kulastambha, grandson of Ranastambha. It further
appears that the text of the introductory part of the Bhimnagarigarh plate was copied without
proper adjustment from a grant of Jayastambha.^
Verse 1 is in adoration to the god Girina,
of our inscription, found in most of the Sulk! records,
i.e. Ranastambha of the Sulk! family, favoured by the goddess
Siva, while verses 2-3 introduce king
Stambhesvan, as ha\dng constructed some temples probably for the god Sadasiva. Verses 4-5
describe Ranastambha ’s son whose name is inadvertently omitted, while the following two verses
(verses 6-7) describe the reigning king Kulastambha, son of Ranastambha’s son, as issuing the char-
ter in question from Kodaldka.
The grant portion of the document which is in prose and follows the introduction in verses re-
presents Maharaja Kulastambha, called lord of all the Gondramas, as in good health. A defective
passage in the description of the ruler seems to attribute to him the feudatory title samadhigata-
panchamahdsahda, although the change introduced in it may have been deliberate. Such deli-
berate modification of feudatory titles was often resorted to by subordinate rulers who claimed a
semi-independent political status.* The future rulers and the present and future administrators,
associated with the mandala (district) extending up to the ^§ankhaj5tika, are then addressed. The
way in which the mandala is mentioned suggests that it comprised either the whole dominions of
the Sulkis or, at least, the central part of the Sulki territories. The lists of the rulers and adminis-
trators include the rujanalca^ rdjaputra, mahl^d manta, vishayapati and others. The charter then
Vol. II, pf). 401 fi.
* Above, Vol. XXVm, p. 100.

3 Cf, the text of the Dhenkanal plate of Jayastambha in JBOBS, Vol. II, pp. 406 ff,
* Cf. the Mahada plates (above, Vol, XXVIII, pp. 2s3 ff.).
No. 22] PURI PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA 167
goes on to record the grant of the village of Padara, attached to the G5ilo JcJia7i4ct> (subdivision),
in favour of Bhattaputra Velluka who was the son of Ananti and whose original home was at
Aviddha. The was given along with its boundaries and the space above the ground
village
(s'oddesa) was not made a rent-free holding. It was given as a kara-sdsana (i.e. land grant-
but it
ed as a rent 'paying holding) with a fixed rent of ten Palas of silver apparently per annum. It is
not stated whether the village was sold or given away free of cost but it was possibly purchased ;
from its owner with the king’s approval with the stipulation of an annual rent as in some other
cases known from Orissan inscriptions.^
The charter ends with some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. The language of
these stanzas is extremely corrupt as in the case of the kraya-sdsana (the Madras Museum plates
of Narendradhavala) edited above.
Of the geographical names occurring in the inscription, the location of Kodaloka has been
discussed in connection with the Hindol plate edited above. It is probably modern Koalu near
Talcher in Dhenkanal. Gondramas ” or “ the eighteen Gondramas ”, as
The expression “ all the
indicated elsewhere, was possibly used to signify the same thing as Otijo. a thara-gada-jdta. The
Sahkhajotika has been identified with the Sankha river in the Sundargarh region of Upper Orissa.
The exact location of the villages Aviddha and Padara is uncertain.
TEXT^
[Metres : Verse 1 Glti verses 2 and 4 Upajdti {Indravajrd and Upendravajrd) ;
verses 3 and 5
;
Vasantatilaka ; verse 6 Upajdti (Jamsastha and Indravariisa) ;

verse 7 Sragdhard.^
Obverse
1 Siddham^ Svasta(sti )
Jayati sur-asura-vidvad-'*vidyadhara-makuta-
j
2 ghrishta'charan-amvu(mbu)ja[h |*] sasi(si)-mana(ni)-mayukha-bha§i(si)ta-
3 pinga-jata-bhara-bhasuro Girisah [|1

I*] Stambhesva-
4 ri(ri)'lavdha(bdha)-vara“prasade Sulki-kule-bhut=kshi'
tipa[h*] kshat-ara(ri)h [\*] srimam(man) Ranastambhadeva® pratitah

6 sphurat'pratap-odayah® tapit-arl(rih Bhasvavi(d-vi)chitra-
|| 2)
7 ruchir-5jva(jjva)la-charu-s5bhau(bhai)r=uchau(chchaih) Sadasiva-pu-
3 r-5gamaniya^-marggaih davalaiyair'‘=nnija-ya3o-dhava®-
[|*J
9 fihavalair=anekair=yen=atmanas=tri(s=tri)divam=udgainit=oru-ki(ki)- *
10 rtti(rttih ju yaso la“-

|| 3) Tasy-atmaj6=bhu[j=*]jagad-eka-vi(vi)Tah
^ See JRAS, 1952, pp. 4-10.
* From the original plate.
* The same seems to be the reading in the Hindol plate.
® Better read ^stambha iti for the sake of the metre.
Read °dayas^dpi°, or better °daya-tdpi° for the sake of the metre.
*
Read ôpagam-aika, or pura^pragam-aika as in the Hindol plate and other records*

’
® Read
dev-dlayair,^
* The
aksharas dkava here are redundant.
The second pdda of the stanza is omitted through inadvertence. In place of the dcuhle darâ, foPowed by
the akahara ju, we have to read
something like srlmdu Jayastamhha iti kshUisuh as in the Hindol plate^ line o.
Read yas^=dUa°
6 DPA/53 c
.
168 EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [You XXIX
11 sat-klianga(dga)-mpata“blii(bhi)tah samantata yaiitl(nti) rane dvisa^ [||

4*]
12 Yo raja-chakra-tilakah sva-gun-angu(n-amsu)-patau- da-kainini(m)-
13 mukha-manohara-karnnapuraih [j*] sangochit^-ahita-vadhu-va-
14 dan-aravindai[r=*]des*'-andhakara-bhiduraih sasubbai^ âsi(î)-
15 va [|j
5*] Tasmat=va(d=ba)l-5tsarita-vairi-vari(ri)tab (® parakram-akra-
16 iita(nta)-sarQasta-dik-tatah [|*] dana-pravrit-arda’-kara-pratiti-
17 marh(man) dig-Vara9-endra-pratimo=bbavat=sa(t=su)tah 1[|6*] Kodal5ka(kat) chch]ia(sa)
deva-
18 dvija-guru-charan-aradhaii-asa(sa)kta-cheta[h*] 6riinarii(man) durvvara-vairi-pra-
19 vara-kari-ghata'kumbha-kuta(tta)ka-varah® [|*] data satV'ai(ttv-ai)ka'nishtlio ja-
Reverse
20 gati Pri(Pri)tliu-saina[b*] ya® partliivesa(sbu) prati(tl)ta[b*] ka(kri)chchhre=py=amalana-‘®
21 k]ianga(dga)-prakata-bliuja-vala-trasitahêsa^^-âtru[h ((
7*] Sa-
22 kala'G5ndram6dhithah^2 prama^^-mahesvarah samudga-
23 mit-asesha'Savda^^-maharaja'Sri-Kulastambhadeva[h kuâli*]
24 Sankhaj6t[i]ka-valaya-parikaritah^®'-paryaiite ma-
25 nâle=smina{siniu) bhavi(vi)ii[6] rajanka^®-[raja]putra{tra)-mahasamanta-
26 nagar^’=anyaii=api yatlia-kaladdhanga[ii]6^® viâyapati-nidliika^®-
27 ^®rI^La^cba sa-karana-kalapa(pan) yathahximî ve(bo)dhayatib(ti) kuiâla-
^ Read dvishantaj^,
2 Read patair=dik°.
® Read $ankdchit-d°,
* Better read dosh-d^,

® Read suHihhe,
® The danda is superfluous.
’ Read pravfitt-drdra,
® Read hdhul},
® This ya is redundant.
Read amldna*
Read bala-trdsit-dsesha.
Read Gondram-ddkindthab*
Read parama.
Better read samadhigata-pancha-makasabda or samadhigataSesha^
Read parikriti.
Read rdjaTiuka or rdjdnaka.
Better read ku7ndrdmdty-dntarafigd7t=:anydn=apu
Read °kdl-ddhydaino. Chakra varti reads this expression as kdla(li)ngangane in Plate A and takes it to
refer to the Kalihga people.

Read vishayapattn^dkikdrizuii^ha,
2^Chakravarti reads r*na âsa karufui kalaya yathddrim
: vidhasatib kuMa»
^ Read yathdrham.
No. 23] BHADRAK INSCRIPTION OF GANA ;
REGNAL YEAR 8 169
28 ^yat 7-adisa{ 8 a)ti cha [|*] yi(iitam=astu bhavatam Goilo-khanda*
29 âmvandbah^ Padaragrama[h*] saparikaratab^ s-ode(dde)sa[h*] sa--
30 ®rvva-vadba“virvarjatas=chatus[t]aya-sima-valaya-parika*-
31 ^rata-paryantah |® kara-sasna® ru-pla^® 10 Aviddha-
32 ^^viiiirgata-bhattapu(pu)tra-VeUukasya^® Ana-
33 nti-sutab^^ Tatakanama^* saha[sra*]ni asva(sva)-
34 meddha(dha)-sana chah^® [|*] gava[rQ*] koti-pra{pra)daaeiia bhumi-
35 harta na 8u(su)dhyati ||
yasya^® yasya tasa tasya ta a-
36 phalam ma^’ bho phalam sanka sa sva-datam^® palania-

37 t sva^®'pradam=va jo Iiareti vasadhara [j sa vi]^®
No, 23-BHADRAK INSCRIPTION OF GANA REGNAL YEAR ;

8
{1 Plate)
Sometime about the middle of the year 1951, reports reached me that Mr. S. C. De, Curator
stone
of Archives, attached to the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, had found an inscribed
Bhadrak in the Balasore District of Orissa. I also learnt
in the vicinity of the well-known town of
that the stone, believed to have been originally the lintel of the door of a temple, had been secured
for the Orissa State Museum and brought to Bhubaneswar. I wrote to the authorities of the
Museum requesting them to send me a few impressions of the inscription for examination un- ,
• Chakra varti reads yathddisati viditam=astu bhavatam Goulo-khartda, but takes the name of the subdivision
:
to be Ul6kha;>da.
• Chakra varti reads : satnhandhdh Pajdragrdfifha sayati karatah so desa sa,
® Read samhaddka,
• Read s-dparikarajjh.
Cha kr a varti reads ^rbba^va^fid^vivaTjita chatustaya
i
siitia laya pafika,
• Read vddhd‘vivarjitas=chaiu}!L-sinia-valaya-parikrtti,
’ Chakravarti reads : rata paryantab, \

karasiara pla 10 Aviddhd,
® The daifida is superfluous,
• Read sdsanatv^na dattab-
I.e., rupya-paldni dasa,
Chakravarti reads : vinirgata Bhata-putra Velukasya ana,
(possibly by purchase)
The shashthl vibhahti is preferred apparently because Vellnka received the
^2
village
as a kara-sdsana and not as a revenue-free gift.

Read sutasya.
Read tatdkdndrh.
Read satdni cha, ^
yasya yasya yadd bhumisÛzsya tasya tadd phalam.
The first half of the stanza is
The reading intended is
inadvertently omitted.
The intended reading is Md hhud-a-phala-8aii,kdt etc.
The intended reading is 8va^dndt—pkalam=dnantyafh, etc.
The reading intended is Sva'dattam para^dattdrh vd, etc .
20 The second half of the stanza could not be completed owing to

want of space.
fortunately no impression reached me About the beginning
as a result of the correspondence.
of November in the same year, Dr. B. Ch. Bhubaneswar in the course
Chhabra happened to visit
of a tour that side. He inspected the Bhadrak stone inscription in the Orissa State Museum
and copied it. After his return to Ootacamund, Dr. Chhabra was kind enough to place at my
disposal all the impressions of the above inscription for examination. He also permitted me to
edit the record in the pages of the EpigrapJiia Indica. I take this opportunity to thank him
for his kindness. My
thanks are also due to Mr. S. C. De for information regarding the discovery
of the inscription. “I discovered the inscription”, Mr. De subsequently wrote to me, ‘‘in the
courtyard of the temple of Bhadrakali in a locality about five miles from the town of Bhadrak in
the Bhadrak Sub-Division on the 17th of March 1951. I noticed the stone buried in the earth
and learnt that pilgrims used to wash their feet on it. Certain scars on the stone attracted my
attention. I then dug it out and found the inscription. In the month of June we managed
to bring the stone to the Museum, Its upper part is damaged as the villagers used to sharpen
their axes on it. I was told that the stone had been brought to the Bhadrakali temple from an
adjoining village some years back. The temple of Bhadrakali is an ordinary thatched cottage.
So the stone was probably the lintel of some other temple.”
The stone bears an inscription in three lines and is unfortunately broken here and there. The
state of preservation of the writing is unsatisfactory. A number of letters in all the three lines
have either completely or partially broken away, while some ahsharas in line 1 have suffered con-
siderably from the effect of corrosion. This corrosion is apparently due to the stone being used
as an axe-sharpener. The writing covers a space about 44 inches in length and about 7 inches in
height. Individual aksJiarasoxt about 1’5 inches in height.
The characters resemble those of the so-called eastern variety of the Gupta alphabet, of
which the test letters are m, s and Ji. Of the three letters, m and Ji in our record are almost as
developed as in the Allahabad pillar inscription^ of Samudragupta (middle of the fourth century
A. C.), although in one case m seems to exhibit an earlier form. The letter s has its earlier form
found usually in the inscriptions of the age of the Kushanas. The form of I resembles that of the
same letter as found in the Allahabad pillar inscription, while letters like Ic, n, etc., show pre-Gupta
* forms. The
letter 7i resembles in form the same letter as found in some Mathura inscriptions
of the and second centuries A.C. and reproduced by Ojha in his Palaeography of India {in
first
Hindi), 1918, Plate VI, i (cf, the fourth form of w). In a few cases medial a and e
seem to be written
by lengthening slightly the top mdtrd of the consonant respectively towards the right and the left.
The inscription exhibits the initial vowel a and the symbols for the numerals S and 80. On
grounds of palaeography, the inscription may be assigned to the period between the age of
tho Kushanas and that of the Guptas, I am inclined to assign it to a
date about the second
half of the third century A.C. This date seems to be supported also by the language of the record.
The language of the inscription is Prakrit. We know that originally the epigraphic language
of the whole of India was Prakrit, that Sanskrit is first found in
North Indian epigraphs about the
beginning of the Christian era and that it gradually ousted Prakrit
from the field of Indian epi-
graphy. The suppression of Sanskrit by Prakrit in the
epigraphic records of the lower part of
South India took place as late as themiddle of the fourth century A.C. In the early Prakrit
inscriptions, double consonants are found to be represented by single letters but gradually the ;
influence ol Sanskrit became noticeable in the Prakrit records, not only in their use of double
consonants, but also in the occasional inclusion of Sanskritic
sounds, words and passages. From
a study of the Prakrit inscriptions of the various dynasties holding
sway over South India, we find
^ Fleet’s Gupta Inecriptiona {CII, Vol. HI), pp. Iff. ; and Sircar’s Select Inscriptkms, Vol. I, pp. 254 ff.
No. 23] BHADRAK INSCRIPTION OF GANA REGNAL YEAR ; 8 171
that double consonants began to appear in such records in the third

century A.C.^ As our inscrip-
tion shows the use of double consonant only in one case (cf. ayija in line for Sanskrit drya, 2,
instead of the earlier epigraphic Prakrit form aija), it may reasonably
be assigned to the same
third century. That it has to be assigned to a date earlier than the fourth century issuijgested
again by the Susunia inscription^ of king Chandra varman who ruled over
South-West Bengal
(adjacent to North-East Orissa in which Bhadrak, the findspot of our record, is situated) about
the middle of the fourth century A. C. and was defeated by the mighty Gupta
emperor Samudra-
gupta. The language of the Susunia inscription is Sanskrit and suggests that Prakrit was ousted
from the inscriptions of that area at an earlier date.
The Bhadrak inscription begins with traces of a short horizontal line which appears to stand
for the usual siddham symbol. followed by the word Mah[<i]r[d]ja.
This is The following two
aJcsharas read : although traces of the vowel-mark are not distinct above the second akskara.
This is because the stone is broken here. What comes next has to be read as Ganasa. The tops
of all these three letters are damaged owing to the breaking away of a piece of stone as well as to
corrosion about the upper parts of the second and third aksharas but there is hardly any doubt
;
about the reading. Then comes Sa\yh 8 ]. Traces of the anusvdra above sa are hiintly visible but
\ ;
the upper right side of the letter is completely corroded. The symbol for 9, which here resembles
the 8 sign reproduced by Ojha from the inscriptions of the Kuhsana age in his work, Plate LXXI, i
(cf. the third symbol for is partially corroded, traces of the lost part being fortunately still
slightly visible. The danda that follows the numeral is indicated here by a short vertical line.
The first half of line 1, besides the siddham symbol at the beginning, thus reads : Mahdrdja-siri-
Ganasa Sam 8, \n Sanskrit Maharaja- sri-Gayiasy a Sam 8
The inscription {-samvatsare ashtame).
IS therefore dated in the eighth regnal year of a king called Maharaja *ri-Gana. The name cannot
be read as Gurm as there is absolutely no trace of any u-mdtra attached to g. With the name of
the king mentioned in our record, we may compare that of Mahdsainyapati iri-Gana, known
from the Hayungthal copper-plate inscription^ of king Harjara varman of Assam, In both these
cases, sri appears to be an honorific and not an integral part of the name. That the name of
the king mentioned in the Bhadrak inscription is most probably Gana and not Srigana seems to
be suggested by the fact that, unlike Srigana, Gana (literally meaning the god Ganesa or an
attendant of Siva)^ is actually known to have been used as a personal name in ancient India.
Gana is the name of the author of the celebrated work entitled Ahdyurveday^ while the Matsya
Purdna* speaks of a gotra-kdra named Gana.
The second half of line 1 of our inscription reads :

[M]rdnjap[cna] d[e]vd 3 dat\a\. The upper
part of mu is corroded. Although the traces now visible would rather suggest a slightly earlier
form of m
than that of the other cases of the letter in the record, the akshara in question can hardly
be read as anything else than mu. Parts of na are much corroded and the letter is really un-
recognisable. Mulajapa a mutterer of the mida-mantra, i.e., a particular sacred
(literally meaning ‘
text or sounds ’) is a personal name, while the word deva has been apparently used in the sense of
‘an image of a god’ as in the Manusmriti (VIII, 87) and other works. Thus the above sentence
^ For the points raised, see Sircar’s Successors of the Sdtavdhanas, 1939., pp. 87 and notes, 166 ; IIIQf Vol. XV,
pp. 38 ff. ; Ind. Cult,, Vol. I, pp. 501-2.
® Sdect Inscriptions pp. 341-42.
^ See KdmarupasdsandvaHy p. 51. Harjara varman flourished in the first half of the ninth century A.O.,
as one of his inscriptions is dated in the Gupta year 510 (829-30 A.C.).
* Cf. Monier-Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v. ; tSabdakalpadruma, s.v.
® Kieth, A History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 465.
® Chapter 199, verse 2. The Mahdbhdrata (critical edition, I, 59, 31) seems to mentioKi a demon chief named
Gaoa.
^ ;
172 EPIGBAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX

of the inscription says that a person named Mulajapa presented three images for worship to (or
installed them in) a particular religious establishment. The name of the establishment is not
mentioned in the inscription apparently because the inscribed stone was in view in the
specifically
temple which housed the images. The temple was probably situated in the modem Bhadrak
area which is the findspot of our inscription. Unfortunately the deity or deities represented by
the images have not been named and cannot therefore be determined. We know that there was
a practice according to which the installation of one or more images of one or more deitie^would
be promised by a person in distress with the hope that he would be relieved of t^^M^ring.
Numerous such images, styled deya-Aharma or Aeva-dhafma in the records on later spe^fife^, have
been discovered. In the terminology of similar dedicatory inscriptions, the three images referred to
in our record were the deya-dharma or devaÂharma of Mulajapa who installed them in a temple
in the vicinity of Bhadrak within the dominions of Maharaja sri-Gana in the eighth year of the
latter’s reign.
In regard to the reading of the second half of line 1, we have io admit that, since this part
follows the regnal year, it is tempting to take pa (read pe) before the tra^s.of a damaged sign
and Aava (read devd) before 5 as meant ioT divase.
(tentatively read no) as a contraction of pakshe
In that case, however, we should expect immediately before pa the name of one of the seasons
(viz. grlshma, varsha and hemanta) or less probably that of a month. But the reading mula is
fairly certain, although the sign read as ja may possibly also be 3. Unfortunately it is difficult
to make out here the name of a season or month inspite of the fact that one of the twenty seven
nakshatras bears the name Mula. The name Jyeshthamula is sometimes applied to Jyeshtha
but mula is never used as the name of a month.
Line 2 of the inscription begins with vapa SO, Before this, there are traces of a letter partially
broken away along with a piece of stone. Judging from the beginning of the first line of the record,
marked by the traces of the siddham symbol, it is apparent that one or two have been com-
letters
pletely broken away at the beginning of the second line. A word ending in vapa and followed by a
number would suggest an expression like kulyavdpa, kharlvdpa, dronavapa, ddhavdpa or nalikdvdpa
all of which were the names of some of the different land-measures of ancient India, Thus the
section no doubt refers to eighty measures of land which was apparently granted by Mulajapa
in favour of the temple for the continuation of the worship of the three deities installed by him
therein. The partially broken letter before vapa cannot be satisfactorily read but it may be ;
a damaged dha,^ In that case the reading intended may be ddhavdpa.
The rest of the second line of the inscription reads : Mah[a^kulapati-ayya-Agisamena Pdnide
vadidarh padichkidam, PadichJiida is the same as Pali patichchhita meaning ‘accepted,’ while
vadida seems to be the same as Sanskrit vatita meaning ‘an apportionment*, i.e., an apportioned
piece of land in the present case. The sentence thus indicates that the eighty measures of land
referred to were apportioned in a locality called Pwida and that the land was accepted by Mahd-
kulapati-drya Agnisarman apparently on behalf of the temple or religious establishment in question.
Agniârman was probably the head of the establishment or less probably the priest in charge of the
temple. The epithets drya, ‘venerable’, and Mahdkulapati point to his high rank. The expression
kulapati, which usually means the head or chief of a family, also indicates a sage who feeds and
teaches ten thousand pupils.
The letters of the first half of line 3 are either completely or partially broken away. The first
five or six aksharas are lost, while only the vowel-marks of the following two aksharas (medial i
^ [It looks more like ha, —B.C.C.]

See Apte,, Sanskrit- English Dictionary, s.v.
No. 23] BHADRAK INSCRIPTION OF GANA ; REGNAL YEAR 8 173
in both the cases) remain.

Only the upper parts of the next seven letters are visible and they
suggest the reading : The second half of the line, in which some of the letters
adhivdsaka Bhada,
are damaged, seems to read Apavasa [Mahdsa]ra Gkali Adasama [|]. The last two letters,
:
sa ma, suggest a Brahmanic name ending in the word sarman exactly as Agisama-Agnisarman,
Adasama may be Sanskrit Atasarman. It is thus possible to think that this name is preceded
by other names, viz. Bhada
in the record (Sanskrit Bhadra), Apavasa (possibly Sanskrit Apavarsha),
Mahasara (possibly Sanskrit Mahdsara) and Ghali (cf. Sanskrit Khalin). The possibility of the
existence of the word adhivdsa(si)ka in the damaged first half of the line would suggest that it was
preceded by the name of the locality where the persons mentioned resided. But what their relation
was with the grant recorded in the inscription cannot be determined with certainty. If they were
merely witnesses to the transaction, they were probably residents of a locality near the gift land
at Panida.
Maharaja Gana, during whose reign the inscription was engraved about the second half of the
third century A.C., is not known from any other source. He seems to have been a ruler of the
ancient Utkala country bounded by the rivers VaitaranP and Kansai (ancient Kapisa)^ and lying
between the lands inhabited by the Vangas and the Kalingas.^ He was probably an independent
monarch like the kings of Pushkarana (modern Pokharna on the Damodar in South-West Bengal),
who are known from the Susunia inscription. As already indicated above, king Chandravarman
of Pushkarana was overthrown by the Gupta emperor Samudragupta about the middle of the
fourth century A.C. Whether the Utkala country was also conquered by Samudragupta about the
same time is as yet unknown. The Sumandala plates* of the Gupta year 250 (569 A. C.), however,
show that imperial Gupta suzerainty was acknowledged in Kalinga and presumably also in Utkala.
Although it is difficult in the present state of our knowledge to ascribe the conquest of Kalinga
and Utkala to a particular Gupta monarch, it is possible to suggest that the event took place before
the death of Kumaragupta I, grandson of Samudragupta, in 455 A.C., as the successors of that
monarch do not appear to have been powerful enough to effect the annexation of such far off terri-
tories. These conquests should better be attributed to Samudragupta or to his son Chandragupta
II Vikramaditya described as kritsna-pfithvljay-drtha in one of the Udayagiri inscriptions (cf.
also the reference to his dig-vijaya in the Meharauli inscription).^ As however Utkala is not men-
tioned in the Allahabad pillar inscription in connection with the victorious campaigns of Samudra-
gupta, the second alternative seems preferable.® Whether the rulers of Aryavarta, mentioned in
that record as overthrown by the Gupta monarch, included a ruler of Utkala cannot be determined.
We
have said that the eighty measures of land granted by Mulajapa were apportioned in
a locality called Panida. The place may not have been far away from Bhadrak, near which the
inscription has been found. I have not succeeded in identifying the locafity.
TEXT’
1 [Siddham]® [|*] Mah[a]r[a]ja-sir[i]-Ganasa sa[rQ 8|] [M]ulajap[ena] d[e]va 3 dat[a]
*
Mahdbhdratay III, 114, 3 above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 179.
Cf. ;
* Baghuvamsa, IV, 38 above, loc. cit. Utkala came later to be known as the Odra country no doubt
Cf. ;
after the name of an allied tribe of that name. The Odras may have originally inhabited parts of Northern Orissa.
® Baghuvamia,
loc. cit.
* Above,
Vol. XXVIII, pp. 79 ff.
®
Cf. Select Inscriptions, pp. 272, 275 ff.
In this connection, it may be noted that the Meharauli inscription attributes to Chandragupta II the
*
conquest of a country on the Southern Sea.

’ From
the impressions kindly supplied by Dr. Chhabra.
® Expressed by a symbol which is faintly visible
.
174 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXI^

2 [adiia?]vapa 80 [|*] Mali[a]kulapati -ayya-Âgisamenaih(na) Paiii[de]* vadidam padichhidam [|*]
3 i.i. [adhivasa(si)ka Bhada?] Apavasa [Mahasajra Gkali Adasama^ [(]^
TRANSLATION
May there be success ! In the regnal year 8 of the illustrious Maharaja Gana. By Mulajapa
are given 3 idols {and also) 80 [cidha'ilvdpas {of land). The apportionment (i.e., the land apportioned)
at Panida is accepted by the venerable Agisama (Agnisarman), the Mahdkulapati. Bhada
(Bhadra), Apavasa (Apavarsha?), Mahasara (Mahasara?), Ghali {and) Adasama (Atasarman),
residents of . . ,
No. 24-HINGNI BERDI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA VIBHURAIA ; YEAR 3
{1 Plate)
Moeeshwar G. Dikshit, Saugar
This copper plate grant is from the collection of the Bharata Itihasa Samshodhaka Mandala,
Poona, where it has been deposited for the last 27 years. It is reported to have been found in the
possession of a Brahmin at Hingni Berdi, a small village on the bank of the Bhima river, near
Dhond in the Poona District. It was obtained by §n P. R. Alegaonkar who passed it on to Prof.
Datto Waman
Potdar for the purpose of decipherment and publication. At the request of the
latter,Mr. P. M. Chandorkar read a short note based on this record before the Sixth Annual Session
of the B. I. S. Mandala in 1926.® As the reading given by him is not altogether satisfactory, I re-
edit the plates here with the kind permission of the secretaries of the said institute.
The set consists of two sheets of copper, each measuring about 5 inches in length and 2J inches
in breadth. The weight of the two plates is 14 tolas. In the upper margin of each plate there is
a small roimdish hole, about 2/10 inch in diameter through which a copper ring is passed for hold-
ing them together. The two ends of the ring are secured under a lump of copper which is flattened
and bears on it the incised figures of an akshamdld, consisting of eleven beads, a kamandalu-shsiped
spouted vessel on its left and a danda^ on its right, apparently the requisites of a samnydsin^
The ring weighs 1| tolas. The inscription on the plates consists of 22 lines of writing, of which
9 are engraved on the second side of the first plate, 10 lines on the first side of the second plate and
the remaining 3 on the second side of the latter. As the rims of both the plates are raised, the
engraving has remained in a fair state of preservation.
The characters are of the nail-headed variety of the southern alphabet current in the fifth
and sixth centuries A. C. The record is very carelessly engraved and exhibits certain peculiarities
which deserve close attention. We see mostly nail-headed or acute-angled letters in the first
plate, while the second plate shows small circles or pin-heads on the top of certain letters. These
^ The reading may possibly also be ayya- Agisamena ; but I am inclined to ignore the traces about the tail of
a in both the cases.
• What I have read as de may possibly also be Z or ja , although that 'vôuld hardly give any sense.
• The first letter in this name may possibly be also read as d.
•Full-stop in this case seems to be indicated by a slanting line.
Shashika Sammelana Vriita (B. I. S, Mandala), pp. 63-65.
•
• [W hat has been

described as danda represents possibly only a blade of husa grass according to Mr. M. VenkA*
taramayya. Ed.]
1
No. 24] HINGNI BERDI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA VIBHURAJA ;

AÊAR 3 175
resemble closely tbe forms of letters found in the Ahjaneri plates^ of Prithvlchandra Blioâsakti.
The writing on the second side of the second plate shows a very crude hand. It is stronedy
doubted if all the three sides of the two plates were engraved by one and the same person.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. The composition is in prose and is full of iiis-
takes, but the sense can be clear, if proper restorations are made in the text.
The inscription refers to the Rashtrakuta dynasty which is styled Rash fral' if teh'a rand}). -an'
vavaija in the initial portion. It is stated that the Rashtrakuta princess Syavalangi Mahadevi,
the Queen-consort of Rashtrakuta Devaraja and mother of Manaraja, donated an agrahara
calledKamalibhuhaka to a Brahmin called Nannasvamin, belonging to the Agastya gotni, for the
purpose of carrying on religious duties. In addition to this land a daJcshmi of hfty bars (kdahi)
of gold was given to the Brahmin with the consent of Rashtrakuta Vibhuraja. The grant was
made on the full-moon day in the month of Vaisakha in the third regnal year of king ^ ibhiiraja.
The plates Rashtrakuta dynasty thrice (lines 1, 9 and 16) and from the fiiid-spot
refer to the
of the plates it seems certain that the family must have been ruling somewhere in Maharashtra.
The royal persons belonging to this family are described in the usual panegyric and as such do not
yield any historical information. King Vibhuraja is mentioned twice and there is no specific
reference to his period, except that the palaeography of the grant, which as stated above, piac^^s
it in the 5th century A. C. In the ab.sence of these details it would ha^'e been dilficult to
identify this king Vibhuraja, as none of the branches of the Rashtrakuta dynasty anywhere r^^teis
to him.
The mention of king Devaraja, however, affordssome clues. Recently Principal \ .\ . Mira>hi,
in his article- entitled “The Rashtrakutas of has suggested that there was a minor
Manapura
branch of the Rashtrakuta dynasty ruling in certain parts of the Satara District during the 4-6th
centuries A.C. Hitherto only three copper-plate grants of this family have been toiiml, \ i/., L o li-
k ivatika grant'- of Rashtrakuta Abhimanyu, Pandurangapalli plates^ of Rashtrakuta Avidheya,
aad Gokak plates^ of Rashtrakuta Dejja kiharaja. From the identification of the place names
liranch of
recorded in the first two of these grants, it has been shown that the members of this
tlie Rashtrakuta dynasty were ruling in the Mana tCduk of the Satara District. The genoalog} and
the approximate period assigned to them is given as follows ;
Rashtrakutas of Manapura
Mtinamka (373-400 A.C.)

I
Devaraja (400-425 A.C.)
r 4-
——— ^
Bhavidiya (45.-)- 170 A.l’. )
Son Avidheva
(name not known) (440-455 A.C.)
Abluinanvu (470-40<'> A. C.)
Deji'v Mja (530-550 A.('.)
^ Above, Voi. XXV, pp. 225-238 and plates.

2
ABORI, Vol. XXV, pp. 36-50.
3
JBBRAS, Vol. XVI, pp. 88 ff.
* Myaorc Arch'i»ioloyical Report for 1929, p. 197,
s
Above, Vol. XXT, p. 289.
1)
0 DGA/53
Since tlie donor of the present plates is described as the wife of D.evaraja, it seems plausible
to suggest that the Dcvaraja referred to by them is no other than the second person mentioned
in the pedigree given above, because the palaeography of the record does not go against the age
assigned to that ruler by Prof. Mirashi. In the Undikavatika and Pandurahgapalli plates, this
Devaraja is had three sons, but the names of only two of whom, viz., Abhimanyu
stated to have
and Bhavishya, are known from the inscriptional data available. As the queen of Devaraja is also
called the mother of Maiparaja in the present inscription, it is clear that Manaraja is the name of
the hitherto unknown (third) son of Devaraja and he was probably the eldest. And this is
quite in keeping with the ancient practice of naming the child after his grandfather, because the
name of the father of Devaraja is known to be Manaiiika, who founded the Manapura branch
of the Rashtrakutas.
The grant was issued in the third regnal year of king Vibhuraja. His exact relationship with
SyavalarigI MahadevI is not explicitly stated in the record. But since the plates are issued in the
early part of the career of that king, I believe that Vibhuraja is an alias of Manaraja and that the
plates were issued by the queen-mother Syavalangi Mahadevi after the death of her husband
Devaraja. Whether it was actually so needs further corroboration. In the light of the details
at present available, the genealogy of the family can be reconstructed as follows :
Manamka
(Founder of the Manapura family)
Devaraja m. Syavalahgl Mahadevi
Manaraja Avidheya Bhavishya

or (?) I
Vibhuraja Abhimanyu
The present plates were issued on the Vaisakha pauruaûdsl day in the third regnal year of
king Vibhuraja ;
but these details are not quite sufEcient to verify the date of the grant.
The mention of golden bars (suvaryia-âldkd) given as clakshind is also very interesting- It
cannot be said if these bars bore any marks as on the bent-bar silver currency, so frequently
noticed in ancient sites like Taxila on the North-Western borders of India. At any rate, no currency
of the above description is known to have been current in Maharashtra in the period in which
the plates were inscribed.
For want of adequate data, the geographical position of Kamalibhahaka mentioned in the
grant cannot be located. It is likely that it was the name of some plot in Hingni Berdi itself
where the plates were discovered.
TEXTi
First Plate
^ From the original plates and ink impresbions.

* 1 am not sure about the reading of this akshara. [Possibly daHtct'satru-hadl^ndLm is intended. —B. 0,0*3
Hixgni Beiuji Plates of liAsuTKAKrTA Vibhukaja; Year ‘A
10 " 10
12 12
u ?r ,xn;U^(*l 'py'5Â>5)(.iû
i,i
S’a
V-X,
<1^ 3 *
-U I_'t LV€».r S? —m
/V'-^
\)f £
AjJ
'«
" ûhêt of India, Calcvtta

'
hhabra scale actual size
“Srz E'36-479'52
Seal
(From a photograph)
No. 24] HINGNI BEKDI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA VIBHURAJA ; YEAR 3 177
^ )(TCrT)
^
?rr-
5 =i Ri -=) <3^ 5^%^TFT^f 5ff^['4]'3TT-

( )
8 ? ^ftRTUKNîl TTm
9 ^Rfr^(^5ft^)^-4ITTîiT[4]3n ^ftwt
cs
10 ^ 'FqT(ciTTT) [TTl'^d M ^1 7l>irHT3^?fe5Trî% ( fe ) erf^-
11 W>TJ?r5rT%^(5ift) ^(7T)R(fR)=5^(f^)?5^Tm
13 ^['»T]-^-r<+'ld[#]%ip*] ^rR^[’)T]^^rm(iT)^n:^
14 [’ITT] g^f^(^)^(^)^rpTT: T3^=5rTWm^R^(f^)^-
15 ^ [I*] ^ RTd
16 RTFT(f?TT) RfRT^^TT^ [I*] JT5#[d?|r*] [^]-
17 'T3T(f^)czr(^)% ^ >Tf^'T(^)f%[l*] T-
18 [fe]^^T^[^]fw R(Rt)^ ^-
19 ^
20 m[^]^ ^ ^[^]d; [I*] [Wi

21 f%(^)PfmrT(F?r)wM'^(fVr:) [i*] ^ [^jR(fR)-
22 ^[^] [^]^ 'B^(f^T)[%] [II*]
^ [The words alahkdrtna and srimatd are obviously intended to qualify Vibhuraja wrongly compounded here.
—B.C.C.]
* The letter â is redundent ; read srakuia,
• This akshara is not necessary.
.
lis EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol.XXL^
No. 25 -AJMER STONE INSCRIPTION

(1 Plate)
D. C. SlKCAR, OOTACAMUXO
"While dealing with the stone inscription containing portions of the Sanskritdrama entitled
composed by king Vigraharaja (1153-64 A.C.) of the Chahamana or Chauhan
Ilcultli-vata'ka,
dynasty of Sakambhari, F. Kielhorn^ deplored the strange vicissitidues of fortune that led the stones,
on which the royal author made the products of his muse known to the people, to “ have been used
as common Muhammadan worship by the conquerors of his des-
building material for a place of
cendants. '
drama as well as of the Lalita-Vigrahariija-ndtaka,, composed
Portions of the above
in honour of the Chahamana king by his court poet, Mahdkavi Somadeva, which were edited by
Kielhorn,2 were copied from stone slabs embedded in the walls of the Arhai-din-ka-Jhdpra, a
mosque situated on the lower slope of the Taragarh hill at Ajmer. The mosque, as is well known,
was built out of the spoils of Hindu structures by Qutb-ud-din Aibak (first Sultan of Delhi, 1206-
10 A.C.) in 12(Xj A.C., w'hile Sultan lltutmish (1211-36 A.C.) subsequently beautified it with a
screen.^ Impressions of another inscription on a stone slab from the same mosque were recently
supplied to me by Mr. U. C. Bhattacharya, Curator of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, It a )pears 2
that all these inscribed slabs had originally belonged to some temples or public buildings raised by
the imperial Chahamanas, the materials of which were later utilised in the construction of the
A r haid in- ka - Jh 0 p ra
The impressions
of the Ajmer (Arhai-din-ka-Jhpora) inspcriptioii, received by me from [Mr.
U. C,Bhattacharya, had a printed slip attached to them. It assigns the inscription to the twelfth
century and meutions it as exhibit No. 256 of the Rajputana Museum. It further says, This
inscription forms the beginning of a Sanskrit poem engraved on slabs. It contains invocation
toNarayana and various other gods and states that the Chauhans belonged to the solar race
”.
The description of the contents is, however, not strictly accurate.
The
inscription under discussion covers a space nearly 4 2" in length nd 1' in height.
There are altogether 27 lines of writing, each letter being a little above in height The engra ving V
IS neat and beautiful, although the stone is damaged in several places and some letters have broken
away. As, however, the engraversometimes found to have avoided a damaged part of the
is
stone (cf. the damaged space between

vaha^ and [no] in line 2, between vata-vyadhi and guto
ill line 4, betw een k untudd and d-ambhoja in line 2 i), there is no doubt that the stone was defective
in laces ovûi when the inscription was inciserl.
Ihe palaeography and orthography of the inscriptin resemble closely those of other
record- of about the twlefth century found in the same area, and nothing calls for special mention.
As the mosquC; to which the inscribed stone belongs, is known to have been built in A.C. with 1200
the spoils of local structures, it is possible to attribute the date of the record to some time between
Chahamana king Ajayaraja (circa 1110-35 A.C who is credited^ with the foun-
the accession of the
.)
known as Ajmer, and with beautifying it with many temples and palaces,
dation of Aja} anieiu, now^
and 1200 A.C. when the Arhai-din-ka-Jhrtpnt was constructed, that is to say, somewhere in the
twa-ifrli centurv.
^ See I Ay \bl. XX, pp. 201 ff. , Ootthiger Festschrift, 1901, pp. 10-30.
- [A, toe. fit ;
O dtinqer Festschrift, op cit., pp. 1-15,
^ Cfinih. /list, Ind., Vol. p. .581.
‘ Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. II, p. 1071.

No« 25] AJMER STONE INSCRIPTION 179
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and, with the exception of the passage Om namo
^draijmiaya ||,
preceded by the symbol for Siddhani at the beginning, the whole record on the stone
is written in verse. There are in all 37 stanzas, all of which, with the solitary exception of the
last verse, are consecutively numbered. Considering the want of space at the end of the last verse
and the fact that the poem was probably continued on other slabs, it seems that the number of
the last verse (i.e., 37) was put at the beginning of the As is the case
first line of another slab.
with numerous other epigraphic records, a short space at the end of some lines in our inscription
(cf. lines, 2, 4,
6, 13, 15-17, 19-26) has often been covered by an unnecessary single or double
danda usually endowed with a mark of cancellation.
Out of the 37 verses, 'which form the text of our record, the first 32 stanzas eulogise the god
\ishnu. Ten out of these (viz., verses 12-21) refer to the ten incarnations of the god, viz., (1)
Kurma, (2) Mina, (3) Kola (Varaha), Yamana, (6) Jamadagnya (Parasurama),
(4) Nrisiihha, (5)
(7) Dasasyantakrit (Dasarathi Rama),
(8) (9) Buddha and (10) Kalkin. Verse 33 of the
Krishna,
record introduces the Sun-god as the right eye of lord Vishnu and as the progenitor of the solar
dynasty which is itself introduced in the following stanza (verse 34). The next two stanzas
(verses 35-36) speak of the glories of the solar dynasty and mention certain ancient rulers of the
Surya-vamsa such as Ikshvaku and Rama. The concluding stanza (verse 37) introduces king
Ghahamana, mythical progenitor of the Ghahamana or Ghauhan clan of the Rajputs, as a scion
of the solar dynasty. The nature of the inscription supports the conjecture that it formed part
of the introduction of a hdvya, the theme of which may have been certain achievements of a Cha-
hamana king. The principal one of these exploits described in the hdvya mxy have been the con-
struction of a temple in honour of the god Vishnu.
The inscription is not of exceptional importance from the historical point of view ;
but it has
considerable interest as a literary composition of a Chahamana court poet of the twelfth century.
The author’s style, although it is not free from defects, is not poor. He has often shown his skill
inemploying slesha or double entendre} In composing the 37 stanzas, he has employed no less
than 14 metres, of which Sdrdulavikrldita (13 verses) and Vasantatilakd (8 verses) are used in
more than half of the cases. The metres Mdlini, Sikharinl, Anuslitubli and Upajdti have each been
used in 2 stanzas, while one stanza has been allotted to each of Pritkvl, Sragdhard, Vammsthavila,
Svdgatd, Harinl, Manddkrdntdj lyidramjrd and Upendravajrd.
As regards the eponymous Ghahamana being represented as a scion of the solar dynasty,
it may be pointed out that this agreement wdth the tradition recorded in the Prithi-
is in partial
virdjavijaya of Jayanaka (12th century) and Hanimira-tnahdkdvya of Nayachandra (13th- 14th
century), according to which Chahamana sprang from the Surya-mandala but it can hardly be ;
reconciled with the other imaginary accounts regarding the origin of the Chahamanas, such as
the creation ofChahamana himself or the Ciulhamaua family by the sage Vatsa or Vasishtha or
by the god Indra.^ The wêll known story of the creation of the progenitors of the Paramara,
Chahamana, Pratihara and Chaulukya dynasties by the sage Vasishtha on Mount Abu was un-
known to the Chahamana court poets as late as the fourteenth century.
as the eighth of the ten avatdras of Vishnu is interesting.
The reference to Krishna It is well
known that the doctrine of the avatdras underwent several stages of development^ and that their
number, originally unsettled, gradually came to be recognised as ten. It should, however, be
noticed that, even as late as the twelfth century, the same list of ten avatdras was not definitely
fixed for the whole of India^ Thus the author of the record under discussion, who was a twelfth
1 Cf. versos 5, 8-9, 11, 22-23, 25-26, 35.

2 Ray, op, ciV., p. 1053.
The HUtory and Culture of the Indian People^ Vol. Ill (Tho Claf^sical Age), pp. 41-1 ff.
180 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA fVot. XXIX
ceutury court poet of the tuahamanas of Ajmer, regards Krishna as the eighth incarnation of
Vishnu, while the author of the Belava plate* of king Bh6ja%-arman (12th century) of Eastern
Bengal, recognises the same divinity merely as aihsakrit-avatdra, i.e., a partial incarnation. Another
contemporary author, Jayadcva, who was a court poet of king Lakshmanasena {circa 1179 -1206
A.C.) of Bengal puts Haladhara (i.e., Balarainr-Satikarshana) in the place of Krishna as the eighth
incarnation of Vishnu in the list of the ten avataras in the G'Ungdvinda.^
TEXT*
[Metres : Verses 1, 6, 8-9, 12-13, 20, 37 Yasantatilakd ;

verse 2 Prithvl verse 3 Sragdhard ;
verses
4, 5, 10, 14-16, 18-19, 21, 24, 32-33, 36 Sdrddlavikridita verses 7, 17 Mdlinl verse 11
Vammskavila verse.s 22, 27 ;

,'iikhfirinJ ;
verses 23, 25 Anmhlmh ;
verse 26 Svdgjtd ;
verse
28 Uphiharnjfd verse 29 Hartiit ]

v'erse 30 Mand'ikfdntd \
verse 31 Indrauijrd ;
verse
3‘i“3o Ij'pdjilil^^
1 Skldham II*
Oiii namo Narayanaja |j
Arrulhamyamâmarair-api patu yushruan-pad-aravimda-
yugalaiii Garndadlivajasya viayd,sta-kausbubhamaner=uraso=varaliya Lakshmir=nakli-
|
aiiisu-kliacliitam bhajate burisain yat 1 Jagaj-jauana-palaaa-pralaya keii-karo inuhur= || }|
maha-danuja-naki-
2 naiii vihita-nigrah-anugraliah |
vihaiagapati-vaba[n5] bhujagaraja-talpe-sayah sriye bhavatu
VO bhav-aiiivu(ba)mdbi-kaniiiadharo Harih 2 Oiiikaro danava-stri-saroudaya-rudita- \\ ||
vra(bra)hma-parayaiiaiilrii kalp-'l!iit~aravdlu(bdba)-bhara-stamta-jaladbara-srcni-saky-
anukarah |
pap-ahi-ksbvc Ja-pl- I"
3 da-aipatita-sukrit-ottbapan-amogha-maiiitrd jiyad^yiiddhe[sha] [sa] Srl-sahacbara-Marajit'

paiiichajanya-praiiadah || 3 j|
Murdhui Srl-kacka-kaiiibhayor^mpatita mukta kalapayate
lagaa talpa-bhujaiii^â-puihgavî-tanau nirm5ka- pabtayatl |
nabhi-alrarabaaya saaaidhi-
charl ya rajahaiiisaya- j""
4 te sa pani-sthita-pamcliajanya-kirana-droal Hardli pata [vah || 4] |1

Vata-vyadbi®-yuta
vayasy=ati-gurau ti3hthau=va(a^ba)ll saditatih saty-asakfca-niitir^jjagitra(t-tra)-
ya-hitani kurvvau^dadhanah ksliamaai(niam) |

aiiitabstham gamayan^dhanariijayani-
anauddhaty-anvitarii dipra'bham(biiaiii) sreyah-saiiatataye Puraiiapurusho de- ||^
5 vah sad=aiv=ri3tu vali 5 fj

yakshahsthal'Ochchhalita'kaustubha-kdm[ti-liptarii] pani-
|]
sthitam=bliavatu Chakradharasya chakram(kram) |

yuddheshvâacka-danujeiiidra-
kathbra-kamtha-chciihcd-avasakta-rudhir-aughamîva sriye vah 6 || ||
Vilasita-vanamald
dipta-Vairochana-sri-viratikiidânurajyat-Paanagarir-nikamaiii(mam) |
0 bhuvana'janaka-vidyut-punija-pIt-am\ai(ba)ro vo ghatayatu ghana-kalah [Kejsavo mariigalani
|j
7 i!
SIi3hyat-sudarsaaa-2)ayodliara-krishnamûdyad-bhim-ahava-prakatit'riiiidhaku(ka)-
putra-nasam(kim) stutyaih su-pafvvaibbirâiamk»ita-dbarmma-pakam Vyasasya kav-
[
yaiu-iva patu Harer=vvapur-vvali U 8 |j

Astr=Iti visva-vidito= p
* X. G Majumdar, l7t.<c/ ij/tiojiAoj Btitfjal, Vol. IIJ pp. 14 fi*.

* Vcrsp 12, Jayadev a's list of the avatdtas coriesponds to that given in a Puranic verso quoted in an eighth
century inscription trom Mamallapuiam {JUm. X . 26, p. 5),

* From impressions.
^
* Expressed by s;yTnbul.
‘ The danda is superfluous.
6 ?t)me space is left un engraved aitei- vyadhi.
7 The two dandas are unneccb-.ary.
%fl
'a;3g 331c?nS^?icrOtd!
ai 5? i
5 i ai 1 ?i s pa''jaai
âîsas ixTid'ScHutH
fenT',.SiicT.-,» m’se-ifr’i'
RKcdrll'a? M'-i
umm\
aaWfltnSW". , a--i^:SV;,. J|
ri5T!f=fTirqq(:;|:
^
'^fe4(rfi3iin3\!'
"
r.î r.7>qs:rsnFarS^^^49i^^^^l
!linra5iicns?^g’.Haig3''^5u?TiE^fn^'
^ "
£m^^ ''fe aa RlTdfct’ ff>
SuEVKY OK India, Calcutta

Ch. Chhabra SCALE: ONE-FOURTH
No. 3977 p.. . ,
No. 25] AJMER STONE INSCRIPTION 181
7 pi va(ba)bhuva yah strl ])ha:,na-rirjuu") -pyâkrita yo hitain-Arjuiiasya |

yah [Se] 5 ha-bhoî-
vihitc'i-sthitir=apy=a^Gslia-bhog-o[)iblio ;a-krij-avatv -akhilvia si Saurih i! 9 j! Vaktraiii
nabhi-saroja-charu-hasitarii yii plmphaja'iy-oj va{j va)l i-jybts’i \:-ii kau^t abha-rataa-A3aani= j
adharam kCAaii==vapur-mechak"t,ii |
suf^taiii ^rObirga^-
8 dhanur~lata-kutilataih dhatte^nnkarALiiii bhruvur^dvaiii Iva ii Daaava'Sadanasya dayi[t]a

devi sriye vo-stu sa '! 10 ||
Virochan-eih.livaramitra-ijrliaaaiii saroja-hastaiii kanak-ojva-
(jjva)l-amsukam(kain) |'*Vj(bi)bliuti Likshariu-ivi yah prabhus-taiiuni sa Vasudevo
duritani hamtu vah i| 11 ||
Udvarttain.-pratiiiipata [ya>ij-
9 t=pay5dhau dveJha-vidinina-salile jila-hlyina yah |

.y^Msyîiva murtt’Jrâjpara hata-
yoga-nidram-alokito vijayate sa Miirari-inluah J
12 Yasya trasadbhir=avanldhara-tada-
nebhyo yado-ganairûdara-pada-t.alG niliiiaih |
plya>lia-m uiithaua-vipan-iiiratiryatâv-
dhau(bdhau) Kurm-atma-
10 kah sa Harir-astu vibhutayc vah ;|

13 S“uy-ridhidyh[taMlcikshiiyakshi-kira[nai]h siiuvartta-
vaty-oivanaih saiiisoshaiii mukha-inarutais-cha siitar.uiiôk-aruiiavo gachchhati prithvirii |
phena-krit-aspadam-iva dadhad^d.Mhshtr-amsii-Hpta!h Harih kGl-atnia vitaratv-a-purnua-

salila-krida-sprih5 vah sivarii(vam) ||
M [ ||
"]
11 Vishnor=ddharayatah sada'kavaohha-skaiiidhaiii nuîiiih-arJdhataui deyasuh [kajrapatra-

yamtra-nisitah sasvat-sukham v5 nakhiili yair^vakshah-klianata Hiranyakasi(s)por^
|
devena datta-sriyam=utkhdtah su-chir-otthito hviJi mahan-duhkha-driiiiio nakinairi(nam)
II
15 II
Yachiiarh chetasi matsarad^vi-
12 rahitasy-eva ^riya vl(bi)bhratah pratvaihgaiii laxhiitaiii cha \ ainaiia-nareli pud?u-d\ ayarh
patu vah hastinara vividli-ayudha'praniathit-aiiiartya-dvishani-irshaya iiuuihi }'ena

|
rasatalaru praga^nito vikramya Vairociumah ;|

18 ||
rn-bhuvana-giirii-sishyas^chapa-vede
manlshi nisita-p irasu-irm-ahlsha-ra-
13 janya-vaiiisah jayati muni-sama-jyri-rajy i l-ataia S ih israT’junx-bhu[]a]-[van"i]-shx'ii(khaiu)d-

|
iyy^~is\M(sva)sya tay-oJ iin -arpitam praliv -a(biiv-a)-

aihgara-krij-Jam ida^nyah '| 17 ji
M iti
traana chiriuayor'=iaule Mariit-samiiil giihnau-sa-

Jaaakl-chu<la-ratuamûp"ihit ibi |
pranayaiii sa-samdra-karunaiii sdivritti sa-pr.dyayaih p
11 Das i^y-aiiit i-krit IS Sr[avair^dha]tu-

s-6tsahaih sa*va(ba)hu-trapam vijayate dovô ,| |
jatiniîti praniiijja paritah s\a

ras-aktamûdyad-upal-asamg-asng-asaiuk lya ha kiiii
sv-ottarly-amohalaih yaiii rom-aiiichitaiu â-kshat-auigaia

api caa \\al5k\a gopyo muda
|
valgamti sma sa-helaniûddhri- |“
rka][riiua*]-tiin-augha-
15 ta-girih Krishnah sa pushnatu vah 19 V.hla-kriy-ahivii(bu)-rahita[ii ;| jj
kali-}iig aika siihiich

chchhann-ananaih Sugata-darsan:i-nimuakupa!ii(pam) pataxa }-aa |
hsaVishnuk
isanua 123 Tarkshârohaua-nihsprihasya
chakara lokasya V u(Bii)ddha iti raksliatu vah sa >
|
,
turagen=6dhas[y]a [va(ba)rha]iu^vi(rham vi)- |p
-aîh go-bam]}ukta \iisham

16 na kalo yasya kare sthitah kali-saiuiicliclihedam karisayaty [|
Mlechcnnauaiu-axasana kfit sa
(sham) vidhasyati kritaiii srishtva prakrishtam yugaiii
Subii-akhyaaiih ghor-ahava-ghatita-bhlmam
bhagavan-Kalkl Harih patii vah 21 H il
sakunina pradhanen~5petain vijayi-bhuja- p
^ Better read sdru^'i,

* The danda is unuece&sary.
^
The t>ô dandns are superfluous.
17 rdhpi(mshpl)dita-vrishaiii{shain) |
kram-odgachchhad-Gamga-prithuka-mahaniyam Mura-
ripoh sva-rupam sampattyai bhavatu bbavatain Bharatamîva 22 Patu vo daitya- || 1|
patibbir^ruaha-seuair=a-piditah j
Harir=Iiidra-Hara-Vra(Bra)hraa-Maliaseaair=ap=Iditah
II
23 II
Vishnoh pfirita'[pamclia]janya-kuhara- jp
18 prodbhuta-maiiidr-aravais^talp-ahi-svasit-anilaib prachalataih [najbhi-saroje gate [

tra-
steu=Avja(bja)bhiiva tritlya-savanen=amaaya-pathe krite prag-udvu(dbu)ddha-payo*

dhija~dhrita-pad5 bhutyai pravo(bo)dho=stii vah j|
24 ||
Padma-yuktah sa-padmo^pi vrishali=
api vrish[aya] yah |
hat-arir=ari-
19 sampanno=py=astu vah sreyase Harih 25 Sevitah sura-ga[nai]h sa-suparnnas=chhayay= || ||
ati-ghanaya ramamyah sthasnutam dadhadâlamkrita-kamah kalpa-vriksha iva patu

|
Harir=vah 26 A-bharo=yam nunaih yadi janita-khedo^si tad=a[mu]rh [tyajjca tvad-

jl
||
visraiiityai kshanamâ- (
20 pi vahamo vayain-aml(m=-imam) |
Harir^jat-ascharyaih krita-nuti[bhir-a]rttaih pramuditair=
hasaanûkto gopairîti jayati chitran^giri'Varaih(ram) jj
27 l| Anaratarii yo danujemdra-
yoshid-vilochan-iirdrikaranaya nuDam(nam) |
vi(bi)bhartti dhar-ariivu(bu) Ha[rey
^
karastho lunatu duhkhaai |
21 sa namdako vah Na nava-jalada-syamam yad^yan=na k[au]stubha-sobhitam na jaladhi-

||
28 1|
suta-sotkamtham yan=na yad=Garuda-dhvajam(jam) na yad=ari(si)-gada-sarhkh-am' |
bhojair^niruddha-karam Harer-jayati gaditam tad^Vedantaih pravo(bo)dhamayarh vapuh

II 29 11
Daityan=nighnannânu-Va(Ba)dari- p
22 k-aranya-kumjam tapasyan=Sri-samslesh-otsavam==anubhavan=^palayan=vishfcapani tat^tat= |
kimchit-samam=ati3ay-ochchhriiiikhalas=tena teiia vyatanvano jayati vapusha visva-
vaiiidyd Mukumdah 30 Va(Ba)hur=vidhattam bhavataih sriyam sa [Karii]sa-

|| ||
dvishah Kesi-[ra]da-vran-amkah j
vichi- |p
23 vichitrasya dinesa-putri-purasya durarh jayati sriyam yah || [3]1 ||

Xihkra(Nishkra)mat-
Kamala-mukh-eriidu'nipatan-netrasya gatre Harer-=udbhinnah saha manmathena bhavatah
paiiitu sram-aiiibhah-kanah |
maiiitha-kshoiiidhar-ahati-vyatikaradûtthiya pathoni-
dherÎagnanarii vima-
24 la-tvisharri dadhati ye mukta-manmruh bhramam(mam) ||

32 ||
Kamdo vâ[raa]ra-padapasya
kumud[a]d=ambhoja-bhajani sriyaih uirmmatuih pratibhur=mrigamka-mukurasy^
arhbhoda-kal-anilah |
tara-parada-viprushaiii huta[vahah] kokl-rata-prakriya-sakshl
dakshinamÎ- ||^
25 kshanam Mura-ripor^devo Ravih patu vah ||

33 ||
Tasmat^sa[ma]laihva(ba)na-damda-yoni'
[r-=abh]uj=janasya skhalatah sva-margge(rggat) |
varhsah sad=aiv=odha-raso nripanam=
anudgat-aino-ghuna-kita-ramdhrah 1| 34 )|
Samutthito=rkad==anarariya-yonir=utpanna*
punnaga-kadam-
26 va(ba)-sakhah |
ascharyam=amtah-j)rasarat-kuso^yarii vamso=rthinaih sriphalatam prayati
y 35 II
Adhi-vyadhi-kuvritta-durggati-parityakta-prajas^tatra te sapta-dvlpa-bhujo nripah
samabhavann=Ikshvaku-Ram-adayah |
yesharh durjaya-danavemdra-jayin[am] tair=Im-
dra-mu- ij*
27 khyair=makhpshv-ahutair=upayachitcshvîva purodasena tri[ptaih] suraih 36

jj
Tasminn=
||
athâri-vijayena virajamano raj=anurarhjita-jan6'jani Chahamanah |

sampurnna^-chanidra
iva charhdrikaya triyamarii kIrtty=ojva(jjva)latvani-aiiayad-bhuvana-trayira yah ||
[37*;,]
* The two danflas are superfluous,

* The davida is unnecessary.
—
No. 26]
TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA 183
No. 26~TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA

(2 Plates)
D. C. Sircar, Ootacamuxd
About the beginning of October 1952, I received for examination tvro copper-plate inscriptions
from Mr. P. Acharya, Superintendent
of Research and Museum, Government of Orissa, Bhubanes-
war. I was informed
that the inscriptions had been found in the old Daspalla State, now merged
in Orissaas a sub-division of the Puri District, and that 5Ir. Satyanarayana Rajaguru, Assistant
Curator of the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, had prepared a paper on them for publication
Journal. Mr. Acharya, however, wms kind enough to permit me

in^the Orissa Historical Research
to edit both the inscriptions
in the Efiyraphia Indica. I am extremely thankful to him for this
kindness.
A. Daspalla Plate of Devdnanda ; Year 184
This copper plate, as I learnt from Mr. Acharya, was found early in 1951 in the course of the
excavation of an old tank in the village of Ghikankhandi in the Jorrau Pargana of Daspalla.
re-
The Pargana is situated on the right bank of the Mahanadi while the town of Daspalla lies on the
iett bank of the river. The plate was presented to the Orissa State 3Iuseum in June 1951 by
Mr. Dasarathi Misra who is a teacher of the M. E. School at Jilinda in the Daspalla Sub-division.
The inscription is written on both sides of the single plate measuring 10' x'i’lb' X‘13 A .
bronze seal, having the shape of an expanded lotus and measuring 3*25" in diameter, is soldered
about the middle of the proper right end of the plate. It resembles the seal attached to the charters
of the family to which the issuer of the grant under discussion belonged. The border of the
pericarpial portion (about 2*24" in diameter) of this lotus-shaped seal is raised. In the hollow thus
formed, the seal proper countersunk. The central part of the space on the surlace ot the seal
is
is occupied by the legend in one line hd-DcvanandadCvasyaj the subscript y in the last alshu/a
:
being considerably lengthened towards the left so that the entire legend looks as doubly underlined.
Above the legend is the figure of a couchant bull to proper right, with the emblems of a conch and a
crescent above Below the legend there is the representation of an expanded lotus. The êal is
it.
hxed to the plate by means of two knobs running through holes made in the uûal projection of
the plate. These are covered by a lump of metal forming the back of the seal, ôna^ eight or
nine lines of writing about the middle of the plate on both its sides are shorter owing to the
encroachment of the lower part of the seal. The plate together with the seal weighs Udi tolas.
In respect of palaeography, language and orthography, the present record closeh

re-
sembles the published charters of the family to which its issuer belonged. In a few cases (cf.
of it in the ins*
sarvadd in line 11 sarva in line,
the superscript r reminds us of a similar form
23)
criptions of the Palas of Bengal The charter is dated in the year 100 80 4, /.r., 184
and Bihar.'
ap^êars to be identical
(the symbol for 100 resembling the akshara hi) of an unspecified era which
Oiissa as well
with the reckoning used in the records of the imperial family of the Bhauma -Karas of
as in those of some of their feudatories, This era is now often identified with the Harsha era of 003
A. C. and in that case the year 184 of our inscription wôuld correspond to 792 A.C. But it has
points to a
been noticed that the palaeography of the inscriptions dated in the era in question
Satrubhanja's plates edited
considerably later epoch for it. As will be seen in our discussion on
than that the Harbha
below, the beginning of this era now seems to be nearly two centuries later
Oi.
* See above, pp. 2 and 49.

u
6 DGA/53
era. This would suggest a date about the beginning of the eleventh century A. C. for the
inscription under discussion and such a view seems to be supported by palaeography. The use
of numerical symbols instead of figures appears to point to a date not considerably later than the
tenth century.
The charter was issued by king Devanandadeva II of the Xanda or Nandodbhava family of
Jayapura in the present Orissa State. This ruler is already known from his Baripada Museum,
Jurerpur and Narsingpur plates,^ none of which, however, bears any date in an era as the record
under review. The seal of king Devananda is found attached to the Talmul plate- of king Dhru-
vananda who belonged to the same family and was apparently a successor of Devananda 11. Like
the present charter of Devananda, Dhruvananda's record is dated in the year of an era. This
date is usually taken to be the year 293 ;

but, as we have suggested above, ^ it may be really 193.
This conjecture seems to be supported by the date, year 184, no doubt of the same era, when
Devnnanda II, who appears to have been the immediate predecessor of Dhriivananda, issued the
charter under discussion.
The Baripada Museum plate of Devananda II and the Talmul plate of Dhruvananda have
quoted the same introductory verses. These verses, with the omission of only one, are also quoted
in the Jurerpur plate of Devananda II. All these records begin with a prose passage referring to
Jayapura which was the capital of the Nanda or Xandodbhava kings of Orissa. The verses that
follow speak of the following rulers : (1) Jayananda, (2) his son Parananda, (3) his son Sivananda,
(4) his son Devananda (I), and (5) his son Vilasatuiiga. The above verses are followed in the Bari-
pada Museum and Jurerpur plates by a prose passage which introduces king Devananda (II) as
the issuer of the charters in question, while the same passage substituting the name of Dhruva-
nanda for that of Devananda (II) is found in the corresponding section of the Talmul plate. It
was therefore quite natural to suggest that both Devananda (II) and Dhruvananda enjoyed the
vimda Vilasatunga and were the sons of Devananda (I).* But the introductory verses of the
charter under discussion clearly state that the reigning king Devananda II was the son of Vila-
satuhga. As these verses are stated to have been composed by the SandJuvigrahin of the Xanda
king, they have to be regarded as more authentic and reliable than the introductory portion of
the other records of the family, which is full of errors of various kinds. It seems
that verses describing the reigning kings are omitted through confusion in the above records of
Devananda II and Dhruvananda.® The correct genealogy of the Nanda or Nandodbhava rulers
of Orissa from Jayananda, founder of Jayapura, to his fifth descendant Devananda II is thus
supplied by the record under review. But the relationship between Devananda II and Dhruva-
nanda still remains uncertain. Dhruvananda seems to have been either a younger brother or a
son of Devananda II. The genealogical tree of the Nandas of Orissa may therefore be drawn as
follows.
1 8ee above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 74 If. : Vol. XXVII, pp. 225 ff.
2 JBORS, Vol. XV, pp. 87 ff.
2 Above, Vol. XX VH, p. 327, note I.
*
Cf. above, Vol. XXVI, p. 76, note 2.
* Dhruvananda appears to have utilised an old plate on which bis predecessor’s seal 'was fixed and the intro-
ductory stanzas were engraved already.
;
No. 26] TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA 185
Jayaaauda
Paranaiida
Sivananda
DevanandaM
Yilasatuuga
Pciramamdhesva ra
Devananda II
year 184
Paramasaugata
Dhriivanauda ;
year 193
frag
The Narasingpur plate of Devananda II is a spurious document containing only certain
\erses
ments of two genuine charters of the Nanda king. As noticed abo\e, the fragments of
De\ananda having
found in this the existence of some genuine grants of
spurious record suggested
n sot of introductory stanzas which were different from those known from the published recor
discovery of the present
of the king. Happily this conjecture has now been justified fully by the
ten stanzas none of
inscription. The introductory part of the charter under discussion consists of
of De
which is found in the common introduction of the Baripada Museum and Jurerpur plates
traced
vananda and the Talmul plate of Dhruvanauda, although fragments of most of them can be
1-3 and 6-19 of the Nart>ingpur plate
in the spurious Narsingpur plate of the former. Lines
of our charter in the following order :
contain fragments of the verses forming the introduction
respectively the numbers 4, 5
1, 6, 7, 8, 4, 5 and 6. Lines 16, 18 and 19 of the same plate contain
and 6 which, as we have already pointed out, were meant to indicate the end of the fourt , t
now seen that the number 4 is put t ere

and sixth verses of some genuine records copied in it. It is
while 5 is placed
actually after the concluding passage of the fourth verse of the present charter,
among certain passages of the fifth verse and 6 between the end of the fifth and the begimung of the
sixth stanza apparently through confusion.
\ erse 1 describes the city of Jayapura,
The inscription begins with the symbol for Siddham.
respectively the rulera
capital of the Nandas, while each one of the following six verses describes
Sivananda, his son Devananda I, his son Vilasa
Jayananda, his son Parânda, his son
tunga, and II, although the description of the
reigning monarch Devananda
his sou Devananda
11 continues in the following three stanzas (verses 8-10). This introductory part of the record
described. Next
containa hardly anything besides conventional and vague praises of the rulers
as desirous of making
follows a prose passage (lines 22-26) introducing again king Devananda II
• Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 331.

e2
“

a grant. This description is same as found in the Baripada Museum and
substantially the
Jure ru pur plates of the same king and the Talmul plate of Dhruvananda and has been already
di.^cusbed by us.^ As regards the slight modification of the language in our record, it may be
noted that the king is here callecd samadhigatapanckamaJidsabda-makasdmantddkipati-vanditapara-
r/iabhaffdralrt'yanda-MaJidrdja-RdnaJca-srl-Devdnandadeva instead of paramabhattdraka-samadhi-
gat(t-p<i^chamahdkibda-)nahd$dmantddhipati-srl-Devdnandadeva as found in the other charters. In
connection with the second passage quoted above, we remarked that “ the ambiguity (as it may
also suggest that the ruler in question was himself a Paramabhattaraka) may be intentional and
suggested that the rulers of the Nanda family may have “ originally owned allegiance to the
Bhauma-Karas and begun to rule more or less independently after the latter’s decline It will
be seen that the epithets applied to Devananda II in the present record (cf. lines 3-4 of the
spurious Narsingpur plate) are similarly ambiguous as they may be taken to be a mixture of both
imperial and feudatory titles, which is often found to have been adopted by subordinate rulers
to indicate their newly achieved semi-independent status.

Lines 26-33 of our inscription record the grant of a village called Inêdda situated in the
Jilonda vikiaga of the Airavatta mynandala, made by the king by means of a copper-plate
charter in favour of Tusodatta, son of Mahola, for the increase of his own merit as well as his parents’
The donee was resident of Vaniggotra ;
but his family is stated to have hailed from a locality called
RahTyavada. He is described as szttva-gehin^ sdstr-opddhydya and kdyastJia, while verse 16 in line
38 of the inscription seems to suggest that he was the Sadhivigrahin (minister for war and peace)
of king Devananda II. The fact that Yasodatta’s cJiarana, sdkhdj etc., are conspicuous by
their absence in his descriptin may suggest that the donee of our record was not a Brahmada and
that his epither Kdyastha possibly indicates not his profession but actually his caste. But he is
stated to have been not only a sattva-gehin, i.e.,but also a sdstr-
‘
a virtuous householder ’,
dpddhydya,^ i.e., teacher of the sdtra is particulalry meant is not clear.

although what sdtra
Since Ya.s6datta seems to have been a minister of the king, it is not impossible to think that he
was a teacher of the science of politics. If these suggestions are acceptable, the inscription under
review gives us valuable information regarding the crystallization of the prefessional community
of scribes into the caste of Kayasthas as well as their honoured social position in early Orissa.^
Lines 33-38 quote some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses which are followed
by another stanza saying that the prasasti or eulogy (apparently referring particularly to the
introductory verses discussed above) was composed by Yasodatta who was serving king
Devananda II as lândhivigrahin. Line 39, with which the document ends, gives the date, year 184,
and says that the eulogy was engraved by Logayaka.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, the name Airavatta -mandala, which
appears to have comprised the kingdom of the Nandas, is belived to be preserved in that of modern
Ratagarh within the Banki Police Station in the Cuttack District, while, Jayapura, capital of the
Nanda kings, has been identified with a village of that name in the Dhenkanal District. The name
of the district called Jilonda reminds us of modern Jilinda in Daspalla. It is difficult to identify
the villages of Indedda, Rahiyavada and Vanigg/5tra.
^
1 Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 329.
“ Cf. Bhandarkar’s List, Xo. 1555,etc. In the charter under discussion, the king is called mahdsamantadhi-
1)utivandil(i-pn) ajnnhha f Uirakn paramount king worshipped by the feudatories having many subordinates)
(i. e., a
or muhdsdmayitf'idh'pftti-vandiiapnramahhattdralca {i. c., a feudatory having many subordinates and worshipping his
overlord),
^ The word upddhydya means a teacher or preceptor in general. Sometimes it is used to indicate a sub-
teacher who gives instructions for wages only in a part of a Veda. An upddhydya is often regarded as inferior to an
uchdryn. Cf. Manusinrii^ II, 141,
^ Cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 273.
; , ,
No. 26 TWO GRANTS PROM DASPALLA 187
TEXT'
[Metres ; Verse 1 SragdJiard vv, 2, 4-10 Sardidavikndita v, 3 Malinl w. 11-13, 16 Anushtuhh
; ; ;
;
]4 3dlml v. 15 Piishpitdgrd.]
Obverse
1 Siddham® [||*] Svasti pr5ttunga-madyat-kari-karata-tata-prasravad-dana~toyaih samsikta-

praiya-margad^ghana-samaya-
2 vasa-prapta-vripti(shti)“pracharat veda-sastra-dhvani-ianita-sukhat=sarwa-
|
viprana[rri]
laksliiQi[ih*] dava(dha)nad=ratuaiii(tiia)-prakara-bhi'
3 tti-prachura-Jayapurat=sarthakat=sarvvad=aiva Asia-Nanda-kul-odbhavah kshititala-

1|
[1*]
kbyat5 visu(su)ddb-aiivay6 bbupalair=nata-pada-
4 padina-3mgalah sat-klrtti-lakshmya vritah va(ba)hvor-vvikraina’Iavdha(bdba)-ûddha-vi-

(
bhavo vidya-vinito mahaii=raja rajita-loka e-
b va hi Jayândo jan-ananda-krit |]
[2*] Sakala-guna-nidhanah khyatah(ta)“SaurQ-6(my-6)-
nnato=:yaih para-hita-nirat-atma loka-ma-
^ Wg-anuvartti j
vigata-Kali-kalahkah^ tasya sunuh prasiddhah kshitipaiii(ti)r=atul6=bhuch^
chhep-Parânda-nama ||
[3*] Atyant-6-
iita(ima)ta-satru-paksha-tiinira-pradhvaihsakriii=nirmmalah sa[r]w-asa(sa)-paripuran-aika-
chaturah samtyakta-dosh-a^rayah tasy=[a]-
|
8 bhut=tanayah prasiddha-mahima mitr-odayo bhasuro bhubhrid=bhaiiur=iv=apa[rah] praka-

titah srlraara^-Vivândaka-
9 h II [4*] Sunus^tasya Dirasta-âtruuikaras^tejo-nidhanah sada lakshmya lakshana-lakshita-
[h*] kshitibhujamâgresarah
10 sundarah jatah sachcharito vinita-iiipuno bhupala-chudamanir-Devaiianda-nripo=ti-su(su)-

|
ddha-mati-
11 inaiia(inau) khyatah kshama-maijdale ||

[5*] Sa[rvva]-pranabhritam=abhTshta-vishaye chin-
tamanih sarvada nltau
12 Sakra-guruh prajasu iiripatir-Ven,uh« suputro raahan pratvya(tya)y-arjaiia>samchaye cha

|
Dhanadah sad-vikia^
13 me Sudrakah’ tasmad-eva Vilasatunga-narap6=py=eko=py=aiiekah stha(sthi)tah j|

[6*]
Madyatkuhjara-pina-ku-
14 mbha-dalana-prapta-pratap-odayah kshmapal-anani(ta)-mauli-ratna-mkara-prady6tit-ahghri-
dvayah \
tyagai-
^ From the original plate.

* Read kolankas^las^ya,
* Read °bhvck=thhrt-Pard°
® Read
sriindh'Chhivd^
® Read
nripatir^Vainyab^
’ Read
>§Mdra/:aîa3wd®.
15 r^nyakkrita-Karnna-varnnana-kathah srimau=ku(n==ku)l-alaiika(nkri)to Devananda-nripo^
ti-sundara-vapus=tasy=atuniaj6=bhuii-mahaii
16 II
[7*] Bhublirit-paksha-samasta-rakshana-paro gainbluryadav<lh~a^bdh-a)spad6 blii(bba)svad-
ratna-vi[ta]ma(na)-satva(ttva)-nilayo Lakshmi-sudha-sarm-
17 bhavah |
tulyo=ya[m] jaladher^manohara-maha-inatt-ebha-vaji-prado Devânda-naresva-
(sva)ro=[ti*]vimalab svachc]ih-asa(sa)yo
18 b=aiva sah ||
8*] Nana-ratna-parikshane kila manak-trasa-kram5 drisyate varnnanam=iha
lopa eva katbitab sa(sa)-
19 stre cba savd-asrayo^ iii[b*]svatva[m] muni-pungavesbu niyatam n=anyatra sambbavyate

tasmina (smin) bbubbuji pa[rttbi]v-ende(ndu)-Pri-
Be mrse
20 tbuvat=sarii[sevama]ne sada [9*] Praley-acbala-kanta-kanti-vilasat-kunda-prabba-spardd-

bina bbasyat-purnna-saran-mriganka-rucbina
21 nitya[m] manobarinay asyôcbcbair^ddbavallkritam tri-bbuvanam so(s5)bba-yaso(so)-rasi-

|
(î)na Devananda-nripa[s*]=tril6ka'vijayl jiya-
22 cb^cbiram sarvada ||
[10*] Jajvalyamana-pratap-anala-pulsbt-arati-cbakra(ru)-murtti[b*]
sapta-samudra-sa[m*]bbranta-kirttir=yatb-6cbita-stba[n]-avastbapi-
23 ta-varnna-cbatusbtayab sampurit-ase(se)sba-pranayijana-manoratbab sarva-sajjana'

jan-ananda-dayi rakt-amva(mba)ra-pramandita-ka-
24 ladbauta-dollika-cbamara-praIamvi-(mbi)ta-praiitadesa-viiiyasta-mayiira~cba[ndr]ika-nikara-
si-(si)ta“cbacbbatr“avabbasamana[b*] sitadbatu-
25 maya-g6dba-si(si)kbarIkrita-locban'amva(mba)ra-dbvaja[h*] maha-ma(rQa)besva(sva)ra[h*]
mata-pitri--pa[d-a*]nudbyata[h*] samadbigata-pauchamabasa(sa)vda(bda)-ma-
26 basainantadbipati-vanditaparamabbattaraka-Nanda-[ma]baraja-Ranaka-srI-Devananda-
devah kusa(sa)ll |
Airavatta-mandala-sa-
27 mva(mba)ndba(ddba)-Jao:ada-vishaye bbavisbyad-yatbakala-bbavino ra]a[nya*]katra

(n=ra)-japutran==Vra(n=Bra)hmana-puroga[n*] sainaiita(nta)-mvasi-jan[a]-
28 n=adbikarinab sa-karanan=aiiya[m*]s=cba cbata-bhata-valIabba'jatIya[n]=raja-pad-opajivinab

sarvaii=yatbarbam manayati v5(b6)dbaya'
29 ti kusa(sa)Iayaty=adisa(sa)ti cb-anyad^vidina(ta)m-astu bbavatamêtad-vsbaya-samva'

(mba)ndbe(ddb-£)ndedda--gram5=yam sa-jala-stbala-ya(yo)-
sa'gartt-avaska(ska)ra-prajiiayamana-cbatub-sIma-paryanto Rabiyavada-âma^-vinir
gata-Vanigg6tra-vasa(sta)vyaya sa-
31 tva(ttva)gebi-sa(sa)stropadbyaya-Kayastha-Yaso(so)dattaya Mabola-putraya mata-pitror=

atmana^^cba punya-yaso(so)-bbivriddba-
^ Read sahd-asrayo,
* Originally re with a rather long top-»w<ra was engraved in place of i^di,
3 The intended reading seems to be grama.
A I T XWJ Ui -L o X XvVJ iJx AIjIjA I, 1
A. - Daspalla Plate of Devananda: Year 184
I ii m
^ t dr Eci
11=4^'® iS= /fc^.Sf^ :te:fe'- 2? IS^Vr»:
£• IS '•’S^'S S'-F^
tecl&({5 fr-
ftr^X ^ I
Obverse
I
f|r^lif#lfe
;Mi fe
^
r^ oc ^ f'Jis
pjg iC,fe p.
, io T fS^p^
Pvv 4 1
ter fex-^
C%%£»S3
" ii!
i
'
-> '-^ * -.4
SuHV£Y OF India, Dehra Dun

B. SCALE: FOUR-FIFTHS
Ch. Chhabba
’’ea No 685 H E (C)’ 53 -
u
<0
>
P3
189
No. 26] TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA
ye taixira-sa(4a)saiilkritya pa(pra)datt5-^smabhir=atah taiiira-sa(sa)sana~pradarsa(rsa)iiad
32
ev=asmat“ka[r]y*anurodhad^yathakaF6pa[bIiu]-
33 jyamana-phalasyâsya kair=api pari pant bib hi r=iia bhavitavyam |1

Ma bliud=a-pbala-sahka
vah para-date(tt=e)ti p[a]rth[i]va[h *] sa^ va phaia- |
vasundharam-
34 ntya para-datt-anupanaiii^ [Ull*] Sva-dattaiii paradattri[m va*] yo hareta
pitribhi[h] saha pacbyate [12*] Va(Ba)hu[bh.i.r
(ram sa visKthayam kriiiur=bliutva
| )
[jj]
vasuj-
tada phalah{lani)
35 dha datta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih yasya ya^ya yada bluimis^tasya tasya
|
|1
[13*] Samaayo=ya[m] dharmma-setu[r]^nripana[m*]
bliavinah partliivondra[n bhiiyo

36 kale kala(le) pale(la)myo bhavadbhih |
sarvvan=eta[a*] ]
bhuyah pra[rtha]yaty=esha RamaliH Iti kamapa*]-
sri(ki)yam-anuchiiiitya manushya-jivitaih cba sakalam-idam-

37 dabamvu(mbu)-vmdud5lam
vilo-
udahritam cha vu(bu)ddhva na hi piiru[shai]h para-ki[r]ttay5
Devanandasya nirmmita prasa{sa)stih param 5dara.

38 pyah (I [15*] Sandhi vigrahina raj no |
Yas6(s6)dattena srimata 1|
[16*] Je(Jye)shtlia-
Logayakena Siddham"
39 sudi 5 Samva(Sainva)t 100 80 4 ya utkirana(rniia) !P
T fibliuvanakalasa ; Year 198

B,—Daspalla Plates of Satrubhanja
P. Acliarya, this set of plates was

According to information kindly supplied to me by Mr.
presented to the Orissa State Museum in June 1951 by Mr.
Krushna Chandra Misra who is a clerk
in the office the Sub-Deputy Collector of Da.spalla.
Nothing is known about its exact findspob
of
or the circumstances leading to its discovery.
the and
written on tliree plates, of which
firbt
The inscription is
e p a es measure
on the inner side. The writing is in an excellent state of preservation.
through, which had been made apparently
4-75^ hole in the plates for the seal-ring to pass
The
-75" inside from the proper right margin of
before the plates were engraved, is 4" in diameter and is
2-7^ in diameter has its pint covered
the plates. The copper ring which is -37" in thickness and
countersunk. It resembles the sea
by a lump of bronze, on which the seal (1-5' in diameter) is
of the present record belonged I
found with other charters of the family to which the issuer
haMUg its ace o ron i
upper part is occupied by the figure of a lion to proper right,
,
emblem ..tie l.g.ld .« l.o bao.^

Ldi« l.il cu,l.d .bove it, back. Bclo. Ibe above
107 to a, but a. they
The throe plates tog.tbet weigh ,
(1) .5t;.Sa0ô)lraH»- (2) Sjadimsaa.

weight of the first plate ,» 49 lete and ^
tW
m thickuei, Ihei, individual weight is not the «,me. The
the seal weighs 38 tok,.
of the a«»nd and third plate. 27 and 31 tele, rospeetively.
The tmputh
seal-ring is 145 s.
Thus the weight of the three plates together with the
In respect of palaeography, language, orthography

kings o anju va a, wo
review resembles very closely other charters of the Bhanja
' Read sva-da7ial=phalam=auaniyam,

^
Read ^dmipalane.
® The visarga had been at first omitted but vva» later inseited.
that forms a par
*
This sign of punctuation is preceded by a n‘varû-likc mark
^ Expressed by a symbol.
EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXI
been recently edited in t Ms journal.* But unlike
the known records of the family, which are dated
usually in the regnal reckoning of the kings issuing
the grants in question, the present charter bears
t e date in the year 198 (written
according to the decinaal system of writing nixmerals)
of an era. As already indicated above,
this era seems to be no other than that used by the
Bhauma-Karas of Orissa and their feudatories in dating
their charters. The chronology of the
imperial family of the Bhauma-Karas has
so long remained a disputed problem. But as the
exact date of the present record can be
determined almost with precision, it seems to throw
we come light on the above problem. We shall see below that the issuer of the charter under
discussion flourished about the second quarter
of the eleventh century. The epoch of the era in
question may thus be assigned to a date in the
first half of the ninth century A.C.
The charter was issued by a Bhanja king of

Vanjulvaka, whose name is given as Satru-
anja II alias Tribhuvanalialasa. He is
stated to have been the son of îlabhanja and
peat-grandson of Vidyadharabhaflja. As it
stands, the description of the issuer’s ancestry
in our grant is defective inasmuch as it does
not speak of the king’s grandfather. Under the
imumstances, we have to suggest either that the
word prapautra is a mistake for pautra so that
Vidyadharabhanja was really the grandfather of
Satrnbhanja Tribhuvanakalasa or that the name
of the grandfather of Satrubhanja was
omitted from the record owing to the inadvertence of the
sen e or t e engraver. It is unfortunately
difficult to be definite on this point in the present sta^t
edge. But the more important fact about this genealogy is
m that, while Satrubhanja
Mibhuvanakalasa (issuer of the charter under review)
and his father gilabhanja are as yet unknown
another puree, Vidyadharabhanja, grandfather
or great-grandfather of Satrubhanja
^ * asa, is already known to us from several
TsT
of his own records as well as of his son
etta anja Kalyanakalsa II. I have elsewhere'* discussed
and chronology ofthe genealogy
been shown how Ranabhanja, who was
the great-grandfather ofVidya-
arabhanja, flourished about the middle or
the third quarter of the tenth century. I have also
s own bow the spepsors of
Ranabhanja, viz., his sons, Nettabhanja Kalyanakalasa I and Dig-
anja, and Digbhanja’s son Silabhanja
II and grandson Vidyadharabhanja, had all very short
reigns so that a Brahmana named Bhatta
Stambhadeva is known to have served all the four
mgs while a goldsmith named Durgadeva not only
served all of them but also Nettabhanja
Kalyapkalasa II son of Vidyadharabhanja. Considering
the fact that the active period of the
ivepof Stambhadeva and Durgadeva probably
covered about half a century, the reign of Netta-
bha^nja Kalyanakalasa II may be assigned
to the first quarter of the elventh century. Silabhanja,
father of the issuer of the charter under review,
may not have ruled. Satrubhanja Tribhuvana-
kalasa, as he was the grandson or great-grandson
of Vidyadharabhanja, may have flourished about
e secon quarter of the same century.
In any case, the date of our iscription does not appear
to be later than the middle of the eleventh
century. Certain dates in the latest decades of the
second century of the era in question (cf.
Devananda’s plate edited about and the grants of the
auma-Kara queen DandimahadevI) are written with
numerical symbols instead of figures
or ing to t e decimal system and the use
of such symbols does not appear to have survived,
considerably long after the end of the tenth century.
Moreover the major part of the dominions
of the Bhauma-Karas, who ruled from Jaipur
for about two centuries (i.e., upto about the year 200
rfthe era, so that the date of the pesent charter,
year 198, fell about the latest days of Bhauma-
ara ru e), appear to have been included in
the empire of the SomavamMs during the rule of
* Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 292 fiF.
* The first king of this name in the family was Satrubhnaja Gandhata of Dhritipura.
* See Bhandarkar’s List, Nos. 1500-02.
* I HQ. Vol. XXVUI, pp. 225 ff. above. Vol. XXVIII, pp. 274
;
ff.
No. 26] TWO GRANTS FROM DASPALLA 191
Cliandihara Yayati MahaMvagupta III {circa 1025-60 A.C.) and his son Uddyotakesarin Maha-
bhavagupta IV (circa 1060-80 A.C.)^
That Satrubhanja Tribhuvanakalasa who issued the charter under review flourished about
the second quarter of the eleventh century (so that the Bahuma-Kara era started about the
corresponding period of the ninth century) is further indicated by another interesting piece of
evidence that has recently come to light. The unpublished Baud plates of Prithvi-mahadevI, which
were examined by me some time ago, are dated in the year 158 of the Bhauma-Kara era and state
that this Bhauma-Kara queen was the daughter of king Svabhavatuhga of the lunar d3masty of
Kosala (South Kosala). One of the grants^ of the SomavamsI king Mahasivagupta Yayati I (circa
970-1000 A.C.) of South Kosala seems to apply the name Svabhavatuhga to that monarch. There is
therefore no doubt that Prithvl-mahadevi alias Tribhuvana-mahadevi II, who was on the Bhauma-
Kara throne in the year 158 of the era in question, flourished about the last quarter of the tenth
century A.C. This would also point to the beginning of the era about the second quarter of the ninth
century.
The inscription begins with the symbol for Siddliam and the expression Om svasti, which are
followed by three verses known also from aU other records of the Bhahjas of Vahjulvaka. The third
of these verses introduces the reigning king under his coronation name Tribhuvanakalasa. Next
comes a long passage in prose (lines 10 ff.) in which the ParamavaisJinava Ednaka Satrubhahja
(i.e., Tribhuvanakalasa), son of Silabhahja and great-grandson (possibly a mistake for ‘grandson*)
of Vidyadharabhanja, is represented as making a grant of the village of Konkaira in the Paschima
(i.e., (district) in favour of a Brahmana
Western) khanda (sub-division) in the Ramalava vishaya
named Bhatta Ajapala The donee is stated to have belonged to the Maudgalya
(or Ajapala).
gotra, Vajasaneya charai^ and Madhyandina sdkhd. He was the son of Bhatta Nllakantha and
grandson of Bhatta Madhusudana. The original home of the donee s family is stated to have been
the Bhatlagrdma Khaduvavalli in Madhyadeâ but he was settled in a locality called Santoshama-
;
dhava. The gift village was made a revenue-free holding on the occasion of the ^ ishuva-sahkranti
falling on a Sunday when the nakshatra was Mrigasiras and the tithi the fifth of the dark or bright
fortnight of an unspecified month.
Lines 27-39 quote several of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. They are followed
by certain endorsements indicating that the document was Idnchhita (registered with the seal) by
Prithvi-mahadevi (apparently a queen of king Satrubhanja), ariumata (approved of) by Bhatta
Rajada, pravesita (entered into the donee’s possession, i.e., executed) by Pratihdra Prabhakara
1 See IHQ, Vol. XXII, pp. 301>-07.

2 See 15; cf. IHQ. Vol. XX, pp. 70-^2; also Vol.
1905, p.
XXII. pp. 300 ff. Elsewhere [IHQ,
Vol. XXVIII, p, 227) we haveLeen ho^v Mahasivagupta Yayati I probably ousted the Bhaujas from Dhiitipura and
drove them to Vanjulvaka. These Bhahjas appear to have been feudatories of the Bhauma-Karas. This fact
points to a struggle between the Bhauma-Karas and the Somavamsis. The success of Mahasivagupta Yayati I
against the Bhauma-Karas is further demonstrated by one of his charters (above, Vol. HI, pp. 351-55) which is dated
in his ninth regnal year and records the grant of a village in Uakshina-Tosalu (within the Bhauma-Kara kingdom),
although the early Sdmavamsis were reallv kings of Kbsala (South Kosala). The Baud plate, show that Prithvi-
mahadevi ignored the claims of Santikara III and Subhakara V for the Bhauma-Kara throne and may
have been engaged in a civil war with the latter. In this she may have been supported by her father. In any
ease, the grant of a village in the Bhauma-Kara territory by the Somavamsi king does not appear to be unconnected
near about the year 158 of the
with the above fact. If the ninth regnal year of Mahkîvagupta Yayati I
fell
Bhauma-Kara era, the beginning of the era may be roughly assigned to 820-2o A.C. The astronomical details
«upplied by our record (year 198, VBhuva-sahkranti, Sunday, PanehamI, Mrigasiras) suggests March 23, 1029
A.C. (Swamikannu Pillai, Indian Ephernerh, Vol. HI, p. dO). It has to be noticed that the above Combina-
tion does not suit any other date in the period in question. It therefore appears that the Bhauma-Kara era
started from 831 A. C.
6 DGA/53 F
192 EPIGKAPHIA IKDICA [YOL. XXIX
and anujndta (witnessed) by Vdguli Ratna. The document is stated to have been written by
the Sandhivigrahin Sankara while the plates were engraved by the akshasdlin (goldsmith) Napa,
already known as the engraver of the plates of another king of the family, named Nettabhahja
III Tribhuvanakalasa, which have been edited above. ^ The charter ends with the date, year 198.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Vahjulvaka is well known from
many other records of the family, although its exact location is as yet unknown. The Ramalava
district and the villages of Kofikaira and Santoshainadliava are difficult to identify. The Bhaiia-
grama KhaduvavaUi in Madhyadesa (roughly identical with the modern Uttar Pradesh) cannot
be identified.
TEXT2
[Metres ; V. 1 Mdlini v- 2 Sardulavikrldita ; v. 3 Glti ;

vv. 4-9 Anushtubh ; v. 10 Push-
;
pitdgrd.]
First Plate
1 Siddham^ Om Svasti [||*] Jayatu kusumava(ba)na-prana-vikshobha-daksham sva-ki-
2 rana-parivesh-aurjjitya-jirm-endu-lekhaih(kham )
tribhuvana-bha[va]hi-anta[r]-dy[6]-
|
3 ta-bhasvat-pradipam kanaka-nikaâ(sha)-gaiiraia vibhru-netram Harasyajj [1*]
4 Se(Se)sh-aher=iva ye phanah pravilasanty=udbhasvad-indu-tvishah prale-
5 y-achala-sringa-kotaya iva tvangati(nti) ye=ty‘Unnatah j

nrity-ato-
6 pa-vighattita iva bhuja raj anti ye Sa(Sa)mbhavas=te sa-
7 rv-agha-vighatina[h*] suraaari[t*]-t5y-5rmmayah pantu vah ||

[2*] Svasti |
Vija-
8 ya-Vahjulvakad=asti® SrI'Vijaya-nilaya[h*] prakata-guna-gana-grasta-sa-
9 masta-ripu-vargah [ |
*] §ri“Tri(Tri)bhuvaiiakalasa-nama-[ra*]ja nirdhuta-kaU-kalu-
10 sha-kalmasha[h 3*] Sri-Vidyadharabhafijadevasya prapautrah® -Si(Si)[la]bbanja-’

II
11 devasya sutah paramavaishnavc^ mata-pitri-pad-anudhyato Bha-
12 hi-amala-kula-tilaka-Ranaka-srI'Sa(Sa)trubbaQjadeva[h*] kusa(6a)-
13 li Ramalava-visbaya-Pascbima-khanda-yathanivasi-sa-kara-
14 na-samanta-bhogy-adi-janapadan yatharhi(rham) manayati vo{bo)dha[ya*]ti
See Vol. XXVIII, pp. 278 ff.

* From the origitial plates.
* The letter va had been at first omitted and was later inserted below the line.
forms the word of the third

‘ It IS interesting to note that in some records of the family the word asti first
stanza while in others fas in tbi> case) it does not form a part of the verse.
* The intended reading may be paxitrah,
"
The ak^hara In had been originally omitted but was later engraved below the line.
Two Grants From Daspalla (II)
Daspalla Plates op Satrubhanja Tribhtjvanakalasa: Year 198
Survey of India. Dehra Dun

C'H. Chhabea SCALE: FIVE-EIGHTHS
Reg. No.
685 H E (C)'53-4S9
1‘.)H
YKAR
T-ASA,
AKA
VAN
TRlimU
A
N.l
A
UH
I
ATK
S
OK
\'1:\TKS
No. 26] TWO GEAXTS FROM DASPALLA 193
15 samadisa(6a)ti [cha |
*] vi(litam=astu bhavatam sarvata[b*] sivam-a-
16 smakam(ka)m«anyat etada(tad)-vislia7a-sainva(mba)ddba'K 6 nkaira-gra-
17 ma[h*] chatu[h*]-8i(si)ma-parichchhina(nEah) mata-pitr6r=atmanas=cha puny-abluvridlia-

(ddha)-
18 ye 3alila'dhara-pura[h*]^(sa)rena vidhiaa Maiidgalla^-gotraya
19 Vaidhavya^-pravaraya Vajasena^-charanaya Madlma^-sakh-adhyaya-
20 ai Madhyad^'prativa(ba)ddha'bhata(tta)grama-Khaduva valli-vi nirggatab(ta)-
Second Plate ; Secoyid Side
21 Saut08hamadliava>v^tavya‘bhata(tta)-Madhusu(su)daiiasya napta(ptre) bhata(tta)'Xila-*
22 ka^thasya suta(taya) bhata-Ajapalab® Visu(sbu)kba(va)-samkraiiti-panchamya[ni*] Ra-
23 vi*dine Mri[ga*]îra(r6)-iiaksliatre^ gramo^yam’^ taiiivra(mra)-sasani(ni)kritya prada-
21 ta{tta)h yavata(vach)'cliandr'arka-ta[ra*]kah a(a)-cha(cha)ta-bhata-prave3ena sarv-ava(ba)-
dha-
25 varjiteii=akaratvena bhunjadbhi[h*] dharma-gauravat pratipala-
26 Qiya[h *] a(a)8mat“kula-kramam=iidarhadbbi® anai^cha danamî-

|
27 dam=asmad=auum6daniyam(yam uktan^cba dharma-sastresbuK(siiu 1)

Va(Ba)hubliir«»
j )
vasu-
28 dha datta rajablii8=Sagar~îblu[h*] yasya yasya yada bhumis=tasya

|
29 tasya tada phalaih(lain Ma bhu[d=a*]-pbala-^nka vah para'date{tt=e)ti parthiva[i ^

|| 4) ]
30 sva-daixat=phalaiu=anaiitya[m*] para-data(tt-a)nupalane 5*] Sva-datta[m*] para-

[j|
Third Plate
31 dattaiii=va(ttam va) yo bareta vasujidiiararii{raiii sa visbthayani k}’ii3iir=bhu(r=bhu)tva

j )
pitri-
32 blu[h*] saha pachyati(te) cb=ai\ a yat-kiuchi[d*] dharma-saiichaya*

||
[6*1 Satyam yaina-hutam
m\
33 ardha-angalena* simaya haraiaena prana(na)sya(sya)ti Sa(Sha)shtiii(shti)-varslia-sa-
|| [7*J
3^hasram svarge vasati bliu(bhu)midah akshepta cb=ânuinaiita cha taiiai(iiy=e)va

j
* Head Maiid-galya,
- Read try-arehiya-pravaraya.
The Maudgalya goira has three itravara^, viz., Angiras, Bhaimya^va au ’
aludgala.
*Read Vajasaneya.
*Read MUhyandina-sakhâdhyayini.
Originally nxlva was
engraved.
Read bhan-Ajapmya,
^
The context doea not
require this expression.
ead ddharadbhir^nyaii=cka.
^
* Read ardh^figulina
1*2
194 EPIGKAPHIA INDICA fVol. XXIX
35 narakam vrajet [|j 8*] Nandanti tasya pitarah pravalganti pitama(ma)h[a]h [|*]
36 bhu(bJiu)mi'data kule jata(ta)h sa nas=trata bhavishyati ||

[9*] Iti
37 kai]aala-dal'amvu(mbu)-vindu-161a[m*] sri(sri)yam=aiiuchintya manushya-jivitan=cha [|*]
38 sakalam=idam=iidaliritam cha vu{bu)ddlia(ddhva) na hi purushaih para-ki(Id)rttayo vilopya-
39 h [jj 10*j Lla(La)hchhitam Sri'PrithvIma(ma)hadevya [(*] a(a)numatam Bhata(tta)-Rajadasya

[ I
*] pravesitam prati-
40 hara-Prabha(bha)karena [(*] a(a)nujnatam Vaguli-Katnena [(*] UtkirDnam{rnnam) a(a)-

kshasalina Xapena [(*] Li-
41 khitarh Sandhivigrahi-Sahkarena ||
Sainva(Samva)t 198 [||*]
No. 27-BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRUHVIDEVA ; YEAR 896
(i Plate)
P. B. Desai, Ootacamunb
In September 1940, three sets of copper plates were unearthed from a field at the village of
Paoni, about three miles from Bilaigarli, Kaipur District, Madhya Pradesh.
was passed One set
on to the then zaminddr of Biiaigarh. It belongs to the reign of the Kalachuri king Pratapamalla'
and is dated K. 969. Another set which fell into the hands of a sdclhu, was subsequently recovered
by the same zaminddr. Proceeding on this information furnished by Pt. L. P. Pandeya, the plates
were secured for examination in April 1945 by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for
India, through the good offices of the Commissioner, Chhattisgarh Division, Raipur. ^ With the kind
permission of the former, I edit the inscription^ here.
The set consists of two oblong copper plates held together by a ring with seal. The ring
passes through a hole cut at the centre of one of the edges of the longer sides of the plates. The
on the inner sides only and their rims are slightly raised to protect the writing.
plates are engraved
The plates measure 11 J inches in length and 6J inches in breadth each approximately. The
inscribed faces of the plates contain marginal decorative designs on three sides save the upper one.
The diameter of the ring is about If inch. The ring is flattened at the top and given the shape
of a round thin disc. This disc comprises the seal which has marginal decoration all around. In
its upper half is carved in relief a crude figure of Gajalakshmi in the usual fashion. The lower
half contains the following legend engraved in two lines in Nagarl characters : 1 Rdja-srima-
2 t-Prithmdevah. The seal measures two inches in diameter. The weight of the two plates
together is 137 tolas and the ring with the seal weighs 8 tolas.
The inscription consists of 36 lines which are distributed equally on the two plates. The
average size of the letters is f inch. The characters are Nagarl of the 12th century A.C. The
dandas and other punctuation marks are used in their proper places for instance, to mark the ;
halves and ends of verses, etc. The avagraha sign is generally indicated e.g., -anvay&=hhvi ;
1 epigraph is edited in this journal, above, pp. 97 ff.

Thirf
For more details about the discovery of these copper plates see above,
*
p. 97 n. 5. It is not known what
happened to the third set referred to above.
• This is registered as C.P. No. 50 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, for 1945'46, p. 12,
No. 27] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA ;
YEAR 896 195
in line 3. The sign for n is invariably the one made up of three vertical stokes, the first being
curved at the lower end. Y as the second component of a conjunct letter looks more like p. The
use of h proper is detected in two places, viz., babhuvar- in line 6 and babhuva in line 13. This b
regard to ortliograpliy, with
is almost like
p except that its box is more angular at the bottom.^ In
the exception of the two instances noted above, b is invariably substituted by y. S is used for s
The consonant following r is generally

in some cases ;
e.g., sudhyati and prasasti in line 34.
exceptions e.g., Kdrttavlrya in line 3, sau{saii) rya in line 6 and
surya
doubled, there being a few ;
in line 27.The language is Sanskirt and the composition, except for the salutation to Brahman
in the beginning and the date at the end, is in verse. There are 24 verses in all and they are
duly numbered.
obeisance
Like other inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur, the epigraph opens with an
sun god. Piith\i
to Brahman and recounts the genealogy of the family commencing with the
the record
deva II, son of Ratnadeva the last king eulogised (verse 11), and to his regin
II, is
of Kartavlrya against
pertains. Verses 1-10 with the exception of one narrating the exploit
family. Next
Ravana,* which is omitted, are identical with those in other charters of the
\atsa gotra {\erses
comes the description of a distinguished family of learned Brahmanas of the
Jimutavahana, and
12-15). Three membrs of this family are described viz., Haruka, his son ;
the Sdkarhb larl

the latter’s son Delhuka. In regard to Delhuka we are told that he was a master of
chief Brahmadeva
Vidyd and that learning the secret of this lore from him, the famous feudatory
is to register t
vanquished all his enemies on the fields of battle. The object of the epigraph
gift of the village Pariidaratalai situated in the Evmdi inatiddalay made
in favour of Dclhu a y
the protectaon of sue
Prithvideva II ( (verse 16). Verses 17-22 contain the usual exhortations for
Subhaiiâra, who
gifts and the imprecation. The charter was drafted by Malhana son of
(\ erse w3). c copp
was learned reputatin on account of his many compositions
and had earned
the plates by
material was pirt into shape by Vamana. The record was written on
Klrti and engraved by the son of Lakshmidhara (verse 24).
Sarhmt 896, e\ idently referrinj^ to the K
The date as cited in the last line (line 36), is
ne, the significance o
era. After these numerals are engraved the three aMiaras, a mi
grant was made on t
is not clear.* In line 27 there is a statement to the effect that the
correspon
of the era, K. 896 wou d
of the solar eclipse. If we take 247-48 A.C. as the beginning
Tuesday, in t e iir
to 1144 A.C. In this year there was a solar eclipse on December 26, -AUr,
month of Magha. We may note the occurrence of solar eclipses in the Pdrnimdn.aôn . . / .
^ p
June 11, ncb
on June 22, Friday, 1145 A.G., and on
y,
in the following two years, viz.,
TheRajimstoneinscriptionofthisking’sreignisdatedK. 896, Maghasu. 8^

e
orn. ^
date has been shown to correspond regularly to January 3, 1145 A.C.
by le
reasona e
the identical Kalachuri year cited in these two epigraphs, it seems
December 26, 1144 A.C. is the date of the present inscription.
Verse 11 narrates an historical event relating to Prithvideva
II,
that, by crushing Chakrakota, he made the illustrious G anga king feel frig
^
^^Î'mis^since the
u y anx
Vol. XXVIII,
^
theDî plates of this same kmg above, ,

i^mpare similar form and use of b occurring in
p. 146.
Mbid., p. 153, verse 3. Vol. I, 405 ff.

tt
* Compare two sets of Amoda plates of Pnthvideva ,
for instance the •
ishadhasya or A^vi~
* lo
venture a conjecture, the expression awJwe may ue i nf the date.
naaya miira^dim. But this presumption would not solve the
^VisUeUilned as rathdsJitami. The
8
‘ Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII,
p. 136. In the Rajim inscription Magha su. » incidentally note
explain
significance of this name, as noted by Kielhom, cannot be voi. I , pt-
Vol IiPP-
jr ilmeris
EpUmen^, P
is termed BhUhtnashfami ;
Indian
another tradition according to which
vhich this
64 and 67,
196 EPIGRAPHU INDICA [VoL. XXIX
only measure of safety now left to him was to cross the waters of the sea. From the Rajim stone
inscription noticed above, it is known that Prithvideva II conquered the country of Bhramaravadra,^
otherwise styled Bhramarakotya and identified with Chakrakotya or modern Bastar District.
The same victory must evidently have been referred to in the above verse.® The Ganga king who
is said to have been terrified by this conquest which he apparently considered to be the precursor
of the Kalachuri king’s expedition against his own kingdom, might be Jate^vara, son of Ananta-
varman Chodagaiiga, mentioned in other inscriptions of the family.* Another piece of historical
information is contained in verse 15 wich incidentally alludes in general terms to the victories
of the renowned feudatory Brahmadeva. This chief is obviously indentical with his namesake
figuring in the Ratanpur stone inscription of this king.®.
Two places are mentioned in the record. One is the region callec Evadi-mandala wherein the
gift village was situated. I am unable to identify this tract. The other is the gift village
Pamdaratalai. It appears to be fairly certain that this is idientical with the present-day Pandri-
tarai in the Mahasamund Tahsil of the Raipur District.®
Lastly, we may note the relationship between the writer and the engraver of this inscription with
those of the two sets of Amoda plates of this ruler. The scribe of the latter, as stated therein, was
Srivatsaraja, son of Kirtidhara,’ of the Vastavya family.^ It is not unlikely that the son of
Klrti of the present record, whose proper name is not mentioned, was identical with this Sriva-
tsaraja. In like manner it is probably that Lakshmidhara who engraved the first set® of Amoda
plates was the father of the engraver of the present inscription.
TEXT*®
[Metres : Vv. 1, 8, 16-22 and 24 Anushtuhh 2 and 5 Upajdti ; 3, 9 and 12 Sdrdulavikrl-
;
dita ; 4, 6, 7, 10, 13-15 and 23 Vasantatilakd 11 anddkrdntdJ]

;
First Plate
1 [i*] 3S II %«Tof i
2 q- II
I II
^ I
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 137.

= Above, Vol. IX, pp. 178-79 Vo..
XXVIII p. 151.
;
Chakrakotya, as the name of the It

country, ust have been derived from Chakrakdta, its chief town.
*^**^krak6tarashtra mentioned in the Temara inscription above, Vol. X, p. 39.
‘ ^
Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 150.
^ ;
5 Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 257.

‘
P- 125.
^
apparently identical with his o
,
j- namesake of Jamdera-grama,» ^ who write Sarkh5 plates
Ratnadeva II , above, Vol. XXII,
.
p. 167
» Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. I, pp! 4! 7 ^nd 414.
• Ibid., p. 411.
"> From the original plates and
impres-sions.
Expressed by a symbol.
q q ^ "
Bilaigarh Plates op Kalachuei Prithvideva; Year 896
1.
' '^ " ^ q -iGJ-^r7:f;f{t^qTq:f^^°c?ÎT}Si^ e-'?¥ rA;
_5»; ^L-?5isr;’^qfi^. ^?D^ TCn=?tqSlc^5i3cif;=*cj;^}RG

P| u]rii^s:\_.Ti'C^ ^§-q ^ ?n ??Fj3ff n ,7rr'"‘
-iggllff V ^ ^1 n ii =T?5^ 1 ^ q
% 9 /fe q- 5i? f))| ^^3, f, f 8
icq^^jrQai^î3l3.qn5’?0:^q'rn(7i 12
Jf '.„cr IT Chpi 5 ,75 3^ J7 ^ 'f

-^1?) 5^^ '3a^@]gpg't'\<=; i -
^ B^ ^ A q^^«i iM JEHaefc -irj

18
W-<r^ laiyrtffiif
®- Survey of India, Dehra Dun

Ch. Chhabba SCALE: ONE HALF
"'= No 673 H F (r )"=.2 "1
CMS.
From a Photograph
No. 27] BILAIGARH PLATES OF KALACHURI PRITHVIDEVA ;
YEAR 896 197
4 Rn R'H'I rH îTTTRW: WT;

>3
,T ^ ^) -
(
^^ )
c’ERTT
5 n ^ || 3T^2T^?nfT^7^>T-
6 } rRq i qwrwt arrqt-
7 =qqn7: ^(gr)?jfT ii y m qrRfqrr^: Nd wd PfdTR^T^: i
'j|ld'li«(q %-
I
K. II d'^BTqfq NddPG'R ^ +VrTl'+T^>
srr-
9 d": q)HV|<N ^ 5liW: I sraTTdTWT^^ T^jpqt 'Jlldlfd qqr^-
10 qqrfd fd+rawiRr 1
1
^11 ^jq^d'l^'dPf ^x^rr^ft fd^q^qqrrTqTwrfw-
11 ^liinrn:: i
qq" ^ Ro d ^ dîR^'^=)d Rrfq^
^-
12 II V3 II iw f| ^TdT I dTft; qq-
q«q^>
13 c; q«:^4ddq^q: ^nrqqSM^^rt^d: q-5^-
^ II II
diR?^ (f^)di^qi>f-
14 ?: qi(»q gq~: %f|q5^: I

qoqqrqfwR"^ ^Hdî d^^'JlR'^c+d'ti: qfq-
>3
15
'
d < tqdiqq4d^ ^T: ii 5. ii q^qicd'd:
«fRrr-
qqrqdt
16 fq^TT^d 0 q w q <TfqqM^: I
^T^RT^fRqrRRtfqf^dTf^qq:
fq-
Jdtd^q qf^rddf^RT qRqdl^qdfS’.

17 fq qq^ qfq <<H^d: II ? » II
q«^-
18
»
c
R^qftr^:>qRrqxrtf^^:
These two dots denoting visarga go with the akihara ha in the jirevious line.
I q: ^ qqfqwfR^^>T^-
expres.sion aniija here is obviously lengthened for the convenience of metre.

2 The akshara nfi in the
]i}8 EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
Second Plate
II n II ô<
aV
II
20 ^^pcrr 'Trr f^sfts^^cfHBiq; i JTÊlr(2nT)-
f^WtflT-
11 ?? II
22 ^ ff^r srfq-rT^^T^: 'rM^cTsrfrf^ I
23 ir^ ^ EeH =^^(r^*T) II II
ETrrr #-
24 ^cTr(?3r(^)fîjn fsrq-qT i
^ f^?^'T^wd(TT)
25 II II ET(^r)^^TTtTr^Tq'm ?rr^ ^«r
W^sicq' OHtd-
26 [I*] Zf w(w)^^ f^dEk^'>+l ^Rlfd f^<4<^(^)-
27 I ^ ^4tfûnTS#ftT ||^^||
28 %(ftr)Tf?rHE"^^'J| illd^xl E|tE%: I cTR^^SfiK qTRTlRR^-

^fePh; ii?v3 ii ^-
29 ^TRT^f^r w. ^RRTTsRTcjftsiRr I 'TF^nfVq:: srqRfT srFiffsr ^
30 ||^c;|| >ô< 1|3 ^(^)|f^tg?rT WT TRf>r: ^FRlf^^T: I ^ *TR ^
'fffERW
^ The floral figure and the double daraias here are significant. They show that one topic is over, viz., the
genealogical account and the prasasti of the king •
2 A top mdtra is engraved above this vowe^ » which has perhaps to be ignored. Or it may have been used
to make the letter long f.
* As in line 19 the floral design and the douole daiplas her© indicate that the topic dealing with the grant is
over.
MGIPC~S1—6 OGA/sa—9-8.55-450.
So. 28] TWO JAIXA INSCRIPTIONS IN TAMIL 199
31 ?T^r tTFr(^R;) II95.II fe^lPinit 1
Tlîr-
32 ^^^(ÎJT) ||:<o 1I i^fTt TT^flt ^ ift

^ ^
l%'S 5rqt frfM^r CN
ftpT-
c
33 P»T-
^ ll^^^ll FTflMITt ^3rîrq-(5T)^;T ^ I W
mPt-
^ ^ ^ «ftRcg(5T)')T^'
35 I MrLSr^(#)qTf^«TcTM(?r)?T%^ P,^l
Mfei ^-
30 ^5Mt^<^r)04JIc+>oaf qTgTTWR[JT
?rfiT# I
No. 28 TWO JAINA INSCRIPTIONS IN TAMIL
P. B. DeSAI, OOTACAMrXD
While surveying the epigraphical sources for luv work on Jainism in Jsoiith India," I had to
go through the Jaina inscriptions in the Tamil country critically. In the course of this study I
noticed certain peculiar features regarding the religious history of Jainism in this region, which
had a characteristic development of its own. One of them is the evolution of the \akshi cult.
With a view to illustrating this particular point I select here two typical inscriptions* and try
to explain their significance briefly.
IX8CRIPTION I
This inscription isengraved on a boulder of the hillock called Andimalai near the v’illage
Gholavandipuram in the Tirukkovilur tahik of the South Arcot District,
Madras State. It
season of
was copied by the of the Superintendent for Epigra[)}iy, Madra'^. in the field
office
1936-37.^ The leans against another boulder thus forming
boulder containing this inscription
This verse makes

^
it clear that the record wa^ first written on the plate with ink or similar material and
then engraved.
,
This volume comprises a detailed survey of the Jaina inscriptions selected fro n the three main
^ regions of
South India, namely, Andhradcsa, Tamilnad and Karnataka. The b.,ok which is iiou in an advanced ^tage af
printing is being published as the third issue of the series Jivaraja Jaina Grantliamalu Sholapur,
for India for his kind permission to edit
these records
^ My thanks are due to the Government Epigraphist
here.
*
It is i*egistercd as Xo. 251 of the year’s epigraphical collection.
'
20 DGA/53
200 EPfGRAPHIA INUICA [VoL. X\7X
ih xMvitv vl'.'oli mar ))e considered to be a natural shrine. On the inner sides of th#^se t<v'o
boid-ler- f u lug each otlior arc carved the figures of two Jaina deities, Gonimata and Parsvanutfia.
“In rr.,‘iss between tliem is found a loose slab about 4 feet high with a fairly archaic
^cidpturc ^Le -^.lina goddc'^s Padmavati cut on it in high relief.’'^
The nrr.cviption comprises four lines. The letters in the first line of the record are bigger
cuid the niodir} ? >igns of the nkf^haras s//, .b*J and li are extended above their tops. In spite of
the rough uirf tê ot boulder the inscription is neatly engraved an<l the writing is in a good
i^t.ite of [)re>ei'Va.tion.
The characters are Tciiuil of about the 10th century A. C. They stand fair comparison
with t])Ovv of the Tirukkovalur inscription of Krishna III, dated in his 21st year.- The
tiiipanitf' form 7, which is sometimes looped in the inscriptions of the earlier period,'^ may
be noled lioiein. The form of the letter te in the expression tevaram in the 4th line is peculiar.
This peculiarity is due to the fact that the medial c sign, which is normally separated and
placed l)efore tlie main letter as in che in the same line, is joined to the bottom of the letter t,
the Icit d'le loop oi which is consequently dropped. Svasti and sn in the first line are inscribed
in the O.Mutlia alphabet.
The iang-uag-e is Tamil. The epigraph states that the temrnm was caused to be made bv
Srivr-li Kofirraraivar Puttadigab No date is mentioned in the record. We may, however,
<isîgu it approximately ro the 10th century A. C. on palaeographic consideratioms. The
epigiaph read^ thus :
TEXT"
1 Svasti [ ]
^§rIvoli
2 Kougaraiyar
3 Puttadigal
4 seyvitta t'varam [ ]
The main component of the rather longish name of the author of the tevarayn is Puttadigab
He appears to liave been a person of some importance and the suffix (ifjigaj denotes his
res]>ectable status.^ A good number of Jaina inscriptions similarly carved on the rocks of hills
have been found in close association with Jaina sculptures in the Tamil districts.® A study
of these in comparison with the present one, the Jaina associations of which are quite marked,
should h‘ave iio doubt in our mind in regar<l to the nature of the record under study and the
identity of Puttadigal who might be a Jaina devotee.
An expression of some interest in the epigraph requiring comment, is the word teraram,
fts two famiiiar meanings are well known, viz., 1) worship and 2) a collection of devotional
* Ay>. ov .S'. /. Kp fjr<iph>i for 1936-37, p. 61.

“ Above, A'ol. \'II. inscription 0, plate facing p. 1-14.
" (.’on'pare tlie looped form in inîcriptio/i A and the tripartite one in B and D ; above, Vol. Ilf, plate facing
p. 2^4.
^ Fro n an i ini'ie'^'îoi).
,
it IS inteowfing to note that Putt.a is the Tamil version of the Han'^krit name Buddha. This does not
nef e-iarily mc.-.u that tho individual 'r.iioald he a follower of Buddhism. Buddha is one of the terms denoting
the jugher >tntus attaiaeri hy an enlightened soul acconling to the Jaina philosophical concept. \ ide
Prai' 'vh'!vfi.^‘(ra (eoib'd )jy A X, Upadhye, Bombay, 193d), Introduction, p. XXXIV.

' <
'( nix)arc for m-»tance the Jaina nu k inscriptios at Pahchapandiavamalai (above, Vol. 1 Vb I>P* 1^^ ?
th« '•a- 'e at N’aliimalaj (ibid., pp. 140 ff.) ;Mad. Ep. (’oil., Xos, 67-74 of 190d,
Xo. 28] TWO JAIXA LXSCKfTTlOXS IX TAMIL 201
songs in honour of* Siva, composed l)y Appar and othcrsd But here it a[)peMLs to have been
utjed in a somewhat different sense, viz., a group of scalptuie*'? for vror^liip as indicated bv the
context.-
Having examined the meaning of the term tt'Kanint, wo may now a^cort.dii its iiai ir-* os
designed by Puttadigaj. As seen above, the two boulders meeting (vich ocher witn intervening
space, have themselves improvised a natural slirine. Then we have to turn to tlie Jaina
vestiges therein. These are the figures of Gommata carved near the pre-ênt inscription on one
boulder, and of Parsvânatha on the other : and the fairly big .'icnlpturo or Padmivatl pLiced iji
the intervening hollow. From its very nature size and the centin»i p<>îtiou. the i'MU oi
Padmavati assumes among th^se Jaina rtdics. \\ caa n )W clv‘ paru

the principal role
played by Puttadigal in the making of this Being a natural formation, ne. of course,
had nothing to do in its creation. He siuipl} incised the figures or Gomniita and P.nsvaa u la
on the adjoining boulders to represeut the side deitie? and in-tah'.‘d thr mai image of i
It is for doing these thiag> ^hat ne takes credit in

tae
Padmavati in the interniediate spot.
»sinon va.iCage
epigraph as the maker of the tevdram. We may note here with intere^^ the v ol
enjoyed by Padmavati for she is the Yakshi of Parsvanatha and thus occupies u subjrdinate
;
place in the hierarchy of Jaina divinities.’
Happily, another similar instance has come to our notice. It is an inscripiion at A a;iimalan
Tills record,^ which is stvled 'A’, is similarly carvêd on rue rock of a n
u-n.il ca\e, below a
euo//'). evidentl\ icferriug

group of sculptures, and speaks of the foundation of the Jama shrine i
to the cave itself with Jaina relics,* bv the Gaiiga prince Kajainalla
1X8CRIPT10X II
C'UitiuI ^hiam
This epigraph® on a beam ol the nKihdma^jflnp'i in turn;, of the
is incised
Ponnur, a viilag-^ in the Waudiwa^h of die Xonh
in the temple of Adiiiatlia Tirthafikara at
Tlie script is both
Arcot District. The inscription is slightly damaged and comprises t a'u lines.
Medial short and long e are distiimuidiefl.
Grantha and Tamil. The characters are late.
two spirals or one doiioledooped spiia. behind
Medial ai is denoted by placing either single-looped
^ Tamil Lf'xicon (Uuiversiy of Madras, 1020), p. 20t>tk

aia\. take iiiio curiûL'ra-
“ As the precise sigiiiHcancc of the expression terdram u>ed hero not ecM’tain,
om al> lUaaii' dciis oa.-k- uia i>i.'
tioii other possibilities. According to the lexicographer )
Further, it may not be unreasonable to connect jt with the S iii'^krir //c.' .'r/'b ^ m hich i a-ê it v\ . i
toiind in an llth cental} Kaiuia, a

in cnptioii n
‘a shrine’. Use of the word dehCira in the sense of 'a shrine is
Xo. 115. The expre^M.jii tU hnra is eiirrent m the - arat ii

the Bellary District ; iill, Vol. IX, part i,
language in the sense of ‘a shrine for private woi-sbip.

^ B. 0. Bhattacharya : Jaiwi Iconography, p. 82.
*
Above, Vol. I\’, pp. 140-41. . , -
' . > f
m the la ml rouiiUv, a> I ha\o n in .
^ This was one of the peculiar aspects of Jaiiusm

my The iiiil tracts iwtii natural t averns a u.l i»cky dulba-s IkoI a great
survey of the Jaina antiquitioj.
><icivd resorts and cciities of
attraction for the Jaina teacher am the devotee who transformed t.ieui into
iCher ami
Jaina
ot hill spots iii\ eslcvl ith
iiuaibcr
religious practices, Besides the two places dealt with above, a larg«
abovi o
Vol. is\’1p- IJb Mnl. ;
come see Jii. Rep. on S. /. Epijrnphy for l'J23, p. <> .

.
re
relics
...
has
t>. Hep. for 1887,
to light so far
p.
the Jina, with the rocky beds at Sedarampattu
J.J t...
3*: etc.
1 Xorth
1 ..
;
Fro.u the associatiou of the

R- p- o
Vorth Arcot District (Au. R>p^ in the
in
‘triplo urahrelU. 'vhie.i
known as the
a c
‘8. /.
i.uae on..
popularlv
^ y
„,nbVm of
*.
of similar comJie:
to 1942-43, p. 1 1), it can now be safely a.sserted that at least some
WHO
.vuo were.o pio-
p. r .
were the creations ol J.ama iiiOnko

ii.on ^
found in a large number in many p^rts,

I
‘Panchaplmlava beJs',
T
For a detailed .lewription of the.e relic, ^co H ./(•i /> fMv? raniticlions
neers of the faith in the Tamil country.
of Third Oriental Conhire nee, pp. 'Id ~y
\,a.ron,liv
.a . II ir.
regHtercd a. No 11^ ut, .Ap,
• Tins W.V.S Madras Epigraphi.fs ortiee in lUJ'.i. It h
copied by tiio
year's Report.
tho year’s collection and l.riefly noticed on p. 88 of the ^
202 EPIGKA]>HIA INDICA [VoL. XXiX
the consiniant.
The language is Tamil, though a few expressions like
K<ihjahflah and AnkahM
are used with Sanskrit case endings.
^
Occurrence of familiar abbreviations for mmshainjmdam.,

etc., may be noted m
more than one place. The date is cited thus fKali vear
4834, Salivaliana
Saka year 46 starting with Prabhav.i, namely Prami licha,
VaigaG 17. Though agreemeut
prevails among these details, the date is not capable of verification, as the week-dav, the
m-^ntioned. The said day corresponded with Tuesday, May l.>,
1 13.3 A. C. While engraving the above date the symbol for ten is
consistently omitted".
The mscnjition jmrport.s to lay down a rule fot the guidance of the Jaina
community residing in
^1 aê of arpapura. It is thus specified.
Tne Jainas of this locality should take in procession
t le image.s of Parsvaiuitha aud Jvatamîni from the
temple of Adl.svara (i.e., Adinalha), every
bunday, for being worshipped on the occasion of service to Helach-irya
on the Xilagiri hill in the
north-western quarter. Svarnapura is evidently identical with modern Ponniir. The Xilagiri
hill which also figures in the legend of Hfiacharya,
has still retained the name, being three
n e-. aa.u horn Ponnur. The ijons of Parsvaniltha
an 1 Jvalarnilim mentioned in the epigraph
are probably the metalUc images preserved in the temple of Adinatha
to the present
a} or their earlier sub.stitutes. Tuese are evidently intended for being displayed on
ceremonial occasions. The
mention of Jvalamalim alongside of Parsvanatha in the
specific
noteworthy for rhe former was originally the Yakshi
Pt .
or the attendant deity
o andraprabha Tirthankara aud attaine 1 unusual
importance in later times. Judging
rom the earlier Jama inscriptions found here and the tradition connecting it with HCdachfirya,'
oimiir appears to have been a renowned stronghold of Jainism from earlier times.
TEXTi
1 Svasti .srIJi*J Srdivahanu-Sak-abdah 1655 Kaly-abdah 4S34 kku mal chella ninra
Prabavildi ga(iSa)k-abdah varnshani'’
46 [k] ku Pramadicha varusham^ Vaiga.si madam’
17 [U]** eludiya sasanam =avadu *] [
bvasti [i sri-Sv a[rna]pu[ra]-Kanakagiri Adl.svara-svami-chaityalavm .sarhbaiidamana

Vayu'’-miilaiyil=i-
2 rukkum Xilagiri Helacharya-jiada-pujai*
A.divarat(n)-torum merpidi' alayattin sri-Piirsva-
natha-svam;Lyai*]yum Jvalama[!ij»ni-amma!iaiyum merpadi’ Svarnapura-Jainarga]
eduttu|k Jkondu poy p[u]jippadu *] Inda sa(sa).sa(sa)nam Anantasenadeva[iial=eJ-
[
ludapattadu [|j*J
might m this context take note of one more epigraph,

We as it is helpful in our study.
This an archaic inscription from Panchapandavamalai,
IS
dated in the 50th year of the Pallava
king Xandipottara.sar, which speaks of the creation
of an image of a Golden Yakshl on the
hill. It is significant to observe that
neither the epigraph nor the sculpture.s that illustrate
its contents have any place for the Jina.’“
^ Jrt. Jiep. on. *V. /. Epifjrapky liJT 1928-29, p. 88.

* Jaina Iconography (op. cit)., p. G2
» .4n. Bep. on I. Epigraphy for 19:28-29 Nos. 415 and 417 of AppenrJi.x B.
;
The legend of HeJachilrya is
roiateii on p. 88 of the same Report.
^
From an impresjjion.
» Familiar abbreviation used here for this expresssioii
is
* Ihia sign is the symbol V
denoting abbreviation for the expression tedi.
'
Vdyu here stands for the Sanskrit Vayarya,
^ expression like mmayattilisi necessary to word with
connect this
the follow iDjr.
’ This letter looks more like n^,
« Above, Vol. IV, pp. 1.30-37 aud the jdate.
Xo. 29] TALANGERE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA 203
These facts are revealing.
They show that the YakshI ha<I gained popularity among
the
lollo.vers of Jam.sm from very
ti.u'^s and that her images, like
early those of the Jinas were
n^talled independently in shrines created for the purpose ami placed under worship,
his should appear strange if we e.vamiue
the original status of a Yakshi in the Jaina pantheon.
A Yaksha and a Y'akshi are ohe devotees of the Jina and
their function is to attend on him.
These are depicted m
sculptural represeutatioiis in small figures at the corners
of the pedestals
adorned by their masters, the Jinas. ^ It thus becomes
clear that the Yakshi is a subservient
<Ieity and can claim no independent
place for herself. The above epigraphical notices therefore
go contrary to the original conception of the Yakshi
and provide instances of the characteristic
evolution of the Yakshi worship.
lascriptiou II contains reference to Helacharva, which nain^

devoid of phonetic accretion
would be Elacharya. Elacharya w is an eminent teacher of the Dravida-gana an 1 he is
regarded as the innovator of the cult of Jvalamilini.- Tiiis deity, though a Yakshi in the
beginning, was, with the passage of time, attributed mysterious
jjowjrs including those of the
fire-goddess. She was involved in the practices of Taniric worship and works like the
Jvaldmrdimkalpa were composed around her. It is of interest to note that in an inscription
at bedam in the Gulbarga District, Hyderabad State, the Mahajaiuts of the place are described as
performing mystic rites for propitiating this deit.j-\^
No. 29 TALANGERE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA

(1 Plate)
N. Lakshminarayax Rao, Ootacamuxo and D. L. Xakasimhai har, Mysore
The inscription edited below is engraved on a stone slab lying in front of the hi" mosque
at Talangere near Kasaragod, the headquarters of the taluk of that name in the Soutli Kanara
District of the Madras State. It was reported that the slab was being used for washing clothes
and that consequently a portion of the writing on it was getting worn out. was, therefore, It
copied during the winter of the year 1952-53 by Mr. X. Lakshniinarayan Rao,
Government
Epigraphist for India, in the course of his official tour iu that district.
The record contains 27 lines of wrding. The first four lines embody a banskrit verse in
Sdrdulavikrldita metre and arc engraved in Grantha characters. The rest of the inscription is
m Kannada characters and language. The record may, on palaeographical grounds, be placed
in the 10th century A. C. The script does not show any peculiarities calling for s|)ecial remarks.
However, attention may be drawn to the forms of the initial vowels, a (lines 9, 23), d (lines 16, 21),
i (line 7), i (line u (line 9) and u (lines The shape of the long u
20), 9, 26). is particular! v note-
worthy. The form of final I (line 6) may also be noted. The specimens of Grantha and Kannada
scripts in the record may be compared respectively with those in the Grantha inscriptions of the
10th century, e.g., Udayendiram Plates of Buna Vikrainaditya^ and the Kannada inscriptions of
the same period, e.g., the Devlhosur inscription of Saka 88D and the Sogal inscription of the reign
^ Jaina Iconography, pp. 92-93.

* Pravctchanadra, Introduction pp. 4 and 12.
* Author’s own epigraphical collection. This epigraph wliich belongs to the 12th century, is under publica-
tion in my Jainism in Sovih India mentioned above.
* Above, Vol. IJI, p. 70 and plate.
® jMiove, Vol. XVJ, pp. 285 ff. and plate.
204 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA |V0L. XX iX
of Tailci II That the Grantha and the Kaana<la scripts of the inscription under
: Saka 902.'
study can individualiv assiirned on palaeographical grounds to the end of the 10th century
f>*'‘
A (\ leaves no douht that the e})igraph must be assigned bo this very period. Except paiaeo-
graphical indications the record does not afford any clue for fixing its date ;
it bears no date nor
does it refer itscdf to tlje rtdgu of any king, whose dynasty is specified.
Among tlie orthographical features be noticed the use of a superfluous annsvilra in

may
the ffdlowimr cases :
(hue -ctt uvodfiwin -enfiHuvinh (line 24). The class nasal is used in
kdi^bt (line 7), nunddod while it is replaced by the dHd^\)drd in akkuyn-cdidd (line 9),
(line 12). etc.,
pdmchd (line 17), <'ti . The consonants following the rvpha are doubled in ^d-cha)hdr-drkkam
(line b), dharnond (line 17), diidme (line 26).
The chief im])oitance of the re(‘ord lies in the contribution it makes to our knowledge of the
sti>be of Kannada lang'uag'e and prosody in the period to which it belongs, i.e., 10th century
A. i\ (_ oiLsequently, the special linguistic and metrical features and peculiarities found in the
record are discusseil at some length here.
Tlie laiigimiie of the in.^criptioa, except that of verse 1 wliicli is in Sanskrit, is old Kannada in-
ter.^] jer.v^d with a few forms of middle Kannada, viz., -dde (line 7), ippa (fine 10), toreyn (line 13).
Of the.ê ~dde conies from the older morpheme -ode and ippa is derived, through assimilation from
irpa, of old Kannada, The accusative morf)henie -an of old Kannada has dropped its final nasal
in tnrrfjn. The retroflex niid-jialatal I characteristic of Dra vidian, is correctly employed. The
retroflex r occurs fpiite legularly. In heffom (line 12) the nominative is used instead of the
accus;iti\'e brfJont'd>h. IljluJdm < irdddam towards the end of line 11 is a case of back-formation
based on analogy and is obviously not correct. Such wrong usages are frequently seen in inscrip-
tions as well as old Kannatla manuscripts/ Kesiraja (1260 A. C.) expressly prohibits the pro-
cousoiiaut while admitting that older poets have used
the
nunciation of r -r consonant as / -f-
two for the ])urpose of rhyme."' This suggests that there was a widespread practice among the
Common folk of pronouncing the r + consonant clust<‘r as I -(- consonant group and it may be this
that lias ])rompted the composer, the scrilw" or the engraver, or jiossibly all the three, to use the
form iljlddaPi in the present record.
m and -adt^ the conjimcti\'<‘ morphemes of old Kanua'la are seen here in more than one
context. One of them attaches itself to all the members entering jnto a conjunction and the last
one takes on the required case sullix, the rest being in the nominative. While interpreting, the
members As instances nvinc-yu
case suffix must be deemed to be present in all the other also. (1)
ndnddna-vanarnm-fith iddn'isi (\\, 12-13), (2) pdsuviim hrahnuinarama (1. 19), (3) pulladakkanêituvo
two the particle
ddfh nt-idHlndVdw hididodd (1. 24) may be qiioteil from the inscription. In the first
used in ettuvchlam and absent in bidid^^dfiy the

-nd) is used and in tiie third the particle -adi is is
second member. Such u.s<tge ;js this is ratlier rare in Kannada, more so in verse than in prose.
A<'Cording to the grammarians, though not ex})ressly so stated, all the members in conjunction
must have the conjimcti\’e paiticle as also the case sifllx.

^
^ Jbifl.. j)p. J ft. and plato.
250, N"o. 21 of
- Adolr/f_ <raibt„lf : A fhainhvn th- OUh d bi^rnplions by JDr. A. X. Nara^mhi'a, p.
S of about 075 A. (\ ptldore <Ci)Pi’dore^ aljo\c. Vol, XII,

about 7(_MI A. (
,
pflchnuo <.nfrrl<}iqi\, ibid. p. 20 O, I. .
Barnett, etc.,
p. 294, djU al)ovrs Vol. XHI, Xiduj : ali i. 10, of HOT A. C., bd. L. 1).
marniscript’^ d I fiddni Cidhone ; earliest date i 103 A. 10 pfddidouic^pQt'didaiti,

^ Sabddfn uiidf/rpii na (K^l. Kittel, K(*v. l92o), r'utia 24.
4soo (Pmê \\orI; oi the, lOtli rentury) Ed. 1>. L. Narasimhachar : balmpfjuni valUunnmam
[pn)(ht.fj}ninmu-v>nn-<triipthalkntn j). 29, 25-20, Fur'ojf're-miinuniYn Bflvo)a-7nuiurutait If) Ed. X, Laksiuiiinarayan Ra*', Xo. 127, line S.

, ,
No. 29] TAI.AXGEEE TXSCRTPTTOX OF JAYASIMHA

205
In the sentence ^rmme Jogacmjn
vrnhmdnj vnmsakk=
a aram-allade salladu, the second nllwle appears
i
to he siiperlliions. But such usa.ix<^ might hare
en t e prevalent idiom as attested to by
the double usage of maj (meamug or and later ^ '
^ on
^-2 sentences given below (1) o^mje me, mnnige mP,,^ pnljge :
(2) me, pogalge
(3) 05C men muni tnen\ wherein the use of men twice is analogous to that of ^
either ’
anrl
or ’
occurring simultaneously in English syntax.
A few words of lexical interest occur in this record and deserve careful
study : (1) mora
(line 9) seems to be connected with moradi^ and modn (Tulii) Imth meaning
a hillock ’
' (2) omil

rom the contexts (hues seems to mean
;
10, 13, 15) ‘

brackish It appears to be related to the
rst^member njai of the Tamil compound word nlai-man, uhi-mnn,
meaning salty or brackish ^
Boil
(3) chdvugdmi (line 16) is derived from the Sanskrit chit u mg rnnii
;
(-1) urmnie (lino 26) has ;
een translated as excellent ‘

This seems to descend from tlie Dra vidian root ftni nvuining ‘to
^
increase by the addition of the suffix -me uêd to form abstract nouns. As the final
,
-a of the
toot IS unstable and not
radical the noun hnne is directly formed, meaning increase, abundance ‘
It is in this
sense that Pamjna has em])loyed the word in the phrase rddâd-urmegaJ-oP and
the
reading here with short u in the
beginning may be a mistake. The variant reading penne found
m two of the manuscripts of this work is only a substitution of a synonym
and is confinmitory of
the meaning deduced above. (5) Adihlra (line 27) is obviously a corruption of tlie Sânskrit wor<l
^dhikdra.
The importance of this record to the student of Kannada prosody cannot be over-
stated.The ârdulavihridita of the first verse and the Kn-il'i'i following uve <[iute familiar in
Kannada metrics but verse Xo. I is not so and is a rare specimen. It is calle utsdh^t bv the
; 1
Composer of the inscription and demands close scrutiny. Xagavarmi has define I the metre an I
the definition itself is the illustration.® According to him the verse has four lines, each consistino^
Di seven BraJima-gnnas plus one guru, with rhyme in the second syllable. Of the four varieties of
the Brahraa-gana (— — w —— ,
* ^ w only two containing three syllables or mdtrds
ftre used here
and the other two consisting of four syllables or mdtrds are eschewed altogether.
The iambic variety (v^ — though containing 3 matrd.'^ does not enter into the scheme of Brahrna-
-)
qana. The utsdha of the present record is in conformity with the above definition. The 1st,
3rd and 4th lines are quite regular and it is enough to show the scansion of one of them viz., the :
first line.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
I
Jcadeya toreya tadiga \
kariga hdhi |
morn |
dirk
—
\
\
—
|
'w' ^
The tala or accent falls on the first syllable of every foot. Tlie second line, however, has an extra
long syllable in the first foot :
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Puttura I
poleya |
r-ippa keri |
g-ovnhi \
n'lra
|
bhunii |
gatn
|
*
Kavirdjamdrga (Ed. Pafchak, Bangalore), 1-134.
*Ibid., 1-135.
^
Pampa-Bharata (Kannada Sahitya Parishad ed.), VI-2(>.
*
Kittel has spelt this word with a cerebral or alveolar -rain the middle but it is highly doubtfuL Janna, a
famous poet and composer of the Tarikere inscription of 1 197 A* C. has m vcri.c o‘2 definitely usêd the word with a
retroflex -rain the rhyming place.
^
Pampa-Bhdrata (Kannada Sahitya Parishad cd.), 1-106.
* Ckhanddmbudki Kiivya Kalanidhi edition, verse 25S.
;
:
206 EPIGRAPHTA INDICA [VoL. XXIX

lliough the line is hypermetrical^ its rhythm is not in any way interfered with by the extra syllable
as the accent here falls on the second iong syllable. While reciting the line the existence of the
hrst syllable is practically obliterated. From this point of view the line may also be considered
to agree with the definition of Nagavarma. Instances of the occurrence of such hypermetrical
syllable are
12
found in some of the literary works.
â)leya |
I'oneya |
tnhra
3
j
rnîgula
4
The following
[
5
vann-li |
is a couplet
td ni
6
|
by Pampa (941 A.
kunja
7
|
dith
C.)^
1 2 3
Pm.ûna j
^ rajada |
puTija dim
|
The whole verse contains thirteen such couplets. The first foot of the second line of every
couplet has one extra syllable at the beginning, the accent falling on the subsequent long syllable,
similarly Kiimiidendu (c. 1275 A. has composed a ragale comprising 49 such couplets.^ The
following is a sample :
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Janaka j
tanmje 'jjdga -ngra kthcpa tlva Jiarsha dim
| \ j | | |
1 2 3
Mnda^^ni |
pura |
varshn dim
\
—w
It is thus clear that the composer of our inscription attached more importance to the rhythmic
effect than to the rules regulating this metre his is a creativê effort. The record is of unique ;
value in the history of Kannada metrics. The utsdha verse found here is the only one of its kind
known so far in Kannada literature and epigraphy.
The inscription opens with a Sanskrit verse which states that to Gautama, who was renowned
in the three worlds, was horn Saradvat.
Sarad vat’s brother was Santanu whose son was Kripa.
After many kings born in the lineage of Kripa down to Salya had passed away, Jayasiiiiha, the
crest-jewelamong the K.'iJiafrigas, is stated to Ije victorious, i.e., ruling. He was the abode of the
goddesses of Fortune, Learning and Victory. The king is then stated to have made a gift of a
piece of land situated in the vicinity of Puttur to MocKabbarasi as kanyaddna, i.e., gift to a
damsel. The land which was barren and rocky was converted into fertile field by Mochabbarasi.
Slie constructed a house, laid a garden and had a moat dug around the place. After the usual
imprecation on those who attempt to destroy the charity, the record ends with a statement to
the effect that the right of succession to the ownership of the land should devolve on the female
children in the lineage of the excellent Jog'awe ami not on the male offspring and that incase
;
there were no ffmiale issues the right will pass to the male children.
We
have no means of ascertaining the family to which the chief Jayasimha, the donor of the
grant, belonged or the exact period of his rule.
The fact that he does not bear any title indicative
of paramountcy would point to the conclusion that he was a local chief. However, we know of a
ruler named Jayasingarasa whose inscription is found at Kariangala (Ammnnaje) near Mangalore.^
He bears tlie titles ^^6makul(ttllaka, Pdndyci-Makdrdjddhirdja. Paramesvara and Pammabhattdrakî,
As these titles are usually associated with the later Alupas, the chief Jayasingarasa of the record
has been taken to be a scion of this family though the record in question does not specifically call
^ ynmpii’hhurtita^
2 Kumndindu Rnmaytinctt IV — after 98.
7/, Vol. IX, part
.n i, ins. Xo. 399.
No. 29] TALANGERE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA 207
him an Alupa. Since Talangere, where the record under publication is found, is within a distance
of thirty miles, as the crow
flies, from Kariahgala, the fl.ndspot of Alupa Jayasihgarasa’s record,
it isnot unlikely that the Jayasiihha of our record belonged to the same family as Jayasihgarasa
of the Kariahgala record did. But, on account of the fact that the Kariahgala record, which is
also undated, is palaeographically about a century later than the Tajaiigere inscription, the two
chiefs cannot be regarded as identical.
It is very well known that from the time of king Vinayaditya^ of the family of the Western
Chalukyas of Badami the Alupas were feudatories of the Chalukyas. From a record recently
discovered- it would appear that the Alupas were even matrimonially connected with the Chalu-
kyas. The Alupa chief Chitravahana seems to have married Kuriikuma-MahadCnu, the sister of the
Chalukya monarch Vijayaditya. The inscription states that king Vijayaditya made a grant at
the request of Chitravahana to the J inabhavana at Purigere constructed by this lady who seems
to be described as causing delight to the heart of the Alupa ruler. The request was made when
Vijayaditya had come to Banavasi to visit the Alupa orince. From an inscription of the reign of
Rashtrakuta Govinda III^ it is known that a Chitravcihana was administering the Aluvakheda
division under him. This Chitravahana has been rightly taken to be an Alupa ruler on account
of his name and the territory which he was governing.^ This was about 800 A. C. Subsequent
to this date hardly anything is known regarding the activities of this family. If, however, our
Jayasimha is, as suggested abov'e, an Alupa ruler, the fact that no paramount titles are borne by
him would indicate that about the end of the 10th century, the period to which he has
been assigned, the A} upas continued to be vassals either of the Rixshtrakutas whose power was
declining or the later Chalukyas who were beginning to lay the foundations of their power after
overthrowing the Rashtrakutas. However, by the time of Jayasihgarasa of the Kariahga}a
ruler is
inscription, i.e., 11th century A. C., the Alupas seem to have been independeut as this
given all the paramount titles.^
Besides Jayasimha, our inscription mentions two other royal personages, viz., Mochabbarasi
and Jogavve. The exact relationship which existed between Jayasimha and these two ladies is
neither stated in the record nor can it be ascertained from the nature of the reference to them made
in the record. Nor do we know how Mochabbarasi and Jogavve were related to each other.
Since at the end of the inscription it is specified that the hereditary rights regarding the possession
of the land should devolve on female issues it may be gathered that Mochabbarasi was either
the sister or the niece of Jayasiihha. to be considered the niece, Jogavve might
If she is
have
been the king^s sister. It may thus be inferred that this practice of the family property passing
from mother to daughter obtained in this part of the country at least as early as the 10th century.
This law of inheritance which goes by the name of aliya-santana is in vogue even today in that
area.
The only place mentioned in the record is Puttur. This may be identified with the village of
the same name, a few miles to the north of Talangere, the findspot of the inscription.
Ep, Cam., Vol. VIII, Sb. 571, Ep. Cam., Vol. XI, Dg. 66.
^
0. P, No. 49 of ARIE for the year 1945-6.

*
3 Ep.
Cam., Vol. VIII, Sb. 10.
Above, Vol. IX, p. 16.
Jayasiihha is mentioned as a contemporary of the great Dvaita teacher Madhvacharya in the
® A later literary
work Madhvavijaya (sarga 13, verses 21 ff.). He was a ruler of Kumbla. Madhvacharya is stated to have visited
a place called Vishnuinahgala, about three miles from Kasaragofl, where Jayasimha came and paid homage to
him. This village lay within the jurisdiction of prince Jayasimha of Kumb]a. Perhaps he was also an Ajupa
chief.
29 DGA/53 ®
:

TEXT
1 ^Svasti Sri [||*] Âsich=Chitrasikhandishu tri-btiuvaaa-kliyato munir=Gautainas=tat=suno^cha
2 Saradvatah Kripa iti bhra[tu]s=suta^Saritanoh [|*] tad-varasyesbv=adhuiia ga-
3 ^tesbv=aniaratani Saly-anta-bbadr-adishu sresthas=sri-Jayasimba
4 esha jayati ksbatr-aika-cbudamanib \\

[1*]
5 Sri chapalateya[m] Vacbana-^ri Chaturauana-viramamam bisutu JayaAri-cbaru-
6 netre-y=oda-neredâ-cbandr-arkkam virajisal Jayasimham ||

[2*] Vachana |[|*] Kanyadana-
marii nina-
7 g=ittan^=endod€ pettu Mochabbarasi sautosa[m]-batt-int=endade |

Kanda |
Inn=appa
bbuparêllam
8 ninnor6ga[rii] dorege varar=adariihd=arum maiinisad=uram guna-sampanna samant'ivud=
euaga^ kanya-
9 danarii |(
[3*] Akkumêmdu jj
Utsaham ||
tJra kadeya toreya tadiya kariya kalla moradim
10 Puttura poleyar-ippa keriy-ovala mra-bhumiyarh sara-bburuhamgal-oliy=:olage ne re-
11 da kereyanâmbhoruhakshi tanua dbanadin=oppe madis-ildudam j|

[4*] Vachana (}
12 *Nintarum=ollada kalkada bettam sava-talaih madiy=odila maneyu nandana-

13 vanavumam madisi kereyam kattisi toreya serey=itt=ovala nela-
14 naih piridum=ayasadim sukshetram madisidud=adu muuna’ mude-
15 y=ikknv=oval-uppu-nelada bhumiyan=olakond=agalan=agali-
16 si asanna chavugamigal-ariye kanyadanam-gotta bhumiyam
17 kaia-kalantaradol=aranum=I dharininaman=alidu kolal=atisida pamcha-maha-pata-
18 kam tanna tayam kolal=endu ®tamnna tandeyam kondu ®tarhuna makkala nettaram kudi-
19 du pasiivurii Brahmanaruma Kurukshetradolâlidâtana puguva nara-
20 kamarh puguvan=akke [(*] i kanyadanamarii kondatan=alpayushyanum=a-

_
21 putrikanum=appan=akke ||
Kandam |1
Aradodâkke dhatri-bharama-
22 n=araihtor=amtara kayy-aiiita blranan.=irad=am bedidea=:oraiiitir[e] kavu-
23 dî vyavastheyinûraiii ||
[5*] Vachana |[|*] Ademtêmdode [||*] Ara 3algal=urain pokkamdu
24 puiiadakkan=ettuvodaTiim(dam=)enanuvaih=bididoda® kolege saitar=ent=appa
25 dr6ham=^geydu bamdûram pokkod=avanam muru-divasaih sarvva-pariharam kadu

26 kalipuvudu [||*] [D]rmme Jdgavveya vamsadol=pen-gusuga|=allade gandu-gu-
27 sugala vamsakk=adiharam-allade salladu pen-gusugal=illadoda® gandu-makkalga^® salkum-
(lgum)f|:»]
1 Floral design.
* Metre Sardulavikridita.
: Lines 1-4 are written in Grantha characters.
® The medial e sign of <e is ivritten at the end of the previous line.
* Read : -itien-.
* Read : enage,
* Read : int-arum^.
^ After this there are two horizontal strokes which apparently stand for punctuation.
* Read : tanna,
* Read
Read : °ge.
No. 29] TALANGEKE INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA 209
TRANSLATION
Lines 1-4. Hail ! Prosperity ! In the lineage of the Chitrasikhandins^ there existed
Gautama, famous in the three worlds. Then there was Kripa, son of Santanu who was the brother
of âradvat, the son of Gautama. After some of his illustrious descendants up to Salya had
attained immortality (i.e., gone to heaven), this eminent Jayasimha, the sole crest- jewel of the
Kshatriyas is victorious.
Lines 5-9.While the goddess of Fortune, having forsaken (her) fickleness, the goddess of
Speech, having given up (her) resting-place in Chaturanana (i.e., Brahma) and both, having asso-
ciated themselves with the fair-eyed goddess of Victory, were resplendent till the moon and sun
(eifidure) Jayasimha, having said to Mocha bbarasi
;
I have made you a gift due to an unmarried
girP (of the family) ”, she received (it)^ felt glad and said thus : All those who will be born
kings hereafter do not come to your level or equal you, and therefore, Oh ! (you) rich -in- virtue
give me willingly as a gift (called) kanydddna a locality which none would value He replied
Be it so ”.
Lines 9-11. The brackish^ water- logged land (adjonwuj) the street wherein reside the
untouchables of Puttur (which was situated at some distance) from the hillock of black stones, on
the bank of a stream at the edge of the village and the reservoir complete with rows of es.seatial
trees — (these two) the lotus-eyed (lady)^ by her own wealth had caused to be finely construc-
ted ;
Lines 12-23. thus, having made a level ground of the stony wild hillock which none desired (to
have), having caused to be made a tiled house and a garden, having imprisoned the stream, (i.e.,
built a damand having converted with great effort the brackish soil into fertile land and,
across it)
brackisli salty soil
prior to that, having caused a moat to be dug (around) the land, comprising the
(used for) keeping bundles of grain^, made over this land, with the knowledge of the four nearby
^
destroyed thi&
villagers, as a gift to a damsel in the course of (endless) tim^, whosoever having
;
committer great sins go

pious (deed), desires to appropriate (it) for (himself), may that of the five
his father with the intention ol appropriating his

to that hell into which, he, by murdering
mother, by drinking the blood of his children (and) by destroying cows and Brahmanas m /
^
Kurukshetra enters may he who takes over (to himself) this gift to a damsel become short lived
;
and daughterless.
I beseech that hero, who
be that carries the burden of the earth (in future),
Whoever he may
away to regularly protect the
obstructs the hands of (i.e., prevents) those who carry (the yft),
village in this manner.

Lines 23-26. If be asked how it is (the reply is) : When the king^s men enter the village,
it
if they carry off heaps of straw and if they take anything by force they are fit to be killed. He
who having committed any kind of crime comes to the village and enters (it) must be
protecte
for three days after exempting him from all imposts and (then) sent
away.
right (of succession) goes to the
Lines 26-27. In the lineage of the excellent Jogawe the
are no female issues it goes to
female children and not to the line of male children when there ;
the male children.
Angiras and Kratu.

These are the seven sages, Pulaha, Pulastya, Marichi, Atri, Vasishtha,
mean “ making over an unmarried girl to a bride-
» Kanyadana is a compound word which is usually
taken to
compound should be construed as having the posses-
groom in marriage In this sense the first member of the
tliis is the intended .sense find.s
some support
sive case suffix. seems to take the dative suffix. That
But here it
in the last two lines of the inscription.
® This seems to be the meaning of the word oval
* This seems to be the meaning of yikku.
B A
210 EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXTX
No. 30-^TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD
(i Plate)
S. C. De, Bhubaneswab
Two single copper plates of TribhuvanamahadevI of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty of Orissa

were received from the Sub-Divisional Officer, Baud, as exhibits for the Historical Exhibition
organised on the occasion of the Cuttack Session of the Indian Historical Records Commission and
the Indian History Congress in They were discovered some years back in a
December 1949.
place near the town of Baud The exact place and the date of
and were lying in the treasury.
their discovery could not be ascertained. I propose to edit them here with the kind permis-
sion of Mr. A. Das, the Sub-Divisional Officer, Baud.^
Of the two plates, one is bigger than the other, the bigger one, to be termed hereafter as plate
A, measuring 14.2"x 11.3'', and the smaller one, plate B, 12.7"x9.8". Both of them are in a fair
state of preservation. A circular seal of the form of a full-blown lotus is soldered at the centre of
the left side ofthe plates. The counter-sunk surface enclosed within the rows of petals is circular
in shape. The diameter of the counter-sunk space is 3.3" in plate A and 3" in plate B. At the
bottom of the sunken surface, another double-petalled open lotus is carved out in relief. Above
it, the legend Trihhuvanamahddevijd^vijdh) is neatly carved in relief. The lower portion of the
subscript y in vyd is drawn out to form two horizontal lines below the legend. x4bove the legend
there is the figure of a couchant bull with the symbols of the crescent, conch and sun above it.
There are two floral designs, one in the front and the other at the back of the bull.
The characters closely resemble those of the Dhenkanal plate^ of Tribhuvanamahadevi and
the Talcher plates^ of Sivakaradeva (III). As a matter of fact, the Dhenkanal plate and our plate
B were both incised by the same person, Harivardhana, while the Talcher plates were engraved
by his father Rahasavardhana. On palaeographical grounds the plates may be assigned to
the 9th century of the Chirstian era at the earliest. Both the plates are dated in the year 100 50 8
(i.e., 158) of the era which is known to have been used by the rulers of the Bhauma-Kara family.
The language is Sanskrit. The text of both the plates is practically identical, except for the
grant portion. The composition is a mixture of prose and poetry. The descriptive portion con-
sists of fifteen verses in addition to the usual benedictory and imprecatory stanzas. There are
a few orthographical or grammatical mistakes and these have been corrected in their proper
places. The goherl, jota, valitvd, etc., occurring in the grant portion, seem to be Sanskritised
Oriya expressions.
The documents open with the description of the charms of Guhesvarapataka, the capital
of the Bhauma-Kara rulers. Next follows the genealogy of the family. In the Kara dynasty there
named Unmattasiiiiha. His son was Subhakara who erected many
flourished a powerful king
His son was Gayada who was succeeded by Kusumahara. Gosvaminidevi succeed-
lofty vihdras.
ed Kusumahara who had left no son. The kingdom thrived under her rule, people lived in peace
and prosperity. On her grandson, Lonabhara, attaining majority, she retired making over the
charge of the kingdom to him. Lonabhara was blessed with two sons, Kusumahara and Lalita-
hara. The two sons succeeded But, both of them having died
their father one after another.
childless, Pritlxviinaliadevi (the wife of Kusumahara), whose father was Svabhavatunga of
Kosala and mother Nrittamahadevi, the daughter of Yasovriddhi, ascended the throne,
and was known to the world under the name Tril^lxuvaiiamaliadevi. She is styled
Paramabhaitdfikd, Mahdrdjddhirdja-Paramehxirl and Paramavaishnavi, At th^ request of Sasi-
^ The plates are new

preserved in the Orissa Museum.
* JBOJtiS, Vol. II, pp. 419-27 and Plates.
® Wisra, Orissa under ike Bhauma Kings, pp. 40-50.
No. 30j TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 211
lekha, the moon Vragadi family of Virata lineage and wife of Malm inn tjfjahldhipati Mahga-
of the
lakalasa, Prithvimahadevi made the following grants in the year 158 for perpetual offering of
ablution, sandal paste, etc., to the deity Umamahesvara installed in the temple constructed by
Sasilekha and named Nannesvara after her father, for repairs to the temple, for providing garments
and medicines to mendicants, for food and clothing to Brahma nas and for the maintenance of the
family of the ddnapati,^
The grant in plate A consists of a village nani'^d Kottapura tog<dlmr with the Nannesvara
talapdtaka in the district of Tamalakhanda in Dandabhukti-mandala >ituated in Uttara-
Tdsala. The grant recorded in plate B is a plot of land called Utthuka-khandakshetra in the
district Of Dakshinakhanda in Dandablmkti-nnuelala of Fttara-Tosala.
I may here point out that some portions of the text of the records under discussion occur ir,
others as indicated below. Verse 6 of our plates occurs in the Talcher plate of Subhakaradeva
of the year 141.^ Again verse 15 of our records occurs in the same plate with reference to the
mother of Kusuniahara or Subhakara III The binnhi'i of Tribhuvananvahadevi as given in the
Dhenkanal plate^ and in the plates under discussion <are identical and the issuer is called Sinda-
gauri in both. The passage dealing with the boundaries of the gilt land in tin* present plates is
almost the same as that in the Talch^n- plates ol Sivakaradeva III of the year 119.^
MahdJcshapatalddhikrlta Bdnaka acted as the dutaka, mahdlMmpafalika hlwghi
Sakrasena as the writer and prtaka pdia D-oot lr-va asthe heater in case of both the recoids under
study. Plate A was incised by the braz.er Ann iravardliana, son of Isvaravardhana, while plate B
was incised by Harivardliana, son of Rahasavardhana. From the four copper plate charters of the
Bhauma-Kara dynasty, viz the two Talcher plates of Sivakara III, the Dhenkanal plate of Tri-
,
bhuvanamahadevi and our >plate B, we learn tlnit Harivardhaua was the son of Rahasa\ ardhana
and the grandson of Ramavardhaua.
ot the history of the Bh.iiuua-Kaia.
d\nast} of
These plates arc very important for the study
Orissa as they bring to light many new facts. Fii^tly, they reveal that Dandabhukti-mandala
was included in the kingdom Bhaiima-Karas of Orissa. Secondly, tlv\v throw neu light on
of the
the genealogy of that dynasty. Thirdly, they reveal that the later Bhauma-Karas were matri-
monially connected with the Soinavamsi kings ot Kosala.
that obtained from
The genealogy of the Bhauma-Karas obtained from the present plates ami
other plates are given below for a comparative study.
Plates under discussion
1 Uumattasiiiiha
’
. I
2 Subhakara
I
3 Gayada
4 Kusumahiira (I) (died childless)

5 GosvaminI {relation with No. 4 Is not mentioned)
6 Lonabhara {grandson of Gosvdmini)
I
—— I
-1 — -j
Kusumahara (II) {childless)

7 8 Lalitahara {childless)
ho. 7)
9 Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhiivanamahadevi (wife of
making of n ‘
o
functions connected with the
}
^ I.e., a Brahmana in charge of all
* Misra, op, cih, p, 35.

•Ibid., p. 36.
• Ibid,, P. 46.
Plates so far 'published

5
1 Lakshmikara
7
2 Kshemankara
3 Sivakara (I) alias Unmattasimha, m. Jayavalidevi

, I
4 Subhakara (I), m, Madhavadevi
iSivakara (II), m. Mohinidevi 6 Santikara (I) alias Gayada, m. Tribliuvaiia-

(
maliadevi of tbe Naga lineage
, I
. 1
Subhakara (II), m. Nrinnadevi ^ |
8 Subhakaradeva (III) alias Kusumahara (I)
Simhaketu
9 Tribhuvanamahadevi (I), mother of No. 8
and wife of No. 6
10 Santikara (II) alias Lonabhara or Gayada (II),
grandson of No. 9, m. Hiramahadevi
r \
11 Subhakara (IV) alias 12 Sivakara (III) alias Lalitahara

Kusumahara (II) |
—
f
-I
^
13 Santikara (III) 14 Subhakara (V)
A study of the above two genealogies would show that there are certain po ints of wide and
uncompromising difference between them. Firstly, it is stated in the present plates that
Kusumahara(I) died childless and Gosvamini took upon her the burden of the realm until she made
it over to her grandson L5nabhara. In the Talcher plates of Subhakara (IV) and Sivakara (HI)
there is no mention of Subhakara (III) alias Kusumahara (I) as having died childless. They
simply state that after the death of Subhakara (III) his mother took up the charge of the kingdom.
In the Talcher plate of Subhakara (IV) it is definitely stated, in the same way as in the present
plates, thatTribhuvanamahadevi made over the charge of the realm to her own grandson Lona-
bhara on his attaining majority. But in the Talcher plate of &vakara (III) Lonabhara is not men-
tioned and so the relationship between Tribhuvanamahadevi and Lonabhara is not ascertainable.
It is simply stated that Gayada became king after her (tasyd hahhuva nripatir-Gaya4ahi hnes
12-13). It would appear to mean that Gayada was bom to her but it was probably meant to convey
;
the sense that Ldnabhara-Gayada succeeded TribhuvanamahMevI. In the two Talcher plates of
Subhakara (IV) and Sivakara (III) there are no details explaining the reasons for Tribhuvana-
mahadevi’s assumption of the government after her son in the present plates it is definitely stated
;
that Gfisvamini succeeded Kusumahara

he had died without leaving any issue (lines 8-9).
(I) as
8o far it was believed that Tribhuvanamahadevi assumed the reins of the government during the
minority of her grandson Lonabhara. But that assumption is no longer tenable in view of the
clearmention of the fact in the present plates that Kusumahara (I) died childless. This fact
conflicts with the relationshipbetween Gosvamini and Lonabhara since the latter is described
in the present plates as the grandson of the former. Since Subhakara (HI), identical with
Kusumahara (I) of our plates, was childless, Lonabhara was either the son of a brother or sister
of the former ;
otherwise he could not have been called the grandson of his predecessor. It,
No. 30] TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 213
however, appears more probable that Lonabhara was the son of a brother of Subhakara (III).
This brother had probably predeceased Subhakara (III), after whose death his nephew became
the sole heir. TribhuvanamahMevI ruled the kingdom on behalf of her grandson who was still
minor at the time of the death of Subhakara (III). This assumption alone can explain away the
inconsistency of the facts stated above.
As regards the identity of Gosvaminl it may be noted that she is stated in the present plates
to have succeeded Subhakara (III) alias Kusumahara (I) and made over the kingdom to her grand-
son Lonabhara on his attaining majority. In the Talcher plate of Subhiikara (IV), the mother
of Subhakara (III) is described as having succeeded her son and made over the kingdom to her
grandson Ldnabhara. She was also known as Tribhuvanamahadevi. Thus both GosvaminT
and Tribhuvanamahadevi were successors of Subhakara (HI) and grandmothers of Lonabhara.
So they cannot but be identical. Gosvaminl was probably the original name of the wife of Santi-
kara (I) Gayada and mother of Subhakara (III), and Tribhuvanamahadevi was her assumed
alias
name. This assumption is corroborated by the allusion to Gosvaminl as having ruled in the past
in the Dhenkanal plate of Tribhuvanamahadevi.
I may here point out that Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate is not the wife of
Santikara (I), as assumed by Pandit Misra, for the following reasons. For one thing, nowhere is
Santikara (I) called Lalitahara. As pointed out above, the name of Santikara’s wife was, in all
probability, GosvaminidevL Tribhuvânamahadevi was an assumed name as is evident from the
passage : yd jagatsu T ribhuva7iamahddev=iti-visrutd occurring in Subhakara (IV) s Talcher plate,
the same passage being employed in the present plates with reference to Prithvimahadevi. Thus,
both Gdsvaminidevi and Prithvimahadevi had the assumed name Tribhuvanamahadevi, The date
of the Dhenkanal plate is clearly 160, as it is represented by the letter symbols lu and chu which
stand for 100 and 60 respectively.^ Santikara (I) s wife was the first queen in the Bhauma-Kara
dynasty to rule over the kingdom, and the reference to Gdsvaminl as having ruled the kingdom
in the Dhenkanal plate proves that another queen had reigned prior to Tribhuvanamahadevi of
that plate hence she must hav'e been the wife of Santikara (I).
;
That Gosvaminl is not a fictitious
figure but the grandmother of Lonabhara is proved by the plates under discussion. As stated
before, the inciser of the Dhenkanal plate and the plate B under discussion is the same person,
Harivardhana, son of Rahasav'ardhana. In view of the above facts, Tribhuvanamahadevi of the
Dhenkanal plate cannot be regarded as the wife of Santikara (I), bhe was the wife of Si\akara
the Dhenkanal
(III) alias Lalitahara. So it would be quite natural to identify Lalitahara of
plate with Sivakara (III), the younger brother of Subhakara (IV) alias Kusumahara (II). Thus
there were three queens bearing the name Tribhuvanamahadevi. Santikara (I) s wife was Gosva-
minidevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi (I), Subhakara (IV)'s wife Prithvimahadevi was Tnbhuvaua-
mahadevi (II) and Sivakara (III)’s wife (original name not known) was also Tnbhuvanamaha-
devi (III).
After Subhakara (IV) and Sivakara (III) their wives ascended the throne
under the names
and the latter in 160. This gives
Tribhuvanamahadevi. The former was ruling in the year 153
quarrel for succession. Prithvi-
credit to the after Sivakara (III) there was a
assumption that,
mahadevi ascended the throne probably with the aid of her father Svabhavatunga and, after her,
Rajamalla. The
Sivakara (III)’8 wife became queen. Her claim was probably backed by her father
hints Bhauma-Kara family are there in the Dhenkanal plate (lines
of a state of chaos befalling the
9-10). Further, stated therein that Tribhuvanamahadevi
it is
was approached by the ministers for
her accession to the throne (line 20). These hints confirm the belief that there ensued
a civil
war for succession after Sivakara (III) alias Lalitahara, and the two queens of Kusunmhara and
Then came Santikara (III) and u 'kara
Lalitahara ascended the throne one after another.
» Bmer’a Tables, PI. ix.

214 EPKJRAPHIA INDICA rVoL, XXTX
(V). Between the year 149, the date of the Talcher plate of Sivakara (III), and the year 180, the
date of the Ganjam plate of Daadimahadevi, we get four rulers, viz., wives of Kusumahara and
Lalitahara, Santikara (III) and Subhakara (V). Each ruled for about 8 years on average.
This quick succession corroborates the suggestion of a civil war.
The most uncompromising point of difference between the two genealogies given above lies in
that, while in the present plates Kusumahara (II), i.e., Subhakara (IV), and Lalitahara, i.e,,
fSivakara III, are said to have died childless, in the copper-plate grants of Dharmamahadevi and
DandimahadevI, Siv'akara (III) is said to have had two sons, Santikara (III) and Subhakara
viz,,
(V). This difference can be reconciled if it is assumed that Santikara (HI) and Subhakara (V) were
sons of Sivakara (III) by a second wife of his, the legitimacy of their birth being either not
acknowledged by the queen of Subhakara (IV) and by at least one of the queens of Sivakara (III),
or was deliberately ignored. However, there can be no satisfactory solution to this mystery until
further discoveries throw more light on the later history of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty.
Some scholars refer the dates in the Bhauma-Kara plates to the Harsha era. The date of the
present plates calculated according to that era will be 764 A. 0. But on palaeographic consideration
this date will be rather too early. As already noted, the present plates can not be assigned to a
date earlier than the 9th centiiry. Similarly, if the Neulpur plate^ is referred to the Harsha era
and the numerical figures in it be read as 54, the date of the plate will be 660 A.C. The forms of the
signs of medial vowels in this record, as also of some letters like s, hh^ etc., are more developed
as compared with those of the Ganjam plate of Madhavardja of G. E. 300. As such the plate
can be assigned to the beginning of the 8th century at the earliest. R. D, Banerji assigned it to
the latter half of the 8th century on paleographic considerations. Thus the date arrived at by
referring the plate to the Harsha era seems too early for it. Hence we may examine the possibility
of referring the dates in the Bhauma-Kara records to a later period.
From the Neulpur grant of Subhakara (1) we know that he was ruling over Northern Tosala.
The same region was governed by Somadatta on behalf of Sasaiika, the celebrated king of Karna-
siivarna. Since the plates^ of Somadatta and Bhanudatta are assignable to a date earlier than the
Neulpur plate, it may be presumed that the Bhauma-Kara rule in Northern Tosala and Danda-
bhukti was established subsequent to the rule of Sdmadatta or Bhanudatta. In order to ascertain
the time of the establishment of the Bhauma-Kara rule in Northern Tosala we have to find out
the probable date of the end of the rule of the Datta family in that area.
vSomadatta was a feudatory under Sasanka. if there was any, must have
He or his successor,
remained in the feudatory status till who
presumed to have maintained his
the death of Sasanka is
empire to the last. We do not know for certain when Sasanka ’s death took place but, from ;
certain references to his anti-Buddhist actions in Magadha as found in Hieuen Tsang’s account,
it is believed that Sasanka died shortly before the year 637 A. C.^ So up to that date, or
there-
abouts, the Bhauma-Kara rule had not been established in Northern Tosala. After Sa.ânka’s
death Bhaskaravarman and Harsha conquered his dominions in and outside Bengal. Harsha led
an expedition <against Koiigodca in 642 A. C. On his way to Kongoda, he would not have left
the Northern Tosala and Dandabhukti regions unconquered. The rule of Somadatta or Bhanu-
datta in the Northern Tosala-Dandabhukti region might have come to an end in this way. Whether
Harsha appointed the Bhauma-Karas as his agents in that region or they acquired the kingdom
with their might following Harsha 's departure cannot be determined. But it seems fairly certain
^ Above, Vol. XV, p. 1 ff.
« Tbld-, Vol. XXIII, p. 197 ff. ; JRASB, Letters, Vol. XI (1945), p. 1 ff.
* History of Ber^galf Vol. I, p. 66,

N’o. 30] TWO PLATES OF TRIBHIW’ÂNAMAHADEYI FROM BAUD 215
that their rule was established in Xortli Orissa region in 642 A. C. or tlierealjouts. Thus the
era used m the records of the Bhauma-Kara kings probably started from the date of the establish-
rnent of their rule in Northern
Tfisala, that is, from about the year 642 A.
C. The date of the
Neulpur plate and the present plates ralcidated
from 642 A. 0. will be 696 ami 800 A. C,
respecthely. These dates are quite in accord with those arrived at on
paleographical considera-
tions.
tSvabhavatunga
is mentioned as the father of TribhuvauamahadevL
He was the ruler of
Kosala, evidently South Kosala, and belonged
to the lunar dynasty. In the Patna plates of
Mahasivagupta Yayatip his father is said to have acquired the title of Svabhavatiiuga by his
\alour (Somakul-dhja-bkunuh Svahhcivatungo
nija-paunishaja). Svabhavatuhga of the plates under
discussion and of the Patna plates seems to
be one and the same person as such Prithvimahruirnn :
alias rribhuvanamahadev’I was the daughter of Mahabhavagupta Janamejava, king of Kosala.

From this we come to know for the first time that the SomavamsI kings of Kosala and the Bliauma^
Karas of Guhesvarapataka were matfimonially connected.
In regard to Matigalakalasa,we have so far not come across any such name. Wo only know
that some members of the Bhahja dynasty had surnames like Kalyanakalasa, Amoghakalasa,
etc. In view of this we may tentatively assume that this Mangalakalasa belonged to the
Bhauja
dynasty. It may be pointed out here that one Satrubhanja had
the surname Mahgalaraja.
Paleographioally his Jangalapadu plates, in which the above surname occurs, are assignable
to
about the same period as that of the present plates. It is possible that the fuller form
of the sur-
name was Mangalakalasaraja, Sasilekha, the wife of Maiigalakalasa, is stated to have come
of the Vragaiji family of the Virata lineage. The village of Koinsari in
known Mayurbhanj is still
as \iratapura. The Naga family of Mayurabhanja was known by the name Virata Bhujauga,
‘‘
or simply the Vairata or Virata family the power of Vairata Rajas of Mayurabhanja
dates from the seventh century A. D. Koinsari was probably the capital of thv^ Virata dynasty
of Mayurabhanja. The whole tract from Koinsari to Nilagiri was under th< rule of tue Virata
family.4 Some descendants of the old Virata family are living and they
still cail themselves
Bhnjaiiga Kshatriya. Vragadi might have been a section of the Virata family. It is not impro-
bable that marriage connections between the two royal families of Mayurabhanja, the Virfitas
and the Bhanjas, were established in course of time.
I have not been able to identify the districts Tamalakhanda and Dakshinakhap.da and
the village KottapiirS. I may only suggest that the first may be identified with Tamiuk, head-
quarters of a sub-division of the Midnapore District, and the second with Dakinmal (Dakshin
Mahal?), a pargana in the Contai Sûb-division. Tamiuk and Dakinmal are mentioned as parganas
m the Mughal revenue accounts.^ The Dandabhnkti mandala probably comprised the major
portion of the Midnapore District.
^ dPASB, Vol. I (1905), p. 14 ff. (Plate iii a, line 4). I am indcbtetl to Svi S. X.Rajaguru f >r refeience.
* JKHBS, Vol. I, p. 181 ff.
® Va.sii,
Archaeological Survey of Mayurhhanjay Vol. I, introduction, pp. xxxvi-xxxyii.
*
Va.«?u, Vih'akosa, Vol. XVIII. p. 693.
^ Fifth Heport, Vol. II, p. 457.
* JEASB, Letters, Vol. XI (1945), p. 7.
29 BGA/53 c
216 EPIGEAPHIA INDICA (Voi. XXIX
TEXT
Plate A
[Metres ; Vv. 1, 6, 7 Sardulavikrldita ;
vv. 2, 23 Sragdhard ;
v. 3 Vamsasthavila ; vv. 4, 5 Vasanta^
tilakd ;
v. 8 Dnitavilambita ;
v. 9 Sikharini ;
vv. 10-16, 18-27 Anustubh ;
v, 17 Mdlin'i ;
V. 22 Pushpitdgrd.l
Obverse
1 sffi
cf)"-
2 I
^f^tWWRTTT^ ll[?*]
3 II ^TrWT( <117 ) H + Ph (^^Tf^rTT-

s?r?TO?2r(r^); siwfr i
4 I TTSIT 5y3sd( ssfr
6 fd ll[^*] ^«rJT[:*]
f«nT: w-
6 # ^PTT^: [I*] gfrlT^nTnT f^raTFnT(zm) 1|
[^*] cTFTTcJrsr: ^TT^HTf^ Trif^(?r)-
7 %sift thtR ;TfTPT%5#(5#)>r^ II (l) qwf^'M>l^«T*Fq’ "M-'+l'il^
•
HiKiRf rT snTftr ii[y*] ^jtt-
8 fr/l w'l7^ M : ^ SR%: I

dRrH^'4MdH'4«-JTf^
9 ii[-!^*j tfTf# si^fecf
wr: «fk5^ ^-
10 4 I
^ sfk ^
11 ii[^*] ^ fsqq’l |wrr^cT^f^>fqrT?nfr%f r4+ rf^^-
12 clRlT Fq^^cl: ^ ^ ^ TT^qf^nr STT^^nitlRt^-
[iivs*] ?r«r ?r tt^t-
1 Expressed by a symbol which is also regarded as indicating aiddham.

as
* [In the names Kuaumahdra and Lalitahdraf occurring several times in both the plates, what has been read
h saems to be really bk, —D.C.S.]
TWO Plates of Teibhcvanaâhadevi Peom Baud
-v W
37,
trr ^ 5^,"i 7 i
-c
->
;
^ f>v,< '~S
^ - H*
ii ;1'
®
>
^ >^>5 ;;r-^
^ ^ Vv
:v Sa
M
VA *v7 ^ ^ .-rU h^ / -7 r* d
'
^ r^
7 't', 'i ^
Obverse
’ii<t^<' »^> ,p <25

tti ^ & M-^' '^J,'H ^s IS
r:
SCALE- ONE-HA
Lakshminabayan Rao
St'S No 723 H E(C)'63-4S5’S4.
^
-4> ;
fllllli
S?^S^h.®)515
^3
’
‘
^ c=^
v^ ^ ^^
-Sf *5g?g^
P^
•2;»;5;.iB§'rtK PS
& p» M
>:?
Kr
S
W Hi
KgMfl
ww »4r;:
I
No. 30] TWO PLATES OF TEIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 217
W^(crDT) ll(l) cTFTTWi
15 cTT^!’ 1 B fui r+ <«! iil>l r^47^^

i ll[S.*] ^:
16 ^^ft; I
^( ^ ) sr>^q-t>^>T^<TETT^5riTclTWr: i ![?«>*]
17 JTdJftfcfjfr: ll[n*]
w: ^f)wTf«r-
18 #; ii[n*] twtf r^ Pq ^ h1 I
ôqT(5JTt) ll[n*]
ll[?V*]
19 EfR^ Wffe^ I TswriffT^ f^T^TUTMT
20 ^\ I ![?!(*]
I
<0
22 %?rr N^qr ^rq’fr^q’pjR wrFcr ii[?^'^] 'REt’^^

BT^rrfq-qqT^nTtirr^r RRtfTftqFF m^rfftT^t-
23 TF^R^S,^^ ^fRcftFT^FnTF Fr(q’)rlHM-

«f)fcFTq’q’B^F^ II
]TfTqFrqqRFF^F^4F^RT% ( )^^^HI'nfT=t>M'^qF-
24 UF^J^JT^ mTFMF[^q^
q’Fq- TF^-
25 ^^f^RFR^ MfFM^-
q’Ff?q«WFJM^(3’)q'??nT^F^qUT II
?rB'(qT)?rFHqfd
26 ^d+l <4 ^ '^(qqR'q
I
qtf|FÊT(f
I
WFTM(crDT)
fTT^^'RcFFTTFJRF^r: qrl’g<j<lnH[.
27 ^(Fq’)5ll(^:) =qg:FftMtW^[:*] ]
mMr<+<: ?fr|?r: ?ur-
28 1 q ol nJ€4> I Rq Id qF: ?r#cr^fd^l d M I niq<rM4T;

218 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXiX
Reverse
29
R-
30 fî^<aNP «ft?r%%WTT
f^wrr ^^^rffwf^pjRrra'-
C^
31 ^ «fl^TraTfW^=R5T siTRf^T
32 Rcr^T^JT'T^T’T^
î^^T’JTFf Rfra^nirfr-
33 WT rnRw I
WT(WT)^'i|Kt URTT-
34 fefrift >TFT; I ’TKR(^)dK'tdr 'jTlq'l'^r'kfHRsfHI^^T
I VTFfr 5[T-
35 d9rdWGnlHM<4<N^?rT«I3:^3(5:=^)?irTf>l^(^) i4i(ll'Hdlt'cifl«T^rfN1^*-*r'Jir+"-
JrfdirRd^d^^WR-
36 ?f^(ffw;) «r^46l-f;dl4,dr^; II ?oo lô s; ^Tf%^-
^ \3 I ?TR^(?rT)?# [I*] ^(^)|RT5#5^ ^ ^'

37 % GJRiRPiT: I qrq- iTR 31^ ^ ^ >»
[?t;*] RT TR^(#)fw 'TlfiRT: I R^RT^-

38 dRr-T?R 'TT^(m)jrTr^ ll[U*] R^t!TRr<t11RT(^ ^) jfr
^gRTT(XTR) R- f^WTT fRnTRT I

^ T-
39
>fRTT 3TTjff ?rtererR; ii[^?*]
40 ^drR( )Rr( Rr(Rr)3nrrf^?R iRR^tf^ssEr i

arfewfii?-
F] 3^- f^-
41 ?flRT; ll[^^*] 3TT^>^|%^^^53^Rrd^T?lfT^Vf%fR
SS
42 jRnfR(i^) I drRriff^ 3rr^=5=t^^-
^ The dav^tln is superfluous.

No. 30] TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 219
?r(^)^^(^)?T; i fu-
44 fMcrP:^( )d'^qFi ^ I
^#rof 31Md4i#H ^(f)^'^-
^^5#'irfd' II ÛTT
45 I 'J5#fîq_T^'^c^ffruTTTR«r
46 ^ MTIt? PtW ^T
5TT^ I rRfl T-
47 f^^^RTf^TW ^ ^^PTFffFT# Td';
qf«=^RTfMW >3 C
^Tc^r f^^T-
48 f^S'^JT^'tcRTT ^F'UTRT MRT dFtjJTTMFT
^qrrfkÊrWtW 5r>^-
49 ftUTT MT^ I
qf^'^STMfîMWTTfM'iT^ r^?rT^[pT]^M’Td' ^#RTM
M^r qf5^‘w^TT#jr ^rt-
?n:^r-d7^'M iic^
50 JTRd; I d-T
^''MfcT^T McdT M^TR-
51 ii
Plate B
Obt'i rse
1—24 '
^‘F-/-
25 %(f%)^f«1T’Tr?d'fT^rFU=Trd’fT Tr5!MR'lf?d'?dT3'M?(?)^'^M5UdYTrd; II
26 ’iTf^'TMfq' R’5rJT^^Tf(^)|^FrTi;^^T4FTr^fJ4FtiTdTirrM4n:'Fr wrf^(Q)RHdl%
Hei'trse
M^dTR; qTfecnT?rPT(R')3'll
27 STq1% ^ HT^ TT d% ^ I
5T>Tft^-(T) ?Ftf?r;(5r)
(^)
28—44
45 I ^#<4 l“
II ^
f^n??T^ I
m lines 1-25 of plate A ûth ueghoihle var\ t

^ The text of these lines is the same as
in lines 27-44 of
plate A.
* The text of these lines is the same a*?
® The dartâ is superfluous.

46 ^54+>|F<Î<wt ?’r?T’3TTrW’^ ^JT?qT le^TT
^rfdq4''j| tic'll ^-
47 5r><r%WT qrw> i ^ o
C n3
48 ^k4I ?f§PiFTf^'4 *F 't)'l *^1 4140 I
fewnfiTR^
o <o
^|irf
49 snr^fT ji irc4T qf^Rtrnîtw MlRiRr-Hi itrw i ^

'T=4ff>TW
CN vD
^cJT^ 5FTq--
>0
50 ?T fi iR^ 5rsiR?ig(g;)f^cRftRt Jir^ ii^
No. 31-NOTE ON TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD

D. C. Sircar, Ootacajviund
Mr. S. C. De’s paper on tlie inscriptions in question has been published above.^ We find it
some of Mr. De’s suggestions. In the following lines, some comments

rather difficult to agree with
are offered especially on the most important of them, namely, the one concerning the identity
and age of the Bhauma-Kara queen who issued the Dhenkanal plate
In the HindoB and Dharakota® plates of Subhakara III, both dated in the year 103 of the
Bhauma-Kara era, the said king is described as the son of Santikara I from Mahddevl Tribhuvana-
mahadevi who was sriman'Ndg-ddbJiava'kula-laldma-bhavd, i.e.j bom in the eminent family ‘
sprung from the illustrious Naga.^ All the three Talcher plates* of the great-grandsons of this
queen, Subhakara IV (one grant dated in the year 145, usually read as 141) and Sivakara III
viz,,
(two grants both dated in the year 149), clearly state that Tribhuvanamahadevi ascended the
Bhauma-Kara throne after the death of her son Kusumahara or Simhaketu, i.e., Subhakara III*
The Talcher plate of Subhakara IV further says that, when Tribhuvanamahadevi’s naptd or grand-
son, named Lonabhara alias iSantikara II, became sufficiently aged, she abdicated the throne
in his favour. The corresponding portion of the Talcher plates of Sivakara III, which seems to be
corrupt in the original and more so in the published transcript, does not specify the relationship
between Tribhuvanamahadevi and her successor Gaya da II, i,e., Santikara II.
The Dhenkanal plate, issued by Tribhuvanamahadevi as a ruling queen, bears a date which
looks like IGO but may also be read as 120.'^ The queen, whose other name is given in her record
as Sindagaurl and who was the queen of Lalitahara, is stated to have been the daughter of Raja-
malladeva described as the ornament of the southern quarter (dakshin-dSd’mukha-tilaka). It is
further stated in the record that the queen ascended the Kara (i.e., Bhauma-Kara) throne after
the circle of the Malidsajuantas (feudatories) had pointed out to her the case of an ancient queen
1 1 acknowledge with thanks the help I received from Pandit Banambar Acharya in editing the inscriptions.
- JSee pp, 210 ff.
3 Mi&ra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, pp. 23 £f.
*
Ibid., pp, 12 ff
‘Ibid., pp. 21 ff.
•Ibid., pp. 32 ff., 40 ff., 51.

’See above, VoJ. XXIX, p. 81, note 3.
No. 31] NOTE ON TWO PLATES OF TRIBHXJVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 221
named Gosvaminl and requested her to assume the reins of Government in the manner of that
old ruling queen.^ Mr. Misra identifies queen Tribhuvanainahade\u who issued the Dhenkanal
plate with the Bhauma^Kara queen of the same name mentioned in the inscriptions of the years
103, 1,45and 149, referred to above. Mr. De on the other hand thinks that TribhuvanamahadevT
of the Dhenkanal plate ruled in the year 160 immediately after Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhuvana-
mahadevi who issued the Baud plates in the year 158. We are inclined to favour Mr. Misra's
identification as Mr. De's suggestion appears to be doubtful in view of the following facts.
In the first place, the fact that the feudatories cited the instance of an ancient ruling queen
named Gosvamim to induce Tribhuvanainahade\'i of the Dhenkanal plate to ascend the throne
suggests that she was the first ruling queen on the Bhauma-Kara throne. Had there been two
other queens previously ruling in the family within less than half a century before her age and
had one of them ruled immediately before herself, the reference to an earlier queen’s rule by wav of
illustration was certainly uncalled for and meaningless. Even if such an illustration was necessarv
at all to indue© a third queen of the family to the throne, it is no doulit strange that the ruling
queen who flourished immediately before should have been passed over in silence and the case of
another reigning more than quarter of a century earlier would have been cited.
Secondly, according to Mr. De, Tribhuvana mahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate was the wife
of Si vakara III who issued his grants in the year 149. If she Avas thus the mother of Bantikara
III and Subhakara V, it is only natural to expect a prominent mention of her name in the grants
of queen Dan^mahadevI who was the daughter of Subhakara V. But her name is conspicuous
by its absence in the later records of the family. This difficulty has been explained away by Mr.
De who thinks that TribhuvanamahadevI of the Dhenkanal plate was a step-mother of Dandi-
mahadevfs father and that she, like Prithvimahadevi, did not recognise her step-sons' title to the
Bhauma-Kara throne. If such was the case, TribhuvanamahadevI of the Dhenkanal plate is
expected to have been a partisan of Prithvimahadevi in her struggle with the lawful claimants
of the throne and the non-mention of the latter’s name in her record becomes doubly inexplicable.
two known facts (1) that TribhuvanamahadevI, mother of Subhakara 111 of the
Thirdly, the
Hindol and Dharakota plates (dated 103), was born in the Naga family and (2) that Tribhuvana-
mahadevl alias Sindagauri of the Dhenkanal plate was the daughter of Rajamalla of the southern
coimtry appear to suggest that the two were one and the same person. The name Sindagauri
(Lc., Sinda-Gauri or Gauri of the Sindas) shows that the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate was born
in the Sind.a family while it is well known that the Sindas who originally belonged to Karnataka
claimed Naga are inclined to believe that TribhuvanamahadevI, who was the mother
origin.^ We
of Subhakara III and has to be identified with the ruling queen of the Dhenkanal plate, was the
daughter of a Sinda king bearing the name or hiruda Rajamalla.^ It has to be noticed that Prithvl-
* “
Devi pur=api devva ^ri-G6svatninva...chiraiii dharit=aivr:eyam vasiindhara tacl_adhiin-api pra'*ida tath-
aiva suchiram dharay-ainam kriyatam lok-anugrahalx svikriyataiu-va(tam va) prakram-agatiX-Kara-rajya-srlr =
iti sa“rabhasaixi=:abhiskeka'mangala-pratipad-6nmukhena mahatil mahilsamanta-chakrena nivedyamand...«îm-
baaanamârudha (Misra, op, cit., pp. 25-26, text lines 17-21). An alternative interpretation of thi. passage may
be that the queen’s other name was Gosvamim and that ^he had ruled the kingdom for sometime on a previous
occasion before the accession of her son (or step-son) Subhakara III, although there is no indication in favour
of such a possibility in the inscriptions of the family.
* Bomb. Gaz„ Vol. I, Part II, pp. 573 ff.
Cf.
® We have no knowledge of a Sinda-Nuga ruler named Rajamalla who Hourished in the tenth centu^)^ But
the said name i.s known to have been popular in the Sinda family. An inscription of 1148-49 A,C. mentions a chief
named Irmadi-Raehamalla (i.e., Rajamalla the Second, showing probably that there was u Rajamalla I among
his predecessors) who claimed the Xaga lineage and enjoyed the biruda Siiida-Govinda that reminds us of Sinda-
Gaurf. See ABSIE for 1904, p. 9 (cf. Nos. 56 and 69 of 1904) Kielhorn’s List of Inscriptions of SoxUhern India,
;
No, 253.
222 EPIGEAPHTA TNDTCA [VoL. XXIX
maliildevl in her Baud plates not only assumes both the names as well as the epithet Paramavaish-
navi enjoyed by the earlier queen Tribhuvanamahadevi alias Bindagauri but refers to the latter
not as Tribhuvanamahadevi (as in the Taicher plates of her husband and the latter’s younger
brother) but as Gosvaminl. The foot of the stanza applying the name Bindagauri to the issuer
of the Dhenkanal plate has been actually appropriated by Prithvlmahadevi in the similar verse
quoted in her Baud plates. This attempt on the part of Piithvlmahadevl to pass herself as the
shadow and at the same time to distinguish herself clearly from the earlier ruling queen Tribhii-
of
vanaraahtTdevI, whom she represents as Gosvamim, is not entirely unintelligible. This may have
been partly due to her eagerness for strengthening her position against the lawful claim of the
sons of her husband’s younger brother to the Bhauma-Kara throne. Apparently, she claimed
her position on the Bhauma-Kara throne to be exactly similar to that of her earlier namesake
although she felt the necessity of avoiding any confusion between the two Tribhuvanamahadevis.
It is interesting to note that Prithvlraahadevl is silent in regard to Gosvaminl' s relation with her
predecessor. The Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate was induced by her
facts that
feudatories to assume the burden of government by citing the instance of Gosvaminl and that
Prithvlmahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi of the Baud plates applies the name Gosvamim to
her earlier namesake (apparently to make a distinction between the two TribhuvanamahMevIs
to avoid confusion) appear to suggest that the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate was called Gosvaminl
11 afteran ancient or legendary female ruler of Orissa probably having nothing to do with the
Bhauma-Karas. It may be pointed out that the assumption of the name Bindagauri, pointing
to an association with the Sinda Nagas, by Prithvlmahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi, who is
known to have been born in a royal family other than that of the Bindas, seems to be explainable
only by the suggestion that she adop>ted it ratlier arbitrarily just to pass herself as the shadow of
an earlier ruling queen of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty. It seems therefore that the issuer of the
Dhenkanal plate was the real and original Bincla-Gaiirl and that she flourished before the imitation
Sinda-Gauri who issued the Baud plates.
Fourthly, Mr. De thinks that the real names of the mother of Subhakara III and the wife of
Bubhakara IV were respectively Gosvaminl and Prithviraahadevl and that they both assumed the
name Tribhuvanamahadevi, although he cannot say what the original name of Tribhuvanamaha-
devi of the Dhenkanal plate, whom he regards as the third ruling queen of that assumed
name, was. We find at least two difficulties in accepting this suggestion. The first is that, if the
mother of Subhakara III assumed the name Tribhuvanamahadevi when she ascended the throne
after her son’s death, she could not have possibly been mentioned by that name, as she really is,
in the records of her son who preceded herself on the throne. In the second place, if Tribhuvana-
mahadevi of the Dhenkanal plate was the third Bhauma-Kara ruling queen of that name, it is
rather strange that she, unlike Prithvlmahadevi, did not feel the necessity of distinguishing herself
to avoid a confusion between herself and any of her two past namesakes. This no doubt looks
especially dubious when she is supposed to have been immediately preceded
by another ruling
queen of the same name, because the possibility of confusion in such a case was greater. If her real
name was Tribhuvanamahadevi, it must be regarded as a strange coincidence that she succeeded
another Tribhuvanamahadevi. But name was different, she would have hardly chosen
if her real
Tribhuvanamahadevi as her coronation
name, because that would lead to a confusion between
herself and her predecessor on the throne. That the female rulers of the Bhauma-Kara family had
no special liking for the name Tribhuvanamahadevi is shown by the fact that none of the four later
ruling queens of the dynasty (viz., GanrlmahadovI, DandimahadevI, Vakulamahadevi and Dharraa-
mahadevl) assumed that name. If the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate flourished immediately after
Prith^nmahadev^, she could have hardly called herself only by the name assumed by her predecessor
without any attempt to distinguish herself.
No. 31] NOTE ON TWO PLATES OF TRIBHUVANAMAHADEVI FROM BAUD 223
Fifthly, the Baud plates of Prithvlmahadevl alias TribhuvanamahadevI give the genealogy
of the Bhauma^Kara family in which the lon^ line of rulers from Unraattasiihha (the second king
of the dynasty) down to the ruling queen herself are named and, in the description of the earlier
ruling queen TribhuvanamahadevI alias GosvaminI, they actually quote one stanza and a half
from the Talcher plate of her husband Subhakara IV. The Dhenkaual plate on the other hand
mentions only Unmattake sarin and Gayada I (the second and fifth rulers of the family) in the
reference to the past mouarchs of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty and gives tlie nn press! on quite clearly
that the issuer of the charter has to be placed in the earlier part of the genealogical tree. This
no doubt goes in favour of the identification of the issuer of the Dhenkaual plate with the mother
and successor of Subhakara III who was the great-grandson of Unmattakesarin (“siriiha) and the
son and successor of Gayada alias Santikara 1. If the Dhenkaual plate was issued in the year 160,
that is to say, shortly after the reign of Prithvlmahadevl of the Baud plates, it is difficult to explain
why the description of the Bhauma-Kara genealogy quoted in it does not resemble in any way the
same as found in the Baud plates of the year 158 as well as the Talcher plates of the
years 145 and
149. As already indicated above, the fact that the issuer of the Dhenkanal plate does not mention
states that the
Prithvimahadevi, her immediate predecessor according to Mr. De, but
who was
queen was induced to ascend the throne by citing the instance of an earlier female ruler named
Gosvanuni is inexplicable and renders Mr. De s suggestion unconvincing.
plate to the year 160 seems
One of Mr. De's arguments in favour of assigning the Dhenkanal
Rahasavardhana, while the two
to be that it was engraved by the brazier Harivardhana, son of
Talcher plates of the year 149 were engraved by the brazier Rahasavardhana, son of Ramavar
Rahasavardhana.
dhana, and one of the Baud plates of the year 158 by Harivardhana, son of
year with Hari\ardhana
His identification of Harivardhana, engraver of the Baud plates of the 158,
record
who engraved the Dhenkanal plate appears to support his contention assigmng the latter
to the year 160. difficulties in ascribing the Dhenkanal plate to such a late
But considering the
several records of the Bhauma-Kara
date, which have been detailed above, as well as the fact that
dynasty mention the Vardhana family of braziers and the very name
Harivardhana occurring mt e
that the engraver of t e

Chaurasi plate assigned to the year 73d it does not appear improbable
set of the Baud p
Dhenkanal plate was an ancestor of his namesake who engra\ed one
the accession of TribhuvanamahadevI
It may be noted here that the circumstances leading to
records of the years 145, U9 an ,
I, sumamed Sindagauri and Gosvamini (H), as given in the
Dhenkanal plate,
which have been discussed above, are not clearly described in the
abcended the B aum
plate of the year 145, as we have seen, says that TribhuvanamahadevI
favour of her grandson as soon
throne after the death of her son Subhakara III but abdicated in
that the queen ruled for a short
as the latter passed over his minority. This gives the impression
India, minority was ne ^ ®
period during the minority of her grandson, although, in ancient
Baud plates, which are silent on the relation
to one’s accession to the throne.^ On this point the
^bubhakara I I),
between Gasvamini (TribhuvanamahadevI I) and her predecessor Knsumahara
It seems therefore that bantikara II, sur-
add that Subhakara HI died without leaving any heir.
^ Misra, op. ci7., pp. 8-9. ^ . c

is similar to that of \ inayachandra, son of
same ^rsom
, T‘ic
The two may also be one and the
Bhanuchandra, who engraved some, but not all, oi tne o
^
oh UI, p. u e c.
Gahga years 28 and 91. See IIJQ. Vol. XIX, p. 235 JAHRS, ;
\ ,
® See JRASBL, Vol. XII, pp. 71 ff. Vol. XIII, pp. 75 ff.
;
^
!9 DGA/53
224 EPJGEAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXIX
named Lonabhara and Gayada II, may have been adopted as tbe son of Subhakara III by the
latter’s chief queen sometime after his death and his mother’s accession to the throne. Mr. De’s
speculation in regard to the relation between Tribhuvanamahadevi I and her successor does not
appeal to me.
In our opinion therefore the known inscriptions of the Bhauraa-Kara family reveal the existence
of two and not three ruling queens named Tribhuvanamahadevi. Queen Tribhuvanamahadevi
I was the mother of Subhakara III and ruled for some years after her son’s death when her Dhen-
kanal plate was issued in the year 120. She was the daughter of a Sinda king enjoying the name
or birudu Rajamalla. Queen Tribhuvanamahadevi II was the daughter of the Sdmavamsi king
Svabhavatuhga of Kosala (South Kosala) who, as we have seen elsewhere,^ seems to be no other
than Mahasivagupta I Yayati (circa 970-1000 A.C.^). It has also been noticed how Prithvimaha-
devi secured the Bhauma-Kara throne in a temporarily successful contest against the lawful claims
of the sons of her husband’s younger brother with the active help of her father sometime before
the year 158 of the Bhauma-Kara era and how this fact helps us in locating the commencement
of the said era about the middle of the first half of the ninth century.^ We have also shown how
the Daspalla plates of Satrubhanja of Vanjulvaka, who was a descendant of Ranabhanja of Dhriti-
pura (about the third quarter of the tenth century^) and probably flourished about the second
quarter of the eleventh century, bear the date year 198 (apparently of the Bhauma-Kara era),
:
Vishuva-saiikranti, Panchami, Sunday and Mrigasiro-nakshatra, suggesting March 23, 1029 A.C.,
and how this fact helps us in tracing the initial year of the era in 831 A.C.® The date of the Baud
plates of the year 158 thus appears to be 988 A.C.
The epithet VirdlavamsodbJhava-Vrdgadikalakumudasaîlekhd, applied to the lady Saîlekha

at whose request -the grants recorded in the Baud plates were made, seems to suggest that she was
born in the Virata dynasty but was married into the Vragadi family. Her husband Mangala-
kalasa therefore does not appear to have been a Bhanja prince of the Mayurbhanj region as suggest-
ed by Mr. De. The identification of Mangalakalasa, taken to be a Bhanja prince of Mayurbhanj,
with Satrubhanja Mangalaraja of the Jangalpadu plates is unlikely as the findspot and style of
this record show that the chief ruled in the Ganjam region and belonged to the house of the
Bhanjas of Vanjulvaka.® In the present state of our knowledge, it is dififlcult to connect him
with the Bhanjas of Mayurbhanj. The facts that the temple built by Sasilekha was called Nan-
nesvarayatana after her deceased father Nanna and that a village granted in its favour included a
locality called Nannesvaratalapataka appear to suggest that both the temple and the gift village
were situated in the same area of the Dandabhukti mandala (modern Danton region of the Midnapur
District, West Bengal). As l§asilekha may have built the temple and arranged for the gift of land
in its favour in the area under the jurisdiction of her husband who enjoyed the gubernatorial status
of Mahdmaiid<^lddhipati under the Bhauma-Karas, it is not improbable to think that Mangala-
kalasa was the ruler of the Dandabhukti ynanâla.
1 JASL, Vol. XIX, No. 2, 1953, pp. 119 ff.
2 Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXII, p. 307.
^ See above, . . ; JAHL, loc. cit.
* Above, Vol. XXV’llI, p. 40 ; IHQ, Vol. XXVIIl, pp. 225 If,
s
Above, Vol. ; JJJQ, Vol. XXIX, pp. 148 ff.
“ IBQ, Vol. XXVIIl, pp. 229-30.

No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA SAKA : 1091. 225
No. 32—NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA CHODA : SAKA 1091
B. V. Krishna Rao, Rajahmundry
These plates were found in the village of Nanduru in Bapatla Guntur District, about
fifty years ago and were forwarded by the Tahsildar of Bapatla to the Assistant Superintendent for
Epigraphy, Southern Circle, Madras, early in 1917. They were examined aud num]3ered as C. P.
No. 23 of 1916-17, and were reviewed in the Anjnial Report on Sonth Intlian Epigraphy 1917^ ^
pages 118-119. The following description of the plates appears in the Annual Report.^
“ The plates are 5 in number and are hung on a big ring the ends of which are fixed into the
bottom of a seal which bears the legend ‘
srl-TribhuvanaiiikxGa ’
between two lines with the sym-
bols of the sun, the moon and star, tw'o parasols, the Chola Tiger, ahku>a, lotus and the svastika
(?) above, and the Chalukyan boar, the di.^c {(.hakni), sandals, drum, double-conch, lamp stands
and a few other unintelligible symbols below ’h
It is said that the ring was not cut when tlie plates readied the Epigraphist’s office. The
Epigraphist, the late Rao Bahadur H. Kri'^hna Sastri, observed, therefore, it js curious how despite
this the set is incomplete commencing as it does with No. 3, marked on the second side of the existing
plate and stopping abruptly with the mention of the donee, omitting the usual imprecations, etc.
He, therefore, assumed that the plates had been examined sometime before that and that the now
missing plates were lost on that occasion. I am, however, of a different opinion. The two outer
plates must have been completely worn out and corroded on acfoiint of their extremely bad pre-
servation. They would have crumbled down to pieces and powder at the first touch when they
were discovered. The worn out condition of the writing on tlu* inner plates must be due to the
bad preservation of the plates. Whatever that might be, it is true as Kri>hna Sa^tri observed,
‘‘
the information conveyed bv the existing plates is very interesting, giving us, as they do, an
account of the later Chalukya sovereigns wlio held ^way over the \ ciigi country down to the time
of Rajaraja (II) and of their subordinates the A>lanandu chiefs down to Rajeudra-Choda The .
importance of the plates is further enchanced by the fact that it is the only copper-plate grant of
the kings of the Velananti family who controlled and guided the’de.stinie.^ of the Chola-Chalukya
Empire and the fortunes of the country of Vciigi lor nearly a century and half, from about 1070 to
about 1210 A.C.
undertook the editing of these plates several years ago but continued preoccupation with
I
other matters from time to time had prevented me from carrying out the work entrusted to me in
1927 by the then Government Epigraphist for India, the late Dr. Hirananda 8astri. I now edit
the inscription from the ink impressions supplied to me by him. As the ink-impressions are not
examination, the reading
clear in and as the original plates were not available to me for
some places
of the inscription in some portions had to be supplemented witli the hell) of some lithic records
of the family found at Draksharama and other places.

long and o
The inscription is engraved on both sides of the five plates ^^hich art roughly 9^
plate> is \er} clumsy. Often the letters are
wide, and rectangular in sliape. The wTiting on the
of the bad
found crammed into one another they are also irregular and much w'orn out on account
;
each plate not uniform the number vanes

The number of lines on is :
preservation of the plates.
from twelve to fourteen and even to seventeen lines. The available text of the inscription nms
into 137 lines two lines on plate 1^-6 (lines 108-9) are wholly un-
; out of them, however, the last
intelligible.
returned to the owuei through the Talisildar. I have

^ The Annual Report states that the original plates were
tried in vain to trace them.
2 m. Yob IV, No. 1182.
D2
The lang'uage of the inscription is composed partly in prose and

Sanskrit. The inscription is
partly in poetry. The poetry is fairly good, though the language contains a few expressions which are
opposed to the rules of Panini. Thus for instance line 4 has ])ancha-Pdndav=dkhayidal-dpamdh line
: ;
9 has pravaktt(7i=^narah lines 14-15 have vallahhdn-nirhhhara-garbhha-hhdrdni

;
and line 27, suhnetrd. ;
The inscription is written in characters which are regular for the period to which it belongs, i.e.,
the 12th century A.C. According to Dr. Burnell, such characters belong to what he called the
‘‘
transitional period The following orthographical peculiarities may, however, be noticed.
Vowels a and long and u and long e occur in the inscription. The long d is distinguished
d, short i
by a vertical stroke at the right side. Vowels i and u have reached their final forms, and are fully
developed. No distinction is yet drawn between e and e long. Both are written aiike< There
is no vertical stroke on the head of e to denote the long e as we find at the present day. There
is not much distinction between d and (jJi and and t are used in the inscription.
: final forms of m, n,
The vargdnimdsika is substituted by the anusvdra which is denoted by a hindu throughout. Some-
times words like vamsa and dayitd are written as vam^ya and dayityd, which is apparently in accord-
ance with the local pronunciation of Sanskrit words in the Krishna and Guntur Districts, where
the sibilant s is always joined with y. The scribe has not followed any principle in doubling the
consonants.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of the village of Inumgarru as an
agrahdra to a learned Brdhmana, on an auspicious occasion by king Rajendra-Choda II, who is
stated to be riding over Andhra-mandala as commissioned by Rajaraja, i.e,, Rajaraja II of the
Chalukya-Chola family (Lines 133-4). The name of the donee and the district in which the village
was situated have been unfortunately lost on the missing last plate. The village Inurhgarj'u
granted in the record may be identified with Inugurtipadu^, a village in the vicinity of Nanduru,
the find spot of the present plates, in the Bapatla taluk, Guntur District. At the time of making
the grant, Rajendra-Choda is stated to be staying in his capital, Dbanadapuri, i.e., Chanda-
volu in Repalle taluk, Guntur District. The date of the grant is given as Saka 1091 (indu-
nanda-viyach-chayidra-ganite) and as the 23rd year of Rajaraja, i.e., Rajaraja II (lines 133-134).
The Saka year which is an expired year corresponds to 1169-70 A.C.
The inscription divides itself part (lines 1-67) contains the historical
into twm parts. The first
genealogy of the Eastern Chalukyas, treating of Kulottuiiga-Chola I and his successors down to
Rajaraja II as Chalukyas and not as Cholas. The second part (lines 68 ff.) describes the history
of the Chiefs of Velandndu or, members of the Velananti family, who enjoyed the position of
subordinate kings under the Chola-Chfdukyas. There are many new statements in the account
relating to the Eastern Chalukyas, which differ from what we know hitherto. Some of them
may be explained as errors committed by the scri})e w ho engraved the inscription on the plates.
Thus, for example, Narendra, i.e., Narendramrigaraja-Vijayaditya or Vijayaditya II is called the
son of Vijayaditya I, or Vijayaditya-Bhattaraka (line 38), while in fact he was the son of Vishnu-
vardhana IV. In a similar manner a Vishnuvardhana is stated to be the son of Vijayaditya II?
and is given a reign of thirty-six years (lines 39-40). This king must be Vishnuvardhana IV, the
father of Narendramrigaraja, and not his son as wrongly described here. Apparently the order in the
narration is confused. Again the son of Vishnuvardhana IV is said to be Kali- Vishnuvardhana or
Vishnuvardhana V, and is given a reign of half a year (line 41) while it is known from other records of
the dynasty that he reigned for one and a half years, or twenty months according to some, and that
^ Usually when a village is deserted and disappears for a period, the site is denoted by the term
and when a new village springs up on the spot after an interval, it is called with the suffix padu suptr added
to the old name. So it must be with Inugurtipadu, (lit. the padu of Iiiu(m)gurru, or Inugurrn).
No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VETANANTI RAJEXDRA-CHODA SARA : 1091 227
he was the son of Narendramrigaraja-Vijayaditya II and not of Vislinuvarcihana V. It would seem

that the engraver, while copying the grant on copper-plate-, got confused and changed the order
or sequence of the verses on the plate. He should have written verse 19 after verse 17 ;
in other
words, the proper order of the verses should be. hrst, verê 17, then verse 19 and lastly verse 18.
If the inscription is read in this order the apparent confusion disappears. Krishna Sastri’s observa-
tion,^ viz., that The reign of Vishnu vardhana IV is altogether omitted and a new Vishnuvardhana^
a son of Vijayaditya (II), is mentioned wdth a rule of 50 years, followed by Kali-Vishnuvardhana
need no longer be held as complicating the genealogical i^nsition. Another discrepancy is in respect
of the reign of Danamava who is said to have ruled for 30 years (line 50), instead of 3 years. The
reign of Vira -Vijayaditya or Vijavaditya VIII,- younger brother of Rajaraja I is altogether omitted.
Yet another erroneous statement is that Kulottuhga-Chola I is said to have ruled for twenty-
five years (line 58) instead of fifty as known hitherto. Except for these errors the genealo-
gical account is accurate. It is noteworthy that the historical account contains some new informa-
tion about a few kings. Chalukya-Bhima I is said to have destroyed his enemies on numerous
battlefields, and to have built sevêral temples of Mahadeva (Siva) at sacred spots (lines 42-43).
His son Vijayaditya IV who is wêll known by his surname Kollabhigaiula from tlie records of the
family, is stated to have obtained a decisive victory in the battle of \ irajapurl, captured the city
and went to heaven (line 44), a statement which may be taken to indicate that he died shortly after
the battle, a fact not known hitherto. Virajapuri may be properly identified with Jajpur (which is
apparently a variant of Virajapuri) the chief town of the Jajpur of the Cuttack District,
Orissa. It lies on the Vaitaranl, a tributary of the MalianadI situated about fifty miles
due north-west of Cuttack. During the ancient period, it was a great and renowned tlrtha, a
place of pilgrimage,” according to the Mnliabharatn.^ \iraja or A irajapurl was for a long time a
provincial capital of the Bhauma-Kara kings of Utkala and the Somavaiiisi kings of Dakshina-
Kosala who bore the epithet, Trikalihgiidhipati.^ Kollabhiganda’s sou was Amma I who is said to
have performed many Tiildpurushn-dilnas (gifts) year after year during his brief rule of seven years
(line 44). Vikrama-Chola, son and successor of Kulottuiiga-CJiclla. I, is given the correct period
of rule, viz., seventeen years (lines 60-61), which is in conformity with the regnal years recorded
in some of the inscriptions of the Andhra country and in Tamil inscriptions as well.
His son
for fifteen years in succession (lines 64-65).

Lastly,
Kulottunga-Chola II is said to have reigned
the relationship between Kuh5ttunga-Cho!a II and Rajaraja II, which ha'^ not been hitherto correctly
(lines 65-66).
known, is clearly stated in the present record as that of father and son
Aelananti famil}'. It gi\es
inscription contains a brief account of the
The second part of the
a complete genealogy which in some respects supplements the account gi\eii in the I
ithajmram
genealogical table represents the informa-

inscription of Velananti Prithvisvara.® The following
tion that is contained in the present inscription.
^ ARSIE.mi, p. IIS. . ^
wlio was also a Vijayaefitya and theiefore would be Vija-

2 Dr. Fleet was not aware of Bfidapa tlie u.surpor,
yaditya VII. Ind.AnL, Vol. XX, p. 276.

® Araxf,ya-Parvan, 83, v. 6.
Tato nadlm pdpn-praindclianlm
Vaitaratiklin gatvd
1
Viralam i%rtkain=dsadya virdjati yatha saH |l
• Above, IIJ, p. 327.

• Ibid., Vol. V, p. 131, toxt-liue 17.
• Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 32.
228 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA tVoL. XXlX
Chatuftha-lcula
Malla-bhupa (Malla I)
(Obtained the rulership of Velanandu from Tryambaka-Pallava vsdth all the
insignia of a subordinate king)
Malliya (II)
(Servant of Narendra, i,e., Xarendramrigaraja-Vijayaditya II)
Piduvuraditya
Eriya (I)
Malliya (HI) m. Kotyaparnba. or Ko[lla]pamba^

(Foremost among the subordinates of Chalukya-Bhima II)
Erriya (II) m. Kattarhba Korapa

(Vam sakartd)
Malliya (IV) Kudiya

1
(Obtained Gudravara-
(I) Ganda
1
(I) Panda
1
(I)
1^1
1:
Xanna
(Commandar-in-chief of
Kapana
\
vishaya from Vima- Vishnuvardhana, i.e.,
laditya) Rajaraja I)
Pan<la (II) m. Gundambika
I
1
r k
1
Vedura. Ganda (II) Gohka I 7n Sabbaihbika Malla (V) Panda (III)
(Obtained Sha! -sahasr=uvani~ vishaya

from Kulottuiiga-Chola I by assisting
him on battlefields)
Choda I m. Gundathbika
Gonka II m. Sabbaihbika . Panda (IV)

(Set up golden pinnacles on temples which
looked YiVa jayastamhhas)
Rajendra-Choda (II)
(Obtained the Andhra country surrounded by the sea on the cast, Kalahasti
on the south, Srisaila on the west and Mahendragiri on the north, from
Rajaraja (II) and ruled it as his subordinate. Destroyed Kolananti
Bhima (i.e.,Mdndalika Bhima of K claim- or Kolanu-Bhima and
his entire family). Donor of the present record, dated Saka 1091, 23rd
regnal year of Rajaraja (II).)
^ The present inscription is damaged at the place where the name is expected to occur. The name, therefore,
is restored from other records of the family which give the genealogy.
No. 32] NANDUKU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDEA-CHODA SAKA : 1091 229
The account given in the Pithapuram inscription differs slightly from the pedigree given above.
The differences are discussed below. Besides the Pithapuram inscription there are numerous other
inscriptions on stone found particularly at Draksharama^ in East Godavari District, at Siripuram-
and Chebrolu in Guntur District and other places^ which mve additional historical information
about the family. A stone inscription at Draksharama^ gives a genealogical account which not
only completely agrees with the present record but gives additional information. The historical
details found in these inscriptions have not been arranged so far in their proper perspective which
I now propose to do.
The first known historical person in the Velanaati family, who may be regarded as the founder
of the hne in the rulership of Velanandu is Malla-bhupa or 3Ialla L A’êlanandu or Velanadu is the
name of the region now covered by the Repaile and Tenali taluks of the Guntur District. The
region acquired the name probably because it lay on the sea coast (vela), the Sanskrit word being
pronounced as vela with short vowels by the inhabitants of that region during the early period.®
The term Velandnii is the genitive form of Velanandu (nominative form) and means of Vela-
nandu ” in Telugu. Malla I, it is stated, received as a reward the rub^rship of Velanandu with the
insignia of a vassal king from Tryaiiibaka-Pallava who was pleased with him for military services
rendered for a long time on battlefields. was probably a oldier Malla I of fortune, who came from
the north in search of a kingdom, and thus acquired a small kingdom for himself. Several Durjaya
chieftains, too, similarly claimed to have obtained from king Tryambaka-Pallava, military fiefs
on the southern bank of the Krishna river as rewards for their military services. King Tryaiiibaka-
Pallava, Trinayana-Pallava or Mukkanti-Kadiivetti may not, therefore, be a doubtful historical
person as some scholars opine ;he need not be regarded as a mere fictitious person, brushing aside
a large volume of historical tradition embodied in numerous inscriptions on stone and copper-
plates and scattered all over the Elsewhere® Tryaiiibaka-Pallava has been identified
country.
with the powerful king Vijaya-Skaudavarnian lA, and allotted a reign period of thirty-fi\e years
quarter of the
(c. 460-495 A.C.). Malla I, therefore, would appear to have flourished about tbe last
fifth century.
Nothing is known about the immediate successors of Malla-bhupa I, until we come to Malliya II
who is described as a renowned soldier. It is said that he was a follower of Narendra, who
may be identified with Narendramrigaraja-Vijayaditya II. Malliya II, it is stated, rendered great
assistance to king Narendra (on the battlefields) with the sharp edge of his fierce .word
which was
II
hkea thunderbolt (v. 36 lines : 72-75). According to Dr. Fleet, ^ Narendramrigaraja-Vijayaditya
reigned from 799 to 843 A.C., for forty-four years, while according to
my Revised Chronology of
808 to 847 A.C. Malliya II
the Eastern Chdlukyas,^ the king’s period is only forty years, from
would thus appear to have half of the nintt century. In the lineage of
flourished about the first
Malliya II was born Piduvuraditya, or Piduvuladitya as the Drdksharama stone inscription
lu the Draksha
son was Malliya III.
calls him. The son of Piduvuraditya was Eriya (I), and his
rama inscription the name of Malla or Malliya is lost in the lacuna. It is stated m that inscription
that Malla III (Malliya III) foremost among the followêrs of
CMlukya-Bluma who may be
was
identified Malla III married Kollapamba according to
with Chalukya-Bhima II (933-945 A.C.).
' Slly V^LIv7Nos7l04i7lO94^^ 1TTs, 1 147, 1138, 1140, 1141, 1153,
1104; 1182, etc.
2
SIl Vol. X, Nos. 177, etc.
• 811, Vol. VI, Nos. 109, 123, 124, 144, 181, 224, 239, 1200, etc.
• See 811., Vol. IV, No 1182.

® [This derivation is doubtful. Ed.] —
• A History of The Early Dynasties of Andhrade-sa, p. 281.
’ Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 100.
®
donmal of the Andhra Hist. Res. 8oc., Vol. IX, Part iv, pp. 27-32,
Vol. IV, No. 1182.
• the present plates but the Draksharama inscription gives her name as Kotyaparhba. The read-
ing of her name as Koilaparhba (line 77) in the present charter seems to be rather doubtful, for
the second letter in the name is indistinct on the plate. It is probable, therefore, that her
name as written there is K6[tya]pamba. There is a marked divergence in the genealogical portion
between the account of the Pithapuram inscription and the information given in the present plates.
According to the Pithapuram inscription/ the founder of the family was No. was (1) Malla I, his son
No. Eriyavarman and his son was No. (3) Kudiyavarman. The son of No. (3) was No. (4)
(2)
Malla II surnamed Piduvaraditya and the latter’s son was No. (5) Kiidyavarman or Kudiyavar-
man II, who was a vassal of the emperor, Vimaladitya (1011-1019 A.C.).- The Pithapuram ins-
cription thus omits three or four generations, and mentions all the princes from No. 1 to No. 7
Nanniraja in the relationship of father to son. Its information is thus rendered comparatively
less probable and not so trustworthy. may, therefore, be rejected in preference to
Its evidence
the information furnished by the present inscription which agrees in full with the accounts given
in the Draksharama record that belongs to a period much earlier than the Pithapuram inscription.
Malla III, who was foremost among the followers of Chalukya-BHima II is altogether omitted in the
Pithapuram inscription. The Draksharama inscription is contemporaneous with the present
record.
To return to Malla III of the present record. He married Kotyamamba (Kotyapamba) and
had two sons by her, Erriya II who is described and varhsakarta^ the pro-
jyeshiha ‘
the elder ’ ‘
genitor of the family and Korapa. Erriya II married Kattamba and had six sons by her, Malla
IV, Kudiya, Ganda, Panda I, Nanna and Kapana, every one of whom resembled Shanmukha,
the six-faced war-god. Kudiya, it is said, was a vassal of the emperor Vimaladitya, and received
from him the rulership of the province, Gudravara't;isââ. This prince is evidently the same as
No. 5 Kudyavarman II or Kudiyavarman, of the Pithapuram inscription in which he is stated to
have rendered assistance for a long time on battlefields to Vimaladitya who then having been pleased
''
bestowed on him the territory, Gudravdra-dvaya, the two provinces of Gudravara ” (vv. 16-18).
The two Gudravaras may be identified with the Gudravara^ corresponding to the Gudivada taluk
and with the Pallapu-Gudravara^, low lying Gudravara
‘
corresponding to the Kaikaluru
taluk, of the Krishna District. Nanna, the younger brother of Kudyavarman, is described as a
great hero and as a prince of praiseworthy character. It is said that he was the commander-in-
chief of all the forces of Vishnu vardhana, i.e., Rajaraja-Narendra or Rajaraja I (1022-1061 A.C.).
N anna’s son was Pandawhose wife Gundambika resembled Kunti of epic fame. While in the
I,
present record Panda I and Gundambika are stated to have had five sons, Vedura, Ganda II, Gonka
I, Malla V and Panda II who were like the five Panda vas, the Pithapuram inscription, on the other
hand, makes these Nanna. There is another discrepancy between the
five princes the children of
Pithapuram inscription and the present record. Kudyavarman II, it is stated in the former (v. 25),
had a son named Er raya to whom he transferred his kingdom after having ruled the earth for a long
time and the latter, however, does not mention any son of Kudiya, vassal of Vimaladitya. It is,
;
therefore, probable that Kudyavarman II or Kudiya was succeeded by his younger brother Nan-
naraja in the rulership of his vassal kingdom. The Draksharama record, too, does not mention
that Kudyavarman II transferred his kingdom to his son Erraya, a fact mentioned only in the
Pithapuram inscription. Nanna, the Pithapuram inscription states, had destroyed a crowd of
1 Above, Vol. IV, p. 35.

2 All the records of the family beginning with the reign of Rajaraja I (1022-1061 A.C.) state that Vimaladitya
reigned for only seven years. The date of his coronation is known to us from his Ranastipundi grant (Above, Vol.
VI, pp. 341-361). Hence assumed that his seven year’s rule came to an end in 1019 A.C.
it is
3 Above, Vol. V, pp. 135-39 SII, Vol. V, No. 211.
,
* C. P. No. 5 of 1937-38 Kalidindi grant of Rajaraja-Narendra. See above, p. 69 text-line 75,

:
No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA CHODA SAKA : 1091 231
enemies, and ruled a kingdom which he acquired by the strength of his arm. There is no agreement,
however, between the Draksharama inscription and the present record with regard to the order of
the five sons of The former record mentions Malla V as tlie second and Gancla II as the
Panda I.
makes their position vice versa. This small discrepancy may be ignored.
fourth son, while the latter
Of the five sons of Panda I, Gonka I was the most distinguished and is also described as the varh-
Jakarta, The Draksharama inscription calls him a great hero. He was a trusted vassal of the
emperor, Kulottunga-Chola I. The Pithapiiram inscription (v. 27) states of prince Gonka I that
he was the most distinguished of his brothers and that he ruled the Andiira-mandala as a vassal
of Kul5ttunga-Ch6la I. The present record, too, corroborates that account by stating that Goiika I
having pleased that emperor by his services on the battlefields and by destroying hosts of his
enemies, obtained as a reward from him, the riilership of the province known as Shafsaliasrdvanly
on the southern bank of the river Krishna (v. 46). Gonka I was
*
‘
the Six Thousand District
appointed Samasta-senddhipati by Kulottuiiga-Chola I according to a stone inscription at Chebrolu^
in Guntur District, dated Friday, the 12th February, 1077 A.C.
Rajendra-Choda I called merely Choda in the present record, son of Velananti Goiikaraja I
and Sabbambika, was the next illustrious prince of the family. Though the present plates do not
mention much about him the Pithapuram on the other hand states that he was adopted
inscrij^tion
as bis own son by the Chalukya-Chola emperor, KulOtturiga-Chola L who furnished him with em-
blems befitting his own sons and made him the ruler of the kingdom of \ eiigimandala-sixteen-
thousand (w. 35-36). The reason for the Cliola king’s adoption of a prince of the ChiUirtlmkula,
apparently a well grown up person, himself being a full-blooded kshntritja emperor, would seem to
lieimbedded in the history of that troublous period. Perhaps Kulottuhga-Chola I had no grown
up son at that juncture to take up the burden of ruling the disturbed kindgom of \ Cmgi, apparently
immediately
in succession to Vira-Choda. This event would seem to have taken place in 1094 A.C.,
And it would appear that within a short
before the expedition against Kalihga was undertaken.
word^. of the
time Rajendra-Choda had brought the Kaliiiga war to ca successful close. In the
uprooting crowds of hostile
Pithapuram inscription prince Choda “ resembled the terrible Bhima in
Karunakara Tondaiman,
kings (v. 36).” While the Kalingattupparaai makes the Pallava chief.
the sole hero of the Kalinga war, the inscriptions of the Andhra country
on the other h«ind re\tal
altogether a different story. There are reasons to believe that the supremo
commaml of tne imperial
All the inscriptions of the Andhra country
which
forces was assumed by Rajendra-Choda himself.
this tact.^ Tut stone inscription
refer tothe war with Kalinga unmistakably bear testimony to
gives a account o
at Draksharama® ôf the vassal chief Pallavaraja suruamcd Tiru\arauga,
name Pan iiwiraja ac
the Kalinga war. It states that Pallavaraja who bore th‘‘ secondary
Rajendra-Choda ^vho reâr e im wit
obtained prosperity by his devotion to the feet of king ^
The inscription states that Pa a\ araja ^
the insignia of royalty and made him a vassal king.
^
of Kalihga, subdued the Ganga
also called Chodachandra, having reduced to ashes the whole
others together V' it t exr\as armies
king in battle, and having destroyed Deveiidravarman and
slight error in the date.

There was no
SII, Vol. VI, No. 109. There seems to be a
1
stated to have made a gran o i ^p Mulasthana-

the fuil-moon day of Magha, Saka 988, when Gonka I is
^ v
and that the e y mis < g
deva at Chebrolu. If, however, we assume that Phalguna was intended
Magha for Phalguna, the date would be regular. i v fii
* SII, Vol. IV, No.
662 (vv.8-9), Vol. X, No. 107 Vol. IV, XXII. pp.
sn. This has been pabhshed
“^C.tuuon? See above, Vol.
» Vol. IV. No. 1239. He ha, made
properly mterp ^
mscription.
r
138 ff. In my opinion Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyer has not
many doubtful identifications. Jayamgondar’s EaliAg<U-
_
Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyer thinks that this
‘
pÛavaraja, in the Choja armv. More-
iupararit. The identification is improper. There might ha\ o bct.n .
pUndftfilT'in Ira
aiK, uvaraj
over Jayamgo^daPs hero does not bear any of the names, Tiruvaraaga,
^
29 DGA/53
from Kosala, planted a pillar of victory (iayastarnhha^) at the meeting place of the boundaries
of Odra and Andhra countries in order to proclaim the glory and fame of his overlord, Rajendra-
Chocla. Devendravarman may be identified with Devendravarman the usurper who, taking
advantagt^ of the infancy of Anantavarma-Chodaganga on the death of Rajaraja-Devendravarman
in 1077 A.C., occupied Kalinga ;
he was the donor of the Kaihbakaya plates, dated Saka 1003
expired,* and he was the same as king Devendravarman mentioned in the Gara stone record.^
It is not known when Rajendra-Choda I died he was certainly living on the date of the
;
Draksharama inscription of Pallavaraja, wherein he is referred to as living at that time. His death
may have occurred, therefore, about llOI A.C. Rajendra-Choda ruled over Yengimandala from
about 1094 to 1104 A.C. He was a devotee of Miikunda or Vishnu according to the present record
(v. 49) and the Pithapuram inscription (v. 36), unlike his natural father Gonka I and his adoptive
parent, the emperor, who were both parama-yndhesvaras, i.e., staunch worshippers of Siva. Rajen-
dra-Choda I married Gundaihbika and had two sons by her, Gonkaraja II, who resembled Guha
or Kumarasvaniin, and Panda IV. ^ On the death of Veiananti Rajendra Choda I the emperor
was once more confronted with the problem of finding a successor to administer Vengi. Kulot-
tunga-Chola 1 did not, howev^^r, nominate Gonkaraja II but appointed another trusted and power-
ful vassal, Kona Rajendra-Choda,^ the Haihaya ruler of Konamandala, the territory that lay
between the two branches of the lower Godavari, the Vasishthi and the Gautami.
The next important member of the family, perhaps the most illustrious of all, mentioned in
the present plates is Velana iti Goiika II, or Gonkaraja II, Kulottunga-Ch5da-GoAkaraja or
Kuldttunga-Choda-Gangeya-C'onkaraja as he some inscriptions. He appears as

is also called in
the foremost soldier and powerful vassal in the kingdom during the viceroyalty of prince
Parantaka. A stone record from Tripurantakam® dated Saka 1028 in the cyclic year
Sarvajit, of MaJinmanflale.h'ura Veiananti Gonka II, registers the gift of the village of Chet-
lapadu in Kammanadu on the banks of the river Guirleru, to the god Tripurantakesvara-Siva,
on the occasion of the full-moon day of Karttika. The record is interesting : it gives Gonka II
the title Chdluhyardjija~hhava>>n-7nulastamhha, the chief pillar supporting the edifice which is the
kingdom of the Chalukyas and the epithet, Hamadh'gnta-pfuvjha-mahdkibdn, one who has
attained (the status of having) the five great sounds and speaks of him as the ruler of the Tri-
ât=ottara-shnt-sahasr=dvani-vishaga, i.e., and three hundred country ’h The
‘‘the six-thousand
date is irregular ;
the cyclic year Sarvajit did not coincide with the Saka 1028 expired, but with
the following year 1029 expired, corresponding to 1107-08 A.C. Be that as it may, from this date
roughly till the day of his death half a century later, Gonkaraja II remained the most important
person in the kingdom. He was the de facto ruler of the kingdom which extended from the Mahen-
dragirion the north to Kalahasti on the south, though he aknowledged the nominal suzerainty of
the Ch6la-Cha|ukya emperor. The kingdom of Vengi which almost slipped out of the hands of
the Chaluk}"a-Ch5las after the death of Kulottuiiga-Chola I would appear to have been re-conquered
by Veiananti Gonkaraja II from the commanders of the Western Chalukya emperor Tribhuvana-
malla Vikramaditya VI who had earlier occupied the country, after a protracted struggle, towards
the close of the reign of Vikrama-Chola.
^ Perhaps the same as the one mentioned in SI I, Vol. V, Nos. 1351 and 1352.
it is
• Bkdratiy Vol. VII, No. 6, pp. 115
ff., where Mr. M. Somasekhara Sarma edits the record, C.P. No. 9 of 1927-28.
The chronogram recorded in the inscription has to be interpreted as yielding the Saka 1003 and not llO'^ as Mr.
Sarma believes.
» No. 391 of 1932-33 ARSIEy 1932-3, p. 56, para, 9. See also ARSIE, 1936
:
p. 64.
• SI If Vol. IV, No. 1137 text lines 4 and 16, and the
present plates.
‘ Above, Vol. IV»
pp. 83, text line 48.
• SJI, Vol. X. No. 63.
No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA SAKA : 1001 233
It would appear that during the last years of Kulottuuga-Chola I almost every one of the vassals
of Vehgi became hostile to the Chola-Chiilukyas, opposed the policy of the emp'^ror and only eagerly
waited for a favourable opportunity to overthrow the Chola-Clialukya suzerainty. On the other
hand, the Durjaya and other clans of the Chaturtha-kida holding fiefdoms and military holdings
in the region lying to the south of the Krishna river would appear to have remainefl loyal to the
imperial throne of the Chalukya-Chdlas and proudly called themselves, Ch/lhfkfja-rnjf/u-hhavand-
rrdila-stambhdyamumdu^^ V eiiyi-C hCil tihjan-anknkdra the champion warriors of tlie Clialukyas
(of Vehgi), ” and lastly Chdhikya-rdjija-sanvifJdharHlud the uplifters of the sovereignty of the
Chalukyas.” Those who proved refractory and sought opporcuuity to put an end to the Ciuilukya-
Choia domination, were the Telugu (Teniigu) CiLoda clans of the Southern Andhra country,
the Haihaya feudatories and other Kshatriya vassals including the descendants of the junior
branches of the Imperial Chalukyas who held principalities all over the country.
Shortly before the death of the aged emp^:^ror Kuldttuhga-Chola I, it would appear, Parantaka,
his surviving eldest son, returned to the Choia country. The Pithapuram inscription of iMailapa-
deva^ states that when Vikrama-Chola, whose other name was Tyagasamiidra, h id gone to
protect the Chola-mandala, the country of Vehgi became devoid of a ruler. At that juiKture,
the kingdom of Vehgi, it would appear, was divided against itself. The Cbahikya imip^^ror, Tri-
bhuvanamalla, who was evidently watching the turn of ev ents in Vehgi despatched armies to invade
and occupy the country. There are reasons to believe that some of the poworiul Kshatriya vassals
m \ ehgi openly joined the invading armies, now led by Malidsattifudddhipati Mah>l pnuhinda-
dandandyaka Anantapala,® and welcomed them. Foremost among tlie rebels who W'*!<mnied the
invaders was probably Mahdmandalika Kolanu-Bhima or Blilnianayaka, the Haihaya ruler of the
Kolanu vishaya, or Sagara vishaya which was the other name for the region round the Kolleru
lake. He and his confederates particularly the Haihayas of Pahia l aa l Kona-maiu/ala acknow-
ledged the suzerainty of the Western Chalukyas and quoted the Chalukya-A ikrama }car in their
of the
records. But Velananti Gonkaraja as the commander-in-chief damada-stnddf ^pwi)
II,
invading
the authority of the ruler of V’êugi and >toiitly opposed
king of Veiigi, soon assumed the
armies. The Western Chalukya invasion resulted in the temporary occupation of the
kingdom,
from < bout 1117 to 1135 A.C., roughly for a period of two decades."^
During the period of confusion and anarchy an Ea^^tern Chalukya prince, \ ise.nin a.dhana,
himself
probably lord of Niravadyapura (modern Xidadavolu). or RaJahmahenilâ^ aram, cro^\m d
ha\e taktu place
king of Vehgi and assumed imperial titles.® His coronation would seem to
about yaka 1046 corresponding to 1124 or 1125 A.C.^ It would appear that he was '.oon brought
and a descen-
to subjection and pardoned. Yet another prince, Vijayaditya, lord of Pithapuram
^ iS7/, Vol. IV, Nos. 668, 796918, 9SG, 1127, 1128 and 1138.
“ Ibid., Vol. IV., Xos. 717, 762.
® Ibid., Vol. IV Nos. 1167, 1177 and 1242.
^ Above, Vol. IV, pp 226 ff. verse 24, text lines 60-62.
® <S//, Vol. IX, Part I, Nos. 193 and 196.
verso 4o.
SII, Vol. Ill, Part II, Xo. 79, text lino S .1 RE, Xo. 49 of 1909 Above, Vol. TV, p. 32,
®
;
,
all ovci the Eastern n ra conn ry .

’ There are
numerous records on stone dateii in the C'.\^ era scattered
Iripuran a am
which prove the Westem^halukya occupation of Vengi. Xotable among them are those found at
mi, Vol. IX, Part 1, Xo. 213), Kolluru (ibid., Vol. IX, Xos. 193 and 196). Guruala “f
Draksharama (ibid., Vol. IV., Xos. 1356 (1120 A.C.), 1308 and 1310 (1121 A.C.), Xos. 121b, 12 q0, •), ( .
No. 1357 (1123 A.C.) Xo. 1255 (1124 A.C.) Xo. 1264 (1123 A.C.), and 1229 (1126 A.C.) and apin, ibid., Voh I .
Nos. 1156, 1156, 1082 and 1090 dated in the years C.V. era, corresponding to 1133-34 and 113o A.C.,
and lastly a
C'halukya-Bhimavaram (SII, Vol. V, Xo. 68).

* Annual Report on S.I. Epigraphy, 1912, para 66 ,
page 79.
year of his rule, aka 1067.

The (Rajalimuudi'y) stone inscription in question is dated the 21st
dant of Kantkika-Beta crowned kimself king of Vengi and assumed the Imperial Chalukya title
Sa rvalokasraya -Sri- Vishnuvardhana -Maharaja.^ His coronation took place on the 14th February
1128.^ He was the son of Mallapadeva II, and his mother Chandalladevi was the daughter of
Kolanu Brahmaraja^ and probably, therefore, a sister of Mahdmdiâlika Kolanu-Bhimaraja,
the lord of Sagara vishaija, whom the Tamil inscriptions call Teluhga-Bhlman.^ It would appear
that Yijayaditya was defeated and reduced to submission after a short time, but restored to his
principality by Velananti Gohkaraja II.
It would appear that at this period the operations against Mahdinandalika Kolanu-Bhlma or
Kolananti Bhima^ as the present record calls him (v. 55 lines 111-14.), who was the most formi-
:
dable opponent of the Ch5la-Chalukyas, were directed by prince Rajendra-Choda, afterwards

Rajendra-Choda II, son and successor of Gohkaraja II. Unable to oppose Rajendra-Choda in the
open field, Kolanu-Bhima would seem to have taken up his position inside the famous jala-durga
‘fortress in the water’, of Kolanupura or Kollcti-kota as it is called even to-day, in the middle of
the lake, Kolleru.® Rajendra-Ch5da II invested the impregnable fortress, captured Kolanu-
Bhima alive and put him to death instantaneously together with aU his sons and other near rela-
tions (vv. 55-56). The Pithapuram inscription of Prith vis vara ^ gives a graphic description of
the storming of Kolanupura. It is stated that Rajendra-Choda II dried up the water of the lake
Kolleru and presumably, by constructing a causeway across the water, reached the impregnable
captured Bhima and killed him just as Raghava killed Ravana who terrified the worlds.
fortress,
The present record speaks of Kolanu-Bhima as haughty and cruel, full of pride, as a thorn to the
gods and BrdhmanaSy a man of massive strength, of great prowess and fierce frame of body and as
resembling Ravana. The slaying of Kolanu-Bhima would seem to have taken place about the
beginning of Saka 1053 corresponding to about April, 1131 A. C., which was the thirteenth year of
Vikrama-Chola’s reign.® This event paved the way for the final victory of Gonkaraja II. It en-
abled the Velananti chief to crush the enemies of Vikrama-Chola completely, put an end to the
Western Chalukya occupation and restore the sovereignty of the Chalukya-Cholas in Vengi (c.
1135 A.C.)
Mahdmandalesvam Velananti Goiikaroja was a great soldier, perhaps the greatest military
genius of his day. He is said to have defeated and slain a certain Siddhi-Beta and acquired the
title Siddhi-Beta-ChlrpuIi-harina-mrigPrtdnitjdii^ ‘‘
a lion to the deer 8iddhi-Beta of Chirpuli,”*
Siddhi-Beta would appear to be a Telugu Choda prince of Chlrpuli in Renadu and a subordinate of
Tribuvanamalla Vikramaditya VI. Chlrjmli (now called Chippili) is an obscure village in Chittoor
^ Above, Vol. IV, pp. 226 ff ,

verses 35-36.
^ Ibid., verses 32-34. The date
is expressed as nidki-jalndhi-vifjacJi-chandrage. Dr. Hultzsch shows his pre-
ference for 7 to 4 instead of as the intended meaning of the numeral jaladhi, on the ground that ‘ if he (Vijayaditya)
had been crowned in 1049 his reign would liavc lasted for the unusually long jMJriod of 75 years. Dr. Hultzsch’s
view need not be taken as conclusive. For the word jaladhi is more often used to denote number 4 in preference to
7. Moreover two inscriptions found at Draksharama {Slly Vol. IV, Nos. 1261 and 1201) dated the 2nd and 6th
regnal years respectively of his son Rajanarayana-Vishîuvardhana, show that Vijayaditya ruled for about 50
years and that his death took place in or about 1178 A.C. Vijayaditya was perhaps 20 or 25 years old at the
time of his coronation in 1128 A.C.
* Above, Vôl. IV, pp. 226 ff. verse 32. ^
^ Slly Vol. II, No. 68 and ibid., Vol. Ill, No. 79.
^ Kolancuiti is a Telugu
expression meaning Kolanundnti, “ of the nddu (subdivision) of Kolanu. To meet
the exigencies of metre the poet distorted the word into Kolananti dropping the intermediate syllable.
® Above, Vol. VT, Here the poet distorted the word Kolanu into Kaundla.
p. 1. v. 28.
'
Above, Vol. IV, p. 32, v. 45.
* m, Vol, II, No. 68.
* rSTI, Vol. rV, No. fi’fd ; ibid., Vol. X, No. 89.
No. 32] NANDUBU PLATES OF VBLANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA SAKA : 1091 235
District, lying within a distance of two miles from Madanapalli. In the numerous inscriptions found
atNidubiolu, Draksharama and other places, Velananti Goukaraja II is stated to have vanquished
the lords of Marata, Lata, Karnata, Kuntala, Andhra, Kataka and Trikalihga, and acquired
the rulership of the Andhra country with the insignia of a paramount sovereign {samrdjija-chihnaih)
and enjoyed it.^ A Draksharama inscription- states that Kulottuiiga-Chola II raised Gohkaraja II,
who was till then the commander-in-chief and ruler of the Tri~sat-6ttara'shal~sahasrdvani'vishaya
on the sor'hem bank of the Krishna river, to the rulership of the Andhra country which was
bounded by the Mahendragiri on the north-east and k^rlsaila on the south-west, with the insignia
of a subordinate king. The former statement is also borne out by the Telugu poem, Keyurabdhu-
charitramu of Mahchana.^
Gohkaraja II married several wives but the chief queen was Sabbaiiibika. To them was
born Rajendra-Choda who is described as resembling Kumarasvamin, the leader of the armies
of gods.
Itwould appear that the latter part of the reign of Gohkaraja II was peaceful and prosperous,
i.e., from 1135 to 1161 A.C. Gohkaraja was a great builder he founded temples, established sat-
:
trdlayas ‘ he encouraged learning aiid granted ianunierable agrahdras

charitable feeding houses
to the learned and the twice-born, i.e., Brdlimionis. He placed pinnacles over temples all over
the land.* He set up a massive golden pinnacle for the gopura of the temple of Bhimanatha
\ehgi.
at Draksharama which he had built in 1133 A. C., evidently after he became the king of
Gohkaraja II made a rich offering to god Bhimanatha for a perpetual light of camphor and
for five perpetual lights of ghee for that purpose and for the purpose of kshhahhishechana,
;
or ceremonial bath to the god with milk, every day, he gave away 5t)0 cows to Gie temj^le.
Roughly ten years Saka 1061, corresponding to 1142-13 A. C., he made

later, in
a pilgrimage, to
the great shrine at Draksharama, accompanied by his wives, younger

brothei landaraja, ais
son, prince Rajendra-Choda II and other members of the royal family.

On that memorable
light^ in the temple. And
occasion, every one of the royal household placed four perpetual
again and made a grant
roughly six years later, Gonkaraja II visited the temple of Bluinanatha
royal treasury to the temple for the celebration
of 25 gold coins to be paid annually from out of the
days ending with the full moon da} o
of the annual festival daman-dtsava for three consecutive
globular roof studded with various
Chaitra.* On that occasion, probably he built a goiaka (a
kinds of gems in the inner shrine of the temple), a kdshthdgdm,

store housê ,
am a
Further, foi burning .^5 perpetua i^^

vifiayhda'pa ‘assembly hall ’ for the god Bhimanatha.
to the temple.^ The occasion
more, with ghee, Gonkaraja presented as many as 1000 she-bufialoeh
occuired on the lot ' ^
for these priceless gifts was the Karkataka-^'umA-miÔ, which
Gohkaraja a P
in the sixteenth or the closing year of the reign of Kulottunga
II.
Purushottama at Puri in Orissa and bri ^ a iârjua i a a

pinnacles of gold on the temples of
proc is vie ones
deva at Sriîlam on the south-west, which shone like jaga^tambhas
golden utensils
On yet another occasion, Gonkaraja II gave away unlimited number
of
the roof of the temple with
daily use in the worship of the god Bhimanatha, and covered
a plate of gold.®
» 8II, Vol. IV, Nos. 1113, No. 1164 (Draksharama) ;

Ibid., Vol. V'l,
—
No. 123 (Nidubrolu).
‘ SII, Vol. IV, No. 1182, text line 12 (verse 28).

(verse 18).
’ Saraavali-grantha-mdla : Kakina(}a, (1902), canto I,
* Above, Vol. rV, p. 50.

* Ibid., p. 61.
•
SII, Vol. IV, No. 1138.
’ Ibid.,No. 1137.
• Ibid.,No. 1140
•Ibid., No. 1184.
The successor of Gohkaraja 11 in the rulership of the Andhra country was his son prince Rajen-
drU'Choda II, the donor of the present plates. In the records of the family as well as in the present
, inscription (lines 102 ff.) it is stated that emperor Rajaraja II was pleased to appoint him ruler
of the Andhra country which is said to have extended at this time from Mahendragiri on the north
to Kalahasti on the south. It would appear that Rajendra-Ch5da’s accession took place towards
the end of Saka 1082 or the beginning of 1161 A.C. For, the last known date on which Gonkaraja
*II is said to was the Uttarayana-samkranti^ Saka 1082, corresponding to the 25th
be alive
December, 1160 A. according to a stone record of his minister at Bapatla, Guntur District.^
C.,
It would appear .that Rajendra-Choda II was associated with his father in the administration of
the kingdom from about Saka 1058 corresponding to 1136-37 A. C.^ The subordinates and other
vassals of the Chalukya-Cholas in the Andhra country would seem to have recognised Rajendra-
Choda as their future sovereign even during the rule of Gohkaraja II and frequently made grants to
the temples in the country for his merit as well as for the merit of his father. A stone record from
Pamidipadu-agrahara, Xarasaraopeta taluk Guntur District, dated Jyeshtha, su. 5, Saka 1077
expired, corresponding to 8th May, 1155 A. C., records the grant of a piece of land for the temple
of Chennakesava at the village for the merit of the kings Gohkaraja II and his son Rajendra-Choda,
and incidentally states that the latter granted the tolls of the village Pahindipadu (Pamidipadu)
and the tax on marriages for the benefit of the temple.^
Though the reign of Rajendra-Choda II appears to have commenced in peace, within a short
time it soon became troubled and engulfed in internecine wars among his feudatories and wanton
incursions by hostile neighbours. About the beginning of Saka 1085, i.e., about March 1163 A.C.,
it would appear, a civil war broke out in Kona-mandala, between the two rival branches of the
ruling family, which soon threatened to assume large proportions. Kona-mandala is the ancient
name for the region of the lower branches of the Godavari, comprising the taluks of Amalapuram and
Razole, in the East Godavari District. At the time of the civil war, Kona-mandala was ruled by
a powerful clan of Haihayas of the Atreya gotra^ After the death of Kona Rajendra-Choda I
which would seem to have occurred shortly after 1137 A. C.®, his elder brother K5na Mummadi-
Bhima II and his younger step-brother Kona Satyasraya I, according to the Pithapuram inscrip-
tion of Mallideva and Manma-Satya II,® divided the principality among themselves but ruled it
conjointly in peace for a long time. Mummadi-Bhima II was succeeded by his son L5ka-Bhupa,
who died apparently without leaving an heir to succeed him. Loka-Bhupa’s death would seem to
have taken place just about the same time as the accession of Rajendra-Choda IL There are
reasons to believe that Bhima (III) the younger son of Kona Satyaraja I occupied the whole of
Kona-mandala to the exclusion of his cousins Beta and Mallideva, sons of Kona Rajendra-Choda I,^
who would seem to have succeeded to or claimed the principality held by Loka-Bhupa. This
led to a civil war which necessitated the intervention of Rajendra-Choda II. A large army was
despatched under the command of the Brahnana general Devana-preggada of Amritaluru, early
in Saka 1085 corresponding to 1163 A. C., with instructions to put down the^nsurrection and
^ SII^ Vol VI, No. 181. The earliest known date for Gohka II is Saka 1029 according to a record at Tri-
purantakam. Ibid., Vol. X, No. 63.

a Ibid.. Vol. V. No. 160. See also ibid., Vol. IV, No. 1137 (Saka 1064 or 1142-43 A.C., and ibid., Vol. X,
No. 109 (Saka 1063 or 1141-42 A. C.), No. 112 (Saka 1064 or 1142-43 A.C.), No. 118 (Saka 1068 or 1146-47 A.C.)
and No. 135 (Saka 1077 or 1155-56 A. C.)
a ARSlE, 1916, para 49, page 124.
* Above, Vol. IV, pp. 83 ff. The inscription contains a detailed account of the Haihaya chiefs of Kona-mandala.
• >81/, Vol. IV, No. 1145 dated Saka 1059 (1137 A. C.) seems to be the last known data of the prince.
® Above, Vol, IV, p. 83, verses 18 ff.
’ Ibid., page 86 (for the pedigree).

No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDEA-CHODA : SAETA 1091 237
restore peace A The military operations in Kona-mandala lasted about two years. The frag-
mentary record at DrakshMma^ dated Saka 1087, i.e., 1165-6G A. C., reveals that, ‘‘
having been
commanded by his overlord Kulottuhga-Rajendra-Choda 11, general Devana-preggada burnt down
the disdainful country (Kona-mandala) of the e nemy with the flames of the fire that was his valour”.
It would appear that he defeated and killed Bhima (III) and once more restored peace in the region
by settling the country between the lawful claimants. The poem Keijurahrthucharitramu which
has been already referred to and a number of inscriptions reveal the fact that an army of the
Sdmantas of the Kamata king, apparently taking advantage of the political unrest in Kuntala
and the rise of Kakati Prola II, in the western Andhra Country, made incursions into tlie king-
dom of Vengi, and that the invaders were completely defeated and forced to retire in a sanguinary
battle that was fought at a place called Krottacheruvulakota, Cheruvulakota or simply Koch-
cherlakota, a village in Vinukonda taluh, Guntur District. These events may be placed about
1164-65 A. C. The king of Karnata was doubtless Kalachuri Bijjala who usurped the W estern
Chalukya sovereignty overthrowing his overlord, Xurmadi Taliapa III (1149-1161 A. C.). Stone
inscriptions refer to Chaundaraya, a feudatory of the king of Karnata who was slain in the battle
of Krottacheruvulakota, who may be identified as the Sinda chief ofYelburga, who was the
husband of SiriyMevi, a daughter of Bijjala.'^
The Telugu poem, Keyurabuhucharitrainu gives a vivid account of the reigns of Gonkaraja II
and of the greatness of their succes-
and his illustrious son Kulottunga-Gonka-Rajendra-Choda II,
sive ministers Nanduri Govincâ and his sou Naniluri Konimana, and the prosperity of the Andhra
country. According to a stone record at Bap at la, and the present plates (v. 56) the kingdom of
Rajendra-Choda II extended from Nagaram, i.e., Kalinganagara on the north to Kalahasti on the
south and to Srisailam on the west and was bounded by the sea on the east.*" It appears that the
orders of
province of Kalinga was governed by the Brnhma)ja general, Mentana-preggada under the
The general is said to have borne the burden of the kingdom
of
the king, Rajendra-Choda IL
Rajendra-Choda in Kalinga.® It death of Anantavarman alias Choda-
would appear that on tiie
extending as far
ganga, c. 1142 A.C., the kingdom or at any rate the southern portion of Kalinga
It is stated in the poem that the
kings treasury
as the Mahendragiri was annexed
Vengi. to
like huge
always contained nine crores of gold that ninety-nine elephants which lookLd
(ro;»N‘),
that a cavalry force of fort} -thousand was

black clouds roamed about the city of Chaiidavolu,
seventy-fi'^c candies of lice^ were cookal eêr} day
always ready for service on the field and that
H. The poem
for the army and king’s household. Such was the prosperity of Rajendra-Choda
i minister Kom
nina-mantrin of the Kaudka gotra,
an account of the king’s chief Brahma a
gives
who was a great soldier. Kommana w\is a worshipper of \ ishiui : Im built thirrv-t wo tun]» es o
Srlkurmani, Guriidurti, Kiotta^harla, J hiiuanta âm,

?
Vishnu, at the beautiful towns of
otlier places. E\ery da} he fed a tnouâni ri
Kotyadona, Boggaram, Yelamanchili and ^
house, throughout
guests with pdyasa (rice cooked in milk and sugar) at his
addition to his office, the pro\ mce o a.v\ c
religious zeal and devotion. He gov'errmd in

it is âid, he dihpla}e( marê ous
twenty-one-thousand. On the battlefield at Krottacherlakota,
strength and heroism.
^ SI I, Vol. IV, Nos., 1086 and 1083.

• Ibid., No. 1083. i 7 i •
• rr- oo oQ QTT Vol X, No. 151, textlines 31-41., ibid., No. 1/1 ,
Keyurahahucharttramu, T
•
, t X j i.* o/i, * 01 .
Introduction, verses ,
ibid., Vol. rv. No, 1053.

Kamreê Districts, p. 477.
« JBBBAS, Vol. XI, p. 259 ; Fleet, Dynasties of the
• Sll, Vol. VI, Nob. 181.
^
U)
.
• Ibid., Vol, VI, No. 1200. The dated Saka 1097 (IHo-.b A.
inscription is
of eapac.ty, rougU. U.OOO .nine
mche,.
but as a measure
. One candy or 6or«a i» equal to 600 Iba in weight
238 EPIGBAPHIA IFDICA [VoL. XXIX
Like his illustrious father Gonkaraja II, Kulottunga-Gohka-Rajendra-Choda II was also a
staunch worshipper of &va. He made liberal grants to temples of Siva all over his vast kingdom.
He made even richer gifts than his father to the god Bhimanathesvara at Draksharama. He
presented golden utensils for the daily worship of the god in commemoration of his victories over
his enemies.^ He gave away on one occasion a prabhd (aureola) made of solid gold to god Bhima-
natha and covered the huge linga with a splendid armour of massive gold. On another occasion
he presented a makara^torayui of gold, studded with priceless gems.® He built a temple for Siva
under the name of Ramesvara-Mahadeva at Siripuram in §aka 1093, i.e., 1171 A. C., and granted the
village of Siripuram together with its twelve hamlets and some more land as devahhoga for the
worship of the deity.® On the banks of the Tungabhadra, a small streanj. flowing by the side
of Appikatla, a village in Tenali talulc, Guntur District, he built another temple for îva under
the name Visvesvara-Mahadeva and made large grants of land in Appikatla, Mayripundi and other
villages in the sub-division known as Omgerumarga, for the worship of the god.*
Rajendra-Choda II would seem to have reigned till a very ripe old age and died about the
beginning of 1182 A. C. The last known inscription which mentions the king as still living on that
date but indicating his impending death is a record of his Brahma^ officer Madhava-maninw of the
Srivatsa gotra at Draksharama.® It is slightly damaged ;
it registers the gift of a perpetual light to
god Bhimanatha on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon on the fuUmoon day of Pushya in
Saka 1003, which corresponds to Monday, the 22nd December, 1181 A. C., when there occurred
an eclipse of the moon. Rajendra-Choda's death may, therefore, be placed sometime in January
or February, 1182 A. C.
Rajendra-Choda II was also called Vira-Rajendra-Choda.* According to the family records

found at Draksharama and Palacole (Palakolanu) Rajendra-Choda had at least four queens,
Gundambika, Kuppama, Pandama (daughter of the chief of Kona-Kandravaî) and AkkamahadevI
or Ahkamahadevi the first would appear to have been the consort during the early part of Vira-
;
Rajendra-Choda’s life."^ AkkamahadevI was the daughter of Mahamandalesvara Koindapadumati

Manma-Manda or Mandaraja II® who took a lieroic part® in the war against Kalinga as a follower
of Velananti Rajendra-Choda I, and the younger sister of Mahamandalesvara Kondapadumati
Buddharaja III.^® To King Vlra-Rajendra-Choda and Akkambika was born Gonkaraja III. His
son was Prith vis vara of the Pithapuram inscription.
TEXT'^
Second Plate ; First Side^-
1 I'M <1 1^-

^ Above, Vol. IV, p. 37, verses 47-48.
• Ibid.
• No. 49 of 1909 ,
(same as <S7/, Vol. X, No. 177).
• 811 9 Vol. VT Nos. 124 and
Orngeru-marga appears to be the ancient nanie for the region lying
125.
between Tenali, Guntur and Bapatla taluks extending towards south as far as Ongole, Guntur District.
• Vol. IV, No. 1366 , Ibid »9 No. 1037, The last digit in the date of the record is lost but may be read
as 3 The details of the date then would yield the equivalent, viz., 25th December, 1181 A. C.
6 No. 181 of 1897.
7 SII, Vol. V. No. 161, Vol. IV, No. 1137.
• Above. Vol. VI. p. 268 (274).
» SII Voh IV, No. 662, Vv. 7-8.
Above. VoL V I, p. 274.

“ From the mk-lmpressions supplied by the Government Epigraphistfor India, the late Dr. Hiranafida Sastii.
The first plate of this set is lost.
Metre ; Upajdti» The first pdda is lost on the first plate.

.
No. 32J NANDUEU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA SAKA : 1091 239
2 I [II? II*] Wrl M fT- i
3 ;jfTW I qif^ JTT [ll^ll*]
i TT^: [I*]
5 [II 3 II*] ^ I
® 3"^r^TfT^; #%5qTc^nnT^: [I I VI I*] ^-
7 ^ qm^Tui gTm
s î^fTfrfw: [1*] ^TR^wrqrlTTTfirjw-
9 =sf I ^ ciT^ r=n^ 5rq^: <:
IIVOI* ^-
[ ]
10 [I*] ^PT^^nr: ?r«T

îrKf^T^F^; [I*] ?Tf>TTRTt: I
11 f?i(l I ^PW ^ JT^-
14 ^fr q rfc^P^cl' ^raPTT cTSF^nTlf^-®

^FTHT II
15 [i>T*]TiT5TTWTTR [I*] d-HP’IR^^
16 ?T^T? |RR [I
I
'^11*] ^
îPihi^hHIh l[l\3ll
]
17 f^gpTT [I*] ^ T c?T
!
?TT^lT(iT«rr)fTl*iPail^!:HKR^'MyT5f
18 ^ ?rei«iiP«idR [I*] 5^^
^°qp"i«-^^
10 #WT I [|| gll*] 5|ia«T)«-«iTPl-F
^ This and the two following verses are in A^’^'iisktubh metre.
^ Rule of sandhi is sacrificed here for the sake of the metre.

® Metre : SardulnviJcrldita.
‘Read
«
\
‘ Metre : Upajdti.
• Read * °
fHs^fr
’ This verse and the next two are in AnnsHtahh metre. ^
29 DGA/53
“0 f^sfr [i 15 . 11 *] \-
21 friu fkfk^ ^q';^crf^^5T5R' ^ <1 -

f 1
22 ^ I ^ I^RR'jr f^nr =^ttt-
2H [Eq-*] =5^ jqq=qTT5RT5qi¥<=HM q+ <dt^'J|
24 [=5^*]^RW^rTRTqr%^q7^R^Tqrqrdtf^T
25 fqE-qqÊq ^^qTq2rR;(«i) 'llT'n^rrrRT I
26 qw qr JT’JnxqTqrrFôTq^^^ JTf|qt |
^cf
27 dsTT r^3rqrf?ciriT?[Wf]w^^^ I [II? oil*] crar: 551%^^
28 qq^^T^rqt fqcorq’Sq'?^ ' %cqT«m’: f fT^^rwtfT-

29 R#>Tf>Tt ^«r f5r5TPTR [I*] RT5rr^^^RtRf%nTEr q-
30 ^ 5rf^(rsr)rr?^q-: [ii??ii*]
31 5pq: [I*] TT^TT>S5T?in- ?GTT [II? ^11*] 3rq%f?^-
32 q^^?5qp=R-RTW?Tc^T5r; [|*] ?r^3r?q^ ?RTrîrf?(?)Trdd fqw^TT-
33 q [II?? II*] q’q-qT^fPiT ?Tc5^ f^Gor^tq’^Tf^: [I*] [cTrJ^ft*] qPl ^ cj^T? T-
34 % ^TPT I [ll?VII*] ^qT?5rT5?FqcgqTTT?rqf?5rr [I*]
35 Tvft ^rqfe^ R^rw^r: i [ii?!<.ii*] q’cqrddqrq; dtfl’
36 :[|*j fc|uq WlT^blPt^f^: R" W qf^ : I [ll?‘^l|*] ®5qisst5qT(?q)
qEcff
c o
*
*
^ Read .
• Metre : Au'pdchchhandasika.
^
Read gî.
* Metre : Upajati,
* This and the next six verses are in Anushtubk metre.
• Road ° .jqtAlfq °.
-Vo. 32] iÂNDlJRU PLATES OF VELAXANTI
RAJEXDRA-CHODA ; SAKA 1091 24l
I
[II Mil*] ^cTcT^
[%*]-
Third Plate ; Secotid Side
[I*] T?r?nft [TOt] ^^c^rfr-
^cRilP'f (frjr)
39
TrWq^RT^r[PT] i [iim*ii]
40 fT: I??r’t5( [|'•']

ÎRT^T 5qT'jflRT^Tf?^%Tt
[^Rft^TfT:] I [119 5.11*] p]-
42 f^^qrrf??3T^rF?r:
=RlTriTftTT% fTyrif f^T-

43
qrq-ffft R^^FTT^rf^l^RR I ?T[rg;J|]f%Wfe!Tt ^
“14
qfTqTcJT ^TSfpJTTR'jf? [I*] ^TPR[^rRTr3r: st%-
5^['T^qTf];]
4'J
5-4-Rki^N'IH^q-TPqW [l*| ?TfRR'^^[Tr P^J^TW
[I*] =^]^'jft-
40 irgcft fqTwfejT^ ^(^)rf rî?^ tT^r^^rfrrq-R %r?r t^st [i'^']
47
STf^
No I
o
grnTTT qr R qf! TT^^rFTTRfsFf’T Tfci^cq'
43 ^RT [I*] ^R?RT?R^ ^TR’R^TTRRrTT ^RT^RPPRfs^^f^
fl*] RW>-
^ let re : Anushpvbh^ only one jidthi,
^
-
^letre : IndrantmUi^
^ Read ^|4|j^^ or
^ -Metre i
* Read
242 EPIGBAPHiA IKDICA [Vol. XXIX
49 rn#5Rr^nrT ^fts^pr wrarpiRT: 'P^^fFT i [irom]
TRFT ^Rprof^ JTT: [I*] T-
50 T5T I [^^11*]
>T-
51 rjf [I*] fx^^TlTNRf^rrf^^TTBtTT^ =^1 I [IRÎI*]

^PFn??T
c c
52 r^RRTJJTW^-jft: [I*] ^ ^STÎRT I [IR^M*]
53 ^q^rftnr: i fq i ^cq bm r^>'TT<4 i

[irvii*] '^qrBRwtjr^r-
<i'4 ^'i'j)i Tpjftqrcft

CN
54 fqfj^ciRrfiKN: [I*] q?rfW sT'^rr ’jqq’:] •'^qrrq['JT:]
[IRIIII*]
Fourth Plate ; First Side
55 ‘iTSfTR^qqrfwgTrff^ ^f^PTBiift; [I*] Tr^rqTJTW ^^rfif^r^r-
56 ^qrJr^^rnr [irîi*] qr^tcTtf^^qr^r-
57 =|,^:[l*] JTr-rKcH'^qW5TcB^¥: «ftf?ftrnRrt¥; [IP,\3ll*] ^f|-
58 qqcIrjMiqdi 2r)r?nTq [R] q^srPTw:
59 fX'RTRRT: [IR=:II*] *?rqT?B5ft qTT^ ^TWB^mRTt-
61 ^ q# >trb; 5r^:[i*] f?rf^r%-
62 [IRoll*] ®d4H ^d : dxdldH'^dHdO'fÔf-
63 ^cT?>TTq^K; [|*]
* Metre : Amtshtubk,
* This and the next verse are in Upajdti metre.
* Metre : Anusktubhi
* Metre : Sdlinl,
‘Reu.l *tNsT:°.
‘Read qqqnmt;".
"
One letter was written and erased before va.
® Metre : VpajcUi,
*
Metre : Mdlinl.
.
No. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANAJSTI RAJENDRA-CHODA : SAKA 1091 243
64 [113^11*] ^g«rTTrr^54[5]^r ^5?TTf^'T:[l*] ^ T-
65 [I I
^^11*] ^gf^TW;
66 '7%T5r^:[l*] ^ftTTRTRt h1 N 4^ Hi’ < ^ R RFTRR: [115 = ir^]
67 ^ ['T*]fRR:[l*] RT-
68 (
I )
TTRR^^RRRRnTRT-
Fourth Plate ; Second Side
69 RRFT l[I^XI|*]
70 [RJTTT^t fjRTir^: *NtReRR'ftRRR[l*] %R[Rt|RT]-
71
fRR[R]cfrfN5nR [llîlll*] fRRTfTR

72
73 Wtf^ I
M'siRRT: 5]T-
74 R^RRtRRR I
RRTfRRTR&TWRmfR ’^RR-
RRRtRRR Rf^^R^R*
75 tfW [II ^^11*] d^R I
li,<\
fRcRRIRT^R' [I'l
76 31^ RRtRfRfcRRt RR: [IIR^tl'"] -^RTRRR^RTRR^
[I"] RT^’RFTiTRt fRRRt['T]-

77 RRRt ^: Rjt[cR]'TTRT* [rTr^TtR^T
78 ^ gRT[%]fggR^tRRt R [113.11=^]
^-
79 ^ [I*] R^ ftnrr'" R^R rtÎ^rrT^ [11 = ^11 *] -rt^rtrrrR R-
80 R5RT: ^ [I*] RfeRRt ff^RT RR; R^

RRW R-
-^RRTR RR^ ^R fRRRTfR5RRRfR- ['
81 RHRR: [Il'iToll*]
]
°
‘ Read «fl:.
^ Metre : Anuahtubh.
lim*.
® These two letters are written heneatii tin*
‘ Metre : Upajati,
^
Metre : Vcosantatilaka.
• Metre : SardulavikridUa,
.ifter the letter q.
° written helow the line
’Read ° gipRft . Here the letter «T is
^ This name may also be read as vtfRRtRi

metre.
• This and the next four verses are in
Two letters are wanting in this pada.

244 EPIGRAPHIA iNDiCA [VoL. XXIX
82 5^rOW%i% l[IV^||*]
Fifth Plate ; First Side
83 [I-] U tu| d [^TJTT^JfPT^T^Tip^^ [HYP, 1*]1 . .
84 [. .JTTf^PTJJPT^ TTfif^^rnr^q; [I*] 1^ TTITr^G^
85 I [IIY3II*] ‘*^T«rT(«rr)^-?rtR^^gT^^fsrm^ ^ Ttf-
80 'Twr:[|*] %|T^ 'T^: [IlYYlTj
^r?r^-
87 stt: ^PlfTRlf^f^r:
88 ^4^RO'r^J'”q'^rfrf4r4I^^Tff^JT^q%ni(nf)uit^; [|iYi(.ll*] %J?r-
^89 ^4tf^rfTTr^'t^:[l*] #41 ?nTT4T^T-
90 ^rJPTIcipSTT'PT p5r?TTfT'nT [IIYîl*] 4T[’Tt]-
91 [I*] ?r5^Tf#^>T^JTrrj [IIYÎI*] '*'T-
92 ^^JTtTJTfîTST^Tq-; [I*] ^T^^Rcft
93 (
? )^f [llYc;i|*] ’^fq- î’SrcTT-
94 R^^^^r^qTR'ir: [I*] #¥Tf#qTT^^f#rqT^ ^Tf4rq[4T'q']-
95 #f§qT [IIY5.II*] ®?r3rF4T q’q‘q7?rq4#qp;#tq5T53rfeqTT[?r5rq-]-
Fifth Plate ; Second Side
96 ’‘’[fWrq'J’^cgrrt O^^q: [I*] [fqTTqjfq^PT#?!: qT%qT#q[#^;
97 4T4TT4Tqq[5ffj?> [#f?qr]Trf#7T3r . .[ll!<.o||*]
98 TqRT4T%^#q q:( I* )5?rRr^wrT4^'JTnT 3nTPi(?ct)4rTf#-

^ Damh unnecessary.
*Read >9
^
Metre : Upajati.
*
Metre : Aupachchhnndaîka.
‘
This and the next verse are in AnnMhtttbh metre,
* Metre : Indravajra^
’ Metre : Anushtubh,
«Read ° ^fqWT
* Metre ; MalinJ.
*» Read
C
Xo. 32] NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA SAKA : 1091 245
09 l[liC?ll*]
100 [I*] 5r[w]T^'l=t>'OJTo?^T — — — [f^]-
101 [iii!.^*] %rwTrRRi5f^ff%m^jrr fRir^-JT;
102 [I*]
103 l[l!(^*]
104 ^rd^^TlfW^: [I*] )[?!]-
105 Tf^l^HTPR^W: [llll.yil'^] ^1^1 'Jlio'l
['^]-
106 ^ ffeJFrTTffjft’wrrr^^t i [i'<kii*] ^
107 f5TFy'rf^^TT«T>^^ 3TC^[I*] ^^=>ffcr . . . .
11 ^=^]
108 [
109
Sixth Plate ; First Side
110 ^cqT?Fr q‘5r^Trf-^R [i*]
111 5 T ^?rr??iTtR I [iii(^*]
112 ^ ^sr:^[:]
^^-
113 Ff[; * ] 3t[5^]
114 IIK0ll*f
^ Metre : Vasantatilaka,
^
Metre : Upajdti.
® Metre : Anuahinbh.
* The missing letters may be read as

^ This may be a verse. Metre cannot be distinguished.
• The reading ia doubtful.
’ Metre : Indravajrd.
•Read °?Ir?r ?!STT°.
^ Metre : Bdrdulavikriîla,
'“Read °?«Thr?T:.
0
246 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [V01.XXIX
11
116 2T [I*] «fVJT-
117 =EWFR:q^Tr^T=*f^^[?tar]qwr^^T [iii(.=:ii*] ^?icq;^[^]Tir5-
118 T^^W(5T)jpBrq-OTr^^'rtar5fT# [I*] ^TRfTRTcFqTT^-
119 5RrrF2T^ ^qsrqr'ir [ii it 5. 11 *] f^fwqp-
120 jr# ^rifsicT^Rtf^s^-
121 ^TR^T [I*] qpiqt #^TirJTqt[q']^t^ ^-qr^RR — —

122 r^rffi: ^Pt'-5fR%pT'TT^r#WTT JTfRT?^ 5^^^ [11^ oil*]
Sixth Plate ; Second Side
123 ^[x]r«nT jt: qrt [i*] ^rrJr =#^ [^wj-
124 [^qjTirr q'o^q-^riTR[# i] ^rê^^^T'frrrcun —
126 JTiST’Rf^^ [11^?*] ?Rf?[r^]-
127 Mr; [l*] TT[jt]
128 TT^^^rPt: MrI^TRIT JfT-
129 PrRR(qT) ^ 2T«rr(«TT) [11^^*] ®?nt 2TR ?RR-
130 [Rf«T];5r[q']R^?M5'M('ir) ^[R] qR Mtqrr^srqfq-
131 qTtqR^^TR^[;i] 'KlfTlfqRH'ilq qR fqq^TT
» Read °sft5R5#Hql^.
2 Read °TRTr3fRq°.
* Bead '*
>
* Metre : Upajati.
^
Read TT5T^H«F:.
«
® Metre : SardUlavikulrUn,
’ Metre : ^drduUivikndita, Read W°,
^ Read
MGIPC— SI— 29 DGA/o3—15.9- 55—450.

1
Jfo. 32J NANDURU PLATES OF VELANANTI RAJENDRA-CHODA, SAKA 1091
132 ^ iTf|[qT [IliJll*]
133 [I*] r^TJjTqTirsRR^T Tf^rq-îq-q'j^riT [ii^xn*]
1 34 [
I *] «ftwt Tr3TTT^ f
1 io I *] ^^^5 -
136 ^ hIhHI . . f^jFlTT^TPl 'Tdd'h'
137 [Damaged. The rest is lost.]
1 Metre ; Anuskûbh,
lH)GA/56
LNDEX
By A. N, Lahiri, 31 .A.
[The figures refer to pages and n. after a figure to footncdes. The following other abbrevia-
tions are also used : au. = author : ca. = capital ch, - chief ci. = city co. ~ country di, =distriot
; ; ; ;
or division do. = ditto dy. = dynasty E. = Eastern engr. = engraver ep. - epithet /. =family
; ; ; ; ; ; ;
fe. = female \feiid. = feudatory ;

gen. = general ;
ins. ~ inscription ;
k. = king ;
= locality ?.m. *
1. ;
linear measure or land measure \m.- male ;

min = minister mo. ~ mountain
.
; ;
myth. - mythological
n. ~ name \N.- Northern ; off. = office or officer ;
peo. = people ;
pr.= prince or princess q. = queen ; ;
rel. = religious ; ri. - river ;

= Southern ;
s.a. = same as ;
sur. = surname te. = temple Tel. ^ ; \
Telugu ;
t.d. = territorial division ;
tit. - title ;
tk. = taluk ;
tn. = town ;
vi. = village ; W. - Western ;
wk. = work.]
Pack Pagh
Aditya-bhatta, ???., .
17
A 40, 43
Adityadeva, engr.. ,
170, 203, 226 Adityasakti, Sendraka ch.. 116—19

fly initial,
••«,>.
.....
• . . . . 44, 145
203, 226
Adivarnha,
Adya-Sakti,
i.e.
.
Vishnu, 147, 153, 157
138
138
d. initial.
d, iredial,
a, nedial,
.....denoted by a side ituitrci, .
109, 122, 160
100. 1]6. 170
29
Aegian coast.
Afiganiya Honni Taude.
Agisama, a., .
^.a. Agai Honnayya, .
.I74n.
143
d. medial, having three forms, 146 143

. Agni iTonnayya, y/i.,
d, medial, peculiar use of 160 Agniaarman. maJhdkfdapati, 172—74

a, medial, short tyjie of 44 14
. Aliicbchliatra, ci., .
of the modern Oriya type, IU6 Ahmad Xiyaltigin, gen., .

'52
d ot the modem ^riya type, 106 23

Alimedab id, di..
Ahfil lira -char Ur 1.3 .1 }}., 143 90,96
n'i. initia!-
/.,••• 162—63
Ahhidharmakosay
Abhij or Bhij, m.,
Abhiraaiiyu, epic hero.
do.,
.... 45, 48
66,
134
239
Aihoje,
Aihole in^. of Pulakeîn II. . 34 and 112, 160-61

186, 188
Airavatta-mandala, t.d., .
Abhiraanyu, Rdi^htraknla k. of Mdnapura. 17.) — 7b Aiânaica, legendary k..

65
Abhlra, 136 . 73 n.
Aivanar, dfUg,
îhhitvaramdvLa, off.. .7 7l„ S. 12, 36 66
Ajamila, legendary k..
109—10
Abliona plates of Saukarag:ma,
AbluT. in.,
Ablur in*?..
....
..... 130, 140,
140
!12—43
143
Ajapala or .Ajapala-bhatta, donee,
Ajrit-asatru, legefidary k., .
. 191, 193 and
o,
n.
oo
Q1
\jay, ri.,
Achalapiira, .?.a. Klliohpur, /., .
III, 114 . i78
\jayamerii. Ajmer,
hchdrya. 186 n. . 178
^jayaraja, Ckaknfndna k.
115
Arhchhiv'ihalala,
163 \jiraiie, Ajrc, vi.,
U
Achvutarava, k.. .
178, 180
173—74
....
Adusama, ijincr, ci.f
Ataaannan, 178
ifls
10—11 \jiner (Afliai'dxa-ka-j^^pra)
ddhavdpa, l.m.,
(idhikarann.
fidhikdrin.
off.,
te. off,,
.... . 4
S.5, 8S
4.5
Vkalavarsha, Rfi'^htrakuta
tkkamahri'levÎ. Velananti p>
k..
23S
238
23
iikkambiiCa, AkkamahadevI
Adinatha Tirthahkara, 201-02 109,; 111, 113-14
^kola. di.f
Adisura, ;53-54
174
k., . .
\h<^hamdld.
40,43
AdKvara, n.a, Adinatha, .
202 4kshasdliku, goldsmith,
40 n.
Aditi, god, 1,73. 157 ihknsdlirtf do.f
D
9 I)GA/50
250 EPIGKAPHIA INDICA [
VoL. XXIX
Page
ah^hiyani w •dhar )h a ,
,
. 218 Anangabhima III, do. . 123-26, 130-31, 132 n.
Akshidahika, l.y • 147, 152, 166, 159 Aaanta, m,, , . • . 10, 12
AlagarkoiJ, vi.y • , , 73 n, Ananta, serpent god. . 154, 158
Alagura, do,, . 44, 46, 137 AnantapMa, off.. . . 233

AJagiiiU ins. of
Alagumna, vi„
Aiakumara, 7n.,
....
Anantavaraian Ciiodaganga,
......
108, 137
45,
161-64
4'<
Anantapur, ^7.,
Anantavarraan-Choddgangt 1 , Ganya
79 aud ?!.,
.
k..
108, 123-24, 137, 196, 232. 237

.
44, 46-47,
62??.
Aland ins. of Yuraraja Mallikarjuna, , . 143 Ananti, m,, , • • • . 167, 169
AJande, 143 Andhra, Andbiadesa, ro,. 8, 12 , 62 63, 68,

Alavandapiirair, 76 J37, 199 n., 227- 28, 235-36
Alavandar, m,, • * . . . 72 n. Andhra-mandala, t.d,. « 226, 231

Al-Birtini, au., • „ . » 145, 151 n. AruBmalai, h illock, • • • • . 199
Alekomara, identified uith Alakumaia, . 16*2-63 Anga, CO., • .
53
Alekomara-Siijga, i.e. Alekomara s lo2 ahgarak-^ha, off.. . 5 n., 8, 12. 56
dli, 147, 156 Angiras, sage. . 209 n.
Alidorni, vi.y • . . . j . , 70 rt. Angul, bub-divisian, • • 79

I
aliya-sajilanti, a law of intieritancey . *:a7 Anhilvadapatan, ca, * . 24

j
Allaâkti, s.a. Nikumbhallaâkti, iêndraka ck,. 116 Anivdrita, ep, of Chalukya V ikramddiiya I, . 112-
j
-18 13, 115

Aniyankabhlxna, s.a, Anahgabhima, . . 123
Alphabet, see Script,
Anjaneri plates of Prithvichandra Bhogaâkti, 175
206, 207 and
.
Ajupa, dy,y , • . . ??.
Aluvakheda, di., . . . . . • 207 Anjaneri plate of Tejavarman, 109, 112
Amalakshuddunga,
Amalapuram, tk.,
Amalgari, vi.,
......
.
t.d.,
.
.
•
.
.
. 4, 6
•
and
.
236
6
7
/i.
|
Ahkamahaêvi, b,a. Akkamahadeyi,
Annavaram-agraharam, vi.
Annigcri, 1,, *
,
.
. . .
.
161 n.
238
144
amdnkt 'scheme of the lunar months,

Amarnkoba, wk., .....
......
. ,
132
117
a.
Antarangn, off..
Antroli-Chharoli plates of Karka II,

43, 85, 217
226
109
Amaravatl. /.,
Ambaluru,
Ambapua, /,,
Ablur,
.
.... . . . . . 79
138
139
/i.
anusvdra, •
anusvdra for class nasals,

anusvdra uoed for final m.
.
• . 80,
19
90
Ambapua
Amdhra-visha\
Amgachhi 2>Iate
a, ?.d., .....
plate of nandimahadevi,
cf Vigrahapala III, .
• ,
4 and
.79
r^.,
246
n.
5,
anusvdra used for
anusvdra, written
Devanagari fashions,
final n.
in both
.
•
the
.
Bengali and
80
49
128
Airma I, K. Chnlnkya ....

....
k,y
9-10, 49, 51, 57 70, 227
227
Anvikshikt,
Appikatla, vi..
• • •
.
• . .
238
Amma IT,
Am.namapd.tpuram,
do.,
.....
i^t.,
67, 241-42
76
Apsarodeva, m.,
Aranabhlta (or Ranabhita) Sailddhhara k.. 36-36, 41
149 and
85, 89
Ammahga, Cholu p?.,

E. Chdhikya ....
....
,
k,y
. , 60, 62,
241
68 Aratha, pr,,
Arathi, PrdgjyoHsha
.
k., • 147, 149 and .. 153, 157.

n.
An^maraja (Ib
Amo-iiraje. L,
do..
Anioda plates of Prithvideva

...... •
1, . . 19.>//.,
206
67
96
Arcot, N.y
Arcot, S.y
Arddhenducnuda,
di,.
do.,
i.e. Siva,
•
.
73 n.,
.
.
143 n..
.
.
201 and n.
63, 199
242
Amoghakala'â, ^wr., . . , , .216 Areyan Rajarajan alias Vikrama-Chola Chojiya-

Amoghavarsha III, hash trakv ta . , , 23 varaiyan, gen., . . . . . . 62 74.
Acantarmnda, pandity
Amritaluru, 7., ..... ,133 . . . .
. 236
arhaddchdrya,
Arhai-din-ka-Jhdpjra, mosque,
. , ,
.
.
.
.
.178
40, 43
Amritavardhaaa.
Amrite.^vara, i.e,
f>^.,
....
......
. , , , 211,219
14, 17
Arikcsarin, Chalukya ch,,
Arjtma, epic hero,
Ariunaerama.
Arjunagrama,
, .
. . .
35, 66, 157, 181, 239

.
.Ill
22 n.
A m ve viaka, ri., Ill 1., , . . . .
Arkasdlin, off,, . 40 n,
Anahilvadapatan, 26
Arkavana, ct., 20, 26, 28
Anaikattan Karat, do,, , . . , 73. 76, 78 Artkasdstra, trk., 86 n,
Anahgabhin a I, s.a. Vajrahasta, Gafiga l\ . 123 Arthuna ins. of Chamnndaraja, 26
Anaagabhima 11, do,, , . 122 n,, 123-24, 126, Arnvige, 8,a, Arage, vi,, .
29-30, 32
130 and n. Arya Bhagavati, goddess. 29-30, 32
Part VIII INDEX 251
Pags Page
Arj&varta, co., ....

.... 173 Balarama-Sankarshana, . 180
Asattigrama,
Ashtadhydyi,
Asia Minor,
....
vi.,
.....
tvk., 90
118
n.
138
Baiasanaka,
Balasore,
Balasore,
di,,
tn.,
.
,
105-06
136
169
Asidharapura, 1., . 94 Balaôre Copper axe-h'=‘arl in of Purusbottama, 105-06

Asilida or SiBda, do.. 39, 42 Balavarman, h. of the ?JI^<'kf:hh'i r?y,, MS,
Assam, province, . 50 n., 145, 14'7 n., 151-52, 171
M9 and n., 150-52
Assam
.....
plates of Vallabhadeva, 35 71.
Balisa, ....
Balavarnian, pe to pain,
....
40, 43
118
....
vl.,
Astgaon, vi., 118
BaJkaii", 138
A4vagh6sa, au., 133
.25 Bal'dla. >ilaharn l\, 16
A^vapati, Gurjara-Pratihdra
Asvayurveda, wh.,
Ah'ayif,
....
.....
h..
56
171
n.
Balpiir, C,
BaUane, do.,
. . . • •
136-37
98
136
AtaAarman, tn., . 173-74 Balsitne ms..
....
. . .
138
AttSa
monk,
Atri, Sage,
.....
Dlpafikara Srl-Jfi&na,
.....
Bengali Buddhist
59, 65, 209

52
n.
BaluL-hi>taD,
Bainan^hatl plate of lldDabhaoja,
BaJaani ins. of ''ilahara \’ijaya(iitya,
80
15
48
Aubajaraja, m., . 72 Bana, deifion k., . .
52
Auk, s.a. Avukn,
.... vi.. 72, 73 n. Banara'^, ci.,
...
. . . -
207
Auparika,
avabhritha,
off.,
.....
....
85, 88,
39, 42
217 Banavasi, rC,
Banavase-pannircKohhasira, t.d., 204 n.
48
nvaddna, tax,
avagraha, 6ign,
.
.... 107-08
44, 49, 80
Bam^svara, god,
Bansaon,
Baumann
vi.,
plate of Vierahapala ITT,

10
48.49
n., 51
avagraha, non-use of
Avakuru, vi.,
Avanivarman, Chdlukya ch..

.... . . . 19,
62, 64, 70
. 21-22
98
Bangarh, /..
Bangai’h pillar ins.,

.
151
3
2, 4-5, 10
Bangarli plate of Mahipala
.....
I, .
Avanirarman 11 Yogaraja, Chavdd k., 24

. 186
Avayu, 56 and n. Bank! Police Station,
33, 3.5
Aviddha, 1., . 167, 169 and n. B.snpnr, tn.
MaHhvaiLaraja 29
?anpar plates of i>ai5bhita II
Aridheya, Jldshtralruta
Avukku,
Avuku or Auk,
ri., ....
do..
k. of Mdnapura, , .
.
175-76
77-78
72-73, 78
Banpur plate of Dandimahadevi, 79-80, 82-83,
87 n., 89
236-38
n.
Bapatla, k, .
Aya^dbhlta, Sailddbhava
Ayaôbhlta I, do.,
Aya66bhUa II
....
Madhysmaraia,
k..
do., . 33-34,
35, 37, 45
and
41
a..
Bapatla, ik.,
Bappct-bhiiiaraka.
.
.
92 and n.,
94, 225-28
93
in
n., 96
120
.... Bappasvamin, donee, ,
* 37, 39
eh
25
Ayodhya, co., 59 and n., 66 Barappa, Chaluhja
148
Bargaon plates of Katiiapala,
Ayu, legendary
.... 65 .
k., .
20 21 a.
Bargaor temple ins. of Sabora,
.
dynkta,,
Ayiiktafca, do.,
Ayyarayyangar,
off.,
....
tn
56, 83. 8S, 217
.
8.12
73 n.
Bariahi,
Baripada Museum Plate of Devananda II 184-86
48
142 ft.
Ba<iavapurdna, u'k.,
B 143
Basavarajadevara Ragale, do., .
142-44
195 and n. Basavesvara, rd. teacher,
•
18
b, indicated by r, 80, 122 and n., 146 Basoda Pargana, .
•
. ,
•
*
196
^ , substituted by r, 195 Bastar, di., .
•
.
85, 210, 220
Badapa-Vijayaditya VII, B. Chdlukga k., 227 n. Baud,
82 n., 83 and
Baud plates of PiithTl.nahadevI.
-
Baghaura ins.. 3
n., 191 and n 210 221 23 , ,
Bagumra plates of Indra III, .

23
151 .
Bagumra Bay of Bengal,

Bahraich, di.,
Bahukadhavaja, Chavdd
....
plates of Nikumbhallaâkti, 116-17, 118 and n.
k.,
53, S6
24
Belava plate of Bhojavarman,
Beliary, di., ^
180
201 n.
.
204 n.
Relvola-tnununi, t.d.,
Baigram plate
Baihaqi, an.,
Bajitpur,
..... .
A
62
151
Belwa, t’i., .
Belwi plate of Mahipala

•
1,
• * * 1,
9-11, 50
o n.
^ I>GA/56
252 EPIGBAPHIA INDICA ^ [ VoL. XXIX
Page
Belwa plate of Vigrahapala III, Bhauma or Naraka, do., 148-49

Benares plate of Kalachuri Karna, ...
. 4,9-13,49-50
52 Bhava, god, .
.
•
.
27
Bengal, .
Beta, ch. of Kcnamandala, ....48, 50 n., 53 and n., 54, 151, 180, 183
236
Bhavaditya,
Bhavifihya, Rdshirakuta k. of Mdnaput'a,
.
. 175-76
48
Betana-bkatta, composer,
Betul,
Be/wada
di,, ..... . . ,
Ill, 113 and n.

64-65
63
Bheraghat
hheta, tax,
Bhij or Abhij, m.,
ins..
. a
.
, . 107-08
45, 48
62
hh,
Bhada, s.n, Bhadra, ....
....
214
173-74
Bhiisa, di..
Bhilsa, tn., .... 21 and n.
18
Bhadia, m.,
Bbadrak, ta,,
.
.... 169-71, 173

173-74 Bhilsa
Bhima,
ins.,
Chdlvkya
.
....
.
k..
. ^ 21 and n.
. 243
Bhadrak, subdivision,
Bhadrak ins. of .... .170
Gana,
, . . .
169, 171
Bhima,
Bhima,
Bhima,
ch.,
E. Chdluhya A*., .
66 163, 167, 231

.
.
245
241
Bbadrakall, goddess,
hhdga, dues,
Bhagadatta, Prdgydtisha
... .
1:.,
.
, .
,
5
147, 149, 153,
.
and n.,
170
50 Bhima,
Bhima,
epic hero,
m., ....
Kolanu-ndndu
.
ch..
.
.
. 228
65
bhaga-loka,
Bhagalpiir,
off.,
di., .
, .
. .
, .
.
.
.
157 and n,
4
107-08
w., 48
Bhima,
Bhimd, ri., ....
M.dri4alika, s.a. Kolanai^ti Bhima,
, .
.
125, 127,
131, 174
228
Bhagalpur plate of Xarayanapala,

Bhdgavata Purdna, wk.,
Bhagavad-GUd, do.,
..... . 74 and
.
n.,
.
77-78, 132 n.
2 n.
157 n.
Bhima (II),
Bhimana-bhafta,
Bhimanatha, god,
E. Chdluhya
s.a.
.
k,.
Bhima, m.. .
235, 238
67
65
Bhagirathi, n., . . . 4,7,11,50,55 Bhimanathe^vara, do,. . 238

Bhagyade^ri, Pdla
Bhaiksha, asrama,
q.,
...... . . . . . 7, 55
158
Bhima-nayaka, s,n, Kolanu -Bhima,
Bhimapdi, m..
.
45, 47
233
Bhaillasvamin, sun-god,
Bhalmgrania,
Bhairab-bazar,
vi.,
7., .
..... .
. .
. .
. .
.
,
.
2l».
107-08
151
Bhimarathi, ri..
Bhimasena, epic hero,

Bhimnagarigarh (Dhenkanal) plate
. 125
66
Bhambagiri, do,, 136 of' Kiilastambha, , . 166

Bhandara,
Bhanja,/.,
di.,
.... . . . .
83, 85, 191

. 113 w.
215
Bhimnagarigarh plate of Tribhuvanamaha devi I, 80,
83
Bhanjas of Vanjulvaka,
Bhanu II, A*., ......
....
dy., . . . 189-91
108
BhUhvi’dshfamt,
hhdga, tax, .... ,
,
.
5 and
195 n.
n., 50
Bhanurhandra, m.,
Bhanudatta, governor, ..... 223 n.
214
Bhogavati,
Bhogavi Sutkoti,
ri..
.... do..
,
,
.
. .
15
139
Bhanuâkti, Sendraka ch.,
^Bhara Bhagadatta, k., .
.
.
.
.
.
.
116-19
113 n.
Bhogin,
Bhoja,
off.,
.... 40, 86 , 211, 219

. . 113
Bhfiradvaja, s.a. Drona, sage,

Bharadvaja, ^nlkl ch., .... . . . 21, 22 n.
19-20, 27
Bhoja I, Slildhdra k..
Bhojavarman, A*, of E. Bengal, .
13-16
180
Bharasaha, s.a. Sivakara
Bhav.ma-Kara k., .... I,
81, 83-84
Bhramarabhadra, ch.,
Bhramarakotya, co..
.
.
196
196
Bharat a, epic
Bhaskara, poet,
k.,
Bhaskaiavarman, Pragjyotisha
.... k., . 34, 122, 118,
124, 128, 133
65,67
214
Bhrigu-pandita, m.,
Bhubaneswar, /., .
100, 103
32, 79, 105,
169-70, 183
Bb^svat, s.a. Bhilsa, . . . • . 25 Bhumanyu, legendary k., #
66
bhaâ., 5 and n., 8, 12, 56, 115 hhumichchhidra-nydya, , 6 n., 8 , 12, 50 66, 86, 120, ,
177
Bhatideva, Ikshvdku . . . . . 138
bkumichchkidra-pidhdna-nydya. 86 , 89, 217
bhatta-Bapa, an.,
Bhattagrama, vi., ...... 146
191
Bhutagana-bhatta, m..
.... . . no, 116
4
Bhatta-Makyadeva, m.,
Bhafpdraka-pdddnudhydta,
.
ep.,
.
,
.
.
. 85, 89
112
Bighd, Lm.,
Bihar,
Bijapur,
.....
di., . 100 and
• •
48 61-64, 86, 184

n., 144, 162
Bhauma-Kara, dy., 79^80, 81 and n., 82-85, 87 n.,
Bijavada, s.a, Bezwada, . 63
...
•
165, 183, 186, 190, 191 n., 210-11,213, 216, 220, 222-24,
. •
227 Bijawadgi, 1,, , • . 63 a.

—
Pabt VIII ] INDEX 253
Page Page
Bijjala, KalacKurif k.,

Bijjala I, do., ....
....
. .
100 and n.
237 1
)
Cbibaman A,
clan, ...... mythical p^rogenitor of the Chauhan
179, 182
Bijjala II, do.,
Bilaigarh, .... 100
97 and
n., 143-44
n,, 194
j
Chahamana or Chauhan, dy.,
Chaitya, symbol on seal,
.... .
. 178-80
1
Bilaigarh plates, first set,

Bilaigarh plate of Prithivldeva,
.
.
97 71.
194
Chakra,
Chakrakota,
pr.,
co., .... 149 and n.

195, 196 77.
Bilaspur, di.,
Bilhari, m*., ....
.
..... 22 and ti.,

100, 125
23 n.
Chakiakuta-rashtra. t.d„
Chakrakotya, ....
co., 196 and
196 71.
n.
Bilhari ins.,
Birbhum, de'., .... . 21-23
52
Chakravarti-chihia.
Chakravarti-kshetra,
.....
.
. 4,
240
9
Bodh-Gaya,
Bodhgaya
Bodhisattva,
ins.
Z.,
.....
.
of Mahipala
.
J,
.
.
. . 139
52
134
Chalan, lake,
Chalisgaon,
Chalukya,
tk.,
dy.,
.... . 21, 22 and n., 23, 24
.
7?.,
151
116
31,
Boggaram, tn.. . 237 34 111 71., 207, 240
Bogra,
Bombay,
Bombay
di.,
ct.,
State,
..... 1, 6,
130 n.,
.
53, 86
200 n.
116
C]ia|ukya8 of Badami, do.,
Chalukyas, Eastern, do., .

n.,
57-60 and
112. 118
160-01, 207
n.,
and
62
Bonai, Z., . . . . . 85 Chaluk 3âs, Xavasari branch, do.. . 118
Brahma, god. .59. loo, 233
20, 59, 182, 209 Chalukyas, Wesitern, do.. .
07, 227
hrahmarharya, dkrama.
Brahmadeva, cA., ....
.... 195-96, 198
158 Chalukya-Bhima
Chalukya-Bhima
I,
II, do..
E. Chalukya k., .
228-30
67
hrahmadeya,
Brahman, god,
gift,
....
.... .
92, 96
137
Cfaalukva-ohandra,
Chalukja-Chola, dy., •
'104,220,234,236
66, 240
Brahmana, varna,
Brahmani, n.,
Brahmapala, Pdla
....
k. of Prdgjydtisha,
.
148, 151
158
S5
'
Chalukya, hill,
Chdlukyarayya-hhavana-mulaslamhha, ep
Chamdrachuda, i.e. Siva,
,
.
.232
245
142
Brahma Purdna, wk.. . 2 n. Chamgajavve,/^., , . . •
52
Brahmapuri mound, 13 Champaran,
Champaran, 52
Brahmaputra, ri,, . 147, 151, 152 Champaranya, s.a.
. 12, 56
Brahmavak, 23 Chandala, . . • • •
234
Brahme^vara, god, 140 Chandalladevl. fe.,
.
226, 237
. . .
Chandavolu, f.,
Brtkadhhdgin, off., . . 40, 43, 85-86, 217, 219 21, 26
*
Brihan-Mahgoka, 152 Chandella, dy.,
t.d.,
i’nina*
Brihaspati, law-giver. 148 Chandihara Vayati Mahasivagupta III,
. 191
151 n. vamsl k., .
Brihaspati-Rayamukuta, au., .
. 147,156,159
Buckerganj, 3 Chandika. yoddes^.
di.. 73 n.
,
Chandu, Muslim pr. of Delhi, .
.
Buddha, Buddha-bhattaraka, . 5. 8 10, 12, 50, 56, 73 n.

goddess. , .
Chaiidii Xachchhiyar,
.
65, aSI, 134, 220 iJ.
. •
3 and ti.
Buddha, incarnation of Vislnî. 179, 181 Chandra, dy., .
.
*
59
Buddhacaritra, wk.. . 133 Chandw, god. .
. •
. . 15
Buddharaja, Katachckuri k., .
109-10, 112 Chandra, îldhdra
. 134
Buddhavarasa, k.. 109 Chandrabandi, b, .
0, 0
c
• ,
Buguda plates of Sainvabhita Madhavavarman 1

Chandraditya, n., .
Vangaladesa, , , 3
lllM. Chandradvipa.
IT,
Bundelkhand,
Burdwan, dt..
co., .... . 34,
-I
6
<;;handragupta II,
Chandraprabha Tinriankara,
Gupta k..
.
. 173 and n.
. 202
Burdwan, in., .... Chandravarman, Chalukya ch.,

Chandravarman, k. of Pushkarana, .
.
171, 173
24 n.
Characters, see Script

C
Charanas :
Cambay plates of
Govinda IV,
Chachcha, Paramara cA.,
... 23
28
Saman,
Taittiriya. .
156, 150
110, llo
Chacheha,
Chadachana
9. a,
ins.,
Kankadeva, do,
,
...
. 20, 25,
100
26
GAd/o,
V'ujasaneya,
.
5 and
S5, S9, 191-9?
n., 8, 12, 56, 1 15
—
254 EPIGARPHIA INDICA [ VoL. XXIX
Page Page
Chate^vara Siva, 121-22 consonant, not doubled after ripha, 29

Chattisgarh, di,, 125 Contai, subdivision, 215
Chatiirtha-kula, 231 Crete, 138
Chaturvargachintdmani, ivk., 125 n. Cuddapah, di., 162
Chdiurvvarnnya, 11 Cumbum, tk., 100
Chauhdu, s.a, Chahamana, dy,, 178-79' Cuttack, di., .
79, 85, 105, 121, 186, 227
Chaulukya, do,, 179 Cuttack, tn., . 105, 107, 121, 227
Chaundaraya, ch., . 237 Cuttack Museum plates, 111 n.
Chaurasi plate of 'îvakara II, . 83, 223 Cuttack Museum plates of
Chaurdddharanika, off., 5 8, 12, 56 Madhavavarmau (II), 34-35, 36 39 n., 40 «.
Chavanarasa, do., . 63 Cyclades, 138

Chedi, CO., 21 and n., 22 and n., 26 Cyprus, . 138
Chebrolu, 229, 231 and n.
Chendalur plates of Kumaravishi;iu
Chennakeâva, god,
Cheruvulakota, s.a.
.....
Krottacheruvulakota,
TI, . 91 n., 93
236
237 d and dh having no distinction in form,
D
. . 226
Chetlapadu, 232 d,two forms of . , . 19
Chhandoga, sakhd.
Chhandomhadhi, wk.,
Chhattisgarh, di.,
.
.
.....
-
. .
. .
. .
.
,
50,
205
56
n,
194
Dadda Prasantaraga,
Dadinadu,
Pahala,
vi.,
co., ....
k., .
. , 100 and
. no
70
n.
Chitravahana, Aht'pa ch., . . . . 207 Dahala-hedanga, ep., . 100

Chicacole, . . . . . . .46 Daha-Parbatiya, . 152
Chikankhandi,
Chintamaîi, do.,
Chintamani-odai, stream,
vi.,
..... . .
.
.
.
.
72-74,
.
76-78
74 w.
183 Daikoni plates of Prithvideva
Dakinmal,
Dakshinakhanda,
.
di.,
II, , .
211,215,219
.
.
195
215
«.
Chippili, ri., 234 Dakshina-Kosala, t.d., . 227

Chirpuli, i., • • • 234 Dikshina-kula, do., 152
ChitramatikadevI, PaUamahddeil,
Cbitrasikhandin,
Chittagong plate of Kantideva,
..... .
.
.
. 3
208-09
2 n.
33 n.
Dakshinapatha,
Dakshina-Radha,
Dakshina-Tosala,
co.,
do..
f. d.,
59 and n., 66,
.
240
53 n.
191 n.
Chittoor, di., S9, 234 Dakshina-Tosala (Tosali)., co., . 82, 85-86, 88
Choda, s.a. Chola, 46 Dakshin Mahal, 1., . . 215
ChOda, s. a. Rajendra Choda, Damodar, ri., . 173
Velandnii
Choda I, do.,
Chodachandra,
ch.,
.....
s.a.
.
Pallavaraja, ch.,
.
231 and n.
. .
.
.
228, 231, 244

.
, 246 Dana, s.a. Danarnava,
danda, .....
E. Chdlukya k. . 67, 227, 241-42
. 174
Chodagahga, s.a. Aiiantavarman-Chodagariga, 99, 102 Dandabhukti, t.d., . 83 211, 214-15, 217, 224
Choda-niahadevT,
Chola, dy..
q. of Chodaganqa. .
:^4,
123-24, 237
31, ,j9.
46
62
Dandandyaka,
DaiyJanTii
D'lndapanka,
.... off.,
off., .
.
5 n., 8, 12,
43, 63
43, 56, 85, 88, 217

. 128
Chola-Chajftkya, do., 226, 233-34 Ddndika, do., 5 n., 8, 12, 56

Chola country, 45-46 Daiidimahadevi, Bhauma~Kara 79 and n., 82-85.
q..
Ch5|a-mandala, t.d., 233 88, 190, 214, 221-22
Chojavandipuram, vL, 199 Danduasi, Ddydapd.Hka,
s.a. 85
Chudamani, donee, 117-4S, 156, 1.‘9 Dantidurga, Rdshtrakuta k., 109, 111 »•
Churni, hundred co 'tie shelly,, .
45, and n., 48 Danton, 1., . . 83 n,
Chronograms :
Darrang, di., . 145, 152
indu-nanda-vi tach-chandrn, .
. 226 Darsi, 163
.
nidhl-jaladhi-viyach-chaudra, 231 n. D.isa, 142 n.

.
’^.a, Jedara Dasimayva
vasu-arkn^vasu, .
53 Dasabala, 54
ylfdaâ I bhddhi’nidhi, 67 da^dpachdra, 12
s.a. das-dparddha, . 5 n,, 8,
Conjeevaram, fn., . . 73 das-dparddha, s.a. 5 n.
das-dpachdra,
consonant, doubled after r, 19,117 ddsdparddhika, 56
off., . 5 n., 8, 12,
consonant, final. . 116 Dasaratha, epic 67
k., .
— ——
Past VIII ] INDEX

255
Page
Page
Dasasyantakrit (Daiarathi Rama), incarnation
of Bhamni, ri., . .
FwAriM . .
, , ^
. 14-15
. ,
179, ISl Bhanada, god.
Daâvadana, a. a, Ravapa, 187
155 n. Bhanadapun, ca
Baspalla, suh-division, 226
2S3, 186, 189 Bhanariijaya, i.e. Arjuna,
Baspalla plate of Devanauda, 239
.
183 Bhanesa, i.e. Kuvera,
Daspalla plates of âtrubhanja, . 244
22 4 Bhanga, Ch'r/deUa l\.
^(ûj^ddhasddhanikat 25
off.. 5 n., 7, 12, ,56 Bharakota p’ate of Siibhakara III, 220-21
Bays, lunar :
dark fortnight Bharasraya-Jayasmiha, ch.,

:
.
IIS
2nd., Diurmach ({ra-Kfi'fdrri,
60, 68 . 1 . 49
5th., Dharmaja. i. e. Yudhishthira,
191 and • . 155 ii.
n., 193
10th., Bharma-mahadr'vT, Bhautna-Kara 81 n..
.
117, 120*21
q,, ,
82-83,
Hth., . 214, 222
106, 108
bright fortnight :
Bharmapaâ. P<dd 1.,
3-6, 54
^th., Bharmapatti, .
. 85-86, S.9
17
5th., Bharmaraja .liana bhita, Siilbdbhava k.. 34-3.5, .18, .39
61, 189, 236 .
6th., and n 40 and

. U2 , />., 42-43
7th,, ’
Bharmmaputra, i. e, YudhUhthira, 246
44, 47, 71. 78, 218
8th„ .
Bharuar. di., ,
139, 144
'
< . . 195 and n,
12th., .
Bhata, i. e. Hrahma, - 20, 27
29, 32
15th (Piirnima;, Dliauh, /
15 .
92, 96. 110, 115, 176-77,

Bhauli cave .n^;. of the time of .'ântikara, SO.
^ ^ 231-32, 235, 238
Days of the fortnight
Pafichaml,
Days of the months
(unspecified)
224
Bhavala,
Bh'^mura, a
....
fribiitarif of the Kosi,
147,
82-8.3,
156. 1.59
136
48
Bhadra 19, Bhenkanal.
9 166-67
Sravana 26, Biienkanal, di.,
8 .
186
i>ays of the week Bhenkanal plat ^ of la\'asimha, 85
Sunday, gj and
. n., 191 and a., 193, 202. 204 Bhenkanal plate of Ja\' istdm ’’Oil, 166 n.
• • • 71. 78, 81, 10(5. iOS, 238 Bhenkanal plate of Tr'bhuvdna'nA'irid’‘vi, 210-11.
193,202 213, 220-24
^Vednoaday ,g- BhFr ''varadeva'armin. . . . . . 5, 8
Thursdav, . . . gj g^ Bh^nd, 174
Friday,
19.5, 231 D ir t p'lra. c . . . 199 7 ,, HI /j., 221
Beccan.
E>«jja
14. 18 B invirianda, 1:. ofOr^^î, 181 and n., 185-86
Maharaja, Ra-sktrakuta k
Belhiika,
a.,
73
195, I9S
175
ITS
Bh i» a. k,
D.^'b’u'ija, Bh'ifiji
diht'iji‘/j,
..... .
110
199
4
Betobha, do.,
Bevadeva,
147-48, loo, 159 D mmi-T id hi-, o' Vikrd riadibya 1, , . 16L
do.,
Bevagapa,
211,219 lOi’ujn r. 7'*
. . . , . .1. 53. 151
99 aiul n., 100 ni-'ghan;7a, /., 117, 152, 153, 159
iêvaki,
. . 65 off., 44, 47 a.
Devananda, Nanda k. of Orissa, 190 d‘^’~t}}at'>, d K, . . 41-47
Devananda I. do.,
184-S5, 187 Bivakara, ni-q vl, 249
D'ivananda fl, do..
Derana-prcggada,
Deyapala,
Oilrjara-PratXhdra
ffcn.,
’
k.,
[
^
183-85, 187-89
.
236-37
25 n.
Divo ri>a, m.,
n Djdiyachirva.
Dommara-Xandyalci Plates of Punyakumara,
dn.. .... ;00, 103
.
73 n.
163
i>ev-aoala, Pala k., .
3, 6, 54 pomp If 1. k, . - . . 151
sr<.ja,
Raihlrakuta k. of .ifdnapura
_ 175-77 Braksbaram i, do., . 225 and 229, 233 234
IJevendravarman, Ganga
k., . 231 n.e 235, 237-33
Devi, divine
Derthosur
Devikotta,
mother,
ins.,
I.,
’
.
20. 27
203
Braksharama
Bramilh, co.,
Dramilddhlsa, ep, of Rajendra-Chdla

.......
ins. of Pallavaraja, . . 230-3*2
70
68
M
rf*
having no distinction in
redupUcated after r,
form
151
.
and n.
226 Bravida-gana, . . ...

I, . 63,
*203
21
. . . . 146 Brona, epic, hero, . . . .
EPIGKAPHIA INDICA [ VoL. XXIX
256
Page Page
resembling s, » . 49
4, 10-11, 151
. .
g,
drona, l.m., . . . •
Drupada,
Dudahi ins., ....
epic k., .
64, 70
21
21
g, written in two ways,
Gdievalu, di.,
Gadval plates of W. Chalukya Vikramaditya

.... .
I, 92, .
49
69
Diiggiyapundi, vi..
113, 161 n.
Dupadhalli, do,. 139
gdi, 54
Durga, goddess. 30
Gajalakshmi, . 194
Durgadeva, goldsmith, 190
Gajankuseya, yn,, . 21 n.
Durgaraja, Rashtrakata k. of Berar, 110, 112, 114
Ganidgamika, off., . 5 n., 8, 12, 56
Gurjaya, clan, 233
Gaihda I, Velandnti oh., 243
Dushyanta, epic k.. . . . 65
Gamda II, do., 244
Dussasana, epic hero. 20, 28
Gamga, ri., 8, 182, 243
data, dutaka, executor, . 5, 9-10, 13, 40, 43, 51,
211, 219 Gamgeya, i.e. Bhishma, 16
duiapresharjiika, 5 71., 8, 12, 56 Gana, au., 171

off..
dvaimdtura, ep.. . 242 Gana, demon ch., 171

dvedapdraga, s.a. dvivedapdraga, 93, 96 Gana, gotra-kdra, 171
Gana, k., 169, 171-74
E Gana, mahdsainyapati, 171
. 226 Gana, n., 171
e, imdistinguishable from ch.
e, initial, .... 90, 109, 122, 145, 160
160 Ganapatideva, Kdkatlya k
Ga^da I, Velajidijiti ch., 228, 230
163
e, initial,
c, medial,
Eastern Chalukya, dy..
....
resembling /,
49, 146,
46-47, 164-67
116
170
Ganda II, do.,
Gandaraditya, SUdhdra
gandha-sindh ura, see nt-e lephant
k,
126, 129
228, 230-31
. 14-16
and n.
Ea.stern Ocean, i.e. Bay of Bengal, . 151 Ganesa, god, . . 171
Eclipses :
Gaiiesvara, 1., . . , . . 4-5, 7
Lunar,
Jifolar, .... 92, 96, 98,-103,
J95. 198
238 Ganga, dy.,
Gadga, ri.,
.
.
34, 44, 47, 66, 105, 123, 195-97
8, 12, 36, 41, 56, 65-66, 129-30, 132
Egypt,
Ehavala Chathtamula, Jkshvdku k.. 138-39
138
1 Gangaikonijacholapuram, ....
..... ca.,
and 71., 182, 243
63
eka-chlvaraj
EkMaddf
Lkantada Ramayya,
ep,j
.
140 and
140
40
n.
!
I
Gaiigas of Svetaka, dy.,
Gaugas of Utkala, do., .....
..... 125
46
54
£ka-samk]ia, royal ins ion
eka-sdktj
m., 7i., 141, 143
66,
40,
240
43
'
Gangauii, mula-grdma,
Oangd-Yamund,royal insignia,
Ganges, ri., . . .
... .
.
. 2, 4-5, 10, 50
66
Elacharya,
Elam, .
iilapura, s.a. Ellora,

s,a. Helachary;
Ci.,
.Jam pontiff.
.
-
20, 26-27
203
13S
1
;
Gdngull,
Gat'gdpddhgdya,
.......
Gangeyadeva Vikramaditya, Kalachuri
......
k., . 52
54
54
Ellichpur, do,, Ul, lU Ganjam, rft., . . . 35, 46-47, 79 n., 85, 111 n.
Ellora platci) of Daatidur^ . 109,11171. Ganjam plate of Dandimahadevi, . 79-80, 83, 86,
England, 133 87 n., 88 n., 212, 214
Enya 1, y clcindf.iti ch., . 228-29, 243 Ganjam pjates of Sainyabhlta Madhavavarman II, 34,
Efiyavarman, do., 35/7., 214
23C
Errayya, do., Gara stone ins., . 232
230
Effiya IX, do., Garga, m., 147-48, 156, 159
228, 230
£ruva, Gdrhftsihya, dsrama, 158
t.d., 161-02, 163 and 7i., 164
£ruva-n*ahadevi, Gartteavara, god, 44-45, 47-48, 137
q., 163
Eruva-uadu, du, Garuda, mythical bird, . . . . 15
163
Eruva Thrice-beveutv, Gau(Ja, CO., 61-53, 66-67
t.d 163 and n.
Gauda, peo., 5 n., 8, 12
• 72, 73 7/
hva4£ii»auiâiap t.d., Gaudacharya, scribe, 64

. • 195-96, 198
Gauhati, tn., . 145, 147 n., 151-52
gaulmika, off., 5 8, 12, 56
g and p, bimilar forms o£ 106 Gaur, 1., . 4 n.
g, reduplicated after r. 146 Gauri, Bhauma-Kara q..
o'., , . • 82-83, 88
Pabt VIII ] INDEX 257
Gaurl, goddess, . .
20, 27, 62, 221, 240-41 Gorika II, do 228, 232, 236 n.
Gaurimahadevi, Bkauma-Kafa j
q 222 Gonkaraja I, s.a. Gouka I, io.,

Gautama, epic k., 231
Gautama, law-giver,
Gautami, f'i», •
,
.
....
, , ^ , 206, 208-09
148
23^
Gonkaraja
Gonkaraja
Gopala
II, s.a.,
III, do.,
Velananii
..... Genka 11, . 232-38
238
.
;
I, Pdia k., . . , . .
3, 6
Gaatamiputra Satakami, Sitavahana
Gaya, ci.,
Gayada I, Bhauma-Kara
... k., . 139 n.
,,
1
Gopala
Gopaladeva,
II, do.,
do.,
.
,
.
.
. .
.
^
.6-7
,3,7
54-55
81-83, 87. 210-213,
......
k., .
Gopi Kahra, m., . . . . . 97 n.
216,223 Gorakhpur,
Gajada 100
II, j.a. Santikara II, do., 82-83, 212, 220,224 Gosvamini, Gosvaminidev!, Bhauma-Kara q., . 82,
Gayadapura, .
81
216, 221-23
Gayadatuhga, Tufiga ch., 85 Gosvamini H, s.a. Tribhuvanamahadjvi I, do., . 82 ti,,
gh, used for A.,
19
Ghali, s.a. Xhalin,
83
.
173-74 Gotrag :
Ghantlsa, m.,
L-52, 57 Agastya, 175, 177
Ghaijtukasarman, do.. 50 51 Atreya, .
236
Gifts r—
Bharadvaja, .10, 12, 29, 32, 85, 89, 91, 95
Brahmanda, 125 n. I
Bhargava 63
Dhara, .
125 n.
, . .
Hastidasa, 5, 8
Gosahasra, 125 n. Ka^yapa, 17, 44-45, 47, 117,120
Hemahastin, 125 n. Kaundinya, 21 and n.
Hiranyagarbha, 1 „ 1
Hiranyakamadhenu, 125 n. Marula, . . . . , 110, 115

-Hiranya4va, 125 n,
• Maudgalya, . . . . . 93, 95-9
Hiranyai^varatha, 125 n. Sarhkrita, . . , . . 100, 103
Kalpalata, 125 n. Sandilya, . . , . 50, 56, 156, 159
Kalpapadapa,
Mahabhutaghata,
Panchalangalaka,
.
125
125
125
n.
n.
n.
Srlvatsa,
Varula,
Vatsa,
......
.....
. . . . .
124,
1 195, 198
no, 115
23
Ratuadheau, 125 n, Govimda. Sildhara

Saptasagara,
VUvachakra,
.
125 n. Govimda, m., ...
......
pr.,
.
. . . .
.
15
32
Girija, goddess,
GiriiSa, god,
,
125
166-67
166-67
n. Govinda, ch„
Govinda, donee,
Govinda, min.,
... .
. . . 123-24, 130 n.,

14-15
29, 32
237
Gitagovinda, wk., Govindaraja, Bash Irak:ufa
. ISO Govinda, s.a. u fa ch.
ch., . 112
Giyas-ud-din ’Iwaz, Bengal Sul fan
Godavari, ri.,
Godavari, E. d/.,
^
46, 229,
.
232, 236
125
236
Govinda III, do.,
Govinda IV, do..
Govindagupta, Gupta k..
.....
.
.... .
207
23
122
Goggi-bhatara, m., 161-63 GovindsLTdjs., Bash frnkiltn
.
k. of Berar,
r, 110,
1 112, 114
Gohanaka,
Goilo, subdivision,
Gokak
do.,
plates of Rashtrakuta Dejja,

.
.
167, 169
51, 57
175
Govrishana-bhattiraka, donee,
Grdma-bhogika,
Qrdmapati, do.,
off., ....
.....
. 161, 163-64
8, 12,
114-15
56
Gokarpa, ch.,
102 Greater Ganga, dg.,. . . . . 79
Golahatti-chanakr,
golla, s.a. holla, valley.
Goihka I, Vela nan fi vh..

20, 26-27
.
15
244
Guakuehi plates of Indrapala.
Oudivada,
Gudravara, L,
tk., ..... .
230
243-44
151
Goriika II, do.. Gudravara-dvaya. 230

244 t.d.. .
Gomkalla, Sildhara k,. 15 Gudravara-vishaya, do., . 223, 230

Gommata, Jain deity. 200-01 Guha, s.a. Kumarasvamin, god. 232
Gonda, di., , . , 53, 86 Guhadevapataka, Bhauma-Kara ca.. 81, 86
Gondrama, 166-68 Guheavarapataka, s.a. Guhadevapataka, 81, 87, 210,
Gohka 1, FclaTid^ti <;A., . . 228, 230, 231 and
232 Gujarat, ..... 109, 116-18
215-16
.
258 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [ Vot. XXIX
Page Paqi
Giilbarga, c?i., . ......

.... 203 Hariti, goddess, 66
Gumdambika, VeJananti pr.,
Gunadhya. Sulki i*.,
Gunaga Vijayaditya, E. Ckalukya
.... 1c,,
19-20, 27
.
244
95
Harirardhana,
Harjara, s.a,
scribe,
Harjaravarman,
210-11, 213, 219, 225
147, 149 and n., 153,
157
Gunaga-Vijayaditya III,
Gunaighar plate,
Gunda, m.,
......
.......
do,, . . 59, 67, 164-65
40
142
Harjaravannan, Prdgjyotisha
Harsha, s,a. Harshavardhana

fc., 146-47. 149 and n.
1.50-51, 171
Siladitya, k. of
and n.
Gundambika, Velananti
Gunderu, ri„
Guntur, di.,
...... .
pr,, .
95, 137, 225-26, 229, 231,

. 228, 230, 232, 238
236-
232
Kanauj,
Harsha, s.a,
. .
Harshavatman, Prdgjydtisha
. . . .
k.,
.214
147, 153,
157
37, 238 and n. Harsha Siladitya, k, of Kanauj, 81, 84
Gupta, dv., . . . . . . .170 Harshapura (Harsola), c/., 23
Gurizala,
Gurjara, co., ..... .53
233 n. Harshavardhana, k. of Kanauj,
flaLTshavarman, Prdgjydiisha k.,
34 and n.,
147, 149 H.,

161-2
Gurjara-Pratlhara, dy,,
Gurudurti, .... . , 24-25 Harsola, s.a, Harshapura, 23
237
.....
tn.,
Harsola grants of Slyaka II, 23, 24 and n.
Gurupada, mo., 134 Haruka, m,, 195, 198
Guruparampardprabhava,
Guvala, îldhdra
...... .15 Ic,,
. . . 72 n. Baruppe^vara,
Hastin, lengendary
ca.,
k,, .
. 130
65
Guzrat,
Gwalior, ••.... . . 23-24
18
hasty-a^ôshtra-nau-hala-vydpritaka,
.... off., 8, 12, 56
....
.
Hatapa-Sulin, god, . 150
Hatapesvara, ci., 150
H
Hatappe^vara, s.a Ha4apeiyara, 151, 156
h 170 Hayapati, legendary k., ,
65
h. of the early Bengali type, . 106 Hayapati, tit, of Devapdla, 25 ».
fladapesvara, 147, 151-52, 156, 158-59 Hayungthal plate of Harjaravannan, 149 and
Hadappesvara,
Haihaya, d;/.,
Haihayas of Konamandala,
s.a,
....Hadapesvara, 151, 156

101, 236 n.
. 233
HellU^harya,
Hentadri, au,,
rel. teacher, . 202 and
n., 150,
n,,
125
171
203
It.
Haihayas of Mahakoâla, dy,, . . 125 Hetaka, Hetuka-ûlin, god, 147, 150, 152, 154, 158
Kaihayas of Palnad, Hili, L, 1
. 233 .
hala, I.m., •
Himalaya, mo,, 3, 128 ».
• . . .
45, 47, 51
Haladhara, s.n. Balarama-Sankarshana, Himavat, i,e. Himalaya, 242
. 180
Halsi ins., Hinayana, . 134
- . . . .
30 . . . .
H ammxra-maitdkdvyn , xrh.,
. 179 Hindol plate of Kulastambha, 165-66, 167 n.
Kampi. .
Hindol plate of Subhakara III, 80, 83, 220-
72 .
Hanumat. f pic hero, 21

35, 38
Raposagrama, t.d., .
147-48, 152, flingni Berî, vi,, . 174, 176
1.56, 1.59 , . . .
Kara, god, Hirahadagalli plates of Sivaskandavarman, . ^3

144, 182, 192
Hara, m., 82-83, 212
28 Hiramahadevi, Bhauma-Kara q., .
Haradeya, do., »,i0

10, 13 hiraxiya, dues,, . . . 5 and
Haragana-dviyMin, do., .
no, 115 Hiranyake6in, branch of the Taittirxya adkhd, . ll'^,
Harakeli-ndiaka, nlc., 120
178
Harappa,
Harasur,
/.,
do,,
.
.
. 138
100
Hirekerur, 1.,
fliuen Tsang, Chinese pilgrim,

... . 34 w., 134,
139
214
Harasiir ins. of Soma.
. 100 w. Hodreya-vishaya, t.d,, . 50, 54-55
Hari, god,
16, 42, 153, 157, 180-82 Honnur 161 n.
plates of Vikramaditya
Haridasa, donee,
flarihara, pcef.
Harihara II, I
140 tj.,
98, 100,
142??., 143, 144 n.
103 Hotthr ins.
Hrideva, m,,
....
....
I,
51, 57 and
63
n.
ijaymagara t.,
163
Hariharc'^yara shrine, 10, 12
Hrishlkeiâdeva, do.,
13
Harihar ins,, 143
.
100 IS.
Huligerc, .
Harikela, L, S6
6 n., 8, 12, 20, 25-26, 28.
.
3 I
Huâ, .
Rarischandra, 63
112, 113 Hnngund, L,
Part VIII ]
INDEX 259
Page j
Page
Hongund,
Hyderabad,
tk.,
, 22 n.y 114,
162
203
I
I
Jamadagnya (Parasurama),
Vishnu,
Jambndvipa,
....
....
incarnation of
179, 131
11
Jamdera-granaa, vi., 196 n.
203, 226
i
.....
Jamgama-Sarasvati,
JanakI,
Janamojaya, epic Ic.,
32 and n.
65-66, 239
181
initial, 90, 96 n.y 122, 145

! Janardana-bhatta, m., 14, 17
, and %y undistinguishable, . 106
Jangalpadu plates of SafcrubhafSja, 215, 224
medial, 19, 38 n., 44, 49, 00
Janjgir, tahsil, . 100
149
,
, medial looking like medial e,

Jatesvara. Ganga pr., 196
of the Gaudiya type, . 106
Jatiga, îlah/ira k., 15
», medial. 19, 109
Jayadeva, poet, 180 an 1 H.
Iddhahala, /., 51, 57
Jayakeîn I, Kadamba k., 31
IdUy commentary 71 and n,
.Tayakesin IT, do., . 29, 31
Ikshu tank, . 32
Jayamgonclar, au., .
. 170
Ikshvaku, mytliical fc,, 179, 182
Jayananda, Nanda k. of Orissa, 184-85, 187
Ututmish, Sul0n of Delhi, . 178
Jayanandadeva, donee, 10, 12
Imadpur ins, of Mahipala I, 52
54
Jayapala, Pdla fc., . 3, 6,
I^d^dda, vi.y 186, 188
.
Jayapura, ca., 184-87
Indra, god. 128 n 132 /i.,l35,
Jayapuradvari, do., 117, 119
157, 179, 182, 244
Jayasakti, Sendraka ch., . 11648, 120
Indra III, Rdshtrakuta k., 23
Jayasena, legendary h., 65
Indrapala, Pdla h. of Prdgjyotisha, . 151
Jayasiiiiha, ch., 203, 20i>6, 207 and n., 209
Indraraja, E, Ck&lukya k., 60, 66, 240 2.5
Jayasiriiha, Parafndra pr.
IhgaleiSvar ins., 100 n.
85
Jayasiihha, ruler of Yarnagarta,
Inumgarm, vi,, . 226
Jayasimha, W. Ckdlukya k., 60, 66
Inuguftipada, do.y .
226 and m. 240
Jayasimha I, E. Chdlukya k.,
Irajagambhira-valanadu, t,d., 76, 78 240
Jayasimha II, do., .
Irda plate, 3 62
, Jayasimha 11, IF. ChaUilj;a k..
Innadi-Rachamalla, ch., .
221 n.
59
Jayasimhavallabha, do., .
100, 103
I
IfiâMva, Saivite teacher,. 296-07

Jayasihgarasa, ch., ,
147, 149, 153, 157

I
I^vara, god, 55
.
Jaya-skandhdvdra, .
4 and n. 5, 7, 10- 1 1, 50,
91, 96
!
Isvara, m., 93 and n.,

166 and n.
Jayastambha, i§iilkl k.,
Isvaravardhana, do., 211, 219 81, 83, 212
'
Jayavali, Bhauma^Kara q .
Itt*haka or Ituhoka, 1., . 50, 54, 56 and n.

. 142
, Jeda, weaver,
142 and n.
Jedcira Dasimayya, m., .
147, 156, 159

Jejjata, do., .
108
Jam, family name, .
119
Jeur, /., . . •
98
j used for y,
Jabalpur, tn.,. .... 24
99
jhy
jihvdmultya,
146
116
Jagaddeva, Kalachuri
Jagatsimha, m.,
Jahnavi, i.t. Gahga,
.... k.
ri.,
of Ratanpur,
.
99
20, 27
n.
I
\
jihvdinullya, looking like ma,
yihvdmdWja, resembling d,
109
19
186
Jilinda, 1., -
JajaUadeva, Kalachuri k. of RatnnpH}\ 99, 102 j

186, 188
JiJortda-vishaya, l.d.,
Jajalladeva I, do., 102, 197 {
14 15
of the îlahdra
dy.,.
99400 ' ,Mm\itavahanSL, founder
Jajalladeva II, do., .
140, 201 n.
•
3-4 Jiua, . . •
Jajilpara plate of Gopala II,

. 207
Jajpur, tn., 86, 105, 190, 227 Jina-bhavana,
227 34 7».
Jajpur, tahsil, •
.
Jiiiendra, god,
Jalatikuhe, . Ill ^
hero, 2S, 153, 157

vi., I
Jishnu, i.e. Arjuna, epic
Jalladeva, m., 85, 89 107-08
jita, revenuedncome.
Jaluka, . Ill I
1.,
147, 149 150, 153, 157
162 Jivadevi, q..
J amadagni, fiage. .
9 I)GA/66
260 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [ VoL. XXIX
Jlvadharadevaârman, m., 5, 8 Kalingattupparanif .... tok., 231 and ».

Jogama,
J6gavve,fe,,
it., .
.
.
20J-09
100 KaH-Vishnurardhana, S, Chdluhya L,
Kaliyuâ, .... 67, 226-27, 241
16, 95, 156, 159
Jormu Pargana,
Jura, ,
. 183
23 n,
lâlkia, iricar nation of
KalUvana, L, .... VMriu, . .
117, 119-20
179,181
Jura ins. of Krishna III,

Jurerpur plato of Devananda
Jvalamalin!, Jain goddesSf
IT,
23 n,,
184-86
24-25
202-03
Kalran,
Kalvan,
Kalvasanda,
tn.,
tk., ......
vi.,... . .
.
64, 70
119
119
va
Kalya-nadevi or Srikalyaâdevi, âilodbhva 39-40, 43
Jvdldnialinikalpa, wk»,
Jyesbthamula, n., •
•
. •
.
.
203
172 Kalyanakalasa, ...
...sur.,
g.y
. 215
Kalyaâvannan,
Kalyani,
Kama, god,
ca., ......
......
k., . 122
59
27
. 170
k of the Karapl variety,
Kaehchha, wi.,
, .
51. 57
106
Kama,
Kamagiri, mo.,
8. a.
....
Kamakhya, goddess,
.
.
152 and n.
151-52
Kachchadeva, do.,
Kachchhapaghata, /.,
.
. 164
23
Kamakhya, goddess,
Kamakhya, 1., ....
...
151-52
147 n.
Kachchhavaha, do.,
Kadamba, do., . . .
20, 23-25, 27
. 66
Kamakuta, hill,
Kamala, goddess, .... Ratanpur,
14'
147, 151-52, 155
. 182
197
Kadambas of Goa, /., 29 Kamalaraja, Kalachuri k. of
?/ . .
Kadambur, 1.,
Kadamvuru, vi., 45, 47
47 Kamalibhuhaka,
Kaman stone ....
.....
ins.,
ctgrahdra, 175-77
137
KadaparrUf
Kadaparti,
do.,
do.,
62, 64, 70
70
45-46
Kamaudalu,
Kamandb
Kamarupa,
donor,
co.,
.... . , 53, 151 n., 152 and n.
174
44-47
knhana, s.a. kdrskd'pana,
Kaikalur, tk.,
Knilan or Kailain plate,

,
.
.
.
57, 64, 230
142, 153, 156

. 51
Kambakaya
Kamboja, co.,
Kame^vara, god,
....
plates,
. 147, 161, 152 and

ai
232
3
.
155, 159
Kailasa, mo., .
Kaira, di.,
Kakatiya, dy.,
• 23
163
Kame^vari, goddess,
Kamiuanada, co., ....
...
. . . b
151, 152
.
and
232
182
n.
........
Kakinada, L, 235 n. Kamsa, epic k., •
Kanaka-danda, royal insignia,

inia, 66
K^kuka, engr., 21 n.
Kalachuri, dy..
Kalachuris of Gorakhpur, do.,

.
.
22 and n., 23-24,
27, 112, 118
. 100 ,
Kanakagiri,
Kanara, S. di., ....
Kanas plate of Lokavigraha,
la, . . .
.
40, 107
202
203
Kalachuris of Karnataka, do.,,

Kalachuris of Ratanpur, do.,,
Kalachuris of Tripuri, do.,
.98, 100-01, 195
100
.
.
. . 144 n.
;
j
Kanchanapura, L,
KancMpura, ca.,
Kanchipuram, do.,
.... . .
. . . .
. .
50,54-55
. 92, 95
. 140
pataka, do.,
Kalachuri
Kalachuris, Southern, i.e. Kalachuris of Kar-
... 100 Kandaha, L, ....

Kandadai Tojappar, sSndpaii,
oati, . . .
74-75
48
Kalahasti,
Kilahasti, mo.,
1.,
.... 228,
5 232, 236, 237
. 246 Kahkanira, ....
Kahkadeva, s.a. Chachcha,i, paramara
Paramara pr.,
.......
vi.,
pr. . •
164
26
Kilaujara,/ort,
Kala4ap6ta,vi.,
Kalidasa, poet,
....
.
....
. . •
2 n.
131 n.
26 Kannada,
Kansai, rt.,
co.,
.....
Kapthika-Beta, K. Chdlukyahja k.,
!
. . •
142
173
234
Kalidiriidi, vi
Kalidindi plates,
Kalidindi grant of Rajaraja-Narendra
-Narendra,
.... 57, 62-65, 75
.
58
230
n.
n.
Kanyd-ddna,
Kanyakubja,
.....
Kan tide va, Harikela k.,
ca.,....
. . . . 3n., 33n»
53, 161-62
206
K&likd Purdna, wk.. 151 Kapadvanaj grant of Krishna

shna 23
II, . . .
I
Kalihga, 35-36, 41, 46-47, 53, 81, 123,

CO.,
45, 47
. .
Kapale^vara,
....
i
I., .
164-65, 173, 231-32, 237-38 ^ I
Kapalika-bhikshu, 141
Kalihga, pô., . • . • . 62 n.. 173 ^
46, 237f KapalivannaD, Bkoja k., 113

Kalihganagara, Mukhalingam, s.a. .
.
.
Kaliugaraju, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpur, . 101, 197i Kapana. VelavAitti ch., . . . 228, 230,243
Part VIII ] INDEX 261
Page Page
(
Kapardin, m.,
Kaparyaha, . 45, 48
32 Kedarpur
Keonjhar, di., ....
plate of Srichandra,
.....
. . 33n.
85
KapiSa, 9 a, Kansai,
.
Kapyaka, peniUnif .
n’.,
.
.
.
173
45
Kerala,
Kârin, SulkJ
co.,
....
.....
ch., 19-21, 23-27
53
Karay dues^
Kara, a.a.
Karahataka, L,
Bhauma, dy.,
5 and n., 8,
216, 220
50
17
Kesava, god,
Ke4ava, m,,
Kesiraja, au.,
.....
....
.
.
180
204
32
Raranbel ins., 52 Keyiirabdhucharitamu, Tel. poem, 235, 237 and n.
Kara-idsana, . 167, 169 KeyuravarvSha, Kalachuri pr., . 22, 24n.

Karatoya, ri.,
Karhad plates of Krishna III,

Kariangala (Ammunaje), Z.,
. 22 and
6n.,
n.,
206-207
152
23
Khaduvdvalli,
Khailapataka, vi.,
Khailwara, $.a. Khailapataka,
.....
191-92
22
22
Khajuraho ins. of Dhaiiga, 25
Kariangala ins, of Jayasingarasa, 206-07 .
Khalghat, s.a. Khalighatta, 26

Karka, sign of the Zodiac^ . 61n.
Karka II, il:.,
Kariksda-chola, Chola
.
Ic,^
109
59
'
Khalighatta,
Khalin, rn., ..... .
138-39
173
26
Karpa, .....
Karmaraahira,
Karna, Kalachuri
t.d .,
k.,
.
. .
94
155n..
52
Khaihduviild,
Khandarahsha,
Khandesh, di.,
g.,
....off..
.
. .
116-19
on.
Kamasuvama,
Karnata, do.,
co,, . •
26, 53, 56, 62-63,

. 214
,
i Khandesh, E.
Khasa, peo.,
Khatmandu,
.....
do.,
....
ca,,
.
on., 8, 12,
. 116
56
133
68, 70, 152, 235, 237 1
Khetakahara-vishaya, t.d.. lOn.

Karnata, peo., 5»., 8, 12,23
Khetaka-mandala, do., • . 23
Karnataka, co., 14 , 142-44, 199a., ,
. • •
85
Karridtaka-kavicharite, wk., . 139w.

221, 1
1
Khijjmga-kotta,
Khinjall, do.,
do.,
... * . ,
26
85
Karina, epic hero, . 67, 188 ! Khottigadeva, Rdshtrakuta k..
Khurda plates of Madhavavarman II, 34, 40n.

Karnya, «,o, Kalachuri Karpa, 52 j
76, 78
Kdrahapai^, silver coin, . . , 45 Kihyafu, ri., .
Kilpalaru, t.d..
Ion., 76, 78
Kartavirya, epic 1c., . 22, 195-96 :
162
1
Kipihivattara, lU
Karthaviryarjuna, do., .
’ .
195-96, 199
Karunakaradasa, m., . 74 and n. 1 Kirti, m., . . . • •
Kirtidhara, do., • • 196 and n.

Karunakara Tondaiman, PcUlava oh., , 231 . .
240
Karwar, Z., .
Ka4akudi plates of Nandivannan

29, ns
91
j
Kirttivarman
Kisanpur, vi.,
I,
....
W. Ghalukya k.. . 06,
121
Kasaragod, L,
Kasaragod, tk,,
... II,
.
. 207n.
203
1
8, 12, 56
. 167
Kasare plates of Allaâkti, 116-18 Koalu,
ci 163, 237
Kaêji plates of Bhoja II, 14, Ion.
Koohcherlak5ta,«.o. Krottacheruvulakota, ,
and n.
Kaii, di., 52
Kochcherlakota-slma, t.d., 163 and n.
Kashmir, co,, 14
139
Kailgarl. in., 1 Kod, Ik.,
. 138
K^yapa image 133 Kodabalisiri, q.,
ins.,
166-68
Kataka, co., . 235 Kodaloka, L,
165
KafakeSa, 64 Kodô-Kachchhadeva,
off.,
73
Kattaihba, Velanartfi pr., 228, 230, 243 Koilkuntla, tk.,
. 215
Katyayana, legendary k., 65 Koinsari, vi., .
. 101
Kauthem grant of Vikramaditya V, , 59 and n. Kokalladeva, k.,
197
Kautilya, on., 86 n., of Ratanpur,
.
. .
Kokkala, Kalachuri ch.
Kaverl, ri., 73, 74 and n., 75 n.,
Kalachuri pr., .
22n., 23
76. 78, 113 67,240
205n. Kokkili, E. Chdlukya k., . •
Kainrajamdrô, wk,,
of Vishnu, . 179,
Kayastha, caste, 21?!., 188 Kola or Varaha, incarnation
181
Kayavatara, . 118
F2
262 EPIGEAPHIA INDICA [ VoL. XXIX
Page Page
Kolakuttai,
Kolancba,
vi,,
8,a,
......
Kolaficha, . • •
74, 76-78
, 53n,
Koshtha^vyapara, do,.
KosI, ft., .... .
•
. . 107
48
Kolancha, do,, . . • 50-52, 53 and 54, Kotitirtha, tank, . 14
56 Kot^pdla, off.. . 5»., 8, 12, 56
K6lanaiii(Jn, do,, 45 Kotopura, vi.. 211, 215, 217, 219
Kolananti Bhima, a.a. Kolanu Bhimaraja, Kotyadona, tn.. . . 237
Kolanu, 234 Kotyamamba, s.n. Kotyapaiiiba, pr,, 230
Kolanu -Bhima, ch., , . , . . 233 Kotyaparhba, s.a, KoUapamba, do,. . 228-
Kolanu- Bhima raj a,
Kolanu-Brahmaraja, rw., .....
Mahdma'j(i4oliha, • . 234
234 Koviladi, vi,, ....
.... .
29. 243)».
73jt.
Kolanupura,
Kolanu-visbaya,
... t.d,,
...
• . •
234
233
Kovuru, tJc.,
Kovuru, tn„ .... •
•
. .
.
95«.
95n.
Kolar, di,,
... 63 Koyilolugu, wk,. 73to. 74 and n., 75

Kolhapur,
Kolhapur
vi., .
plates of Gaiidaraditya,
Kollabhiganda, 8ur. of Vijaydditya IV,
,
... • .
13
14
227
Kratu, 8age,
Kripa, epic hero.
.... * . .
206, 208-09
and
209».
n.
KoUapamba, s, a. Kotyapamba, Velandv-ti pr., . 228- Krishna, di,, . • . . 57, 64, 226, MO
30, 243 Krishna, incarnation of Vishnu, .20, 147, 163, 157,
Kollapura, s.a, Kolhapur, L, , 14, 17 179-81
KoUeru, 233-34
lake.
Kolleti-kota, . 234
Krishna,
Krishna,
i.,
ri,, ....
,
125, 229, 231, 233,

. 136
235
KoUidam
Kolluru,
Kommana,
ri,.
vi., ....
min,.
.
.
.
. 74n.
233n.
237
Krishna II, Bdshlrakuta
Krishna 111, do., .
k..
. 21 and 22
22m., 23
23».,
and n.,
25
200
Komyosahga, 7., . 85-86, 89 Krishnft-nripa, • 20-21
Kona-Ka^dravadi, do,, . . 238 Krishnapa, Chanddla pr,. . 21
Kona-mandala, t.d,. 232-33, 236 and I n., Krishnapa, Chandella k.. . . 22/1.
237 Krishnapura, s.a, Kisnapur, vi,. . 121
mandala, .......
Kona Rajendra Choda, Haihaya
Kondapadumati Buddharaja III, off,,

ch, of Kona-
. ,
232
238
Krishnaraja, Kafackchuri
Krishnaraja, Rdshtrahuta
k..
k,, .
22 and
20, 21
.
and
n., 23,
no
n..
27
Kondapadumati Manma-Manda, do,, . . 238 K^hnaraya, Vijayanagata k,. 76
Kondedda grant of Dhannaraja Manabhita, 39
Kondika-Munjaluru, vi,,
.
and
64, 70
n. KritayUga,
Krochchherulu, ca„
....
Krishnaraya Alavandapuram, vi,. ,
.
76, 78
120
163
Kongaja, ch,, 14-16 Krodaficha, 7,, . , , . 51 -62, 63 »., 64.
K5ngoda, co., 35-36, 38, 45-46, 81, 84- 56
86, 214 Krodanchi, 8,a,, Krodanofaa, , 53«.
Kongoda-mandala, t,d., 32-33, 34k., 35, 38, Kiodanja,s.a, Krodanoha, . . 53n.
82 Krodhanana, legendary k,. , . . 65
Kohkalra, vi,, 191-93 Krosuru, 1., . 95
Konnekl, do,, , 64, 70 Krottacharla, tn.. 237
.
Konthama, do,, 64, 70 Krottacherlakoâ, 1., , . 237
.
Kopparam plates, . 94 Krottacheruvulakota, vi,. . 237

Koraiyar, ri., 76 Krova^ri, 7., . 95
. .
Korapa, Vdandnti ch,, 228, 230

Korumelli plates, . . . . 58, 60 and
64-65
n,,
ksha, used for khya,
Kshatriya,
Ksbemahkara, Bhauma-Kara
.... ,
k,.
, .
81 and
158, 162
a., 83,
13
Koaala, co,, . . 47, 83 and n., 191 and n,,

212
197, 210-11, 215, 217, 224, 232 Kshemuka, legendary k., . . 66
Kosala, South, 39, 191 and n„ 215, Kshdrapa, 6m.. 8, 12.
off,.
224 56
Koihthdg&ra, . 17 Kshudradevata, i.e. i§^ta, 74
Koshfha karana, off.. 107-08 Knbj a- Vishnu vardhana, E. Chalukya k*. . 69-60
— —
Part Vlll ]
INDEX 263
Paqb Pag®
Ktidiya I, Velanariti ch.,
Kudiyavarman, s.a. Kudyavarman,

. . . 228, 230, 243
230
Kuravasri, vi., ... . 93-94, 96
Kudlur plates of Marasiiiiha TI, ...

....
do., .
25
Kurkihar image
Kurma,
ins.,
........
incarnation of Vishnu,
.
.
.
. 179, 181
. 51
Kudâhara-viflhaya,
Kudyavarman, VelartanH
td.,
ch., . . .
lOn.
230
Kurnool,
Kumool,
di.,
tn., ....
.....
73, 160, 162
92
Kudjavarman H,
Kulagrdma,
Kulakattaigu^',
.
do.,
,
. .
..... .
. .
.
.
.
.
. 20, 27
230
76
Kurukshetra,
Kushana, dy.,
Kasumabhara, Bitauma-Kara
...... k., . .
208-09
170
87
Knlaji, s.a, Kula-panjihd, wk., , . . 53-54 Kusumabhara {^hara) T, s.a. Subhvlkara III, do., 82-83,
Kula^rman, tn., 93, 96 210-12, 216 and

Kulastambha, SMl h,, «, . . 164-65, 168 n., 220
Kulika, 5n,y 8, 12, 56 Kusumahara, s.a. Kusunlabhara II,
Kulinisiii, • . 53-54 s.a. Subhakara IV, do., . . 82,83, 210-211,

Kollâ, comiMntatoTy . 131». 214, 217
Kulottunga I, Chdluhya-Chola k,, 164-65 Kusumahara, 5.a. Kusutuabhara, do., • 211
Kulottumga-Choda, Choda k,, . 242 Kdtakolaâ, off., . . . 85-86, 88, 217, 219
Kulottumga-Choda (I), do., . 243
Kulottumga-Choda, E, Chalukya k., . . 244
Kulottunga-Choda-Goukaraja, s.a. Velananti
Goâ 232
232
Kulottunga- choda-Gangey a -Gonkraj a, do.,
170, 203
Chola-Chdlukya k., 226-27, 231-33
Kulottunga-Ch6|a I,
dental, distinguished from retroflex / 106
Kulottunga-Chola II, do., 227, 235 . . •
I,
I, retroflex mid-palatal, . . 204

Kulottufiga-Gonka-Rajendra-Choda II, s.a, Vela-
with a straight vertical stroke, . 116
237-38 I,
nanti Rajendra-Choda II, . • •
Lagna :
KuloUu7iga-ma4(i, coin, . . . • •
Kulottunga-Rajendra-Choda
Kulya, i.e. Kulyavdpa, I, in.,
II, Fetednfi cA., .
4, 10-11
237 Kanya,
Lakshandvali, wk.,
Lakshmana, m.,
....
.... .
.
61 and n.
.
. 53n.
17
Kumara, god, 232, 235, 240, 245
Lakshmanaraja, Karhrhhaodha pr., .
24-25
173
Kumaragupta I, Gupta k. .
Kumaramandaârman,
Kumdrdmdtya, off.,
m 92-93, 96
85, 88, 217
Likshmanasena, êaa k.,
Lakshml, goddess, .... 128
6, 20, 54, 97,
n.,
ISO
129 n.,
Kumaraiârman, m., 93, 96
147, 154, 180-81, 188,
91 n., 93
Kumaravishnu 11,1*
245, 246 and n.
.
*
142
kuihbdta, potter, 199
Lakshmldhara, m., . 5, 9, 14, 195-96,
73».
Kumbakonam, vi.,
.
81 and n.,
15 Lakshmikara, Bhamna-Kara k..
Kumbhl, ri., ,
83, 212
207 M.
Kumbla, I,, .
m., 73 n.
67 Lakshmlkumara Tatacharya, .
Kumdambika, s.a. Kumdawai, g., 243

Lakshmipati, s.a. Vishnu, .
207
Kurakuma-mahadevI, Alupa g., .
SivakarallT, Bhauma-Kara 1;. 82-83

244 Lalitabhara II, s.a.
.
Kuihtl, epic g., 213, 216 n.
Lalitahara, s.a. Lalitabhara, . .
206
Kumudendu, au., .
.
I, s.a. Santikara I, s. a. Gayada

206 n. Lalitahara (°bhar»)
Kumudendu Rdmdyana, wk., 81, 83, 87, 220
. 119 I, Bhauma-Kara k.,
Kundalgaon, 1., 210-14, 217
117-18. 120 Lalitahara II, do., .
Kundalikamala-vishaya, t.d., wk., . 178

60 Lolita^ V igrahardja-nd taka,
Kundavvai, E. Chalukya q., 15
204 n. Larhkeâ, i.e. Ravana,
Kundur-sasira, t.d.,
a 40-43
Ldiichhita, registered with
seal,
Kuntala, co., .
235, 237
154, 157, 230 Languages :
Kontl, epic g., . 122

238 Bengali,
Kuppama, Vedandnti . 203
90 and n., Kannada,
Kuram plates of Parame^varavarman I, 201 n.
91-92 Marathi,
105-06. 122
73 and n., 75 Oriya,
Kiiranarayana Jlyar, m,, . 172
75 and n. Pali. .
Kfirattalvar, saint. 73
264 EPIGEAPHIA INDICA f Voi.. XXIX
Page Page
Prakrit,
M
138, 140, 170-71
Sanskrit, 13, 19, 29, 44, 58, 170
71, 80, 90, 93, 105, m, cursive form of . • . • . 160
110, 116, 122, 140, 146, m, final, 226
160, 170-71, 173, 175, m, final, anusmra used instead of . . 80, 146
179, 195, 210, 226 m, changed into anxisvdra,
final, . . 30 ft., 90
Tamil, 71, 140, 200, 202 nn, having a shape similar to g and p, . , 106
Telugu, occasionally reduplicated after
Quasi-Sanskrit, .
.
44, 161
105
7ft,
md, with a slanting stroke above, ...

....
r, . . . 146
29
Lafikdvatdrasutra, wk.,
Lapha Zamindari, .
.
,
134
125
Mddald Pdhji,
Madalura, Mandur, m.,
s.a.
wJc.,
....
.2
107 ft.
15
Lata,
Lata, peo.y
Lauhitya,
CO.,
a,a.
.
Brahmaputra,
.
20, 23-25, 27, 66,
5 n., 8,
lol, 156
235
12
>Iadanapala, Pdla k.,
Madanapalli, t,
Madha, coin,
.....
......
.
107-08
. .
.
n., 10
235
Lauhitya-varidhi, "sindhu, do.,

Lavanabhara (L6na°)
Gayada IT, Bhauma-Karak.,
I, s.a. Santikara
.
n, s.a.
TI,
,
.
82-83
151
\
Madhava, min.,
Madhava, i.e. Vishnu,
......
Madhava, Madha vavarman, âilodhhavd pr., 39, 42
..... 238
246
Lavanabhara II, s.a. Santikara III, do., ^ 82-83 Madhava, s.a. Ayasobhlta II Madhyamaraja, 35 ft.
Legends on seals MadhavadevI, Bhauma-Kara q.,
^ruDevdnanda-devasya,
^ri-Bharmarajadevasya,
....
... .116 183 Madhavarya, m.,
Madhavavarman, ...... .
81, 83, 212
. 17
34
. .
.
. .
Madhava varman, #§at7od6Aai;a k.,

^rt-Jayasakti,
Brl’J uddkas'iirah,
.
....
.
.....
, . ^
(09 115 Madhavavarman II,

varman Srinivasa,
s.a.
Ill ft.
....
Sainyabhita Madhava-
. .
^ri‘Kulastambhadeva,
^rimad-Da'îmahddivydh, .... 79 Madhavendra, s.a. Ayasobhita II Madhyama-
34, 40 ft.
Srt-Madhyamardjademb',
BruMahtpaladevcLsya, ......164 . / , . 33
1
raja, âilodbhava k.,
Madhurantaka, ep. of
.
Rdjindra Ohola,
. .
.
34, 35 ft.,
69-70
36
Srimdn Kvlastamhkadeva,
Sri-PratdpamcUladiva,
^rt-Baftastambhadeva,
..... . , .
97
MadhurantakanalJur,
Madhusddana, m.,
Madhuvataka, vi.,
....
,
s.a.
.
Kalidimdi,
40 43 . .
vl., .
164, 191
,
62, 64,
193
70
Sfi-âttttbhanjadevasya,
Sri-Tribhuvandmlcusa, .... . , , ,189
5 g^ 225
Madhvacharya, Doaila
Madhvavijaya, wk., ....
....
teacher, 207 ft*
207 n.
, .
Bri-Vigrahapaladevaht
SruVishVbuddsab*
Lembulapaâka, ca.,
....
• . . . 9 49
29-30
22 n.
|
Madhyadeâ, CO.,
Madhyamaraja, âilodbkava k., .
Madhyamaraja, s.a. Ayasobhita II, do.,

.
86,191-93
35»
37, 39 n., 42
Logayaka, ^ngr., Madhya Pradesh,
Lohitya-hhattaraka, s.a. Brahmaputra, river goi,
22 7i., 23
• ....
24, 97, 111, 113, 125
.
71, 89, 94, 199
Lohitya-sindhu, do.,
Loka-bhupa, cA.,
....
......
147, 151, 155
147, 151
ft.
236
Madras Museum plates of VikramMtya I, 161 ft.
......
Madras Museum plates of Narendradhavala, 105, 167
Madura, di., 73 ft,
Lokaâ-uayaka, m., . . 14 17 Magadha, co., 52-53, 214
. .
Lokanatha, Buddhist god, . .

6, 64 Magha, an.,
. .
* 122
Lokavigraha, k., . . .
40^ X07 Maghavan,
. .
66
Lolikya, cA 20,25-26, 28 Mahdhhdrata, wk„ 2 ft., 139 ft., 157 171 ft.,
Lonabhara, s.a. Lavanabhara, . , . 87 173 ft., 227
Lonabhara (Lavana°) I, s.a. Santikara II, Mahabhauma, legendary k 66
Bhauma^Kara k., . 82-83, 210-13, 2(6, 220, 224 Mahabhavagupta Janam?»jaya, k. of Kdaala, . 215
Loiâbhara II, s.a. Santikara III, do., 82
. ,
Mahada plates, 166 ft.
Lovanikama, vi., 10-11 MahAddna, great gift, r . . 125 n.
lu, indicating 100, . , 80
. .
Mahadaif-dandyaka, off., * « 5 ft., 8, 56
lu, indicating 200, . . , . 80 Mahadeva, god,
lu, standing for /u and indicating 100, 227, 241
81 Mahagauri, goddess,
Lunar race,
* 147, 151, 165, 159
. . , , , 123 Mah-dgrahdra, * . . . 246
;
Page Page
Mahakali, . 13i Mahipala I, Pdla k.. 1 4, 7, 9, 11 and n.,
Makdkdridkritika, off., . . . . o n. .52

Mahakoâla, co., . 125 Mahipaiadeva, do., 55
Mahdkskupa talddkikrita,
Mdhdkshapatalikay
Mahdhulapatiy ep.,
do.,
.
off., .
1., 7,
.
11-12, 56,
. 211,219
211,219
172, 174
Mahi^hmat?,
Mahola, m,,
Maihar State,
.... ,
186, 188
. 23 n.
48
Mahdkumdrdmdtya, min,, , . 5 n., 8, 12, 56 Mailala-mahadevI, </. of Jayakesin II 29, 31

Mahalakshmi, goddess,
Mahalakshmi te., .
Mahamahattara, off., So, S8, 217,
. 13, 16-17
. 13-14
219
Mainaka, legendary
Maitreya,
malcaratoram, royal
.... rao.,
in'i’f f'va,
.
.
125, 128
.
66,
and n.
134
240
Mahdmandalddhipati, do., S3 /!., 211, 218, 224 Malava, co., . 26, 53, 56
Mahd7na7ji4^lesvara, tit., 13, 16, 76, 7S, 232, 234,
238 I
M.llava, dy.,
^niava, peo., ....
. 161, 162
5and?^-, 8, 12, 25
and n.
Makdmandctlika,
Mahâdi, ri.,
Mahdp%thanirupavu, tvk..
off., .
9S, 183,
.
233
227
152
'
;
Malavanadi,
Malaya,
Malda,
tnn.,
di.,
....
s.a.
.
Vrtravatl (Hetwa) .
3, 7,
.
U,55
25
4^1.
Mahdpracharândyaka, off.
Mdhdpratlhdra,
Maharaja, do.,
do., 5 n., 7, 12,
.
. 233
56
217
^
ilalharia, m.,
Maihar ins.
....
Malepadu plates of Punyakumara,
of Jajalladeva II, .
195, 199
. 163 m.
99
Mahdrdja, tit.,
Mahdrdjddhirdja, do., 4, 7, 10, 11, 50, 55, 69, 76,

112 1 MalJa, Velandnti pr.,
Alalia I, do., .... . 243
228-30
...
;
78, 82, 112, 147, 156, Malla IT, s.a. Vclanapti .

|
159, 161, 163 I

Mallaiya II, 230
Mahdraj^hi raja- Par aynesvart, ep., . . 210, 2171 Jlalla III, Vclananti Malliya III, do., . 229-30
Maharashtra, 109, 116-17, 142, 175, 176 5Ialla V, do., 228, 230-31, 244
Maharayar, . . 76, 78 Malla -bhd pa, s.a. Malla I, do,, . . 228-29
Mahdsainyapati, off., . 171 Mallapadeva, do., . 233
Mahdsdmanta, do., . 5, 7, 12, 35 n., 38, 43, 56, Mallapadeva II, do., . 234
85, 88, 162, 166, 16S, 217 Mallideva, ch., . 236
Mahdsdmantddhipati, do., 186 and n., 188, 233 Millikarjiiiia, Vijnyanagnra k., 72, 143
Mahasamund, tahsil, 196 Mallikarjima-mahadeva, god, . . 235
Mahdsdndhivigrahika, . 5 7, 11. 56 Malliva II. Vclathdnli ch.. 228-29, 243
off., ,
Mahasara, s.a. Mahasara, 173-74 M illiya III, do., 228-29, 243

Mahasara, m.,
Mahasena, god,
Mahdsendpati,
....
.... 5«.,
173-74
66. 182
7, 12, 56
Malliya IV,
Malloka,
Malwa, CO.,
off., ....
lo.,
.
128, 230, 243
211, 219
24-25
off.,
Mahasiva Tivara, Panduvamsi k., . 39 n. Miinallaparam ins., ISO M.
Mahasivagiipta Yayati I, Somavautsi k., 191 and n., Mamdaln, t.i., . 243
215, 224 Maiiidhata, epic
.... k., 246
Mahasthan,
Mahottama, ....
1.,
12
6 Marne, m.,
Maingi-yuvaraja, E. Chdlukya pr., 67,
99
240
Mahattara,
Mahaywia, ....
off.,
Mahendra, s.a. Mahendragiri, mo., .

.
35-36, 47
134
85 Mana,
Manabhita,
Dharnuirdja,
5 Mr, of Sailodhham
.
39,
175
42
Mahendr-achala, do., 245-46 ifanahali plate of Ma lanapala. 2 7t., 10
Mahendragiri, do., . 228, 232, 235-37 Manaraka, Rdshtrakuta k. of
Mahendrapala IT, Praiihdra k., 21 Mdiiapfira, 17.5-76

Manapura, /., 175-76
Mahendravikraraavarman, s.a.
Manaraja, Rashtrakuta k. of
Mahendravarman II, Pallava k.. . 91-92, 95
Manapura, 175-77
Mahe^vara or Siva, god, . 39, 85, 147, 156,
Manchana, poet, . 235
159
Maridala, t.d., 152, 156
Mahideva, m., 51, 56, 57 n. Mancjanami4ra, au., 48, 63
Mahldharadeva, do.. , 5l, 5j It. Manrjaraia II, off.. 238
—
Page Page.
Mandasor
Mandi, di.,
ins..
Mandu, s.a. Mandapa or

.... 122
lol Arya, . . 6, 27, 54. 65, 134, 135 n., 153,
156 ft.
Mandava, fort. . 20 ft. Aryagiti, . . . . . . 65

Mangala, q-, . 147, 154, 157 Drutavilambita^ . 216
Mangala, s.a. MangalasrI, 150, 154 Giti, . 65,153,167,192
3Iahgalakalasa, ch., 13, 83 ft., 211, HarinI, 125, 179-80
215, 218, 224 Indravajra, 6, 36, 40, 54, 153, 167,
Mahgalaraja, siir. of ^ntrubhahja, . 215 179-80, 244 ft., 245 ft.
Mahgalarasa, Chdlukya ch.. 118 Kanda, 205

Mangalasri, MUchcha q. of Prdgjyotisha 150 3IaiinI, 6, 12, 15, 54, 65, 87, 101,
Mangalkot, vi.. 6 125, 179-80, 187, 192, 216, 242 n..
Mangalore, tn.. 206 244 ft.
Mangi-yiivaraja, E. Chdlukya k,. . 94 Mandakranta, . 6, 12, 54, 65, 125, 153,

Manma-Satya II, ch.. . 236 179-80, 196
Manor plates of Vinayaditya-Mang alarasa, 109, 112, ^'i'ardataka. 40
mantrin,
Manu, au.,
off,, ....
.... .
98, 131
.
ft.,
118
5
148
PrithvI,
Pushpitagra, 6, 12, 40, 54, 65, 125, 187,
. 179-80, 187
192,
216
Manu, Mythical k,. 196 Ragaje, 140 n., 142 n., 143, 205
Manusmriti, wk..
Manvantara,
Manyakheta, ci..
.... 131
.
ft., 171, 186
128, 133 n.
26
Rathoddhatii,
Salini,
Sardulavikrldita, .
6, 12, 15, 54, 187,
6, 12, 15, 27, 36, 40, 54, 65,

242
153
n.
Marasimha, Sildhdra k„ . 14-15 87, 101, 110, 114 125, 153, 179-80,
Marasimha II, W. Ganga Jc., 21 ft., 24, 25 187, 192, 196, 203-04, 208».,
Marata,
Marichi, sage.
co., .... .
and
209 ft.
ft.
235 SikharinI,
Sragdhara,
. .
216, 243
12, 54, 101, 125, 179-80,
245 n., 246 n.
216
. 27, 36, 40, 54, 101, 125, 153,
Marripundi, vL, 238 167, 179-80, 187, 216
Maru, Marwar, co,.
s.a, 3, 7, 11 Svagata, 65, 179-80
Maruvattugadalu, Udgiti, 65
Maser, ui.,
Maser ins.,
....
Maruvattugadalu, region,
.... -
.
19, 21-23,
29-30, 32
18, 26
25-27
Upajati, 15, 27, 65, 101, 125, 153,
167, 179-80, 196, 238 n., 242
..... 243 n., 244 n., 245 n., 246».

Ma’sud I, k.,
Mathura,
Mativara, legendary
.... it.,
.
.
52
139
65
Utsaha,
Upendravajra, . 167, 179-80
167,
205
. .
I Vamsastha, Vamsasthavila, . 65, 125,
Matsya Purdna, wk,. . 125 ft., 171 179-80, 216
Mayurbhanj, di..
]Meda,
Meghasandesa, wk.,
.... .
.
8, 12,
85,215
139
56
ft.
Vasantatiiaka, 6, 15, 27, 36, 40, 54, 65, 87, 101,
125, 153, 167, 179-80, 196, 216,
243 245 n.
Meharauli ins., 173 and n. 244 ft.
Viyogini,
Mehar plate, ,
45 n. 83 85, 215
.
Midnapur, di., . »
ft.,
Mel-Mundarashtra, i.d.t 93, 96 56

.
system of philosophy, 10, 12, 50,
MMpalaru do,, , 75 and n. 179
Mina, incarnation of Vishnu, .
Mena, Menaka, 128 n. 75 n.

.
Mipalaru, n., .
Mentana-prepaada, gen,, 237 148

Mitdkshara, wk.,
Meru, legendary mo., 36, 124, 132 and n. 53-54
Mifchila, i,d., .
Mcsapotamia, co., , 138 10 , 12

Mitrakaradeva, w.,
Metres :
Mlechchha or Salastambha, dy, .
148
Anush tubh, 15,27,36,40,54, 65,
6, 12, Mochabbaraai, /e., .
206-09
96n., 101,121 ft., 179-80, 187, 192, Mohenjo-daro, .
138
1.,
196, 216, 242 n., 243 n., 244 n., MohinI, goddess, . 73 ft.
245 ft. Mohinldevi, Bhanma-Kcra 83, 212

q*.
— —
Part VIII ]
INDEX 267
Page Page
Months, lunar : n, final, 90, 116, 226

Ashadha, . 98-99, 103, 195 n, having two forms, 80, 116
A^vayuj, . , . . 56 n. n of the Telugn type, 106
Asvina, . , , 195 n. VL, reduplicated after r, 146
Bhadra, 9, 12 Uy redundant use after /«, 110
Chaitra, . . 116 and n,, 235 7iy used for w. 110
Jyeshfha, . 189, 236 Tty used for », 117
Karttika, . 2, 29, 32, 21S, 232 i
Naddula, h, . 25-28
Magha, . 44, 47, 195 and n., 231 Naga,/., 215, 220-21
Phalguna, . . 43 n,. 71, 78, 110 and n., 117, Xagad plates of Allaâkti, 117-18
121, 231 n. Nagara, s,a, Kalinganagara, . 237
Pushya, 13, 17 i
Nagardiian plates of
Sravana, 2, 8, 142 ,
Samira j a, , . , . 112-13
Vaisakha, . 2, 9, 92, 96, 175-77 1 Xagarl plates of Anangabhima III, 44, 46 71.,
'
123
Months, solar
Karkataka, 61, 106, 108 Nagarjima hill, 137
60 Xagarjunikonda, h, 137-38
Simha, . . . . ?i. 1
202 Xagpiir, ci.y 32, 116

Vaigasi, .
179 Xagpur, di.y 113 and n.

Mount Abu,
24 Xagavardhana, k.y . 109, 112 and n,
Mrigankavali, Chdlukya pr,. . . . . ??.
4 n. Xagavarman, aw,, . 205-06

Mudgagiri, . . . .
66 Xagayayi, . 110, 114-15

Mu^vemu-agrahara, 1., .
107-08 Xahusha, epic k,, 65, 154, 158 and n.

Mudula, off,.
239 Xaigaon, h, 114
Muduvemu, L, .
NaisJiadhTya, ivk.j . 35rt.

Mugdhatunga, Kalachuri pr.. '
4b Xakshatras :
Mukhalingam, 1., '
Hast a, 61/7.
Mukkanti-Kaduvetti,
2:9 Miigasiras, . 191 and 193,224
Tryambaka-Pallava,
182, 232, Mrda, . 172
Mukuihda, Mukunda, god., .
244 1
Pushya, . 238
Kohini, . 76,78
Mulajapa, m,. }
vSuryyabha, s,n. Uttara-Phalguni Purva-

Mularaja, ChdlukyU k,, . . . 25 n., 26
PhalgunI, 61 and n.
Mtilasthanadeva, god. . 231 n. ,
111-13
j
Uttarabhadra, , 60,68
Multai plates of Nannaraja, j
Xakula, epic hero, . 66

Munmiadi-Bhitua, s,a. Vimaladitya, i
bl Xala, epic k., * 35n.

E, Chdlukya k., .
Xalanda plate ot Dharmapala 5

Mummadi-Bhlcua II, ch, of
236 Xalanda ins. of Mahipala I, 52
Kona-mandala, .
XalantigabXarayana Jiyar, m., 71-75, 77-78

Mundakhede, vi,.
110
Xambillai, do., 71 7z., 75-76
Mundarashfra, t.d., .
93, 94
Xaiiida, s.a, Gauri, qodde^s, 66, 240
Munja, m.. 20, 28
Xanda, s.a., Xandddbhava, dy. . 184-88
25-26
Munja, Paramdra k..
240
181 Xanda, goddeSi^,
Murari, god, .
93-94, 96
100 n. Xandakurra, h,
Muttigi ins., .
60 and
o2 Xandampundi grant of Rajaraja I, 58, n.
Muzaffarpur, di.. . . . .
94
151 Xanda varam,
Mymensing, do. . . . .
119
Xandgaon, do,,
100
Xandin. royal emblem,
X Xandike^vara-sandhivigrahika, off,, .107-08
Xandipottarasar, Pallava k,, . 202

9, 170, l9o
rt,
ti, ...
• » • .
’
. .
90, 214
98
Xandipuradvari-vishaya, tA,
Xandisvamini, .
.
118
4-5,7
peculiar
n, looking like
form of
?,
.
!
...
, .
.
.
98
98 i
i
Xandivarman II, PallavJ k..

do. .
.
113
91,93
n, looking like 1,
o
9 pGA/o6
, •
Page Page
Nandodbhava, dy.y . , > » . 1S4 Xettabhanja Kalyanakalasa I, BJianja 190
Naudurbar,
Nanduru, vi., ..... . . . . .
225-26
IIS Xettabhanja III Tribhuvanakalasa, d;.,
Xeulpiir plate of 'ûbhakara I, SI, 83, 214-15
192
Xanjiyar, w.,
Nanna, do.,
......
Nandurii plates of Velananti HajeDdra-Choda,
...... 218, 224

. 225
75
nyh, written as hh,
ni,
ni,
contraction for nibaddhay
used for ni,
.
2, 6 anl a 9, 49, 567>,

146
80
Xanna, Velananti ch.^ . . . 228,230,243-41 ni, used for ni, 80
^2LTLVi2i.T?i]Siy Rashira'kuta lc> oj Berar^ . 109,110-14 XI A dialects, . 105
Xannaraja-Yuddhasnra, do., 110 nibaddha, registered, 9
Nannasvamin, dotiee, 175, 177 Xi9adavolu, 133
Nannesvara, god^ . 211, 224 X.dubrolu. do., 235
Xapa, alcshaialin, . 192. 194 Xila, legendary k., . 65
Xarada, law-giver^ . . 148 XdagTi, 215
Xaraga, Sahara ch., . 2171 . Xilakantha, tti., 191, 193
Xaraka, myth, k., . 147, 153, 157- "S Xila-parvata, ino., . 152
Xaraka or Bhauma, dy., 14S-49 Xiigiri, hilly 202
Xarasaraopeta, 236 Xitdl, Ly . 161
Xarasimha, avafdray 124, 129 Xikuriibha, hirudff, . 117, 120
Xarasimha, Chdluhya cA., 22n., 23 Xiku iibha, 118
Xarasimha, tti., 50, 56 Xikumblidllasakti or Alla akti. 'Hemlraka ch,, 116-17,
Xarasimha, ûlki k,.
Xarasimha II, do.,

19-21,22 and 71., 23 and
n., 27
23
Xiravadyapura,
Xirpan plates of Xagavardhana, 109. 112 and n.
.... .
.
120
233
Xarasimha IV, Ganija Jc., 105-08 Xivina grant of Dliarm irfija Oliaabhita, 34, 35/1.,
Xarasimha chary a, s.a, Sihgarachary
Xarasimhavarman I, Pallava
Xarasimhavarraan II, do., . .
,
'm.y
89, 91
9371..
i2, 94,
73
142
06
Xohala, Chdhihyrt
Xonallci, K'lbichnî g. of
pr.^ ....
H it inpiir.
3>a. 39a., 40a.
.
.
22-23
197
Xaravahana, legendary k., 66 . Xorth Arcot, di.. 7371., 143a..
Narayapa alias Gajankuâ, min.^ 2277 . . 201 and n.
Xarayapa, god, .55, 59, 65 178-SO, 240
. Xowgong plates of Balavannari, 148-50
Xarayana, s.a. Kura-Xarayana Jiyar, m., 75 . Xrinnri(](”vn. Bhnama-Kara g., . S3, 212
Narayana Jiyar, do., 73 and n., 75. . . Xrittamahrulevn, g y 83a., 210, 217
Xarayanapala, Pdla Jc., 2 3, 6
. . . . Xrisiinha, incarnation oj Vldinn, 179-81
Xarayapaârman, m,,
Xarayanpur ins,,
Narendra, s.a.
....
Vijayaditya II, E. Chdlukya
.
k.y
.
226,
95
3
71/ reseinblinf;
ntha. Used for nta,
Xfilêri, vi.y
....
tt.
.....
. 49
80
139
228-29, 241, 243 Xumerals, or 'Symbols for —
Xârendradhavala, k., 105, 167 1 (of the ToUiiâ typ A, 106
XarSndramrigaraja,
Xarmada, fi.,
Narsingpur plate of Devananda

do., .
II, .
.
67,
26, 59,
226-29
184-86
66 3,
4,
.....
2 (of the Bcugili type).
.
106
170
183
Nasik, di.,
Naulagarh image
.....
Xasichandra, arhaddchdryo
ims.,
. 112-13, 119
40, 43
51
4 (of the Bengali type).
5 (of the Bengali type).
8,
106
106
170
Nausarl plates of Srya4raya iSriaditya, 109, 112 9 (of the Bengali type), 106
âvasdhasdiikacharitay irk., . 21n. 20, . SOa.
Nayachandra, a«.,
Nayapala, Pdla k.,
....
Xavasari branch of the Chalukyas, dy.
.
118
179
o'
60
SO,
100,
8077..
80, 170, 183

183, 213
213
52, 55 '
200, .
80 and n.
Xayimma, Sildhdra
Xellore, d»,, ....
k., ,
94,95 n.,16U.,
15 Xurmatli Tailapa
Nydyakandally wk..
III, W. Chdlmcya 4,, 237
5371.
Xemana, m., ..... 162 63

17
Nydyakanîkdy do.,
Nydyasuchi , do.,
.
.... . , .
. 53 and «.
53
Part ^MlI ]
L\DEX 269
Paok Page
[
0 gmVid^va, in. deity, . . . . 45, 48

Pamda I, Velandnti pr., .
243
peo,, *
. . .
Pamda 244
0(Jra, c<9.,
.... . 47, 173 332

Pamela
IT, do.,
III, do., ... . 244

Otâ, pt.0,,
ohorUf tax^ .... . 173

PJ7-0S
n.
Pamdaratalai, vl., . . , . 195-96, 198
expressed by a ^yiabol.
Om, written ].ke
27 and n.
2d
Pamdu,
Pamduputra,
Pamidipadu,
epic k..
.....
....
vl., .
.
244
244
236
Oiegerum.irga,
Ongole,
Ongole,
tk,,
1.,
....
.
.ûlhla 'on, ‘2oi
.
and
23^'^.
n.
34
Partiidipada-agrabara, do..
Pampa, an.,
P-iiiipa-Bkdrata, wk..
..... ,
205?!.,
205-06
206?^.
236
Orissa, 83. 34 3d. 33. 4 1-17, 33, 61

. . .
Pamuiavaka plates of \7ijayaditya VII . .
7i SI. S4-S5, l!>3, lu7. 25

.
Panahera ms. of Jayasiiiiha,
1- i, 123, 132;i.. Id4-d, Panitiirage-golla, s.a. Panutra, ci., . . 14, 15 and
io7. Ib'J, 173, 1S3-4, \'>6, li., 17
lUU, 210, 21.3, 227 Pddchdlhikaranoparika, off..
40
Oudh, .....
‘‘sinna-Kaivarttavritti,
....
4-3, 7 rfinchabiranoparika,
Pdui:hakani_laka, 1.,
do..
... .
40,
4,6-7
43
Oxford, 133 PaDchamahasabda, ep.

Panchaiiiahdyujhu,
Padehapandavamalai Jain
.... ins.,
.
200»., 202
. 240
120
|>
XL
Pauolianagari-vidiaya, t.d.. 4, 6-7

51
p and y, not distinguished. OS, 122 Pancharaksh'i, wk..
1
pa of the Grantha-type, . 71 Pahchbibi, /., . . . - 6

Pachchir-kiirram,
Pachchama Paschima)-khanda, tA
f
di..
s5-8b, 8S
73/?. P.inda I,
Panda If. do.,

y da nan tl
....
ch.,
....
. 228, 230-31
.
228, 230
228
Padachandrikfi,
Padara, in.,
padatijirrfa, tar,
.... ick.. .
137, ino
131
107
n. Panda HI, do.,
Panda IV, do.,
Pandama, Vdandnliq.,
. .
.
• •
.
228, 282
. 238
Padma, goddr^^.
Padmanagara, a., . .
.
no-11,
and
.
n.. 114
-‘S
ii."!
1
;
Paudaraja,
Pandaravadai,
Panclari,
s.a.
vi., ....
Velananti Panda IV, .
.
235
151
72
P-indikulasari-valanadii, t.d., 76, 78

Padmapura, 1., . . . 113rt.
Pandntarai. 196
Padmavatt, Ynk^hX of Pat 200, 201 i
Padmin, 1.,
Pahindipadu, vi..
.
....
113
236 ,
:
Pan dll, Panduraja,
Pandudasa. m., ....epic k..
.
65, 239
53n.
pdikd, fa.r,
pdikali, do., .... 107 -OS

107
o2
;
;
PanilurangapalU plates of Avidheya,
Pandnri Mauza,
Panduvaiiisa,
....
....
. 175-76
151
29
Paikore pillar ins., . i
231 and n.
....
'
Pdiynlachchhi, ivk.. 26 Pain 111 vara ja, s.a. Pal a vara j a. ch.,
1
.
164 Pan Iga-Mahdrdjiuihirdja, ep.. 206

Pajara, oi.,
151 Pamda, h. * • • 172, 174

Pakistan, E., . -
226
....
.
Pcda, weight-standard. 167 1
Panmi, au., . . . • • .
Panitual or Panitola, L, 6».

Pala, dy., 1, 3, 34, 48, 183 i
.
U8 Panjab, * 86
Pala dy. of Pragjyotisha, . 1 . . • .
14
Pala apal,
Palestine,
....
Palacole, s a. Palakolanu, h.
....
.
.
238
49
138
;
i
Pan lit are,
Paoni, vi.,
Paragandabhairava,
s.a.
.
Panaturage,
.
ep.,
•
.
.
• • .
.
97
.
n., 194
68
66 Paramahhdgavata, do.. . 92, no, 114

Paliketana, royal insignia, !
ParamahhaHdraka, do., . 4, 7, 10-11, 60, oo, 69,

Pal-Lahara State, .
iS6 .
112, 147, 156, 159, 186 and n.. 188, 206
Pallava, dy., ....

Paliapu-Gudravara-v ishaya, t.d.. 04, 68-70,
89-91, llln.,
140,
230
240
I
:
Paramabrahmanya,
Parainamahesvara, do.,
do., .
. .
69, 92, liO, 114
43-44 47, 68, 62, 88,
231 and 89, 92, J86

Padavaraja, s.a. Tiruvaranga, cA., n., 232
j
o
•2 To EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [ Yoh. XXIX
Page Pagb
Paramarmhesvarl, do.j . . . , 82, 85, 88 Penimal, god, . . . .

74
Faramdra, dy.f . , , . 24, 26, 179 petdpdln, petakapala, off.. 40, 43, 211, 219
Para ma y« iigata, ep., 2/z., 4. 7,10-11, 50, 55, 81, ph, two forms of .
19
.
185 Phapitavltlii-vishaya, t.d.,

10-11
4, 6 and??., 7, 11
Paramatdthdgataf
Paramavaiih nava,
do.,
do., .... . . • ,
44-45, 47,
81 Phapita-vith!, do.,
Phasika,
.
228-30,243
39, 42
Paraniavaishaav^y do., .... 82, 210,

191 Pic^ uvuraditya,
Plkira plates of Simhavarman,

...
Velandnti ch., . .
91 and to., 95 to.
Paraynekvara, do., .... 147,

217, 222
156, 159,
206
Pimpalner,
Pinakin, god,
PippaUkheta,
1.,
....
vi.,
147,
.
153, 157
.
118
118
Parame^varavarman I, Pallava k., . 91-92, Pipparika, L, .
. Ill
.
94-95 Pishtapura, s.a. Pithapuram, do.. . •
152
ParameSvarJ,
Paramopdsaka,
Parariaada, iVancla
ep.,
do.,.
.
....
,
of Orissa,
, , , .
184-85,
82
81
PUhanirrjxiya, wk.,
Pithapuram,
Pithapuram ins.
L,
.
of MalJapadeva,
46, 233, 236
233
Paranjoti, gen., .....

Parantaka, Ghdhtkifa^Chdla pr..
142
232-33
187 Pithapuram
ii,
Pithapuram
ins. of
ins.
Mallidera and Manma-Satya
of Prithvi^rara, 227, 229-32, 234,

. 236
Para^rama, sage, . . . , > 162 238

Paraûrama
Vishyiu, ......
or
.....
Jamadagnya, incarnaiioii of
179
Pokharna,
Popdh s. a.
Ponni Tande,
1.,
Pondi,
.
vi..
Honni Tande, m.. 143 and

173
22
...
to.
Parbatiya, vi., . 145 s.a. .
Parbatiya plates of Vauamalavarmaii, . 149, Ponnur, vi., . .

201-02
paridar sand, tax,

Parikshit, spick.,
..... . 65-66, 239
151
107-08
Poona, ci.,
Poona, di.,
Poshall, Poshela,
.
. ...
vi..
.
6-6, 9,
174
174
Parikud plates of Madhyamaraja,

and n., 36
33-34, 35
n., 38
39 n.
n., Potan(^, m.,
Potumarru, vi..
.... 51,57
45, 47
64
Parvatf, goddess,
pasdita, off.,
.....
Par^ranatha, Jaina Tlrthankara,
...... 20, 36, 41

200-02
107-08
Potumbarru, do.,
Prabhakara,
Prabhakara Ghaisasa,
7n.,
.
do..
191, 194
64, 70
17
Pa^chimakha^cja-vishaya, t.d., . 86, 88, Prabhavatigupta, Vdkdtaka q.. 139 TO.
Pasupata, sect,..... .
191-92
2 TO.
prabhu-sakii.
Prabuddhaehandra, Jain nionk.
, ,
40, 43
245
Pataliputra, ca.,
Patan
Patharghata,
ins., ......
......
.
.
4 n.
4
119
TO.
Prachanda, Brahmavdk ch..
Prachiâ, legendary
PrdcJiy-dmbhonidhi,.
k., .
23
65
36
pdtra, off., ......

Patna plates of Mahasîvagupta Yayati, . 215
108
Pradipana, legendary
Pragjyotisha, co., .
k.,
. . 122, 145, 147-50,

65
Pa^âmahadevt,
Pattanaka, h,
pdukd, tax,
.....
tit..
...... 20, 26,

2
107-08
TO.
28
Prahasitaraja, Pdla pr., . 51
151
and
and
152- 53, 157
to.,
to.,
57
Paupi,
paufi, weight, .....
....
•
.
113
45
TO.
TO.
prajd-loka,
Prakriti,
.
. .
. .
.
,
.
.
.
. 45, 47
138
Peril
Pennar,
âbandh
ri., ......
plates,
......
97-100
163
PraJambha, Sdlastamhha
prdntapdla, off., .... k., .
.
149 and
5 TO.,
to.
8,
pentapolis,
Per^yapurdv^m, wk.,
Penva Tirumalainambj
.... alias Srisailaptinpa, m.,
. 142
V2
6
Prapanndmritayn, wk..
Pratapamalla, Kalachuri k. of Ratanp ur, .
73 TO.,
12,
74
97-99,
56
TO.
and n.
103, 194
Perma4i» Sivachilta Permarji, Kadamba Pratapgarh ins,, . . . . . 24 ».
k., 30-31 Pralidhakkd, royal insignia . 66
- . ,
Page 1
Page
1
Pratibara, dy..
26, 179
Pratihdra, off.. 191, 194 ’
sa-)(d<i~^tltala. 8. 12
Pratiraja, 7n.,
pratydya.
Pravachanasdra, wk.. 200
I(»0,
/!.. 20.3/1.
104
50
;
'
1
â
^‘Unttn.
-
....
sa nia’Sta'hhaga'Vn.ojnd:a} adiiran y-ddi-p ra fyd >ja -
kh tta-ijhattn-}Lad“ta ra -sih d u idi-gulniab r,

8. 12
217
—
Pravaras
Ambarisha,
:
• . . . 5, 8
\
s-dhtra-tnadJihla,
sadala. ....
.... on.. 8, 12
8, 12
Aiigirasa,
Asita,
.
. . 5, 8,
89, 100, 103, 193>i.

10, 12, 85, '
^-dddksa,
i-odratuga,
s-dparikara,
.... on. , 8, 12 ,
5 /!.,
217
120
217
. 50, 56 i
Avatsara, Prola II, KdkatTya oh., 237

, • . . . . 45 1
Barhaspatya,
Bbaradvaja,
BbSrmya^va,
. 10,
12,
12,
85,
85, 89
89
i
Ptolemy, an.,
Pulaba, sage,
Pulakesin I, IP.
.... Chdlukya k., 66, 93
209 n.
240
6
193 n. j
Devala, '
Pulakesbi II, do., 34 n. ,94,
50, 56
,
Kaiyapa, 112-13 118, 160.

.
45 1
Kauîka, 161 and n., 162 and n.

110, 115
Mudgaia, Pulastya, sage, 209 n.
103 n. [
âidhruva, Palidorru, VI., 70 n.

45 j
pa^h-d^rsheya, Puiigere, ta,, 143

45, 47
j
Saihkrita, Puiiuda, peo., 82

100, 103
[
^âpdilya, Pulindaraja, . 82
.
50, 56
^^y-drsh^ya^ Pulindaseua, m., 35-36, 41
45
Vachaspatya, Puliude^vara te., 82
100. 103
Yauvana^va, PumUrika-inanclala tJ., 4, 6, 7, 10-11
.
5, S
P^dvartta^ unit of weight. P u 11 'JU’a va rd }1 cin a - b liukt i , dD 4, 6, 7, 10-11,
45. 48
Primeval Boar, i.e. Visbnii, 157
1.52
,
Pri^hfha-mdtrd,, Punriaga-tirtlia, 74
, 19
PfithivI, Panyakumara, Tdagii-Choda ch. .111 n., 163
138
^fithivfrdjavijaya, wk,,
Prithiv^vallahha, ep..
, .
117, 120,
179
Puramlara,
Purdna, ancient
.... Sflver cot a, io and n.,
66,
and
46, 48,
n.
199
161, 163
Prithvicliandra Bhogaâkti 50 and n.
k., . 175
PvithvTdeva, cngr,, Pnrdna, ick., . 125, 128, 132 and n.
.
10, 12
PiithvIdSva, Puri, dn, 33, 35, 44 46, S5, 108
KalacMiH
....
,
k, of Bata^fpnr, 99, 197
Pnthvideva Puri, ci.,
. 44,46,124,
I, do., 102, 197
Prithvideva II, do., 13271., 164, 23577.
, . 97/? 98, 99 and 7i.,
Purigere, id.. .
207
100, 102, 194-98
Prithvideva III, do. Purigere-inuTiuru, t-d.. .204 7!.
99 and n.
pur ilia ka, . 115
Prithvimahadevi alias Tribhuvanamahadevi II off.,
Puri plates of Bhanu II, , 47, 108

alias Sindagaurl II, Bhauma-Kara 82
q., . .
Puri plates of Dharmaraja Manabhita . 39 ?i., 40

83, 191 and Ti., 194, 210-11, 213, 215, 217,
and n., 43 n.
221-23
164, 166
Prithvl^vara, Velananfi ch., Puri plate of Kulastanibha,
. . 227, 234, 238
Puri plates of Sainyabhita Madbavavarman,
II, 34-35,
PrithuyaiSati, iîldkdra k., . . . . 15
40 n, 111 7!.
Privileges : — 107-08
Puri plates of Xarasiibha IV, .
<*’Ohdia-bhata’praveâ, , , . 8, 12, 147, 166 66

Puru, epic k.,
d.-kihchiUpragrdhya, 12
dMkhani-jpravim,
"fnukt’Oparikara,
...
.....
. . . .
86, 89,
147, 156
8,
218
Puniravas, mythical
Purushottama, god,
k., .
•
. .
Go, 127, 132

.
and
65
n.,
235
paTihfita^sarva^plda 8, 12 pm^]^5ttama, tn., , * • 85, 89
I
106
â-chauroddharana, 5 n., 8, 12 paiashottama., Surtjavanm k.,
j
Purushottama-Jagannatha, god. 44, 132 n.

â-gart'ôshara. on., 8 !
Page Pagb
Purradik-Dandapata, t.d.. 107-08 rajanyalca, off.. . 5 n., 7, 11, 56
Purra-kkanda, c?o..
Pushkarana, ca,,
pushpavdta.ka^
....
.... . 173
86
17
Rafaparamekmra,
Rajaputra, off.,
ep..
. 5 n., 7, 11, 56, 85, 88, 166, 168,

76, 73
217
Pu8b3'aditya, engr,, , . , 5, 9 Rajaraja, Chola
, k., . 46
Piistakapdlay ojjf., . . 85 S(3 88, 217, 219 Kajaraja, E. Chdlukya
,
k., . . 212
Putta, 8.a. Buddha, 200 Rajaraja 57-58 and
. , , ?i. I, do., . n., 59, 60 and n..
Puttadigal,
Puttur, vi., ..... 200-01
206-09
j
Rajaraja II, Chdlukya-Chola
61-64, 68, 227-28, 230
k., . .
and n.
236, 243,
246 and n.
Rajaraja II, E. Chdlukya 225-28
Q k..
1
Rajaraja III, Gahga k.. 124 .
Qutb>ud-dln Aibak, Sultan of Delhi ,

178 Rajaraja Brahma-Maharaja, gen..
.
62-63, 68, 70
j
Rajaraja-Devendravarman, Ganga k 232 .

1
Rajarajanarendra, s.a. Rajaraja I, E. Chdlukya k., 230

R
t
Rajaraja-valanadu, t.d.. 75n. . .
r, archaic four- chambered shape of , . . 161 Rajarajesvaram, te., . 62, 70

r,
r, final,
r,
......
Bravidian, having 2 forms,
having more than one form.

. . .
•
160
90
106
Rdjasatka, off..
rdâsihdnôparika.
Rajasundari, Ganga q..
. 8 and n., 12,
85, 88
66
46
r, reduplication of consonants after , . 90,98,122, Rdjatarangini, wk., . , 35 n.
160 Rajeriidra-ohodn, V elandnti ch.. . 245

r,
r,
r,
resembling cA,
superscript,
retroflex,
....
.....
.
. .
.
2,
204
106
49
Rajendra,
Rajendra, Chdla
s.a. Anantavarman Rajaraja. Ill,
k.. .
126, 130
123-24,
. 46
Raafiga-vishaya, t.d., 107, 108 Rajendra T, do.. 46-47, 62 n.
Bachiya-Peddcri Bhima,
Radha, co., .....
Radhlya Briihmana, community,
tn., , 64, 71
81, 83
6, 53
R5.jendra-ch6<la
Rajendra-Choda
I, s.a.,
IT, do.,
Ghoda
.
I, Vdnndnti
.
ch.,
225-26, 228,
231-32,
238
Radhiya Kulina, do., 64 234-38

Raghava, epic kero.
Maghutarnia, wh.,
Rahasavardhana,
....
en^r., . . .
13In.,
210-11,213,219,
234
173w.
Rajendra-Choda Madhurantaka, Chola
Rajendra -chola I, ch. of Kdnamandala

k., 60, 62
63, 65, 68, 69
. .
and
236
n..
223 Rajeadra-Kulottuhga I, E. Chdlukya . k., . . 46

Raiiiyava(Ja>
Baigarh,
Raipur,
tn.,
dt.,
.....
1.,
.....
. . . . 186, 188
97, 194, 196

97
Rajim ins.
Rajput, peo.,
Rajyapala, Pdla
....
of Pnthvideva,
k., .
195 and n.,
3, 7,
196
179
55
Raj a bhima, B. Chalukya Ic., . 241 Rdkshasa form of wedd i ng, . 81
Rajada, m., . . 191, 194 Rala-mand^la, t.d., . . 21 and n.
Rajaditya, pr.. 93 and n., 96 RaUavagu, rivulet, . 160

Rajalladevi, Kalachuri g. of Ratanpur, . 197 Rama, epic hero, . , 9, 12, 16, 18,
Rajamahendravaram, 1., . . 233 54,67, 179, 182,
Rajamalla, cA., . . . . 213, 221 189, 245
and 224 Rama, incarnation of Vishpu, . 179
Rajamalla, Oafiga pr.. . 201 , Hama, Sdndhivigrahika, . 117, 121
Rajamalla, Ndga
Rajamalla
Rajamalla
I, ck.,
II, do.,
ck..
....
....
82-83
211 «.
221 n.
Ramabhadra, m.,
Rdmacharita, wk.,
Ramalava-vishaya,
.
t.d..
. . .
191-92
71
52
RajamarttaijcJa, E. Chdlukya k.. . 67 Ramanath*!. m., . . . , 97 n.

rdjdmdtya, off.. 5 rt., 7, 11, 56 Ramahga-vishaya, s.a. Raanga or Raafiga-vishaya, 45,
Rajamundry,
rdjan, off.,
raânaka, do.,
.....
ci.,
.....
» . . « •
i>n., 66, 114

43, 166, 168
233 n.
Ramanuja, ret. teacher. . 72 and
47, 108
75 and n.
n..
Rajanarayana Vishiûvardhana, 234 ». Ramaraja, min., 77-78

— ] —
•273
Part VIII INDEX
Page pAflE
Ramar3<ja Konetayyaraja, ch., . 72 1

RepaUi, tk., ..... . 226, 229
Rama vardh ana,

Ramavatl, tn.,^
m., .
211, 233
4 u.
'
,
repka,
Reva, ri., .....
.... 26,
29, 71
U2
Uaniayana, epic,
Ramayya, s.a. Kkantada Ramaj^ya,
Ramesvara-mahadeva, ôc?,
. 3n, 52, 73 n., 139
1-40 n.
72.,
143
151
22 ., 114
238
n.
1
Revasvamxn, m.,
Revuru,
Reyuru,
vi.,
do,,
.....
.....
.
,
117, 120
89,
.
92-94
94
Raines varam pillar ins., 1 1 1 w. !

Reyuru grant of Xarasimbavarman, .91n.
Ramtek, L, . . 113 ri, medial, having different forms. . 80
j
65
Ranabhanja, Ehaiija
Ranabban-ia,
Ranabbita, Sailodbkava
k. of Dhritipura,
k.,
80, 190
.
.
224
41
j
1
,
Uiohuka, legendary
Riksbaka,
Rodapadi,
do.,
co., .
....
k..
. . . • . 21 and
65
n.
Rdnaka, 211, 219 Rodapadi. 21 TI.

85, 89, 186, 18S, 191 Rudapati, .
ep., . ,
1
5. ft. do..
Ranastambha, ^ûlkl k,, 165-67 Russelkonda, 79 n.

.
Rana-itipanî grant of Vimaladity 58, bO n., 62, 65,

230 n.
RaiKâ, sub-division, 40, 43

Rangacharya, m,, 73 n. • • * 170, 214
ft
Ranganatba, god, 73, 76, 78 s, resemblmg conjunct tbh or vhh,
71 13, 19
Ranganathasvamin te., .
I
s, used for .
'
Rangesa, god, 76-77 98, 196

. I s, used for s,
Rangiya, 1., 151 . 20, 21 n.

. I Aâbara, rk.,
RangpuT, di., .
1 Sahara, tribe, .
^
,
.21
I
Rishtrakuta, and . 228, 231,

d>j.. 22, 23 n., 7, 25, Sabbanibika, pr.,
175-76, 207 235, 244-45
23 128, 132
Rashtrakutas of jMalkhed, do., . Sachh godde.^s.
Rashtrakutas of Manapura, do., 11 Sacrifices :
• 120
Raîs : Agnihotra, .
35, 37, 39 and n., 41-42, 92-93

Alesha, Asvamedha,
and n.
Alina, . . . .
'
117, 120
68 42, 199
Simha, 2, Vajapeya,
. 120
Ratagarh, L, .
. 186 Vaisvadeva,
166-67
Ratanpur, ca., 98, 195 Sadasiva, god. .
ijayanagara k.. 72, 76, 78

Ratanpur ins., 99 and n. Sadaîvadeva-maharaya, T
29
Ratanpur ins. of Prithvideva II, . 196 Sadasivagad,, 1.,
71, 73
rath-dshtnml, ,
195 n. Sddasivaraya, k.
. 21
Ratna, m., 192, 194 Sadhanvan, Chalukya ch.. .
Ratnadeva, Ratnaraja III, Kalachuri l\ of Ratan- Sagara, mythical K 8, IS, 32. 43, 56, 144,
1.56, 177, 189,
198,246
98-99 193,
par, . , . ,
233-34
Ratnadeva II, do., 99, 102, 125, 195, Sagara- vishaya, s.a. Kolatiu-visliaya, t.d.,
. . *
. 66
196 n., 197 Sahadeva, epic hero,
' 48
Ratnapala, k. of Prdgjy oil sha, 148, 151 Saharsa, sub-district,
4 and ti., 5, 6 n., 7
Ratnaraja, Kalachuri k, of Ratanpur, . 101, 197 Sabasaganda, ci., • •
Kartavir 3’'a, myth, k., . 22

Ratnaraja, Ratnadeva III, do 98, 102 Sabasrarjuna, i.e.
Yuvaraja I, Kalachuri k., . 23

Ratnaraja II, do., . 102 Sabasrarjuua, i.e.
2 n.
Ratnasimha, . 98-100 Sahasr-dyatana te., , . . *
122 Sahavasi, community, . -

U, 17-18
Ratnavati, q., .
. . .
72
Sailapfirna alias Periya Tirumalainambi, m.,
.
Rattapadi, t.d., . 63
35-36
Ravana, demon k., .
195, 231, 245 Sailodbhava, mythical k., . . •
47, 108 gailodbhava, dy., 32. 34, 35 39, 41-42. Ill

Ravanga-vishaya, t.d.,
45-46
Rdija, 72 and n., 78 SailOdbhavas of Kongoda, do., . .
Hdyaraaimha, tit., 99 n. Sainyabhita, âilodhhava k., . . •

.41
Raôle, tk., . 236 Samyabhita I, do.,
Sainyabhita II, do., . . 37

Renadu, t.d., .
. 234 , , , .
Sainyabhita Aladbavavarman I, do., 34-35

Renfala, h. . 138 . .
— , — ^ -
Page Page
iÂinyablilta ^ladhavavarnian II , do*y 34, 39, Sankxantis :
41 I Karkata, . 235
Sainyayati, legendary 1 65
, * • • . Visliuva, Vishavat, 2, 9, 12, 50, 191 and n.,
Sakambharl, L, . . 178 193, 224
Sdkambharl Vidyd, . , • 195, 198 Uttarayana, , , , . 13, 17 236
Sakhas :
Santanu, k
Madhyandina,
Pippaluda, ,
.
. ,
So 89, 191- 32, 193 and
.
10, 12
n.
epic,
Santikara, Bhaunia-Kara
Saatikara I alias Lalitabhara (^hara) I alias Gayada
87, 136 ... 65, 206, 208-09
Taittiriya, . . , , . 117, 120 I, do., . 80-81, 82 and n., 83, 212-13, 220, 223
Sakhigopal,
Sakra, s.a.
Sakrasena,
I.,
India, god.
off.,
.
16, 187,
211,219
44, 108
242 yada II, do., ....
.ântikara 11 alias Lavanabhara {Lona°) I alias Ga-
82-83, 212,
220, 223
Saktikomara, m.. . 16 n. Sautikara III alias Lavanabhara II, do., 82 and n., 83,
Saktivarman, E. Chdlukya k.. . 242 191 n., 212-14, 221
Saktivarman I, do., .
» . 67 Santlragranka, vi., . . . . 79^ 85-86, 89
Saktivarman II, do., . . 61 Sautoshamadiiava, . . . . 191-93
Salambha, Prdgjydtiska k,, 147, 149 and n., 1 .53 , 157 Sapadalaksha, t.d., , . . , . 22 n.
Salastambha, k.,
Salastambha,
Salima,
6
s.a. Sally a, ri.,

. 0 Mlechchha, dy.
.
9
147-49, 151, 153, 157
148-49
35
Saradvat, epic
Sarasvati, ri.,
k.,
Sarkho platos of Rattiadeva

...... II, , .
206, 208-09
65
196n.
Salotgi pillar ins. of Krishna III, 21 n. Sariiatb, I., , .52
Salya, epic hero. 20, 28 Saraath in^. of Mahipala I, . , . .62
Samadhigata-paiicJia-mQhdiahda. ep., 16, 66, 118, 120, Sarsarni plates of Buddharaja, . 109, 110 I20î.
Samangad
....
plates of Dantidurga,
166, 186, 188, 232, 240
111 n.
Sarvajna, poety
Sarvojna-vachanagahif wk., ....
...
139
139n.
Samanta, m.,
Sdmanta, off.,
fydmanta-ckinha
.... ,
.
243, 246
40,
114
43 Sarval 6 kd§raya, ep.,
Sarvalokd sraya-^rT~ V ishn iivardhana
malidrdjay K. Chdlukya
,
tif.,
60n,
234
.
Samastahhuvandsraya, ep,. . 60 71. Sarvanandin, )n., 135 and n,
Samasta-senddhipati,
Samataâ, co., .... off., ,
-
.
.
231
3
Sarwabhauma,
âÂiiksLyG.iHi'i k.y
legendary
.
k.y
, 34 and n,, 35n., 214

65
fâmbhu, god.,
....
10-20, 27, 34-36, 3S and v
147 -48, 156, 159
41, 53. 66, sas'ifika-dh'ivahi, ep.^
Sisbahii .... 35n., 38

24
Samira j a,
iâitikara, god,
^dmrdjya-chinha,
k.,
.... .
-
•
.
.
112
24.5
€6
âsideva, engr.y
Sasideva, m.,
Sasileklia, fe..
.... .
, ^ .
83w., 210-11,
,
.
51, 57
57n.
Samudragupta, Gvpla
Samvarana, legendary
k,,
k.,
.
.
. . 173
6.5 deity, .... 73 and w., 74, 78
215, 218, 224
Sdndhivigrahika,
Sandhivigrahin , do.,
off., .
184-85, 189,
117,121
192. 194
xSataluru plates of
Satanlka, epic
Satnibhania, BhaAja
....
k..
Gunaga Vijayaditya,
k., .
183, 215, 224
. 59,66
95
Sangalooda, s,n. Sanghid, L, . 109 fâtnibhanja II, do., 189-92

Sangalooda plates of Xannarfi jn, 109 111-13, 115
, J5atrubhanja riaiidhata, do,, . 190«,
Sanglud, 1.,
Sarika-gavunda. m.,
.
Sanjan plates of Buddha vara ‘â,

. 140-41. 143
.
.
109
109
Satrubhafija
Sattanapalle,
Satydsraya,
Man oral a raj a,
tk.,
ep,,
.... do,,
117, 120, I6I, 163,

224
95
240
Sahkapala, s.a. Sanka-gavunda, . 143 Satyasraya, s.a. Pnlakesin 11, IK. Chdlukya k.. . S4n.
Sankara, sandhivigrahin, , 192, 194 66-67
Sahkaragana, Katachchnri
Sankha, ri., .... k.. 109-10
.
166-67
167
]
1
Satya^raya
Saulkika, off.,
Saumitri, epic hero,

I, ch. of Kona -mayyd ala
5n 8. 12,
236
56
Sahkhajoti, do.,
Sankhajotika,
Sahkba-Likhita. uv.,
s.a. SahkhajotT, do..
.
166-68
148
i
Saundane,
Sanrashtra,
...
....
6,
25,53
54
119
Sahkaracharya, rel. teacher. 48, 120 n. Savanur plates of Vikrainaditya I, . I61fi.

—
Part VIII] INDEX 275
Scripts :
Silahara, dy., ..... 13-15, lOOn.
Assamese,
Bengali,
105, 145
145 :
‘
Silao, L,
Silara, 5.a. Silahara, dy., .....
.....
133-34
16
Brahml,
East Indian,
Gaudl, Gaudlya,
.
49, 145
138
Silida, ur A«!i!ida,
slnuiny fiuh-division,
Simha, Sahara
.....
rk., . . . . .21 and
39,42
40, 43
n.
. 44, 49, 105,
.107
Gupta, .... 122, 145
170
Simhachalani
Simhadhvaja, Simhaketu,
ins., . .
>ûhhakara III,
. .
Grantha,
Kannacja,
. 71, 201, 203-04
203-04
Bhanma~Kara
Sinihamana,
Bimhdâivi, royal ifiivjnia,
k,,
......
....
. . . 82, 83,212, 220
82-83
240
Kannada-Telugu,
Kutila,
Maithili,
.... .
.
.
90-91
145
145
Simhavarman, Chdlukya
Simhav'arman, Pallava k.,
ch., .
.
.
. 90,
.
93 and n.
. 22
Nagarl *
Simhavishnu, do., . . . . . . 91-93
. . . 13, 19, 29, 97-98, 194
Kagarl, early. Sind 138
145
Northern, North Indian, Sinda, dy., . - . . . .118, 221
. 49, 79 111 n.
Northern, angular, kSindagaurl, Bhauma^Kara q., 211, 218, 220, 221 and n.,
. Ill
222-23
Oriya, 145
105,
Oriya, early, Sindagaurl I, s.a. TribhuvanaoiahMevt I, do., . 83
.
106
Sindaganri IT, s.a. Pritbvtmahadevi, do., 82 83
Proto-Bengali,
Pallava-Gtantha,
•Siddhamatrika,
.
....
....
. . 44, lOo,
]
.
122,
91,
145
lllif.
145
Sinda-Govinda,
Sinda- Xaga, /.,
in.,
.... , 221 n„ 222

221 «.
Sihga, m., . . • . 102-63

Southern, Win.
109,
.....
.
'
Sin^âracha^ya, s.a. Xarasimhaoharya,

harya, do..
do., . 72, 73».
Southern, nail-headed variety, 174
Southern, rovmded,
Southern, veatem variety,
.
. Ill
116
Sirala, vi.,
Sirala, w., ....... 98, 100, 103

142
....
. .
.
Siripuram, 1., . . . 229, 238
Telugu,
. 44,58 237
Siriyadpyr, Kalachuri pt.,
Telugu.Kannada, Chalokya variety,
ety, . 111«.
'
. .
Siriyala-setti, m., . . . •
. 142
Tamil, \
. . .
71, 91, 200-01 100, 103
Siroli, vi., . . . . . •
Sedam ins., - . . , 203

.
siro-m^d, . . . . . • 19
Sedarampattn,
Seleyavada s,a, Sheloshi,
. . 201 ??. I
Siruttonda Nayanar, .âim saint, . .142

142
14, 17 ,122
....
ri., . .
îsupdlavadha, tck., . . . . , 122
Sena, dy.^
Senaâ,
Sendraka, d//., . . 116-17,
6-17, 118 and
2,
117, 119, 120

49, 50n.
119
Siva, pod, ......
sitachdmara, royal insignia,
22, 29-30, 39, 44-45. 62, 73 n., 82, 105,

12,
.
121-25,
240
19 20,
Set-Mahet, 53,86
.
127-28, 129 and n., 132, 137, 140n., 141-44, 147,
Setu, do., . ^ 4, 6G, 240, 242
^ 150, 157, 158 andrj., 166, 171, 196, 201, 227,
Sharari-plh, do 49
232, 235, 238, 243 and w.
Shashthadeva, Kndamha k., . , 31
ShatchaJeratfariin, Sivachitta Permadi, Kadamba pr., , . 29-30
. 245
ShataahasravanI, Sivakara I Unmattasimha Bharasaha. Bhanma-
t.d.^ 228, 231
Kara k., . 81, 83-84, 213
Shattapanayichatra, do.,
Sholapur, tn.,
Sholinghur, vi.,
....
....
.
.
4.6-7
I99n.
73n.
Sivakara II, do.,
Sivakara III alias Lalitabhara

. . .81,
81.
II, do..
io.,
82
82 and
83.
n.,
212
83,
85, 210-14, 221
Siddham, expressed by symbol,
2, 6, 9, 33,
3 36 and n.,
Siddhe^vara, god,
Siddh§§vara-Jena,
.... 105, 171, 179, 185, 191
50, 165,
105, 108
givananda, >Vaada
Sivanvayal ins.,
givaskandavarman, Pallava i.,

^r. o/ Orwâ,
.....
...
. 184-85, 187
93
93
off., .
Siddheswar, 1., .
Slyaka II Hareha, Paramara k., 21 n., 23-24, 25 and 26
, , .
87
Siddhi^Beta, m skandhdpdra, . - • 81,
.......
.
Sogal ins. of the reign of Taila 11, . . . 203*04

iddhuBeta^ ChtfptUuhariâ- mrigifi d ra ep.
Silabhafija,
SUabhafija II, do.,

Bhanja k,, ,
,
^liyavarasan,
Soma, god, ...
gen., 62ii.
65
. . , . , Soma, pr., ^ ^n.
9PGA/S^
.
Page Page
Somadatta, ch., .
214 Subhakara n, . . 80 «.> 82 n., 83, 212
Kusumabhara (°hara) T alias
Somadeva, MaJiakavi,
Somaditya, m., .... . 93,
178
96
Subhakara III
Siinhadvaja (°ketu),
alias
80 and n., 81, 82 and
221n., 222-24
SomakiilatilaJca, pp..
85manatha,
Somanatha-patan,
....
ei.. . 25-26
206
143
,
!
Subhakara TV alias Kuaumabhara
and
93, 211-13, 220,
(°bara) II, da.,
83, 212-U, 222-23
82
xSomavam^Ts of Yavatinasftra, dy., 47, 79, 190, 191 n.. Subhakara V, do., . . 82 and n., 83, 19 In.,
211, 227 212-14, 221

211
Somaydjin,
Some^vara. god,
Some^^vara
ep.,
te.,
....
.
....
.
140, 143
93, 96
139
Subhakaradeva,
Subhamkara, w.,
Stibhdshitaratnahhdn^gara, wk.
do.,
195, 199
130/1.
100 Suiarânasataham, d^, 73, 75

Somesvara T, TV. Chdlukya k., .
.
73n Sudhaiiiû, moony 65

"'uttai Tojappayyangar, 72, .
2lw. Sudhanva, legendary k., 65

Sravana-Belagola ins..
158
Sravastl,
.^riy
1.,
used for
.
.... , 53, 86
80
Sudra, varita.
Sudraka, epic fc.,
Buddha, SI, 181

187
Srirhandra, Chandra
Sridhara, au.,
Srl-Harsha, Paramdra
.... k.,
k..
, 3, 33n.
53n.
26
Suâta,
Sukla,
t.c.
Suhotra, legendary
s.a. SulkT,
k.y
.
65
20, 27
18-20, 23. 27,
Srikakulam,
Srikakulam,
df.,, ....
S rl- % sva ra- .§ itb ka ka rasi m ha -raja 84/t.
35
46
SuikI, dy.,
Sumandala plates, .
85, 164-65, 167
38 173
130
SrlkalyanadevI,
Sfikantha, .....q., . . 39-40, 43
65
Sumeru, legendary mo.,
Sundargarh, k, 167
139
^^rlkaraxta-pattordyaka,
Srikurmam,
^rXmadhhagavadgitd,
tn., .... ick..
off., .
.
106-08
237
132/1.
vSuhga, dy.y
Sun-god,
Sura, dy., .... 4S
53
118
SrTmattara, L,
Srinivasa, god,
Srinivasa, s.a. SainyabliTta
.... Madhayavarman IT,
150
41
Surat plates of Sryairaya SllsUlitya,
Surabheivara, god,
Surabhi, celestial cotv,
• 160, 162-63
162
^(lilodbhara k., - 37 Surapala I, Pdla k., 3

Sripatideva, m,. . 10, 12 Surash^ra, co., 24
Srirafigam te., . . . 7], 73, 74 Surya-vam4a, ,
179
Srirahgarti, tn., . . 71, 73 and n., 74 and n. Susuuia ins. of Chandra varruan, 171, 173
Srirahganatha te., . 75 Siitra : —

Srlâila, mo., . . . 228, 235, 237, 216 and n. Apastamba, . 93,96
Sriâilara, 1., . 235 Suvarparalopdi, vi., 39-40, 43
Srl6a‘lapurna,/fl., .
•
. . 72, 73 Svabhavatuiiga, Kosala pr., 83 and n., 191, 210, 213,
SrUailapurna, m., . . 71, 72». 215, 217,224
Srlâilapurna Tatacharya alias Avuku Tiru- Svalpa-Marôka, di., H7, )52, 156, 159
vcngadayyangar. 72 Svamichandra, k., . 113
firl-fiuhhakaradeva Kârx {Sinhkn), 84 Svamikaraja, Rdshtrakdla k. of Herat, 110,
îvallabha, ep. of Bhdnnsakti
Srivatsaraja, m., .... 117, 120
196 Svamiraja, k., .... .
113-14
113
SriveiiKohgaraiyar Puttadigaj, m.,
Srya^raya-Sil^litya, Chnlukya pr..
stamhha, name-ending.
.
109, 112,
200
118
85
Svapne^vara,
Soargavasal,
ch.,
Svarnapura, identified with Ponnfir,

....
.
vi.,
122 n.
71
202
Stambhadeva-bhatta, m., 190 Svayambhu, i.e. Siva, god, 35-36, 65
Stambhe.4vari, goddess.
Sihdndntarika,
Subhakara, n.,
off., ....
. . . .
85,
166-67
88, 217
84
Svetaka, co., .....
Avetachchkatra, royal insignia,
svetatapatra, royal insignia,

.
, 240
46
66
.Subhakara, do.,
Subhakara I, Bhauma-Kara
.
k., 81 and 83, 84, 88,

210-12, 214, 216
84
Sylhet,
Syria, co.,
d»., .....
Syavalangl ^tahadevl, Rashtrakuia,
.....
pr,, 175-77
54
13
IVri YIU] INDEX 277
Page Page
T Tarkarika, s.a. Takari, vi., 86

j
1 Tatacharya, ?/?., . 73 /i.

f, distinguished from 7i, . 90 i
Tattai Ayyaiigar, do.. . . 77-78
t, 122
'
Tathagata, s.a. Buddha, . 81
/, Bengali type. 106
Tatiimgichchhi-bhataraka te., . no, 115
final, SO, UO, 226
....
1, . , . . , .
Taxila, 176
t, in Bengali and Devanagarl fashions, 49
Tejavarman, k., 109, 112
^ reduplicated before r, 146
f, subscript, looking like subscript
subscript, resembling
.
or V, . 97 ».
122
Tejpur,
Telugu,
t7i.,
CO,, .....
.
.....
115, 152
142
t,
ta, for final t, ... /, .
80
'
Xeluû, peo,,
Telugu Academy platen of Saktivaruiaa II, .
62 77.
61
Ta(Japa, Tadaparaja, s.a.. Tala I, L C hah iky a
. Telugu-Cliola, dy.. . . 162 77.. 163
k„ 67, 241
Tadinadu, Tadinada,
Tagara, 1
vi., . 04, 65,
110, 114-115
70
TVluuga-Bhimaa,
rh.,
Teniara
.
ins.,
,
.
s.a.
...
Kolanu-Bhlniaraj b
.
. 196
234
77.
Tagarapura,
TagareSvara, L,
TaUa H, IF.
s.a.
ChOlukya
Ter,
,
vi..
k..
,
14, 16
lo
204
Ten, h,
Tenali,
Tentirukkaveri,
.
tk., ..... ri.,

229, 2.38
.
and
74
118
77.
Takari, vi., . 85-86, 89 Ter, /., . 114

Takkara, s.a, Takari, 86 Teruiidia plates of îubhakara 11, . 80 71., 82
Takkarika, s.a. Takari, . 86 7,., 83
Talale plates of Gandaraditya, 15 Tetrawan ins. of Mahipala I, . 52
Talamanchi plates of Vikramaditya 1, IGl n. Te-tông, Chinese eniperor. 84
Talangere, vi.. 203, 207 Tezpur plates of Vaiiamalavarmadeva, 145 ?i.,
Talahgere ins. of Jayasimha, . 203, 207 146-14' , 1 40-50, 155 77.
Talcher, i., - 85, 167 Tezpur ins. of Harjaravarman. 146, 149-50

Talcher plate of Ranastambha, 165 and 7i. th. not reduplicated after r. 146
Talcher plates Sivakaradeva III, >3, <3, 210-12. th, subscript, not distinguished from /, 98
214, 220 Tliorana-vishaya, t.d.. . 39-40. 43
Talcher plate of Subhakaradeva. 82-83, 211-13, Three Maharashtrakas, do.. 112-13
Talikoti, .
220, 222-23
144
Tihngichchhi-bhataraka te.,
ti7}iplra,l.)n., .... 30-40,
no
43
Tallikroyya, streamlet.
Talmul plate of Ohruvananda,
Taltali plate of Dharmamahadevi,
.
.
184-86
81
64
71.
1
Tinnidi,
Tippalur
Tirabhukti,
vi.,
ins..
.
s.a. Tirliut,
....
. . . • .
.30-52,
10 -n, 13
111
54-55
77.
Tamalakhanda-vishaya, t.d.. 83«., 211, 215, 217 Tiruchirappalli, ci., • 76, 78
Tamarakolani-KrovvindltTU,
Tamilnad,
Tamluk, tn.,
....
.
ri., 64.
190
70
}i.
215 1
I
TiruchirappaUi,
Tinikkovalur
Tirukkovilur,
ins.
tk..
di..
of Krishna III,
. . .
.
47, 7i
200
199
Tamur, 1., . 86 ! Tinikkuralappan, \ amana, god. . 74
Tamura-vishaya, i.d, . 85'86, SS

Tiniraala Avukii Tiruvengadaoharya,
do..
....
.
Tandantot^tam plates of Vijaya Xandivikramavar- !
Tiruraalai, s.a. Tirupati, / 73 77.

man, . 90 V., 94
TirumalaiTinivengadaTattayyaugar, w., 73 n,
and n, distinguished.
.
t 90 j
Tirumaliruhjolaimalai. s.a. Alagarkoil, I.. . 7: 5 77., "Jo

Tanjaur-uâvadi, I,, 76, 7S ;
Tirumafigai- Alvar, saint. 74 n.

Tanjore, di., , 45, 72, 7.3 71.
!
j .
Tirumanjanakalam Bfamanujayyangar, 7??., 72

tantradkipa, off,, 20, 25, 28
• <2, /3 ??. 89 n.
48
.
Tara, goddess, Tirupati, • • •
143 7t
Taragarh, hill, . 178 Tiruvattiir, do., .
Tiruvarahga alias Pallavaraja, ch.. 231

Taraii, . 151
Tiruvarahgachchelvi. goddess, 74
Tarika, off., . 8, 12, 56
"6, 78
tarka, logic, 12, 50, 56 Tiruvarahgam-Tiruppadi,
* .
1.,
Taikara, s.a, 75 Tiruvengadayahgar alias Srlkilapunia Tatacharv'a,

Takarl, ri., .
Tarkarl, s.a, Takari, do,, .

. 53, 86 m., ,
H2
epigeaphia indica [VoL. XXIX
278
Page
Page
U
Tithi, sfee Days, hinar 203, 226
* *
u, . . . •
Tivara, 1%, • » » 39 and n., 42

81
u and u, medial, confusion i'c tween . 79,
Tiverekheta, s.a. Tiwarkhed, vi.. * . Ill 109, 122 , 145, 160
u, initial. 80,
111, 114
146
Tiwarkhed plates of Xannaraja, u, medial.
* . 203
214 u, . •
....
•
Tosala, s.a. Tosali, co..
it, medial, • 109, 146
XosalL do.. 85
Uchchhavahala. (Chhivahahl), 1., 110, 114-16
Tribhuvanakalasa, ep. of Satruhhahja II, . 1S9-
Udaiyarpalaiyam, tk.,
47
92
Udamdna, s.a. Uddna or Unmdîa, l.m., 4 , 10-11
Tribhuvauamaha^devi, Bhaujtia-Kara q., 210, 212-15,
il
220-24 Udaya, mythical rao.,
Udayagiri, tk.,
94
Tribhuvanamahadevi alias Siudagauri I alias
173
Udayagiri ins,,
Gosramini II, do., 82 and 83
Udayagiri-rajya, t.d. 163 and ?i.
T ribhuvanamahadevl II, s,a. Prithvlmabadevi, 82 n.,
Udayana, k., 59, 66
83, 191, 210-211, 217, 224
Udayana, au., 53 n.
TribhuvauamaUa, JV. Chdlukya 1*., . . . 233
Udayendiram platea of Bana Vikramaditya, 203 .
TribhuvanamaIJa Vikramaditya VI, do., . 232, 234

Udayendiram plates of Xandivarman II, 91 .
Vrichinopoly, di., . 74 n.
Uddhavarya, m., 17 .
Trikalinga, co.. 124, 127, 131,
Uddydtakesarin Mahabhavagupta IV, Somava-
235
771^ k., 79, 191
Trikali ngddhipati, ep.. 227
Ujeni, s.a, Ujjain, cl., 162
Triloch ana, dutaka, 10, 13
Ujenipisdcha, ep., .
161-64
Trilochana Kadamba, mythical k., 29, 31 162
Ujjain, ci.,
Trilochana-Pallava, do., , 59, 60 162
Ujj en ihhitjanga, ep.,
Trinayana-Pallava, do,, . 229, 239 92
Vlchala, 1., .
Tripurantakam, L, , 233 71 ., 236 92

Ulchala stone ins., .
237
Ulo-khanda, suh-division,. 164
Tripurantakam
Tripurantake^vaia, god,
ins,, .
.... . , •
. . 232
232
Uma, godde'^s,
Umamahesvara, god, 14, 17, 211,
245
218
Tripurari, do.,
..... 238
100
Umbari, vi.. . 114 .
Tripuri, 1.,
.....
.
Umabarika, do., 110, 113 n., 114-15 . . .
Tri-ât-ottara-shat-sahasravanl-vishaya, t.d.. 235 Umrer, do., 113 «. ,
Tryambaka-Pallava, Pallava k., . 228-29, 243 Undikavatika grant of Abhiraanyu, 175-76

Tuldpurusha, gift. 16, 124, 125 n.,
Unmat takesarin, SivakaraI,Bâu»«a-Kam k., 81
Tumana, vi., .....

....
127, 227, 241
125
Unmattasimlia,
....
s.a. Sivakara I, do., .
83-84, 87, 210-12, 216, 223

81,
Tummana,
Tunga, m.,
Tuhga, Bdshtrakuta
ca.,
..... k., .
124, 127, 131
50.
7,
56
55
Cpddhydya,
Vparika,
Uparipattana,
off..
t.d., .
147, 149, 152-53, 157
186 n.
12, 43
Tuhgabhadra, ri., . 238 Upendra, i.e. Vishnu, 6

Tuhga, /., 85 UraiyuT, vi., . 76, 78
Turimalla,
Turimella,
s.a.
do.,
Turimclja,
.... vi., .
160, 162
n.,
162 n.
and
163
Uraiyur-kurram,
Uruvupalli plates.
Utkala,
di..
90-91, 93
. 75 n., 76, 78
and n., 95 n.
CO., . . 81, 124, 127, 131,
Turimelja ins. of Vikramaditya I, 160-61 i73 and n.
Turumadla, s.a. Turime||a, vi.. 162 77. Uttama-choda Chodakon, gen.. 62-63, 68, 70
Tummadugu, s.a. Turimella, do.. 162 n. Uttama-chola Miladudaiyan, do 62, 68, 70
Turumadugula, s.a. Turimella, do,, . . 162 n. Uttamadani, pr.. 66
TufumeUa, s.a. Turimella, do..
Turutataka, tn., .... . .
161, 162
.
7?.,
162
and
164
Uttamasola Brahma-Marayan,
Uttara-kula,
Uttara-Tosall, do..
t.d..
off.,
147, 151-52,
.
156,
81-82, 211, 217
. 63
159
Tyagasamudra, ep. of Vikrama’rhola, . 233 Uttar Pradesh, 53, 86

Tyagasimha, k., . . 149 Utthuka, 1., .
. 211, 219
Part Vin ] 1NDE:X
279
Page
Page
V wrtiti-aaramn, . . , • . lod, 158
V, occasionally reduplicated afte r Vanina, god,
f,. , 14ft . , , ,
. 96 n
of the Karaî variety, VAsava, m,, .
,
106 , 239
V substituted for h. Vasishtha, sage,
19, 9S, 110 . 179, 209 n.
Vachaspati, min,, Vasishthi, ri..
.
. 20, 21 n. * 232
VachaspatimiSra, au,. Vasiyaâ-ghaisasn, m., 17
« • . 53-54
Vasukavartta,
Vadakku-tiruvidippiljai, do,.
Vadner plates.
Vadddradhane, wk..
• * . 71 n.
120 n.
Vastavya,
Vataparvataka, L,
u‘.,
...
, . 50, 54-56
. 196
204 ?T.
. ' * . 4 n.
Vaheda, vi,, Vatapuraka, li.,
110,114,115
,
10-12
Vaidyanatha, god,
VaxjayantX,
Vaikhanasa order.
u>k,.
.
86
82
n.
Vatesrar-parvat,
Vatsa, sage,
Vedavyasa,
....
do..
.
4 n.
179
121
127, 131 .
Vaikunthaperumaj Vednra, Velandnti ch., , 228, 230, 244

te.. 140
Vairata,
Vairochana, myth,
.
k..
. 215
181
‘
Velanandu,
Velananti,/., ....
....
225-26, 228-29, 243
. 225-27,229
....
1
Vaievdsika, ’
Veliava, ri,, . 10-12
off.. . 40,43
Vaisya,
Vaitaranl,
vari:ta.
ri..
.
105,
.
172,
.
227 and
. 158
n.
Velluka, m.,
Velu, do.,
Veluka, s,a.
....
Velu, do.,
167, 169
164
164
Vaivaka, vi., . 64
. .
Velurp^jaiyam plates. 90 n.
Vaivadraka, L, p .
Vajradaman, Kachchhavdha VemgT-maijdala, t.d.. 240

k.. 24
Vftjradatta, Vemkara, L, 32
jjr., 147, 149, 153, 157 and n.
Vajrahasta Gahga Vemulavada, *5, a. Lembtilapalaka, do., 22 n., 23
(II), k., . 123
Vajrahasta Amaatavrannan, Vebgi, co„ 46, 61, 62 and n., 63, 66, 225, 231-32, 233
do., 46-47
and n 234-35, 237
Vakpala, Pdla
Vakpati, com.,
k.,
..... 3. 6,
. 20,28
54
Veriglma^dAla-sixtecn-thousaDd, i.d., 231, 232
Vakpati 11 Munja, Paramdra k..
VakulamahsUievi, Bhanma-Kara q.,
Valavada, s.a, Radhanagari,
.
.
. 82-83, 222
.
13-14, 16
25-26
;
Venkatadesika, m.,
Vetravati,
Vevaka,
ri.,
tji.,
....
.......
.
.
76-77
21 n.
64, 70
/,, j
Manapura, 174-76, 177

Vallabhadeva,
VaJIimalai,
Vamana, m.,
1., ....
k.,
.....
. .
.
200
.
.
n.,
195, 199
35
201
!
Vibhuraja, Ra^^hfrakufa
Vichitravir3rya, epic k.,

h.
.
of
and
65, 239
n,
Vamana, incamcUion of Vishnu, Vida, identified with V’lda, vi,, 19 and «.

179, 181 '
Vanamala, s.a. Vanamalavarmau, 14 7, U9, 154, Vida, do., . 22, 26
157-58 Vida-dvadasa, t.d., .

20 23, 27
Vidarbha, co., . 113
Vanamalavarmadeva, Vanamala varm an, MU.
Viddka^dlabhanjikd, wk., . 24 n.
chchha k. of Prdgjyotisha, 145 and n., 147, . 149-
Vidkiviveka, do., 53
Vidyadharabhanja, Bhanja k., 190-92
VdTiaprastha, dâma, . , . . . 158 10-11,64-55
Vigrahapala, Pain k..
VangjUadSâ,
Vanga, co., ......
s, a.
......
Chandradvipa,
. 52
3
1
Vigrahapala
Vigrahapala
I, do.,
II, do.,
,
. . 3-4 7, 51 and n., 52

. 3, 6
Vanga,
^*0igg6tra,
peo.,
.....
vi.,
VaugTya Sahitya Parishafc plate of Viavarupasena, 45«,

186, 188
173
Vigrahapala III, do.. 1, 4, 9-10, 13 48-50, 51 and
52, 57
178
n.,
Vigraharaja, Ghahctyndna k.,

Vafijulvaka, ca., . 189-90, 191 n., 192, 224
Vijayaditya, ch. of Fiihdpurarn, 233, 234 and n.
Varadakhanda-vishaya, t.d.. 86
Vijayaditya, E. Cfidlukya k., . 59-62, 66, 207, 241
Varaha (Kola), incarnation of Vishnu, 15. 179
Vijayaditya, Kad^jnbn k., . 29, 30
Vardhaldnchhana, . . - . 66, 240
.
162 ft. 239-40
Vijayaditya, fc., .
Varanasl-kataka,
Varendra Brahmana,
Varman, dy,,
....
......
s.a. Cuttack, . 107
53
49
i
1
Vijayaditya, Sildhdtci
Vijayaditya I, E, Chdlukya
k.,
k., . 67. 226, 241

. 15-16
Kadamba 31
Varmmulaka-chaturvedin, m., . 110, 115 Vijayîtya I, k..
280 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA tVoL. XXIX
Page Page
Vijayaditya II, E. Chcdukya k., 226-27 Vlra-Raj^dra-clio4a., s.a. Velana^î Rajendxa
Vijayaditya IV, do., 67, 227 Choda II, ch., . • . 238
Vîjayaditya V, do,, 67 Virasena, epic k., , • • . 35 ft.
Vijayaditya VII, 227 Vira-Sdme^vara IV,

Vijayanagara, ca.,
do.,
Vijaya-Xandivikramavarman, Pallava
. 71-72, 73
. 61, 63,
and 163
95
Virata,/.,
Virata Bhujahga, do.,
... If. Ckdlukya
83
k.,
n., 211, 215, 218, 224

144
Vijayarka, s.a.
Vijayarkkadeva,
Vijayaditya
a.a.
II,
Vijayaditya, îldhara
Kadainba
k.,
k.,
.
k.,
,
.
29, 31
16
Viratapura, 1., ...
Vira- Vijayaditya, s.a. Vijayaditya
. .
.
215
215
V’'ijaya-Skandavarmau IV, Pallava k., . , 229 VIII, E. Ckdlukya k., 227

Vijmijiti, off., . . . , . .113 Virochana, legendary k., . 65
Vikrama-chola, Chdbikya-Chola
Vikrama-ch5la Chojiyavaraiyan,
jarajan, gen., . . ,
k,,
.
. 227, 232-33, 242
Areyan Ra-
. 02 n.
Viniparasa,
Vlsarya,
Vishayapati,
....
ch.,
off.,
.
8, 12, 56, 85, 88,

80
114, 166-167, 217
n.,
144
122
Vikramaditya, h.a. Jayasakti, Sendraka k.. 117- Vishnu, god, 123-24, 127-28, 129 and n , 131 and n.,
18, 120 132, 179-81, 232, 235, 237, 239

Tikramaditya, n., . 161 Vishnu, min.. 123, 124, 125, 127, 131 132 and n.,
Vikramaditya, E. Ckdlukya pr., 271 133 n.
Vikramaditya
Vikramaditya
(I), Early Ckdlukya
(II), do.,
Vikramaditya, son of Bliima, E. Chalnkya

.... k.,
pr.
67, 241
67
241
Vishnubhatta, m.,
Vishnuuhitta,
Vishnudevaiarman,
ep.,
.
wi., • .
66, 239
30
5, 8
Vikramaditya, Sulki k., . 166 VisKnumahgala, 1., , . 207 n.
Vikramaditya I, W. Ckdlukya k., 92, 113, 118, 160-61, Vishnusakasrandma, wk., . 129 n.
162 and n., 163 V iskri.uvardhana, ep., 60 j 228, 240, 244
Vikramaditya II, do., . . 161 and n., 162 n. 240
Vishnu vardhana, Pallava k., .
Vikramaditya V, do., . . . . . 59 n. Vishnu vardhaua, E. Ckdlukya k.. 59-60, 66, 68, 230.
Vikramapura, . . . . .53 233
Vi[a s.a. Bdhari, . . . . . . 22 n. Vishnu vardhana, founder of the E. Ckdlukya dy„ 240
Vila-dvadasa s.a. Vida-dvadaâ, t.d., . 20, 22 n. Vishnuvardhana II, E. Ckdlukya k., 94, 240 . .
Vilasapura, ci., . . . . .4 n., 10-11 Vishnuvardhana (III), do., 67, 210-41 .
Vilaâtuiiga, Nanda k. of Orissa, . . 184-85, 187 Vishnuvardhana (IV), do., 67, 226, 227, 241 .
Vilavaravidi-valanadu, t.d., . . . . 76, 78 Vishnuvardhana V, do., . 226, 227

Vimaladitya, E. Ckdlukya k., 58, 59 and n., 61-62, 65, Visiskkddvaita,, 72
67, 228, 230 and n., 242 Vi^vanatha-mahasenapati, off., 106-08
Vimaladitya, Choda
Vinayachandra, scribe,
Vinaydditya, sur. of Mangalarasa^

k.,
......118
. . .
.
.
223
243
7i.
Vi^ve^vara-Mahadeva, god.,
....
Vijavatti grant of Simhavarman,
t.d.,
90 and n., 91,
.
238
93 n.
4, 10
Vinayaditya, IT.
Vinwyaditya-Mangalaraba,
Ckdlukya k.,
k.,
.
.
1 13, 118,
.
162
109, 112
207 Vitthaladeva, god,
Vivada, m., ....
.... . 51, 57
72
Vindhya, ino.,
Viiiitatunga, Tunga
.
ck., .
. 39, 42, 112, 121, 125, 127,
131, 240
85
rodd, tax,
Vragadi,/., .... 83;i., 211,215,
218, 224
107-08
Viniyukta, Viniyukiaka,
Vinukonda, tk..
off., . 8, 12, 43,
.
56
237
Vriska-stamhha,
Vydkararpa,
Vyasa, sage
.... 12, 50,
121, 161
105
56
Vlra-choda, Ckalukya-Ckola pr.. 231
Vyavahdrin, off.. 43
Vira-Goggideva, ch.. 144
Viraja, s.a. Virajapuri, 227 and 241
Virajapuri, 1., 227

W
Viraja-tfrtha, s.a. Jajpur, do., . 105
Waudiwash, Ik., 201
Virapermadideva, Kadainba pr.. 31 1
.
Wanesa, 1., . . 118

Virapratapa, ep.. . 76, 78 1
West Bengal, 52-53, 83, 85

1
Virapurisadata, Ihshvdku k.. . 138 Western Chalukya, dy.,

1
, Ili a., 118 «.
V»rarajendra, Chola k.. 46 1
Wu-oha, s.a. Odra or Orissa, 84
— —— —
Part VIII ]
INDEX •281
Page Page
y, in Grantha character, . 109 Gupta,

Harsha,
... 34, 146, 171, n., 173, 214
81, 165, 183, 214
p, looking like p. . 195
y, looped forni of . . . 200 n Kalachuri, see ChfAi
y, not reduplicated after r, 146 Kali 202

y, tripartite form of . 200 aod n. Maiara Sam vat, . . . . .122
y,two forixis of 109 âka, 13-14, 17, 23, 29, 32, 53 58 n., 60-61,
Yadava-Bhima, gen.. 63 71-72, 78, 110-111, 117-18, 134, 163. 203, 226-26,
Ydjiiavalkya-smriti, irl*., . . 148 228, 231, 232 andw., 233 and n., 235, 236 and
Yajurveda, Black,
YakshJ cult,
Yamagarta-mandala,
,
.
t.d.. ,
.
85, 86, 89
117
199 SaJivaiiana-âka,
Samvat or Vikrama Sam vat,
..... 237 and
5, 8, 10, 12, 53, 89,

n., 238
202
Yamuna, ri.. 65-66, 132 and n. 98-99, 106, 108, 194-95, 199
Yauvanasri, Kalachuri pr.. 52 regnal

2nd, . 160
Yaâhkarna, Kalachuri k.. 52
3rd, 174^77
Yasodatta, donee, . . 186, 188-89
5th, 1
Yasovanuan, Ghandella k.. 21, 22 25
8h, 60 n., 169, 171
Yaôvriddhi, in., 83 210, 217
nth, 9
Yattinkalli, vi.. . 139
I2th, . 51, 92, 96
Yavan-daan-iTidra, . 124, 127, 131
13th, . 33 34-35
Yayati, epic k.. 65, 191
17th, 49
Yayatinagara, ca., . 47
19th, 51
Years
24th, 61
Cyclic
26th, 33 n., 51
Plava, 61
27th, 161
Prabhava, . 202
50th, . * . • • . . 33 n.
Pramadin, 202
......
.
Unspecified, . 117, 120-21, 184-85, 189-90, 194

Sarvajit, . 232
Yelamanchili, iXr., 237
l§ubhakiit. 13, 17
.....
.
Yelburga, 237
Vikaiin, 29, 32
......
. ,
Yogaraja, UMtK?d it., 24

Visvavasu, 7J, 78
......
.
Yogasvamui, w., 50, 56

46 of the 60-year Cycle, . 202
Yoge^vara, do., 51, 57
Anka, 44, 105-08
.241
.....
.
Yuddhamalla, Chalukya k., . . .
of eras :
Yuddhamalla (II), do., 67

Bhauma-Kara, 84 n., 158, 160, 165, 191, 211, 214,
Yuddhasura, ep. of EMh^rakuta Nannaraja, 110, 114
218, 224, 233 and n.
Yudhiahthira, k., 16, 05-66, 121, 139 n., 153, 167,
Chedi or Kalachuri,
Ganga,
. . 97 n,, 98-99, 118,
233
195
». Tuvardja, off., ..... 22-23, 60
239
MGIPC— SI—9 DGA/66—9-12-57—450.

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No. 20. Fubatiya PIat» <rf YanmnalaTannadeTO. P. D. C3uHe3hitiy,

„ 27. Two Groats from DaspaNa ill)

in PriOmieea ; Je» 896

Jama InacriptioiM in Tamii^ “ ^ A ?! ?

Dr. B. Ch. CHHABRA, m.a., m.O.l., Ph. D. (Lugd.), f.a.s.

N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, m.a.

Dr. D. C. SIRCAR, M,A.,Ph. D.

Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi

Xo. 20. Parbatiya Plates of Vauamalavarmadeva ......... 145

CHHABRA, B.Ch., M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (Lugd.), F.A.S., New Delhi.—

No, 16. Chates vara Temple Inscription .. .. .. 121

No. 17. Epigraphical Notes 133

DE, S. C., B.A., Bhubaneswar.

No. 30. Two ........

DESAI, P. B., M.A., Ootacamund.—

No. 4. Sadasivagad Plates of Kadamba Vijayaditya, Saka 1102 29

Xo. 11. Reyurii Grant of Pallava Xarasimhavarman, Year 1 2 89

Xo. 19. More Inscriptions at Ablur ..... ... 139

Xo. 28. Two Jaina Inscriptions in Tamil 199

DIKSHIT, M. G., M.A., Ph.D., Raipur.--

Xo. 2. Kolhapur Inscription of Silahara Bhoj a II, Saka 1101 ..... 13

Xo. 24. Hingni Berdi Plates of Rashtrakuta Vibhuraja, Year 3 . . , . 174

KRISHXAX, K. G., M.A., Ootaeamund.—

Xo. 9. Srirangam Inscription of Sadasivaraya, Saka 1467 ....... 71

KRISHXA RAO, B. V., M.A., Ll.B., Ra jahmundry.

MIRASHI, V. V., M.A., Xagpur.—

Xo. 15. Mondakhede .......

NARASIMHASWAMI, H. K., B.Sc., Ootaeamund.

No. 18. Xagarjunikonda Image Inscription .......... 137

No. 21. Turimella Inscription of Chalukya V^ikramaditya I, Year 2 160

PANDEYA, L. P., Raigarh, and DESAI, P. B., M.A., Ootaeamund.—