1.

LANGUAGE AND SOCIETY

Language (mutual intelligibility, autonomy, heteronomy) – Dialect versus accent – Dialect
continuum (discreteness versus continuity) – Standard English – Superposed variety of language –
RP – Value judgements on language – Sociolinguistics
(KEY CONCEPTS: 1) society, language, dialect, accent variety, 2) dialect continuum,
autonomy/heteronomy, 3) Standard English, RP, superposed variety, value judgements, 4) Sapir-
Whorf hypothesis, lexicalisation, taboo)

Language & Society – Inter-Relationship:

The influence of:
- Language on Society: “Sapir-Whorf hypothesis”
- Physical Environment on Language: Lexicalisation
- Social Environment on Language: Kinship vocabulary
- Values of society on Language: Taboo
There is a close interaction between language and society.
A SOCIETY is any group of people who are drawn together for a certain purpose or purposes.
A LANGUAGE is what the members of a particular society speak. Language has a social function:
it helps us to establish and maintain relationships + convey information about the speaker.
- Users of the same L in a sense all speak differently. The kind of L each of them CHOOSES to use
is in part determined by his/her social background. Language, in its turn, reveals information about
its speaker.
- To some extent, language, especially the structure of its lexicon, reflects the physical
environments of a society:
- Language in its social & cultural settings: Does language influence the perception of reality and
cultural behaviour? Does L reflect reality in a culture? Or is it both?
THOUGH IS DETERMINED BY L:
- Linguistic relativism and determinism: Edward Sapir/Benjamin Lee Whorf – the Sapir-Whorf
Hypothesis: 1. L and culture are intrinsically linked, 2. language is a guide to social reality – it
powerfully CONDITIONS all our thinking about social problems and processes.”
- Language and thought: S-W hypothesis: language predisposes people to see the world in a certain
way guiding behaviour; L. reflects reality: rich vocabulary reflects a cultural focus
(a theory of influence of L on society and how speaker see the world (influence on thought and
behaviour), e.g. thinking in past of past, present and future terms; view of the environment are
conditioned
by the language)

LANGUAGE DETERMINES THOUGHT:

- Whereas English, for example, has only one word for snow (or two if we include “sleet”),
Eskimos has several. The reasons for this are obvious. It is essential for Eskimos to be able to
distinguish efficiently between different types of snow. English is quite able to make the same

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distinctions: fine snow, dry snow, soft snow, etc. but in Eskimos this sort of distinction is
lexicalised – made by means of individual words because snow is most common thing in the culture
of Eskimos.

(Lexicalisation: influence of physical environment on L: reflects in the lexicon of the L: the process
of creating words for the concept we need: words are labels for categories).
- Language reflects society: to some extent, esp. the structure of its lexicon reflects social
environment of a society. For example, a society’s KINSHIP system is generally reflected in its
kinship vocabulary Society changes language: As society is reflected in language in this way,
social change can produce a corresponding linguistic change: changes in the structure of modern
families.
- TABOO: (influence of societal values on L: behaviours supernaturally forbidden, immoral or
improper); in L words and expressions which are not said.

What is Sociolinguistics?
- SOCIOLINGUISTICS is the study of the effect of and all aspects of society, including cultural
norms, expectations, and context on the way language is used.
- As it name implies, i it is the study of language in its social context. It is the part of linguistics
which is concerned with language as a social and cultural phenomenon.
- It first appeared in the 1960s and was pioneered by W. Labov in the US and Basil Bernstein in the
UK. William Labov is often regarded as the founder of the study of sociolinguistics. He is
especially noted for introduction the quantitative study of language variation and change, making
the sociology of L into a scientific discipline.

What does sociolinguistics study?

- Sociolinguistics studies the relationship between language and society.
- It also studies how language VARIETIES differ between groups separated by certain social
variables, e.g. ethnicity, religion, status, gender, level of education, age, etc.
- As the usage of a language varies from place to place (dialect), language usage varies among
social classes, and it is these SOCIOLECTS that sociolinguistic studies.
It investigates the field of L and society and has close connections with the social science,
especially social psychology, anthropology, human geography, and sociology.

Why study language in its social context?

- A LANGUAGE is what the members of a particular society speak.
- There is a lot more to understanding “language” than what the core theoretical areas of linguistics
focus upon.
- If we can gain insight into how “language” works by studying its formal grammatical properties,
we must also realise that language as a “thing” to be studied is necessarily a kind of

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oversimplification, because language isn’t a “thing” that is external to human beings, but rather,
something that makes up a part of who we are as human.
- By studying language in its social context, we learn about language as a social phenomenon.
- Studying language in its social context, then, helps us learn about ourselves as users of language,
and how and why we use language beyond communication purposes (social functions of L).

The different social functions of language

- Primarily, L serves as means for communicating information. People exchange information
through the use of language (communicative function). But that’s not all.
- As users of L, we are aware of the other very important social function that is fulfilled by
language. That is, L is also used to establish and maintain relations with other people.
- Another social function of L is the clue-bearing role that language fulfils. Our use of L can help
other people formulate an opinion about us, not so much from “what” we say, but actually from
“how” we say things. Language thus conveys information about speakers.

Language variation
- To know more about each other, people make use of the way language is used by others who come
from different regional and social backgrounds.
- This variation in the regional and social background of a person is often marked by a “different
variety of language”.
- VARIETIES OF LANGUAGE are often referred to as DIALECTS. - Language variation, then, is
due to two factors: the GEOGRAPHICAL factor and the SOCIAL factor.
- There are thus two types of dialects: GEOGRAPHICAL (DIALECTS) and social dialects
(SOCIOLECTS).
We can use the neutral term “variety” for any kind of language without being specific.

Language, Dialect, Accent, Idiolect

- The terms LANGUAGE and DIALECT are not particularly easy to define.
- LANGUAGE has been defined as “any set or system of symbols used in a more or less uniform
fashion by a number of people, who are thus able to communicate intelligibly with one another”.
- DIALECT refers to a kind of language, which is distinguishable, to a degree, from other kinds of
the same language, in vocabulary, grammar and pronunciation. “Dialect” can be used to apply to all
varieties, not just nonstandard varieties.
- It is often very important to distinguish between the two terms ACCENT and DIALECT. The term
ACCENT refers to differences in pronunciation only.
- IDIOLECT is the individual’s unique way of speaking. It contains idiosyncratic characteristics of
an individual’s speech.

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The Criterion of Mutual Intelligibility
-However, if we try to draw dividing lines between such language areas, we would then be basing
our division on socio-political factors and not linguistic facts.
- To solve the problem of dialect and language continuums, linguists usually resort to a linguistic
criterion known as MUTUAL INTELLIGIBILITY CRITERION.
- That is, if two speakers can understand one another, then they are speaking dialects of the same
language. And if they cannot understand each other then they are speaking different languages.
This, however, would lead to strange results in the case of German and Dutch, the Scandinavian
situation, Mandarin and Cantonese in China, and many other places around the world.
- In such situations, the linguistic criterion of mutual intelligibility as a solution is, however, of no
use.

The Scandinavian Continuum

- A more extreme case which illustrates the problematic nature of the two terms (language and
dialect) can be taken from Scandinavia.
- Norwegian, Swedish and Danish are all AUTONOMOUS, standard languages, corresponding to
the three autonomous nations of Norway, Sweden and Denmark respectively. Educated speakers of
all three countries can communicate freely with each other, each in his native language.
- But in spite of this common comprehension (or mutual intelligibility), it would not make sense to
say that Norwegian, Swedish and Danish are really the same language. This would constitute a
direct contradiction of the political and socio-cultural facts of these countries.

The Criterion of Mutual Intelligibility: Not very helpful ...

- The criterion of “mutual intelligibility”, and other PURELY linguistic criteria, are therefore of less
importance in the use of the terms “language” and “dialect” than are political and socio-cultural
factors.
- The most of these factors are AUTONOMY (independence9 and HETERONOMY (dependence).
We can say that standard Dutch and German are autonomous, since they are both independent,
standardised languages of independent countries.

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- But, the nonstandard dialects of Germany, Austria and German speaking Switzerland are all
HETERONOMOUS with respect to standard German.
- In such cases one would have to go along with the socio-cultural rather than linguistic criteria to
interpret the linguistic phenomena in such regions.

The Standard
- The Standard variety is that variety of a language which is usually used in print, and is usually
taught in schools and to non-native speakers. It is also the variety which is spoken by educated
people and used in news broadcasts and in formal situations.
- Dialects of any language include and non-standard varieties (Standard Arabic is an exception).
- This is contrary to some peoples’ mistaken belief that the term “dialect” is used only to refer to
non standardised varieties of a language.
- A Standard variety is imposed from above over the range of regional and social dialects, and can
thus be called a SUPERPOSED VARIETY of language, and is the most prestigious of all varieties.
A standard variety cannot legitimately be considered better than other varieties of the language. this
is because the “scientific study of language” has convinced us that all languages, and all dialects,
are equally “good” as linguistic systems. All Ls and varieties of L are structured, complex, rule-
governed systems which are wholly adequate for the needs of their speakers.
- VALUE JUDGMENTS concerning the correctness or purity of linguistic varieties are social rather
than linguistic. There is nothing at all inherent in nonstandard varieties that makes them inferior.
Any apparent inferiority is due only to their association with speakers from under-privileged, low-
status groups, not due to systemic deficiency.
Attitudes towards nonstandard dialects are attitudes which reflect the social structure of society.

Why isn’t Standard Arabic a dialect?

- In order for a variety of L to be called a dialect it would have to be used as a native spoken variety
of a group of people. Standard Arabic is not.
- Arabic L is DIGLOSSIC, which means there are two levels of the language: HIGH
(classical/standard/written/formal) and LOW (spoken/vernacular/informal).

What is Standard English (SE)?

SE is a dialect of English. It is the variety of English which is used in print, and which is usually
taught in schools and to non-native speakers. SE is the variety spoken by educated people and used
in the media. SE developed out of the English dialects/varieties used in and around London. These
dialects were modified through the centuries by speakers at the court, by scholars and writers, and
later by so-called Public Schools. The resulting variety became the dialect used by upper society
members in London.
SE became too different from the varieties used by other social groups. With the invention of
printing, this variety began to be used in books. Today, we can find SE regional differences:
American SE, Scottish SE, Australian SE, English SE, etc.

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- There is no universally acknowledged standard ACCENT for SE (variations in pronunciation).
There is no necessary connection between SE and any particular accent, however, RP is usually
associated with SE. SE can be spoken with any regional accent, and mostly is. SE is not
linguistically better than any other variety of English.

Standard vs. Nonstandard Varieties

- All languages and dialects are equally good as linguistic systems. All dialects of language are rule-
governed systems. Value judgements concerning correctness and purity of dialects are social and
not linguistic. There is nothing inherent in non-standard dialects that make them inferior. Any
apparent inferiority is due only to their association with under-privileged groups.
_________________________________________

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2. LANGUAGE AND SOCIAL CLASS
L and society: inter-relationship: („Saphir-Whorf hypothesis“ – Lexicalisation – Kinship
vocabulary – Taboo) – Social class and social-class dialects/accents – Social & Regional
varieties – Social stratification – Cast vs. social class – Studying social varieties – Social and
regional dialect variation – Social and regional accent variation – Social dialect research
methodology and Interpretation – Social accent research methodology – Concluding remarks
(KEY CONCEPTS: 1) sociolect, social-class accent, idiolect, NORM, 2) social stratification,
social-class, casts, barriers & distance, 3) dialect mixture vs. inherent variability)

Social-class dialects
How can we estimate speaker’s relative social status? Because there are SOCIAL-CLASS
DIALECTS or SOCIOLECTS. There are grammatical differences between the speech of Speaker A
and Speaker B which give clues about their social background (A I done it yesterday. B I did it
yesterday.) These will be accompanied by phonetic and phonological differences: SOCIAL-CLASS
ACCENTS. Different social groups use different linguistic varieties. How did these social varieties
develop?

Social & Regional varieties – A parallel

Geographical barriers and distance: Regional dialect boundaries coincide with geographical
barriers, mountains, swamps, rivers.
The diffusion of a linguistic feature through a society may be stopped by social barriers of social
class, age, race, religion or other factors. For example, a linguistic innovation that begins in upper
class may reach the lower class last, if at all (one of the many forms of social differentiation is
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION).
BARRIERS and DISTANCE are important factors: GB The River Humber, US: The Ohio River
The greater the geographical distance between two dialects, the more dissimilar they are
linguistically (London vs. Scotland).
SOCIAL BARRIERS and SOCIAL DISTANCE could offer an explanation for the existence of
social varieties. Barriers can be: social class, age, sex, race, religion, etc. However, we should not
forget that ATTITUDES also play an important role in preserving or removing dialect differences.

Social stratification
- SOCIAL STRATIFICATION refers to any hierarchical ordering of groups within a society
especially in terms of power, wealth and status.
- In the industrialised societies of the West this takes the form of stratification into social classes,
and gives rise to social-class dialects. SOCIAL CLASSES are generally taken to be aggregates of
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individuals with similar social and/or economic characteristics. Social class stratification is not
universal. In India traditional society is stratified into different CASTS with respective CAST
DIALECTS.

Cast vs. social class

CAST: stable – clearly named – rigid separation – hereditary membership – no upward mobility
SOCIAL CLASS: not clearly defined – not clearly labelled – vertical mobility possible

Studying social varieties

The more heterogeneous a society is, the more heterogeneous is its language. Linguists ignored the
problem of complexity by: a) by studying idiolect, or b) by studying rural speech (NORM):
- recording dialect features before they died out,
- a quest for “pure” or “real” dialects. (There was a feeling that in the speech of the elders
there are “real and “pure” homogeneous dialects. Wrong: even small villages are heterogeneous.

It is only after the Second World War that linguists realised that:
1) They are obtaining an imperfect and inaccurate picture of the speech of different areas.
2) They are confining dialect studies to rural areas, they missed important information about the
majority of people who live in towns.
3) Urban dialectologists faced the problem of describing full, and accurately the speech of large
towns and cities with heterogeneous population such as in NY City.

- Linguistic Atlas of the US and Canada (started in 1930s): three categories of informants –
according to the level of education
- the start of urban dialectology:
- How to do research in a huge city?
- Can you use methods of traditional rural dialectology?
- William Labov (1966): The Social Stratification of English in New York City
- Tape-recorded interviews – 340 informants; scientifically designed random sample,
- representative sample: accurate description
- eliciting normal speech & quantitative measurement
- Traditional dialectology is inadequate – it is not possible to make general conclusion based on one
informant:
- Idiolects may differ considerably. (the speech of a person at one time in one style: this
proved to be a wrong approach because idiolects tend to be more regular than the speech of a
community as a whole).
- Internal inconsistency may be there.
- Linguists called it “free variation”.
- Labov shows it is not free, but determined by extra-linguistic factors.

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- Social and regional dialect variation pyramid: Highest class speaks more standard dialect e.g.
scarecrow) ; lowest class: most localised, non standard (e.g. moggy, bogeyman, etc.)
- Social and regional accent variation: highest class – RP (houm), lowest class: most localised
accent (he:m)

Social dialect research methodology

- Correct picture of the relationship between languages and social stratification can be obtained if
we can measure linguistic and social phenomena and correlate the two.
- Social phenomena – grouping together people with similar indexes (numerical index scores based
on occupation, income, education, etc.)
- Take easily countable linguistic feature which is known to vary within the community being
studied (e.g. presence of –s of Present Simple 3rd Person) (classes: upper, middle class, working
class, lower): Interpretation 1: There are two dialect (with & without –s) which MIX in different
proportions by speakers from different classes. This could be historical explanation of the present
situation. Interpretation 2 – INHERENT VARIATION: Variation is not due to mixture of the two
(or more) varieties but it is an integral part of the variety itself.
Social accent research methodology
- Social-class accents are more difficult to study.
- The usual method is to investigate the pronunciation of individual vowels and consonants – it is
simple to count their presence or absence.
- The following three features were studied in Norwich: the percentage of “n’” as opposed to “ng”
(running/runnin’), the percentage of glottal stops as opposed to “t” in “butter”, the percentage of
dropped “hs” as opposed to “h” in “hammer”.
- The 1st consonantal variation study was made by Labov in New York City. The relationship
between the use of non-prevocalic/R/ and social class was studied. He studied speech of shop
assistants in 3 department stores of high, medium and low status. He devised questions to get the
answer “Fourth floor” from 264 informants. The results show social significance of a relatively
trivial feature of accent – how many people used or not used /R/.
- Vowels are often socially more significant, but it is more difficult to study them because it is not
about presence or absence, but about the quality.

Concluding remarks
What is the value of this kind of information?
1) It shows on what sort of information we assign social status to a particular speaker
2) It tells us sth about the social structure of the particular communities (where are the
biggest gaps).
3) It tells us about the nature of idiolect – individuals use different varieties but the
average percentage for each group falls into quite predictable pattern.
4) It tells us a lot about social-class dialects. They are not distinct entities – there is a
continuum.
5) It gives us insight into the processes of linguistic change.

__________________________________ __________________________

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3. LANGUAGE AND ETHNIC GROUP
An experiment (Two points) – Inference – Identifying ethnic groups: Two types – Language as
social constructs – Substratum varieties/influence – AAVE – AAVE debate (2 views) – AAVE
grammatical features – the divergence hypothesis
(KEY CONCEPTS: 1) speech as learned behaviour, 2) defining ethnic-group membership:
language vs. variety, 3) hypercorrection in pronunciation, 4) AAVE)

AN EXPERIMENT:
A number of judges in the USA were given recordings of two sets of people to listen.
They recognised speakers of Set 1 as African Americans and speakers of Set 2 as white. But, they
were wrong. This experiment demonstrates two important things.
First point: First, there are differences between the English spoken by many Whites and many
African Americans in the United States of America such that Americans can, and do, assign people
with some confidence to one of the two ETHNIC groups solely on the basis of their language – this
might happen in a telephone conversation, for instance – which indicates that “black speech” and
“white speech” have some kind of social reality for many Americans.
Second point: the experiment demonstrates rather convincingly that, although the stereotypes of
black or white speech which listeners work with provide them with a correct identification most of
the time, the diagnostic differences are entirely the result of “learned” behaviour. People do not
speak as they do “because” they are white or black. What does happen is that speakers acquire the
linguistic characteristics of those they live in close contact with.

INFERENCE: There is no racial or physiological basis of any kind for linguistic difference of this
type.
- Indo-European languages> a myth of IE or Aryan Race
- any human being can learn any human L
- the same L does not mean racial relatedness
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- Nazis’ theory of Germanic “master race” /Rumanians (?)

IDENTIFYING ETHNIC GROUPS

First type: When we speak of languages, rather than varieties, language can be the most important
defining criteria for ethnic-group membership.
- Native speakers of Greek
- Accra, Ghana (80 different Ls, bi- & tri-lingual speakers)
- Canada (English & French)

Second type: The separate identity of ethnic groups is signalled, not by a different language, but by
different varieties of the same language. Ethnic group differentiation acts as a barrier to the
communication of linguistic features (like other social barriers).
- African American Vernacular English (AAVE)
Just as languages, ethnic groups are social constructs. They are fluid entities whose boundaries can
change and they can come into being and disappear during the course of history.
- Yugoslavia: Serbo-Croat
- Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin, Serbian
- Deliberate stress on differences

LABOV – THE SOCIAL STRATIFICATION OF ENGLISH IN NEW YORK CITY

- differences in pronunciation between speakers of Jewish and Italian origin
- differences are due to SUBSTRATUM VARIETIES (interference of Yiddish and Italian)
- Interference in the first generation led to hypercorrection of foreign features in the second
generation.
Another example of substratum influence can be found in English in Scotland. Scots come from two
distinct ethnic groups:

AAVE
1) One of the most striking examples of linguistic ethnic-group differentiation is the difference
between the speech of black and white Americans.
- Americans of sub-Saharan African origin spoke English differently from the Whites.
- Their speech was considered inferior, later on it was difficult to establish that it was
different without being considered a racist.
2) Differences in the speech of Blacks and Whites imply meant that there are different ethnic-group
language varieties (linguistically equally valid).
- AAVE – the nonstandard English spoken by lower-class African Americans.
- Black English – disused, since not all Blacks speak AAVE

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- Vernacular – distinguishes those who (don’t) speak SAE.

AAVE DEBATE
Debate over the differences between AAVE and other varieties:
1) The first view: most features of AAVE are derived historically from the English dialects of the
British Isles.
2) The second view: ancestors of modern black Americans were speakers of different West African
Ls (pidgin>creole>decreolisation)

AAVE grammatical features:

__________________________________ __________________________
Until recent, the Creolist theory seemed to be the only solution, but
- Shana Poplack – research in African American diaspora (Nova Scotia, Canada & Samana,
Dominican Republic)
- New research into the grammar of British Isles dialects

The SECOND and more recent debate is the so-called DIVERGENCE HYPOTHESIS: (???)

- AAVE as a English-based Creole has over time come to resemble the English spoken by
other Americans
- Now, these varieties are growing apart. The process has begun to reverse
- if true, this hypothesis would prove the racial division in the American society

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5. LANGUAGE AND (SOCIAL) CONTEXT
Verbal repertoire – Registers – Formality: Styles – Studies of pronunciation shifts – Role and status
– Forms of address – Style varieties – Dialect switching – Diglossia
(KEY CONCEPTS: 1) verbal repertoire, 2) register, 3) styles (distinct vs. continuum), address
forms, slang, 4) diglossia, 5) the use of different languages)

VERBAL REPERTOIRE: Language varies according to social factors as: social class, ethnic group,
gender. However, the same speaker uses different varieties in different situations and for different
purposes (different social contexts). The totality of these linguistic varieties used by a particular
linguistic community is their verbal repertoire.

VERBAL REPERTOIRE:
Community’s verbal repertoire may encompass (registers):
- different styles of the same dialect (Standard English),
- different dialects of the same language (Lowland Scots),
- two relatively standardised varieties in diglossic relationship (Arabic),
- diglossic situation combined with language switching (Luxembourg).

- So far, we have discussed variety switching between linguistically closely related varieties: formal
and informal English, Scots dialect and Standard English. In many communities verbal repertoire
may contain unrelated varieties – totally different language.
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REGISTERS: Many social factors can come into play in controlling which variety from the verbal
repertoire is actually to be used on a particular occasion. Linguistic varieties linked to particular
occupations or topics are termed registers. Registers are usually characterised entirely, or almost so,
by vocabulary differences – use of particular words or particular senses of words. E.g. Medicine:
clavicle vs. collar-bone; football: the park vs. the pitch. One of the aims of education is learning
registers of different subjects.
In principle, registers are independent of dialects. In the Anglophone world technical vocabulary is
normally accompanied by the Standard English. However, there is no necessary connection.

FORMALITY: One of the most important factors connected with the social situation is formality.
Formality is not easy to define because it subsumes many factors, such as: situation, politeness,
seriousness, social familiarity, kinship-relationship, etc.
I require your attendance to be punctual. vs. I want you to come on time. " The meaning is more or
less the same, but there are differences in formality. Varieties of language which differ from one
another in this way are called STYLES. Styles range on a continuum ranging from the very formal
to very informal.

Styles differ in vocabulary (punctual vs. on time), but in grammar as well- the passive voice is more
frequent in formally styles in English. Vocabulary which is at the extremely informal end of the
continuum is known as slang (tired vs. bushed, whacked).

In Javanese, there are several relatively distinct styles with co-occurrence restrictions. Restrictions
of this kind do not operate in English.

Apart from vocabulary and grammar, English speakers shift, according to the formality of situation,
their pronunciation as well. How to study these differences when informants know that their speech
is being studied?

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- ROLE AND STATUS: Speech between individuals of unequal rank is likely to be less relaxed and
more formal than between equals. Inequality may be in terms of: social class, age, status in an
organisation, etc. Different Ls may have different rules which linguistic forms may or may not be
used (e.g. FORMS OF ADDRESS – French: tu/vous, German du/Sie). Second person pronouns:
polite and familiar (T-V distinction).
In some linguistic communities differences are not just in names or address pronouns – e.g. Korean
speaker uses different verb suffixes for intimate, familiar, plain, polite, differential, authoritative ...

STYLE VARIETIES – Differences in social context lead to use of different styles. Styles can be
relatively discrete (Javanese) or not (English). Styles differ in vocabulary (address forms,
pronouns), grammar and pronunciation. These styles can be seen as varieties within dialects.

DIALECT SWITCHING – in some linguistic communities situational switching will take place
between different dialects – one dialect is used in formal situations, and another in informal
situations. Lowland Scots will switch to Standard English in formal situation, while English speaker
from England simply switch styles. Differences involved:
1) greater difference between linguistic varieties,
2) co-occurrence restrictions are involved, and (???)
3) switching to a vernacular of others.

a) learning new words

b) learning new pronunciation?
c) replacement of known words

DIGLOSSIA: Dialect switching, like in Lowland Scots vs. Standard English, can happen on a much
larger and more institutionalised scale. This sociolinguistic situation is called “diglossia”. Diglossia
is a particular kind of language standardisation where two distinct varieties of a language exist side
by side throughout the speech community and where each of the two varieties is assigned a definite
social function.
The two linguistic varieties in diglossic situation:
- are considered discrete by the speakers,
- comprise a standardised HIGH variety and LOW variety which may be standardised
but may also be geographically different,
- are overtly recognised and labelled in the community.

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STABILITY OF DIGLOSSIC SITUATION: Until 1970s Greek was a diglossic language. Each
variety was supported by different political wings (right-left). Differences in vocabulary and
morphology; tension over standard variety (government, education). The 1967 coup d’etat.
__________________________________ __________________________

6. LANGUAGE AND SOCIAL INTERACTION

Switching: Code-switching, Language switching – Conversation interpretation – Conversation
structure – Rules of interpretation – Breaking rules – Child-adult conversations – Ethnography of
speaking – Telephone conversations – Cultural differences in rules – Indirectness
(IMPORTANT: Code-switching, the use of language, the structure of conversation, ethnography of
speaking)
SWITCHING
- style-switching, dialect-switching, diglossia, language-switching are all determined by
social situation, but not solely. Speakers are not SOCIOLINGUISTIC AUTOMATA.
= Speaker can use switching:
1) to manipulate, influence or define situation as they wish, 2) to convey nuances of meaning and
personal intentions. This can be done in two ways: 1) by code-switching or 2) by language-
switching.

CODE-SWITCHING (or language alternation) (e.g. mixture of English and Spanish in one
sentence/utterance; in the context of a single conversation): using two Ls at once; it is subconscious;
conversation is more intimate and confidential; it signals two identities at once. (occurs in

16
multilingual speech communities; multilinguals sometimes use elements of multiple languages
when conversing with each other).
(CODE is a neutral term which can be used to denote a L or a variety of L.)
LANGUAGE-SWITCHING: in e.g. Uganda: 1) L switching according to social situation, but 2) it
is also used to communicate intentions and nuances over and above the actual verbal message.
Thus, L can be used to manipulate relationships and to achieve particular goals.
CONVERSATION INTERPRETATION
Language is a means of communication, but it is also an important means for establishing and
maintaining relationships. It can be embarrassing to sit with someone and not talk to them.
Children have to learn pronunciation, grammar and vocabulary, but they also have to learn to use
language in conversational interactions to (1) establish social relationships and (2) to participate in
two-way communication.

CONVERSATION STRUCTURE
The principle of turn-taking:
- only one speaker speaks at a time,
- a speaker’s turn: right & obligation
(Robert didn’t say anything)

There are rules about:

- points at which one can interrupt a speaker,
- introducing a new topic of conversation,
- silence.
The breaking of rules is often verbally acknowledged: I’m sorry to interrupt./To go back to what
we talked ...

Conversation also consists of structured sequence of different types of utterance.

- Questions are followed by answers.
- Questions and answers can be embedded in one another.
- Summons are followed by answers. (e.g. telephone conversation)
- Summons and answers do not undergo embedding.

Conversations are:
- structured,
- rule-governed,
- non-random sequences of utterances.

RULES OF INTERPRETATION
If speaker A makes a request for information and speaker B’s response is not related to the question
- there exists a proposition known to both A and B which does make a connection, and from which
answer can be inferred.
BREAKING RULES
Question How come? implies that there is a non-obvious proposition known to B, but not to A.
17
In this case the question interferes with this rule.
Reactions to the how come question were:
- laughter
- embarrassment
- making jokes
- searching for the non-obvious proposition: I look older because .../ I’m still a student because...

CHILD-ADULT CONVERSATIONS /
ETHNOGRAPHY OF SPEAKING
The rules about using language in social interactions may vary widely from one society to another.
The study of these rules and cross-cultural differences in communicative norms is often known as
ETHNOGRAPHY OF SPEAKING.

TELEPHONE CONVERSATIONS, e.g. in America and France.

France

America

CULTURAL DIFFERENCES IN RULES

In some Caribbean communities, at least in some situations, it is normal for everyone to talk at
once.
American Indians, such as Navajo and Apache, had traditional norm not to speak unless one has
something non-trivial to say.
Americans vs. Northern Europeans
English vs. Athabaskan speakers in Western Canada

MISUNDERSTANDING
- Directness and indirectness are communication aspects that can create problems.
- We do not always say what we mean.
18
- Direct questions can be threatening – sometimes they are accompanied by overt recognition that
they are problematic: How old are you – if I may ask?
- The level of indirectness is different in different cultures (e.g. India, Japan).
- Direct questions impose obligation to provide an answer, while indirectness leaves a choice.
- Knowledge of culture is required to interpret answers (e.g. Japan, Greece).
- Indirectness is possibly used more in hierarchical societies.
Difference between men and women:
- directness vs. indirectness,
- competitive vs. cooperative kind of discourse.
SUMMARY, CHAPTER 6
Code-switching:
1. Using two languages at once.
2. It is subconscious.
3. Conversation is more intimate and confidential.
4. It signals two identities at once.

Language is used in conversational interactions to

1. establish social relationships and
2. to participate in two-way communication

In the structure of conversation, there are RULES about:

1. points at which one can interrupt a speaker,
2. introducing a new topic of conversation,
3. silence.

Conversations are:
1. structured
2. rule-governed
3. non-random sequences of utterances.
The rules about using language in social interactions may vary widely from one society to
another. The study of these rules and cross-cultural differences in communicative norms is
often known as ETHNOGRAPHY OF SPEAKING.
__________________________________ __________________________

7. LANGUAGE AND NATION

19
Multilingualism – Indigenous linguistic minority – Minority languages – Multilingualism: problems
– The situation in the UK – Treatment of minority languages – Identity and independence –
Language planning
(IMPORTANT: bi-multilingualism, language-planning)

Being bi- or multilingual: speak more than one L with a fair degree of proficiency. In some cases
this can be a consequence of the fact that individuals live in multilingual societies, but individual
BILINGUALISM is not actually a necessary consequence of societal or national multilingualism.
There are multilingual societies where many speakers never become bilingual to any significant
degree (Switzerland). Individual bilingualism is widespread, but not universal.
Societal multilingualism is a very widespread phenomenon. On a world scale, the vast majority of
the nation-states have more than one language spoken indigenously within their frontiers.
Multilingual nations exist in all parts of the world and it is hard to find truly monolingual countries
as nearly all contain indigenous linguistic minorities – groups of speakers who have as their native
variety a L other than that which is the official, dominant or major L in the country where they live.
Iceland, where 100% of the indigenous population are Icelandic-speaking is the exception.
Where the minority is smaller or less influential, the minority L or Ls are unlikely to have official
status, and their speakers, often out of sheer practical necessity, will tend to be bilingual. This last
factor is what helps to give Europe its outwardly monolingual appearance. The overwhelming
majority of French citizens CAN speak French, in spite of the fact that for a number of them it is a
second language. The same is worth for the UK, but this appearance is deceptive as there are large
groups of speakers of other languages (Punjabi and Bengali), there is Welsh and Scots Gaelic.
So, nearly all European nations are multilingual to some extent. The most multilingual of all the
countries in Europe, apart from Russia, is Romania (at least 14 other Ls are spoken natively in the
country).
PROBLEMS: Multilingualism on this scale brings problems for governments and others concerned
with national organisations of various kinds (public services). ML-ism on any scale also brings with
it problems for individuals and groups of individuals, esp. members of linguistic minorities as they
have to acquire proficiency in at least two Ls before they can function as full members of the
national community in which they live. Perhaps the biggest problem they have to face is
educational. This problem is made easier if two Ls are similar (Dutch-Frisian). Easier is also if the
education policy of the country concerned is reasonably intelligent and sophisticated linguistically
and children are taught through the medium of their native L and the majority L is introduced later
on (in Wales, Norway, etc.) In other cases the minority child may be faced with considerable
difficulties: two Ls are very different + some nation-states discourage, ignore or even forbid
minority languages and children can be punished or discouraged from using their native L (formerly
true of both of Welsh in Wales and Gaelic in Scotland). This approach was also for many years the
policy in the United States: had the policy of the widespread and rapid assimilation of minority
language groups to the English-speaking majority. Today, considerable provision is made for some
minority groups, notably Spanish-speakers and Native American Indians, to be educated in their
own language.
TREATMENT OF MINORITY LANGUAGES: in some countries positive bilingual policies
(education, given time to radio and tv broadcasts, etc.), used as a medium of education, etc.; some
countries give little encouragement, some discourage the use of the native Ls, and some forbid it
(e.g. Romany, the L of Gypsies, has a particularly bad treatment).
IDENTITY AND INDEPENDENCE: Where a L is a defining characteristic of a minority ethnic
group wanting independence, particularly where other characteristics (e.g. Welsh) are not
significant, linguistic factors are likely to play an important role in any separatist movement they

20
might undertake. The rapid increase in the number of independent European nation-states in the
past hundred years or so has therefore been paralleled by a rapid growth in the number of
autonomous, national and official languages.
The problems of the multilingual situation for the INDIVIDUAL can be OVERCOME or
minimised either through political independence or semi-independence, or, less drastically, through
adequate educational programmes and policies.
What about the problem of multilingualism for national government? Many governments see this
problem in terms of minority groups wanting more power and independence, or annexation by a
neighbouring state (question of threat + language loyalty can be a powerful weapon, and has often
been manipulated to political advantage).
LANGUAGE PLANNING: The activities of governments having to do with L can be described as
instances of “language planning”. In very many cases activities of this kind, unlike many of those
we mentioned above, can be regarded as both necessary and commendable – for example in
countries which are faced with the problem of having to select a national L or Ls, language planning
can involve selecting and standardising the L/Ls (status planning: role of different Ls); some
countries have to decide which LFranca they are going to use (L used for communication where
there is no common native L (Swahili, Hindi or English). Often the role of a national government
does not stop at selecting a national L. Once selected, the L may have to be established, developed
and standardised (develop a suitable orthography, decide a particular dialect, decide about
grammatical and phonological forms in the standard, etc. This type of language planning, which
focuses on the linguistic characteristics of varieties undergoing planning, is known as CORPUS
PLANNING.
CONCLUSION: These problems cannot be solved on pure linguistic grounds, but ironically, it
seems that the linguists are the only ones who understand the extent to which these are not linguistic
questions. The fact is that most European languages are what sociolinguists refer to as “languages
by extension” (in German Ausbau languages). These consist of standard varieties which have been
superposed over continua of dialects which, for social and historical reasons, have become
heteronomous to them. AUSBAU Ls are therefore separate Ls by reason of their political, cultural
and social as well as their linguistic characteristics. There are also, however, some Ls of which this
is not true and which can be regarded as Ls in their own right on purely linguistic grounds (e.g.
Basque is a “language by distance” (in German Abstand L) because it is linguistically so different
from all other Ls that its status as an independent L cannot be disputed.

SUMMARY, CHAPTER 7
- Individual bi-/multilingualism is NOT NECESSARY consequence of national
multilingualism.
- Individual bi-/multilingualism is widespread, but NOT universal.
- Societal multilingualism is a very widespread phenomenon.
- It is hard to find truly MONOLINGUAL countries.

- On individual level solution to the problem of multilingual situation can be reached

through:
(1) political independence
(2) semi-independence
(3) adequate educational programmes and policies.
- The activities of governments having to do with language can be described as
LANGUAGE PLANNING.
21
_______________________________________________

8. LANGUAGE AND GEOGRAPHY

Social and regional dialect variation – Non-prevocalic /R/ - Pattern of change – Speed of change –
English dialects – US dialects – Current changes – Situation in the USA – Koineization – Language
change taken further – Ulvular /R/ - Linguistic areas – Balkanisms
(IMPORTANT: colonies: dialect levelling, koinezation, linguistic area; linguistic innovations)
1. Social and regional dialect variation: Innovations
Generally, there is relationship between social dialects and geographical dialects such that regional
linguistic differentiation is greatest at the level of varieties most unlike Standard English. The social
and linguistic reasons for the development of regional differences are complex and clearly the result
of L changing in different ways in different places. In the development of regional dialects,
geographical features such as barriers and distance play an important role.
When a linguistic innovation (e.g. a new word, a new pronunciation, a new usage) – occurs at a
particular place, it may subsequently spread to other areas, particularly those nearest to it, so long as
no serious barriers to communication intervene. All technological and behavioural innovations are
subject to the same processes: the innovation will first spread in the nearer area and if no
geographical obstacles are present (e.g. seas/oceans, etc.).
Patterns of change: A good example of a linguistic innovation which has been subject to this kind of
process is the loss in English of non-prevocalic /r/ in words like CART and CAR. 1) In some areas
of England, the change has not yet taken place. 2) Innovations are unlikely to start at several
separate areas at once. 3) There is difference between urban and rural accents: linguistic
innovations, like other innovations, often spread from one urban centre to another, and only later
spread out into the surrounding countryside. This is due to the general economic, demographic and
cultural dominance of town over country, and to the structure of the communication network. The
spread of linguistic features from one area to another is therefore not dependent solely on proximity.
Speed of change: Some ling. innovations spread faster than others; some have not reached certain
areas; the process and stop and/regain speed. This too cities have an important role in diffusing
innovations into the surrounding countryside.
* the geographical diffusion of linguistic forms – cases: features of a L can spread from person to
person, group to group, and eventually by this means “travel” over sometimes quite large distance:
the USA.
THE USA: North America was settled by English speakers - L transmitted across the country as
pioneers moved westward, taking particular dialect forms with them. In the USA, it is difficult to
point single cities as having a focal role and the dialect areas are much larger: English has been
spoken in England for 1,500 years but in North America only for 300 and there has not been
sufficient time in North America for linguistic changed to lead to the development of small dialect
areas.
Maps are different than 100 years ago: the increased geographical mobility during the course of the
20th century led to the disappearance of many dialects and dialect forms through a process we call
DIALECT LEVELLING: the levelling out of differences between one dialect and another: today it
is playing an important role in ongoing linguistic developments in many countries.
The further difference UK/THE USA: American English was in origin a colonial variety of the
language (large-scale migration of peoples from somewhere else – the British Isles) at rather
different times. Another important factor is that regions were settled with people of considerable
dialect mixtures: people from many different parts of England, Scotland and northern Ireland came

22
together: So, one of the reasons why American English is like it is is that is resulted from
DIALECT MIXTURE. And one of the reasons why there were different dialects in different places
on the east coast of what is now the USA is that different mixtures occurred of different
combinations of British dialects in different proportions in the different areas. The mixture lasted
for one generations or two then the dialect levelling happened: everybody in a given location would
have ended up levelling

out the original dialect difference brought from across the Atlantic and speaking the same dialect.
This new dialect would have been mixed with respect to its origins, but uniform in its current
characteristics throughout the community – dialect levelling in a colonial situation of this type = the
process known as KOINEZATION (from the Ancient Greek word “koine’” meaning “general,
common). New Zealand and Australian English went through this process (colonists) + Australia is
only beginning to develop regional varieties (modern dialect areas forming around regional
centres).
Language change taken further: Two important factors in L change are distance and barriers
(geographical and social) but what the language barrier? That is the third type of barrier, which,
does not necessarily have a significant slowing-down effect. Linguistic innovations, spread not only
from one regional or social variety of the same L to another, they may also spread from one L to
another, e.g. UVULAR /R/: the way /R/was pronounced throughout history. Processes of this type
generally, when they involve grammar and vocabulary as well as phonetics and phonology can lead
to the development of linguistic areas. The term is used to refer to areas where several Ls are
spoken which, although they are not necessarily very closely related, have a number of features in
common, as a result of the diffusion of innovations across language boundaries. One of the most
interesting areas of this kind in Europe is the Balkans, comprising Serbia, Macedonia, Albania,
Greece, Bulgaria and Romania. Over the centuries, they have acquired a number of common
features sometimes known as BALKANISMS which mark some or all of them off from other
European Ls: have a number of common features not shared by any other Romance or Slav
languages (e.g. a postponed definite article). The only other European Ls to have this feature are the
Scandinavian languages.
CONCLUSION: Linguistic innovations can spread from one dialect into another adjacent dialect. If
spreading of this type takes place across language boundaries (from language to language), on a
sufficiently large scale, linguistic areas are formed. Broadly speaking, it appears that only
grammatical and phonological features require geographical proximity before diffusion of this sort
can take place (Uvular R can now be found in Norway, but it almost certainly arrived there from
France via Germany and Denmark). Lexical items appear to be able to spread across much greater
distances. Words can be borrowed from one L into another regardless of proximity but use it with a
narrower range of meanings than the donor language, e.g. “look” in a number of European Ls refers
specifically to “trendy image” or “fashionable style”.

SUMMARY, CHAPTER 8
- In colonial situations, each community of settlers had a dialect mixture to start with. In the
first step DIALECT LEVELLING occurred producing a dialect of mixed origin and uniform
current characteristics. This is known as KOINEIZATION.

- LINGUISTIC AREA – several not necessarily related languages acquire common

features (e.g. Balkan Linguistic Area – Serbian, Macedonian, Bulgarian, Albanian, Greek
and Rumanian).

23
- Linguistic innovations can spread:

1. from dialect to dialect

2. from language to language  linguistic areas
3. grammatical and phonological features require geographical proximity.

- Words can be borrowed from language to language regardless of proximity, but with
semantic narrowing.

9. LANGUAGE AND CONTACT

1. Language & Contact + Lingua Franca (PROCESSES) PIDGINIZATION
English is used as a lingua franca all around the world and many people show a high level of
fluency and expertise, usually as a result of years of formal education, e.g. in Scandinavia.
However, their English is rarely on a level of native speakers. This is because of the fact that a
language, when used as a lingua franca, undergoes some important processes which differentiate it
from the language of the native speakers. The processes are: simplification – refers most often to
the getting rid of irregularities (e.g. irregular verb forms) and redundancies (e.g.) grammatical
gender). Simplification happens normally because adults are not good language learners and tend to
repeat and transfer errors. The second process is reduction in social function and lingua franca
speakers may use it for example for doing business, but not for usual small talk. This means that,
compared to the usage of native speakers, parts of the L are missing: vocabulary, grammatical
structures, stylistic devices. The third process that affects English as a LF is interference from L1,
that is the introduction of errors through interference from the native language of the speaker. The
technical term for these three processes by which languages may be subject in the usage of non-
native speakers is PIDGINIZATION.

2. Pidginization and a PIDGIN LANGUAGE

The three processes that a language used as a lingua franca usually undergoes are: simplification (of
grammar), reduction in social functions (e.g. used only for business) and interference from L1. The
processes are called “pidginization”. Pidginization may be slight, in the case of educated speakers;
larger where little or no formal schooling has taken place, and great where learning takes place only
through occasional and limited contacts. When a variety is radically reduced and simplified (e.g.
grammar categories missing, only a limited number of structures are employed, etc.) the mutual
intelligibility with other varieties is minimal. Yet, if its speakers want to employ it as such they
have to learn it (at least to a certain extent), the result is a relatively stabilised form of language
consistently employed as a lingua franca and the resulting variety is called a pidgin language (the
example of Congo Pidgin Swahili).
A pidgin language, then, is a lingua franca which has no native speakers. It is derived from a
“normal” language through simplification, reduction and interference or admixture, often
considerable, from the native language or language or languages of those who use it. The first stage
of its development can be referred to a pre-pidgin and it is used only in trading or other limited-
contact situations. If contacts become more permanent, fuller second-language learning is more
likely to result).
Pidginization: The most likely setting for the crystallization of a true pidgin language is probably a
contact situation of a limited type involving one dominant language and at least two non-dominant
languages. Over time, the dominant L will be imperfectly learned and used as LF. Over time, in the
speech of LF users, the pre-pidgin will acquire a set of structures and norms for usage which will be
24
accepted by everybody = it will acquire fixed form as a result of focusing (fixed form: can be
described and its grammar can be written). The resulting pidgin thus differs from pidginized forms
lf L which vary from time to time and from speaker to speaker. Pidgins are not haphazard mixtures
or corrupted forms; they are genuine languages with structure and other attributes of other Ls (have
grammatical rules and words on their own) and from other Ls they are different in degree, rather
than kind. All languages are subject to change, and they are all the product of influence and
admixture from other Ls. Most of the better-known pidgin Ls in the world are the result of travel on
the part of European traders and colonisers (based on Ls like English, French and Portuguese),
located on the main shipping and trading routes. But not all pidgin Ls have arisen in this way and
there are situations in which one pidgin language has derived from (is based on) indigenous Ls
(indigenous pidgins – communication between different tribes).

3. Creolisation, Creoles, Creloides and Decreolisation

Some pidgins are widely spoken and have official status (used on the radio, newspapers and in
schools) and undergoing considerable creolisation. Creole Ls are pidgins that have acquired native
speakers - in linguistically mixed communities where a pidgin is used as the LF, children may
acquire it as their native language, particularly if their parents normally communicate in the pidgin.
When this occurs the language will re-acquire all the characteristics of a full, non-pidgin language
and will result (when compared to the original pidgin) in an expanded vocabulary, a wider range of
syntactic possibilities, and an increased stylistic repertoire. It will also be used for all purposes in a
full range of social situation. This means that the reduction that occurred during pidginization will
be repaired, although the simplification and admixture will remain. Simplification is a technical
term referring to a greater degree of regularity and a smaller degree of redundancy, thus: Creole Ls
are not simpler than their source Ls in some intellectual sense, they are rather more regular and less
redundant. This process whereby reduction is “repaired” by expansion is known as creolisation and
is one of the most fascinating processes of all in linguistic change. of European-based creole Ls –
those that have developed out of pidgins based on European Ls – the best known are French,
English, Portuguese and Spanish creoles. Some varieties have more prestige because are more
similar to the standard source language, and others are regarded as “broken” English because do not
imitate well enough the source language. Creoles share similarities despite their geographical
distance (e.g. mark aspect regardless of tense, mark progressive aspect by a particle, not inflection)
and between the two extremes there is a whole range of intermediate varieties which connect the
two in a chain of mutual intelligibility. There is, in other words, a social-dialect continuum ranging
from e.g. Standard English to “deepest” Jamaican Creole. This means that all language varieties in
e.g. Jamaica have become heteronomous with respect to Standard English, even if they are not
really mutually comprehensible with it.
We can explain similarities (both structure) and form: 1) arisen in similar situations and thus
underwent the same patterns of simplification, 2) Relexification theory claims that the first
widespread European-based pidgin was Portuguese Pidgin which then spread to different trading
places and other pidgins developed out of it. The grammar of the language remained the same, but
the words were changed. (AAVE is a progressively decreolised creole – one of the theories).
Decreolisation: The social-dialect continuum (itself may well have arisen in the first place as a
result of the influence of high-prestige English on low-status Creole): the stronger the influence, the
more decreolisation would take place. Unlike creolisation, which repairs the reduction which takes
place during pidginisation, decreolisation is a process which attacks the simplification and
admixture which occur during pidginisation. Contact between the source language (e.g. English)
and a creole L such as Jamaican Creole leads to the gradual introduction into the creole of

25
irregularities and redundancies from the source language, and the gradual disappearance of
elements derived from languages other than the source (e.g. words derived from African Ls).
* The problems caused by the English-creole continuum in Jamaica is often referred to as a post-
creole continuum and are quite considerable. There is a widespread view that Jamaicans speak a
very inferior type of English; children are taught to write in Standard English but have a high failure
rate on British English Examinations. Solutions: children could be taught to read and write Jamaica
Creole first and then learn English, but English is statusful and very useful as a LF), a language of a
powerful and influential culture.
Creloides: There are some Ls in the world which look like post-creoles, but which are not. These
varieties show, compared to some source, a certain degree of simplification and admixture. We do
not call these Ls creoles, because the extent of the simplification and admixture is not very great.
And we do not call them post-creoles because they have never been creoles – which is in turn
because they have never been pidgins. For example, Afrikaans in South Africa: the language was
passed down from one generation of native speakers to another and never subjected to reduction.
Such a L, which demonstrates a certain amount of simplification and admixture, relative to some
source L, but which has never been a pidgin or a creole in the sense that it has always had speakers
who spoke a variety which was not subject to reduction, we can call a creloid.
* Pidgins, creoles and creloides are all Ls that result from contact between languages and are
therefore mixed languages. They mainly come from one course, however, there are Ls of this type

that come from two main sources: dual-source pidgins, creoles and creloides: e.g. Russenorsk =
Russian & Norwegian.

SUMMARY, CHAPTER 9
- The process of PIDGINIZATION consists of:
1. Simplification (of grammar)
2. Reduction (of social functions – e.g. used only for business)
3. Interference from L1
- PIDGIN is a LINGUA FRANCA which has no native speakers.

26
- PIDGINS are genuine languages with structure and other attributes of other languages.
They are different from other languages – in degree, rather than kind.

- CREOLES have native speakers.

- CREOLES re-acquire all the characteristics of a full, non-pidgin language (vocabulary,
syntactic possibilities, stylistic repertoire).
- DECREOLISATION attacks simplification and admixture which happened during
pidginization.
- CRELOIDES go through pidginization, but never become pidgins because they never
lose native speakers (e.g. Afrikaans).

______________________________________________________________________

10. LANGUAGE AND HUMANITY

Language & gender - Language & humanity – Language diversity loss – Language death –
Language & dialect death – Dialect death
LANGUAGE & HUMANITY
- Sociolinguistics has made significant insight into the nature of the relationship between society
and language, and these should be made available to a wider community since they can be some
value.
- Another area of sociolinguistics which is the source of great concern for linguists is:
the loss of linguistic diversity from the world.

LANGUAGE DIVERSITY LOSS

- Out of ignorance and prejudice, different governments have made discriminatory decisions based
on irrational attitudes resulting in detrimental effects on children’s education.
 18c Wales – attempts to make speaking Gaelic illegal
 AAVE – considered inferior & inadequate
 pidgins – seen as “broken English”
- Language issues can bring out the worst and the best in humans.

LANGUAGE DEATH
- In modern situation, the difference is in speed.
 Cornish – died out in Cornwall in 18th c.
 Manx – in the Isle of Man in 1950s
 Scottish Gaelic, Breton (Brittany), Frisian (Netherlands & Germany),
Sami (Scandinavia), Romansch (Switzerland)

27
LANGUAGE & DIALECT DEATH
- Linguists believe this is a serious problem.
- Disappearance of Ls  cultural homogenization
- Reversing language shift (knowledge – work – funds)
- Negative attitudes are often a reason for language shift.
- They also affect dialects – matched guise experiments.
- Irrational and unfavourable attitudes can lead to dialect death.

DIALECT DEATH
- Dialects are as intimately linked to cultures as languages are.
dialect – local identity
standard language – national identity
- Standardisation interrupts dialect continua, and causes communication problems.
- Dialect loss due to mobility and urbanisation is inevitable, but
- Dialect loss due to negative attitudes (discrimination) is NOT.

- Very often there is a view that dialect speaking is economically disadvantageous.

- Luxembourg, Norway, Switzerland – dialect speaking
- Norway – high level of linguistic tolerance – teachers are not allowed to change the way pupils
speak (by law)
- Human rights (racism, sexism; dialects?)

- In the UK 12% of children come to school as native speakers of Standard English

- What to do about the other 88%. There are three approaches:
1) elimination of nonstandard speech,
2) bidialectism,
3) appreciation of dialect differences.

1) ELIMINATION OF NONSTANDARD SPEECH (traditional & widespread):

28
 - psychologically wrong: language is a very important symbol of identity &
group membership,
- socially wrong: it implies that a particular social group is less valuable,
- practically wrong: it does not and will not work – learning a similar dialect
is more difficult than learning a new language:
(1) no communication advantage & (2) peer-pressure

2) BIDIALECTISM (supported by many linguists).

- individual has the right to use dialect at home, with friends...
- standard to be taught at school as a L of reading & writing,
- emphasis on the development of code-switching ability
(nonstandard speaking children will develop this ability anyway),
- teacher need to be sociolinguistically educated,
- it will probably work only for writing.

3) APPRECIATION OF DIALECT DIFFERENCES (this approach is often dismissed as

“hopelessly utopian”):
- if children suffer due to their nonstandard language, it is because of attitudes of the
society towards their variety 
- attitudes should be changed, not the language,
- teach children to read standard, and educate the society for the tolerance of
nonstandard dialects,
- given enough time, it can prove to be simpler than previous 2.

- The best solution would be the combination of (2) and (3).

- BIDIALECTISM as a short term measure, until appreciation of dialect differences starts giving
results.
- Bidialectism will probably be only partially successful, and has to be handled with sensitively.
- All language and dialect speakers should be made aware that their varieties of language are all
amazingly structurally complex products of the human mind, and are worth of preserving.

_____________

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