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DOI 10.1007/978-3-642-27793-1_94-1
© Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014
Abstract
In the beginning there were geomagnetic charts which were interesting mainly for seafar-
ing nations. The first geomagnetic atlas was printed in London in 1776; its author was the
mathematician, cartographer, and astronomer Samuel Dunn, whose aim had been to ameliorate the
navigation especially to support the trading of England with the East Indies. The American John
Churchman, however, was mainly surveyor; his magnetic atlas was published in four editions,
in 1790, 1794, 1800, and 1804. Churchman was in contact with George Washington and with
Thomas Jefferson, as far as his geomagnetic charts were concerned; he also became a member of
the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg. Churchman was convinced that the magnetic pole in
the north could be found in northern Canada. The Norwegian astronomer and physicist Christopher
Hansteen was convinced that there were two magnetic poles in the north and two in the south; his
atlas was published in 1819. One of the magnetic poles in the north should be in Siberia. Hansteen
found support by the king of Sweden and Norway so that he undertook an expedition to Siberia
(1828–1830). Carl Friedrich Gauss and Wilhelm Weber began to study geomagnetism in 1831:
They believed that there were only two magnetic poles, one in the north and one in the south. They
were able to calculate their positions by means of Gauss’ new theory of geomagnetism (1839); as
sailors found out, their coordinates turned out to be nearly correct. Gauss’ and Weber’s Atlas is
without doubt the most famous; it was published in Leipzig in 1840, including 18 geomagnetic
charts. On two of these charts, equipotential lines were presented for the first time in history.
1 Introduction
It was Gerhard Mercator (1512–1594) who made the word “atlas” common use. His posthumously
published work “Atlas sive Cosmographicae Meditationes de Fabrica Mundi et Fabricati Figura”
(Mercator 1595) paved the way for it to become a part of our everyday language. His atlas
contained maps of both the earth and the sky. Since this time, the word “atlas” has been understood
as a collection of terrestrial and celestial maps.
Declination (deviation of the compass needle) has always been particularly important for
seafarers. One of the earliest maps to show declination lines, the famous “Tabula nautica,” was
E-mail: reich@math.uni-hamburg.de
E-mail: elena.roussanova@medizin.uni-leipzig.de
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drawn by Edmond Halley (1656–1742) and published in 1701. This map was based on a special
form of projection known as Mercator projection, first introduced by Mercator in 1569 in his map
of the world “Nova et aucta orbis terrae descriptio ad usum navigantium emendate accommodata.”
As the title of Mercator’s world map indicated, this kind of projection was extremely important to
seafarers, as it was conformal.
It quickly also became clear that magnetic declination is not constant but subject to continual
change. As early as the eighteenth century, numerous maps were published which were updated
versions of the “Tabula nautica,” for example, by James Dodson (ca.1705–1757), William
Mountaine (ca.1700–1779), Johann Gustaf Zegollström (1724–1787), etc. Moreover, both world
maps and regional maps were published in which declination lines were only marked in certain
areas.
Inclination also played a role in geomagnetic research. In the eighteenth century, maps were
therefore also published with the inclination marked in lines. Intensity maps came into being in the
nineteenth century; one of the first ones was published by Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859)
in 1804 (Hellmann 1895).
The very existence of maps with geomagnetic lines suggested the idea of publishing an atlas
containing maps of the world and special maps with declination lines, inclination lines, etc. The
“Atlas of Geomagnetism” presented by Carl Friedrich Gauss and Wilhelm Weber in 1840 is without
a doubt the most well-known and famous; the maps published in it were exceptionally important.
However, mention should also be made of its predecessors, which could hardly have been more
different: the atlas published in 1776 by the Englishman Samuel Dunn, which contained 9 maps;
the atlas by the American geodesist John Churchman, which contained one or two maps, four
editions of which appeared by 1804; and finally the historical atlas published by the Norwegian
physicist and astronomer Christopher Hansteen in 1819, which contained 15 maps.
However, the aims of the authors varied just as much as the atlases themselves. These will be
explained later.
1
Comet 1759 III [sic], Great Comet, visible from January 7, 1760, to February 11, 1760.
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Fig. 1 Dunn, Samuel: A new Atlas of the Mundane system. 6 Ed. with additions and considerable improvements
(London 1810): cosmography epitomised, in six copperplate delineations. Chart after page 22, right column. State
Library Berlin, shelf mark 2ı Kart. B 902
With an Introductory Discourse, Concerning the Discovery of the Magnetic Variation, the finding
the Longitude Thereby, and Several Useful Tables” was published in London the following year
(Dunn 1775). It did not contain any maps; however, two folios prepared by Dunn, i.e., variation
maps of the North and South Atlantic oceans, respectively, appeared that same year (Hellmann
1895, p. 22).
These maps were also included in Dunn’s groundbreaking book of geomagnetic maps, “A New
Atlas of Variations of the Magnetic Needle for the Atlantic, Ethiopic, Southern and Indian Oceans,
Drawn from a Theory of the Magnetic System, Discovered and Applied to Navigation” (London
1776, Fig. 2).
Even in the title, Dunn emphasized that his maps were based on a new “theory of the magnetic
system” he had evolved himself. He also utilized the astronomical and magnetic observations made
by the captains of the ships in the service of the East India Company. The atlas was intended to
make it easier for seafarers to navigate to the East Indies, as the declination lines enabled them to
establish their longitude on these oceans to the nearest degree or 60 miles.
This work was not published by a publishing company; instead, the author had it printed and
distributed via “Maiden Lane, Covent Garden.” This is probably why only a few copies found their
way into libraries.
This atlas begins with a letter “To the Honourable the Court of Directors of the United Company
of Merchants of England trading to the EAST INDIES” which dates from November 6, 1776.
Further Dunn reports:
Under whose Predecessors, near two Centuries since, the British Mathematician, Edward
Wright of London, published his Invention of the true Sea Chart, commonly called Mercator’s,
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Fig. 2 Title page of Samuel Dunn’s “A New Atlas” (London 1776). The royal library of Copenhagen, shelf mark KBK
2–852, x-2013/28 (Photography by Henrik Dupont)
changing the Angles made by the Merdidians and Rhumb-lines2 into Rectilinear ones and
thereby reducing the whole Process of Navigation, or the Art of Sailing on the Oceans, to
the Doctrine of Plane Triangles; AND WHOSE PATRONAGE HATH ENCOURAGED THE
PUBLICATION OF THIS BOOK. (Dunn 1776, p. IV)
The Edward Wright (1561–1615) already quoted here was a mathematician and geodesist; he was
one of the authors to whom Dunn felt he owed a particular debt. In 1589, Wright took part in
an expedition to the Azores; he published his findings in 1599 in his work “Certaine Errors of
Navigation,” a second edition of which was published in 1610 and a third in 1657. In this work,
Wright gave a detailed explanation of what he understood by “Mercator projection” and described
the five most important errors which were critical for establishing a ship’s exact position at sea. As
Dunn also used this type of projection, he provided a detailed description in his “Introduction”:
The first good Effect arising from this Invention of the true Sea Chart is, that in it the Rhumb-
line Bearings are straight Lines, and consequently, by Help of a straight Rule and a Pair of
Compasses, those Bearings are easily shewn by the Chart. [: : :] The second good Effect is, that
all the Cases of Sailing are solved by Proportions [: : :] Another Advantage which this Chart
has: the Course may be accurately set off on it, as also the Distance sailed, by observing a
proper Method. (Dunn 1776, pp. V–VI)
2
Rhumb line, i.e., loxodrome.
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Mercator projection is indeed conformal, which made it particularly important for navigation at
sea. The first map reproduced in Dunn’s atlas is therefore nothing other than Wright’s map; like
Wright’s, it contains no magnetic declination lines.
Dunn’s “Introduction” consists of 18 chapters. Dunn finally gets to the point in the ninth chapter:
The Variation of the Magnetic Needle, or its Horizontal Deflection from the true Meridian of
the Place of Observation, hath been considered as of the greatest Importance in Navigation, by
every Man of either Learning or Ingenuity in Mathematics, Philosophy, or Nautical Affairs,
who hath given his Opinion concerning it. Hypotheses have been formed, but none of them
have agreed with Observations, nor hat it been possible to draw the Variation-lines by them.
Dunn based his maps on a new theory which he described as follows:
By the Word Theory, I mean what indicates the Cause of the Variation at different Places and
Times, and plainly demonstrates it by Mathematical Principles and Philosophical Laws. The
drawing of accurate Variation Charts of the Magnetic Needle by a Theory must sound very
strangely to Philosophers, as nothing of this Kind hath hitherto been thought possible.
Dunn mentioned another advantage of his method (chapter 14):
Another Advantage which ariseth from the Discovery of a Theory of the Variation is, that the
Variation Charts may not only be drawn from a few Observations, but they may be drawn for
Years past and to come; from which ariseth, an easy Method of making them applicable for
the intermediate Years, with Errors which are very inconsiderable.
Ultimately Dunn came to the conclusion (chapter 17):
Charts properly constructed to lesser and greater Scales, after Wright’s Manner, will be of
Use to Navigators, in indicating the course to be sailed from one Place to another, whether
Distances be great or small. Variation Charts of the Magnetic Needle, accurately and properly
drawn, will be of Use in allowing for the Variation. Both of these being applied at Sea, will
enable the Navigator to pursue his Voyage in cloudy Weather, or when no Astronomical
Observations can be made, with that Certainty which otherwise he cannot expect. It is the
Plan and Design of this Work to institute such, but to complete it will require some Time and
Judgement. (Dunn 1776, p. VI)
The introduction is followed by 9 maps measuring about 50 60 cm each:
1. A Wright’s Chart of the Atlantic Ethiopic and Indian Oceans (November 6, 1776) (Fig. 3).
2. Variation Chart of the Atlantic Ethiopic and Indian Oceans for the year 1770, delineated
according to Mercator’s or Wright’s projections agreeable with the latest and best observations
by S. Dunn (November 6, 1776).
3. A Variation Chart of the Atlantic Ethiopic and Indian Oceans for the year 1800 (November 6,
1776).
4. A Variation Chart of the Atlantic Ocean for the year 1776 (November 6, 1776).
5. A Variation Chart of the Atlantic Ethiopic and Indian Oceans for the year 1776 (November 6,
1776).
6. Continuation of plate (5). This chart is designed for determining the longitude in those seas
within a degree or 60 miles (November 10, 1775).
7. A Variation Chart of the Indian Ocean for South of the Line for 1776 (November 6, 1776)
(Fig. 4).
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Fig. 3 Chart 2: Variation chart of the Atlantic Ethiopic and Indian Oceans for the year 1770 delineated according to
Mercator’s or Wright’s projections agreeable with the latest and best observations by S. Dunn (November 6, 1776).
The royal library of Copenhagen, shelf mark KBK 2–852, x-2013/28. N.B. This is the first variation chart of those seas
that has ever been drawn by a theory and found to agree nearly with observations (Photography by Henrik Dupont)
8. Continuation of plate (7). The lines in the west part of this chart are designed for determining
the longitude (November 6, 1776).
9. India with the magnetic variations for 1776 (November 6, 1776).
Hellman’s comment on this work “A New Atlas” was: “This rare atlas contains seven [sic]
large-scale declination maps of superb technical execution; magnetic maps on a larger scale have
possibly never been published before” (Hellmann 1895, p. 22).3
Similar maps on a much smaller scale are found in Dunn’s work “A new epitome of practical
navigation; or guide to the Indian Seas,” published in London in 1777 (Dunn 1777):
Plate 12: A miniature variation chart of the Atlantic Ocean for the years from 1770 to 1820
Plate 13: A miniature variation chart of the Ethiopic Ocean for the years 1770 to 1820
Plate 14: A miniature variation chart of the Indian Ocean for the years from 1770 to 1820
3
In the original German: “Dieser seltene Atlas enthält sieben Deklinationskarten grossen Maassstabes in vorzüglicher technischer
Ausführung; vielleicht sind magnetische Karten in grösserem Maassstabe niemals publicirt worden” (Hellmann 1895, p. 22).
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Fig. 4 Chart 7: A variation chart of the Indian Ocean for South of the line for 1776 (November 6, 1776). The royal
library of Copenhagen, shelf mark KBK 2–852, x-2013/28 (Photography by Henrik Dupont)
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John Churchman occupied himself with geomagnetism from the late 1770s on. He developed
a magnetic needle theory which aimed to improve the accuracy with which longitude could be
established at sea. This was mainly to be facilitated by new maps marked with declination lines. In
1777, an early exposition of his geomagnetic theory appeared in the Philadelphia Press. Here he
assumed that there were two satellites, moons, orbiting the earth, one around the North Pole and
the other around the South Pole.
In 1785, he made a perpetuum mobile which was driven by magnetic forces. In 1787, he
presented a new theory of magnetic needle declination to the “American Philosophical Society.”
However, this theory was not supported by the respective scholars; David Rittenhouse (1732–1796)
was one of those who rejected it.4
However, Churchman was not discouraged; instead, he sent letters aiming to obtain the support
of prominent personages and scientists. This strategy was successful. He published some of the
replies he received himself (Churchman (1790), Appendix, pp. 1–5 as well as Churchman (1794),
p. 65–76); others were reproduced in exchanges of letters which have only recently been published.
April 10, 1787, is the date of Churchman’s first letter to Joseph Banks (1743–1820), who became
President of the Royal Society in 1788 and held this office until 1820. We know of seven letters
exchanged by Churchman and Banks (Banks 2007):
Banks’ response was very positive; he invited Churchman to visit England. Churchman accepted
this invitation and stayed in London from 1792 to 1796.
In 1787, Churchman also contacted his compatriot Thomas Jefferson (1743–1826), whom he
initially addressed as “Dear Friend,” “Esteemed Friend,” and later as “My Honourable Friend.”
Jefferson was stationed in Paris as a diplomat from 1785 to 1789; in 1802, he was elected the third
President of the USA, an office which he held until 1809. Ten letters are known to have passed
between Churchman and Jefferson between 1787 and 1802 (Jefferson 1950–2013):
– Churchman to Jefferson, June 6, 1787, with an enclosure from April 10, 1787, Philadelphia
(vol. 11, pp. 397–399)
– Jefferson to Churchman, August 8, 1787, Paris (vol. 12, pp. 5–6)
– Churchman to Jefferson, November 22, 1787, Philadelphia (vol. 11, pp. 374–375)
– Churchman to Jefferson, May 15, 1789, Philadelphia (vol. 15, pp. 129–130)
– Jefferson to Churchman, September 18, 1789, Paris (vol. 15, pp. 439–440)
– Jefferson to Churchman, [November 24, 1790] (vol. 18, p. 68)
– Churchman to Jefferson, January 13, 1791, South 2nd Street No.183 (vol. 18, pp. 492–493)
4
David Rittenhouse became a member of the “American Philosophical Society” in 1768; he was its president from 1791 to 1796. He was
also an astronomer at the University of the State of Pennsylvania, from where the College of Philadelphia was founded in 1791.
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– Churchman to Jefferson, April 2, 1792, No.183 South 2nd Street (vol. 23, pp. 363–364)
– Jefferson to Churchman, April 4, 1792, Philadelphia (vol. 23, pp. 369–370)
– Churchman to Jefferson, May 7, 1802, Boston (vol. 37, pp. 424–426)
– Churchman to Washington, May 7, 1789, New York, Water Street No.66 (vol. 2, pp. 225–227)
– Churchman to Washington, August 9, 1790, Philadelphia (vol. 6, p. 222)
– Lear to Churchman, August 28, 1790 (vol. 6, p. 222)
– Churchman to Lear, September 8, 1791, Philadelphia (vol. 8, pp. 512–514)
– Lear to Churchman, September 10, 1791, Philadelphia (vol. 8, pp. 512–514)
– Churchman to Washington, December 29, 1791 (vol. 9, pp. 342–344)
– Churchman an Washington, July 14, 1792, Bank Street Baltimore (vol. 10, p. 540)
– Churchman an Washington, September 5, 1792, Baltimore (vol. 11, pp. 71–74)
At that time, a map with declination lines, i.e., with geomagnetic data, was so important that it was
presented to the President of the USA as a gift, which was accepted with all due consequence.
On August 9, 1790, Churchman wrote to Washington from Philadelphia, enclosing his recent
publication as a token of his best respects for the president:
Being convinced that no name would be likely to stamp so great a value on the work as that
of the personage to whom it was dedicated, he hopes to be pardoned for the Liberty which he
has taken in this respect.
Secretary Lear responded on Washington’s behalf:
The President of the United States has received a Copy of the Magnetic Atlas or Variation
Chart, together with the book of explanation which you have been so polite as to send him
and requests your acceptance of this thanks for the same. “I am, moreover, ordered by the
President to inform you, that being ever desirous of encouraging such publications as tend to
promote useful knowledge, he requests you will consider him as a subscriber of your work.”
(Washington (1983–2011) vol. 6, p. 222, also in Churchman (1794), pp 71–72)
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Fig. 5 Dedication: “George Washington, President of the United States of America. This magnetic Atlas or variation
chart is humbly inscribed by John Churchman” (Philadelphia 1790). State library Berlin, shelf mark W 780
On this map (Fig. 5), the declination lines are drawn in quite thickly on the oceans but only at large
intervals on the continents; none of the declination lines are specially marked, nor is the zero line.
There is one and only one magnetic point close to Baffin Bay, at a latitude of about 76ı and a
longitude about 78ı west of Greenwich.
In his letter to George Washington dated December 29, 1791, Churchman outlined the following
plan: he wanted to organize an expedition to Baffin Bay to find the magnetic North Pole which was
presumably located there (Washington 1983–2011, vol. 9, pp. 342–344). However, Washington did
not respond to this proposal.
In his document “Explanation of the Magnetic Atlas,” Churchman quoted his predecessors,
including Dunn, but only his “A New Atlas of the Mundane System” in the edition of 1788. More-
over, Churchman gave a particularly detailed explanation of the geomagnetic theory published by
Leonhard Euler (1707–1783); Euler was the first scientist to produce a map with declination lines
projected stereographically (Reich and Roussanova 2012, pp. 147–148).
Churchman apparently had sent his essay “Explanation of the Magnetic Atlas” also to the
Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg. At that time, Johann Albrecht Euler (1734–1800), oldest
son of the mathematician Leonhard Euler, held the post of Permanent Secretary. Like his father,
Johann Albrecht was particularly interested in geomagnetism. On January 31, 1791, the minutes
of the meetings held at the Academy in St. Petersburg recorded the following:
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5
Stepan Jakovlevich Rumovskij (1734–1812), astronomer; in 1753 he became assistant at the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg;
during the years 1754 to 1756 he was guest scholar of Leonhard Euler in Berlin; in 1756 he succeeded Michail Lomonosov as director
of the Geographical Department at the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg; in 1763 he became extraordinary and in 1767 ordinary
professor at the Academy; during the years 1800–1803, he acted as its vice-president.
6
His correct name his Kononov and not Konoff. Aleksej Kononovich Kononov (1766–1795), physicist; since 1789 he was assistant and
since 1795 extraordinary professor at the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg.
7
The princess Yekaterina Romanovna Dashkova (1743–1810) was directress of the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg from 1783 to
1796.
8
The Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg had posed the following prize question for the year 1793: to present a magnetic chart of the
world for the beginning of the nineteenth century, where the magnetic poles were indicated. This chart should be similar to the “Tabula
nautica,” published by Edmond Halley in 1701 (Procès-verbaux 1911, pp 256–258). The original text was published in Latin and in Russian;
a German translation in Reich and Roussanova (2012), p. 142.
9
Wolfgang Ludwig Krafft (1743–1814), physicist at the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg.
10
Johann Albrecht Euler.
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However, Churchman did not receive the prize awarded in 1793; instead, it went to the
Copenhagen-based physicist Christian Gottlieb Kratzenstein (1723–1795).
The most important scientific institution in Philadelphia was that later known as the “American
Philosophical Society,” cofounded by Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790) in 1743. It should be
mentioned that Yekaterina Dashkova and Benjamin Franklin met in Paris on February 3, 1781.
In consequence, Dashkova became the first female and first Russian member of the “American
Philosophical Society,” while Franklin was the first American to become a member of the Academy
of Sciences in St. Petersburg. Franklin and Dashkova maintained a constant correspondence, which
was one of the highlights presented at the exhibition “The Princess and the Patriot: Ekaterina
Dashkova, Benjamin Franklin, and the Age of Enlightenment” in Philadelphia in 2006 (Prince
2006).
After his magnetic atlas, Churchman wanted to publish a book about gravity. He sent an
exposition, a prospectus, to St. Petersburg:
Son Altesse Madame la Princesse de Daschkow envoya pour être présenté de la part
de Monsieur Churchman, auteur de l’Atlas magnétique, une fueille imprimée en anglois
contenant Proposals for publishing a Dissertation on Gravitation containing conjectures
concerning the case of the several kinds of attraction. Le Secrétaire fera circuler ce prospectus
parmi Messieurs les Académiciens et Adjoints. (Procès-verbaux 1911, p. 286, January 16,
1792)
However, this work was never published.
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Fig. 6 John Churchman: The magnetic Atlas, or variation charts, 2. edition (London 1794): Northern Hemisphere.
State library Berlin, shelf mark 4ı My 3506
another copy of the second edition went to the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg, whereupon
he was elected an honorary member of the Academy in 1795, winning 7:4 of the votes. It seems he
was the second American after Benjamin Franklin to be honored in this way. The minutes record:
Monsieur le Directeur en fonction et gentil-homme de la Chambre de S. M. J. Paul
de Bacounin,11 fit communiquer une lettre angloise adressée à Madame la Princesse de
Daschkow par Monsieur Churchman et datée de Londre le 21 octobre, laquelle Son Altesse lui
a envoyée de Moscou pour la faire lire à la Conférence, et lui proposer ensuite ce physicien
américain, dont elle a déjà reçu diverses choses, pour être reçu au nombre de ces associés
externes. Monsieur Churchman rapporte avoir envoyé à l’Académie un atlas magnétique,
relativement auquel il fait quelques remarques sur la situation des pôles magnétiques du globe
terrestre; il propose ensuite d’envoyer dans la partie occidentale de l’Amérique septentrionale
un observateur pour y determiner la déclinaison et l’inclinaison de l’aiguille aimantée et
il s’offre de s’y rendre lui-même si l’adadémie trouve bon de lui bonifier les frais du
voyage; il raconte à cette occasion qu’un jeune négociant anglois a déjà fait par terre le
trajet remarquable de l’Amérique septentrionale. Enfin Madame la Princesse de Daschkow
11
Pavel Petrovich Bakunin (1776–1805), since 1794 vice-director of the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg, from 1796 to 1798 director.
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Fig. 7 John Churchman: The magnetic Atlas, or variation charts, 2. edition (London 1794): Southern Hemisphere.
State library Berlin, shelf mark 4ı My 3506
lui ayant fait présent d’un exemplaire complet des Actes académiques, il indique un comptoir
marchand à St- Pétersbourg, auquel l’Académie est priée de le remettre. La Conférence n’yant
aucune résolution à prendre ni réponse à faire aux propositions de Monsieur Churchman, elle
procéda à son élection par voie ordinaire du scrutin et Monsieur John Churchman fut reçu
au nombre des Académiciens étrangers par sept voix contre quatre. (Procès-verbaux 1911,
p. 409, January 8, 1795)
Like Benjamin Franklin, Churchman too owed his nomination as a member of the Academy of
Sciences in St. Petersburg to Yekaterina Dashkova (Prince 2006, pp. 15–16).
This second edition of Churchman’s “The Magnetic Atlas” was sent to a list of subscribers,
including the scientists Joseph Banks and William Herschel (1738–1822) in England and the
Academies in Berlin, Lisbon, Copenhagen, etc.
3.4 The Magnetic Atlas (3. Edition, New York, 1800; 4. Edition, London,
1804)
After Churchman’s return to the USA, a third edition of his “Magnetic Atlas or Variation Charts”
was published in 1800 in New York with some additions; the title page, for example, referred to the
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Fig. 8 Title page of John Churchman: The magnetic Atlas or variation charts of the whole terraqueous globe:
comprising a system of the variation and dip of the needle by which the observations being truly made, the longitude
may be ascertained. New York 1800. State and University Library Göttingen, Gauss library no. 130
author as “Fellow of the Russian Imperial Academy.” According to a letter to Banks dated February
4, 1801, Churchman sent a copy of this edition to the Royal Society (Banks 2007, vol. 5, p. 343).
He also sent a copy to his friend Jefferson, who was now the President of the USA (Jefferson
1950–2013, vol. 37, p. 425). Still another copy is located in Carl Friedrich Gauss’ private library
in Göttingen (Fig. 8):
In 1802, Churchman went to Europe again; his itinerary included both Copenhagen and
St. Petersburg. Nikolaus Fuss (1755–1826), who was married to one of Leonhard Euler’s
granddaughters, had been Permanent Secretary in St. Petersburg since 1800. The minutes of the
Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg record:
Le Secrétaire présente de la part de Mr. John Churchman, membre externe de l’Académie,
arrivé de Philadelphie: A variation chart, by John Churchman, Imperial Russian Academician.
Le Secrétaire notifia en même tems qu’il s’est fait délivrer, avec la permission de Son
Excellence Mr. le Président, six exemplaires de la carte magnétique de feu Mr. Kratzenstein,
publiée par l’Académie, afin de les remettre à ce physicien américain qui travaille depuis
dix ans au perfectionnement d’une carte pareille. (Procès-verbaux 1911, p. 1011, August 18,
1802)
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Churchman was accordingly given Kratzenstein’s map, which had been published in St. Petersburg
in 1795, as a gift.12 Churchman probably spent the winter in St. Petersburg, as the “National
Cyclopedia” reports:
He spent the winter in that high latitude perfecting his observations and corresponding with
several European philosophers, the main object with all being the discovery of the law
governing the constant variation, dip and declination of the magnetic needle in different parts
of the earth. (Anonymus 1907)
Another journey to England was the occasion for the publication of the fourth and final edition
of Churchman’s “Magnetic Atlas” in London in 1804; it included yet more additions. Churchman
died on July 17, 1805, on board the ship taking him back to the USA; he was accordingly buried
at sea.
12
Christian Gottlieb Kratzenstein: “Mappa exhibens declinationes acus magneticae ad initium saeculi decimi noni pro obtinendo praemio
ab Academia Scientiarum imperiali Petropolitana ad annum 1793 proposito.” Kept at the State Library in Berlin, shelf mark 2ı Kart. W
750. This map was accompanied by Kratzenstein’s essay “Tentamen, resolvendi problema geographico-magneticum a perillustri Academia
imperiali Petropolitana in annum 1793 propositum” (St. Petersburg 1798).
13
William Mountaine (ca.1700–1779); James Dodson (ca.1705–1757); Christopher Middleton (died in 1770).
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Fig. 9 Title page of Hansteen’s “Investigations into Terrestrial Magnetism.” State and University Library Göttingen,
Gauss library no. 856
lifelong advocate of Halley’s theory that the earth had two magnetic axes, i.e., that it had four
magnetic poles, two in the north and two in the south. Hansteen’s vast work deals with the
magnetic phenomena known at that time; one lengthy chapter is devoted to Leonhard Euler’s
geomagnetic theory. The “Investigations” has an appendix in which Hansteen recorded all the
magnetic observation data obtained at sea and on land which was available to him. This appendix,
i.e., the observation data, is the basis on which the maps published in his atlas were drawn. The
observation data included data recorded by ship’s captains at sea and data obtained by scientists. It
is worth noting that Hansteen also mentioned the observation data obtained by Edward Wright on
his voyage to the Azores in 1589 (Hansteen 1819, Appendix, p. 41).
Hansteen’s work triggered many discussions and reactions, for example, from David Brew-
ster (1781–1868) in Edinburgh, Johann Tobias Mayer (1752–1830) in Göttingen, Ludwig Wilhelm
Gilbert (1769–1824) in Leipzig, Caspar Horner (1774–1834) in Zurich, and Edward Sabine (1788–
1883) in Britain (Reich and Roussanova 2015, Chap. 2.6).
The “Investigations into Terrestrial Magnetism” was the first detailed work devoted solely to
geomagnetism; it therefore played a significant role which can by no means be overestimated.
It was largely responsible for many physicists and astronomers beginning to investigate the topic
of geomagnetism during the ensuing period. One of these was Gauss.
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Fig. 10 Hansteen’s “Atlas,” plate IV. State and University Library Göttingen, shelf mark 2 PHYS III, 8480
14
A hand-drawn map still exists; see Enebakk and Johansen (2011, between the pages 32 and 33).
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Fig. 11 Hansteen’s “Atlas,” plate VI. State and University Library Göttingen, shelf mark 2 PHYS III, 8480
Fig. 12 Hansteen’s “Atlas,” Plate VII State and University Library Göttingen, shelf mark 2 PHYS III, 8480
The print plates for all these maps still actually exist (Enebakk and Johansen 2011, pp. 66–67). All
Hansteen’s maps are based on observation data and not on some kind of theory, as was the case
with Dunn and Churchman.
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Alexander von Humboldt’s trip to Russia took place in 1829 while Hansteen was still there.
Humboldt was also researching geomagnetism, but his expedition was also dedicated to other
topics. Hansteen returned to Norway in 1830.
15
State and University Library Göttingen, Gauss library no. 130 (Churchman) and no. 856 (Hansteen).
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– Gauss the great theoretician and Weber the great experimenter. The field of electrodynamics
and geomagnetism was new ground for both scientists in terms of physics research. Breathtaking
results were quickly obtained both theoretically and experimentally. Gauss was able to present
his “Intensitas vis magneticae terrestris ad mensuram absolutam revocata” to the Royal Society
of Sciences in Göttingen as early as December 15, 1832 (Gauss 1832); the Latin original did
not appear until 1841 (Gauss 1841). However, the physicist Johann Christian Poggendorff (1796–
1877) succeeded in publishing a German translation in 1833 in his famous journal “Annalen der
Physik” (Gauss 1833).
The first electromagnetic telegraph was installed in Göttingen that same year (1833); an aerial
magnetic double line ran across Göttingen from Weber’s physics cabinet to Gauss’ observatory.
The first telegram was sent at Easter 1833.
A plan was soon conceived to set up a magnetic observatory on the site of the astronomical
observatory. This was finished by the end of 1833; the new institution was equipped with a new
magnetometer, a device which had only recently been developed. Observations began in January
1834.
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– Maps I and II: “map for the values of V/R” using both Mercator and stereographic projection
– Maps III and IV: “map for the calculated values of declination” using both Mercator and
stereographic projection
– Maps V and VI: “map for the calculated values of the whole intensity” using both Mercator and
stereographic projection
Maps I and II are the most remarkable; they are completely new inasmuch as they show
equipotential lines, known by Gauss as “balance lines” (Gleichgewichtslinien). Such a thing had
never existed before. From then on, maps were to include declination, inclination, intensity, and
equipotential lines.
The “Leipzig Allgemeine Zeitung” of August 6, 1839, included an extensive discussion titled
“On the general theory of geomagnetism discovered by Gauss.”16
16
Anonymus: Über die von Gauß entdeckte allgemeine Theorie des Erdmagnetismus [Review]. In: Leipziger Allgemeine Zeitung, August
6, 1839, no. 218, supplement, p. 2566.
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Fig. 13 Title page of the “Atlas of Geomagnetism” (Leipzig 1840). State Library Berlin, shelf mark Kart LS HM
4ı My 3677
laborious and meritorious work will be duly recognised by friends of the natural sciences.17
(Gauss Werke 12, pp. 377–378)
The observation-based map used for comparison was/were:
The “Atlas” published by Gauss and Weber in 1840 begins with a very comprehensive text and is
accompanied by 18 maps. This text explains each of the maps in detail.
17
In the original German: “Mein verehrter Freund, Herr Professor Weber, der keine Aufopferung scheuet, wo es gilt der Wissenschaft
einen Dienst zu leisten, unternahm es, eine solche Versinnlichung durch eine Anzahl von Karten zu veranstalten, die in grösster
Vollständigkeit alle magnetischen Verhältnisse für die ganze Erdoberfläche, so wie jene Theorie sie ergiebt, graphisch darzustellen. [: : :]
Diese Erklärung erschöpft alles, was zum Verständnis der Karten und zur Beurtheilung des Nutzens, welchen sie leisten können, nöthig ist,
so vollständig, dass mir nichts hinzuzusetzen übrig bleibt als der Wunsch, dass diese mühsame und verdienstliche Arbeit bei den Freunden
der Naturwissenschaften gerechte Anerkennung finden möge” (Gauss Werke vol. 12, pp. 377–378).
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Fig. 14 Map I: Map for the values of V/R – equipotential lines (Gauss and Weber 1840). State library Berlin, shelf
mark Kart LS HM 4ı My 3677
The maps were based on the geomagnetic parameters calculated for 1,262 sites around the
terrestrial globe; 10,096 values were accordingly calculated and recorded in tables (Gauss Werke
12, p. 386, including the last four tables). The scientists who contributed to the maps in the
atlas were Wilhelm Weber, the observer Benjamin Goldschmidt (1807–1851) who worked in
Göttingen, the Russian astronomer Aleksandr Nikolaevich Drashusov (1816–1890) who was
staying in Göttingen at that time, and the mathematician Heinrich Eduard Heine (1821–1881),
who was studying with Gauss at that time and later became famous in his own right.
This “Atlas” was also completely new inasmuch as it was not a historical atlas, but one which
depicted the present situation. It contained 18 maps, 9 with Mercator projection and 9 with
stereographic projection; maps XIII, XIV, XVII, and XVIII conform with the corresponding maps
already published in 1839: maps I and II “map for the values of V/R” (see Fig. 14), maps VII and
VIII “map for the calculated values of western intensity Y.”
In detail:
– The maps I (Fig. 14) und II: “map for the values of V/R” (Karte für die Werthe von V/R)
– The maps III und IV: “ideal distribution of magnetism on the earth’s surface” (Ideale Vertheilung
des Magnetismus auf der Erdoberfläche)
– The maps V und VI (Fig. 15): “map for the calculated values of the northern intensity X” (Karte
für die berechneten Werthe der nördlichen Intensität X)
– The maps VII und VIII: “map for the calculated values of the western intensity Y” (Karte für
die berechneten Werthe der westlichen Intensität Y)
– The maps IX und X: “map for the calculated values of the vertical intensity Z” (Karte für die
berechneten Werthe der verticalen Intensität Z)
– The maps XI und XII: “map for the calculated values of the horizontal intensity” (Karte für die
berechneten Werthe der horizontalen Intensität)
– The maps XIII (Fig. 16) und XIV: “map for the calculated values of the declination” (Karte für
die berechneten Werthe der Declination)
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Fig. 15 Map VI: Map for the calculated values of the northern intensity X, in stereographic projection (Gauss and
Weber 1840) state library Berlin, shelf mark Kart LS HM 4ı My 3677
Fig. 16 Map XIII: Map for the calculated values of the declination in Mercator projection, (Gauss 1839; Gauss and
Weber 1840) state library Berlin, shelf mark Kart LS HM 4ı My 3677
– The maps XV (Fig. 17) und XVI: “map for the calculated values of the inclination” (Karte für
die berechneten Werthe der Inclination)
– The maps XVII und XVIII: “map for the calculated values of the whole intensity” (Karte für die
berechneten Werthe der ganzen Intensität)
Map I, the map with the equipotential lines (Fig. 14), is the pièce de résistance; in the original atlas,
it was printed on special paper. The version of map I published in 1839 contained considerably
fewer lines; the version published in 1840 was a significant improvement. The inclination lines
were new to the atlas, as none of the maps in Gauss’ “General Theory” included them.
All four geomagnetic parameters, i.e., declination, inclination, intensity, and potential, were now
determined theoretically for the first time, “like planets and comet trails through their elements.”
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Fig. 17 Map XV: Map for the calculated values of the inclination in Mercator projection state library in Berlin, shelf
mark Kart LS HM 4ı My 3677
The following summary states: “This geomagnetic atlas thus opens the series of atlases which will
appear at suitable intervals to clearly present the fundamental data of the history of geomagnetism.
No excurse into the history of past times can be made here”18 (Gauss Werke 12, pp. 404–405).
18
In the original German: “[: : :] (wie Planeten- und Cometenbahnen durch ihre Elemente) [: : :]. Der gegenwärtige
Atlas des Erdmagnetismus eröffnet also die Reihe von Atlassen, welche in angemessenen Zwischenzeiten erscheinen sollen, um
von nun an die Grunddata der Geschichte des Erdmagnetismus vollständig und übersichtlich vor Augen zu legen. Auf die Geschichte der
vergangenen Zeit kann hier nicht eingegangen werden” (Gauss Werke vol. 12, pp. 404–405).
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Part 4 of the “Physical Atlas” was accordingly devoted to geomagnetism; it contained five maps
by different cartographers: three declination maps with both Mercator and stereographic projection
and two intensity maps, also with Mercator and stereographic projection. Geomagnetism conse-
quently only accounts for a comparatively small part of the “Physical Atlas,” which comprises
altogether 90 pages.
A second edition of Berghaus’ “Physical Atlas” also appeared in Gotha between 1849 and 1863.
The third edition published in Gotha between 1886 and 1892 by Hermann Berghaus (1828–1890),
a nephew of Heinrich Berghaus, is particularly interesting (Berghaus 1886–1892). The author
of the section “Geomagnetism” was Georg Neumayer (1826–1909). This section included maps
previously published by Hansteen, Gauss, and Weber and a map with equipotential lines calculated
for 1885 (Fig. 18); it was the second of its kind, following the Atlas published by Gauss and Weber
in 1840 (see Reich and Roussanova 2015, chapter 3.11).
19
In the original German: das “nötighste und nützlichste auszulesen, und auf eine kurze, jedoch leichte und deutliche Art denen Geneigten
Liebhabern dieser herrlichen Wissenschaften (sc. der mathematischen) in die Hände zu liefern” (Mayer 1745, Vorwort).
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Fig. 18 Map with declination and equipotential lines, calculated for 1885, print 1891. Berghaus’ “Physical Atlas,
section “Geomagnetism,” 3. edition (Gotha 1892). State library Berlin, shelf mark 2ı W 183
that time, twelve in all, presented with the help of 60 + 8 plates. Mayer’s “Mathematical Atlas”
facilitated the use of the word “atlas” in other areas concerned with collections of maps and tables.
The term “atlas” was again used just a short time later for geomagnetic maps; geomagnetic
atlases presented terrestrial maps with geomagnetic details, mostly lines, initially only declination
lines. In 1776, Dunn’s atlas was in its early stages. The subsequent history of geomagnetic atlases
reflects the development of geomagnetic science; ultimately all four types of geomagnetic lines
were included in the magnetic atlases.
During the first half of the nineteenth century, the term atlas came into use in yet more
areas, i.e., in both physics and medicine. While the term “Physical Atlas” was still used in
physics with reference to the earth and illustrations of the earth’s surface, this was no longer the
case in medicine. Here the word “atlas” was used to mean merely a collection of plates, e.g.,
“Obstetrical Atlas” (Geburtshülflicher Atlas) (Kilian) or “Atlas of Pathological Anatomy for Prac-
tising Physicians” (Atlas der pathologischen Anatomie für praktische Ärzte) (Albers 1832–1862).
Thereafter, the word “atlas” was no longer restricted to a collection of any kind of images of the
earth but was also used to describe any pictorial collection.
Acknowledgments The authors want to say thank you very much to the following persons and
institutions: Henrik Dupont, the Royal Library of Copenhagen; Wolfgang Crom, Steffi Mittenzwei,
and Holger Scheerschmidt, the State Library in Berlin, department of maps; and Bärbel Mund and
Helmuth Rohlfing, the State and University Library Göttingen, department of manuscripts and rare
books.
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