107

C H A P T E R 2. J^J^I

THE ROLE OF NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT

The brief discussions previously made about

each non-aligned summits / from Belgrade to
Belgrade, have made it evident that the Non-Aligned
Movement has been an important factor of world
politics. It has been playing an increasing role
in decolonisation process and emergence of
independent sta'tes.

The Non-Aligned Movement has been playing a

major role in disarmament/ detente and in the
struggle for World Peace. It has worked for peace,
security and disarmament on the one hand, and
independence, development and coooperation among
developing countries on the other hand.

The NAM has worked for achieving economic

independence, restructuring of the system of
international economic relations and
democratisation of international relations. Hence,
a.. broad assessment of the role of Non-Aligned
Movement, since its inception, is tried to be made

as follows:
 108

THE ROLE OF NAM IN THE DECOLONISATION PROCESS

The issue that has preoccupied the non-aligned

states over the years has been their anti-colonial
struggle. Born of the struggle against colonial
bondage/ the non-aligned countries could have no
option but to stand together against colonial systme.
They were interested in speeding up decolonisation all
over the world and become a potent international force
against colonialism which existed in Africa; Asia and
elsewhere.

The Non-Aligned Movement has played a vital

role in accelerating the process of decolonisation by
politically and morally strengthening the freedom
struggles of the colonised countries and pressurising
the colonial powers through the United Nations and
other international forums and world public opinion.

With the accelerating pace of decolonisation;

the number of adherents to non-alignment grew. As the
area of freedom expanded and colonial system receded
from country to country, the family of the non-aligned
expanded and became an effective instrument for those
struggling for independence.
 109

Since the first Non-Aligned Summit Conference

in Belgrade in 1961, the Non-Aligned Movement has
considerably broadened its sphere of action in the
struggles of people striving for independence and in
its consistent opposition to colonialism and other
forms of f o r e i g n d o m i n a t i o n and intervention.

T h i s c o u l d be c l e a r from t h e f o l l o w i n g note:

"The issues of independence, anti-

colonialism and national l i b e r a t i o n were a t
the heart of the philosophy of non-alignment.
Over the years, they have been a running
ideological stand in non-aligned precept and
practice. The struggles of non-aligned
countries have thus provided a powerful
thrust tothe global process of
2
decolonisation."

Since its inception as a Movement, the policy

of non-alignment has been rooted as a socially and
historically determined phenomena in the
decolonisation process. Through organised action of
the non-aligned countries on the world stage, the
demand for liberation and the right of self-
 110

determination, the struggle against colonial

oppressors and all other forms of exploitation, the
demand for an end to the colonial system, have been
intensified.

Something the Non-Aligned Movement can be

proud of is the record of the non-aligned countries in
promoting self-determination for colonial peoples.
Some scholars even say this has been the best part of
the Movement's activities. The Non-Aligned Movement
has played a significant role in the struggle for
decolonisation; and has benefitted from it by way of
the tremendous expansion of its membership.

Thus, the struggle of the non-aligned

countries have provided a powerful thrust to the
global process of decolonisation. The issues of
independence, anti-colonialism and national liberation
have been paid serious attention since its first
conference.

Individually and collectively, the member-

countries have considerably contributed to this
success by extending both moral and material support
to the liberation movements. They have also
 Ill

maintained constant political pressure on the

colonial powers at the United Nations and elsewhere.
Hence, this anti-colonial struggle waged by the Non-
Aligned countries had facilitated the emergence of a
large number of independent countries in Asia, Africa,
and Latin America.

Furthermore, the non-aligned summits have

alswya urged the member-countries to act more
resolutely to give all-out support and the necessary
assistance in the struggle for decolonisation. The
Movement has thus been in the vanguard of the
continuing struggle against colonialism.

Hence, the historical process of completion of

decolonisation by way of supporting the struggle of
the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America for
liberation from colonial oppression, has been the main
direction of the policy pursued by the Non-Aligned
Movement since its inception on the world scene.

In its declaration and activities, the Non-

Aligned Movement has persistently supported struggles
against colonialism in all its forms and in every part
of the globe. The Movement greatly helped many former
 112

colonies to become independent.

A.W. Singham and Shirley Hune stressed :

The Movement provides a forum for colonial

territories to present their case

internationally. Prior to Algeria, Vietnam,

Angola and Zimbabwe acquiring their

independence, for example, recognised their

national liberation movements, accepted their

provisional governments members, and welcomed

their leaders as heads of state. The

Movement, therefore, has provided legitimacy

to new states as they enter world politics.

It has set a precedent in international

relations by treating liberation movements as

official representatives of their people

prior to independence. These are some

illustrations of how non-aligned principles

of self-determination and racial equality

have contributed to the decolonisation

process. It is not surprising then to find

newly independent states joining the Movement

as a first step in establishing foreign

3
relations."
 113

The newly l i b e r a t e d countries of A s i a / Africa

and L a t i n America a c c e p t e d their moral duty t o extend
full support to those countries which have been
struggling for freedom and made the policy their
Movement/ a p o l i c y of anti-colonial struggle.

Non-Aligned Movement's anti-colonial struggle

was s t r e s s e d by K.C. C h a u d h a r y a s follows:

"Anti colonialism did provide a means of

identifying the non-aligned. Problems of
colonialism involved them primarily in trying
to influence the behaviour of other states
outside t h e i r group and so they were l i k e l y
to t r y t o use t h e diplomatic opportunities

provided by the General Assembly The

establishment of t h e special Committee by the
Afro-Asian resolution/ generally known as the
Committee on Decolonisation, marked a
decisive s t e p in the UN e f f o r t s t o put an end
to colonial regime. Six of the original
seventeen members of the Special Committee
appointed... Cambodia/ Ethopia, India, Mali,
Tunisia and Yugoslavia were Belgrade
participants.... From the beginning the non-
 114

aligned provided the core of the anti-

colonial voting bloc and gave leadership in

the lobbying The non-aligned states

constituted the most dynamic membership of

4
the anti-colonial group"-

Therefore, one of the important issues discussed at the

first Belgrade summit was the ongoing liberation

struggles and support to them. The Belgrade

Declaration went on to record the support of the non-

aligned countries to the "Declaration on the Granting

of Independence to Colonial countries", adopted at the

15th session of the UN General Assembly- The Summit

recommended the immediate, unconditional, total and

final abolition of colonialism. It demanded immediate

halt to repression against liberation struggles. The

Declaration expressed support to the liberation

struggles of Algeria, Angola, Congo, and Palestine.

It opposed appartheid in
Africa South and supported
5
the struggles of the people there.

Due to uncompromising support to liberation

struggle by the non-aligned countries, three years

after the Balgrade summit, the membership of the

Movement at the next summit at Cairo rose from 25 to

 115

47. Some of the countries whose liberation struggles

had received support at Belgrade were

present at Cairo as new nation-states. Since then
the liberation struggles intensified and at each
summit the number of member countries went up. The
later summits gave concrete shape to the particular
character of the Movement by coming out in support of
different movements and providing them with necessary
assistance.

Thus, the Non-Aligned Movement has continued

defending the struggle for independence and national
liberation movements globally; notably the struggles
in Algeria/ Vietnam, the former Portuguese colonies in
Africa, and Southern Africa- It has also consistently
supported the rights of the Palestine people,
including their right to a homeland, and the peoples
of Southern Africa to oppose the racialist minority
*. • *.K . 6
government in the region.

As it is well known, Namibia's independence

had always been a concern of the Non-Aligned Movement.
No internaitonal grouping had played a more
significant role in supporting the rights of the
Namibian people and in promoting the independence of
 116

Namibia as had the Non-Aligned Movement. Namibia has

been an integral part of the Non-Aligned Movement ever
since its incetion. The South West Africa People's
Organisation (SWAPO) was among the national liberation
movements present at the first summit in Belgrade in
1961/ where the NAM agreed to support all peoples in
their struggle for independence and equality. Since
then the Non-Aligned Movement has intensified its
struggle for Namibia's independence. The Movement has
applied its pressure consistently against against
Namibia's occupation by the recist South African
Government. After protracted struggle of the people
of Namibia with the support extended by the
international community/ including the non-aligned
countries/ Namibia got its independence. One of the
foremost goals of the Movement was almost reached
with the independence of Namibia.

Hence/ the role of the NAM in its 30 years of

existence as an organised movement has indeed
contributed a great deal to the victories of the
liberation movements and for the right of the peoples
of the newly liberated countries
to mould their
7
destinies according to their own genius.
 117

However/ the united fight by the non-aligned

countries against racism and apartheid has not yet met
with the same degree of success as achieved in the
decolonisation of territories under colonial rule.
The task there remains unfinished. Decolonisation has
not ended there/ and the highest priority must be
given by the Movement to these areas. But there is
little doubt that the days of racial discrimination
and apartheid are numbered.

THE ROLE OF NAM IN THE UNITED NATIONS

Among the many changes that have taken place

in post-Second World War international relations/ is
the membership of the United Nations of many new
states which came into existence as a result of
independence of colonial territories. This new
majority membership of the non-aligned nations has
added new dimensions to the character and functioning
of the United Nations. Because of about hundred new
member states/ the UN has now• become a nearly
universal organisation.

One of the highly significant facts about the

Non-Aligned Movement is its staunch commitment to
 118

accord primacy tO/ and strengthening of / the United

Nations/ with remarkable persistance from its
inception. Starting with the first conference, the
role of strengthening the United Nations has been
regularly on the agenda of the successive summits and
other conferences. Because their objectives and
interests are related to each other, they both
supplement and complement each other in many ways.
Non-aligned conferences have consistently upheld the
primacy of the United Nations as the most
representative forum and effective instrument for the
conduct of international relations within the comity
of nations-

The NAM member countries not only use their

presence in the world organisation for the benefit of
the Non-Aligned Movement but also underline the
importance of the United Nations as the world forum
for multilateral diplomacy, reinforce and take
advantage of it for promoting also the causes of the
Organisation. Apart from attaching importance to the
United Nations as a major factor and a forum in the
conduct of international relations, the non-aligned
nations have consistently thought of cooperation as
mutually beneficial and supportive.
 119

I t may be s t r e s s e d that:
"For one t h i n g , the purpose and p r i n c i p l e s of the
United Nations perfectly cohere with the policy of
Non-alignment; and the United Nations as a c o l l e c t i v e
body, must be non-aligned with a l l groups t h a t divide
the members, in order t o promote impartially and
effectively these purposes and p r i n c i p l e s throughout
the sovereign n a t i o n - s t a t e s system. Secondly, for
over two decades, the non-aligned nations comprise a
majority of membership of the United Nations;
presently they are over two-thirds. Thirdly, the
main i n t e r n a t i o n a l concerns of t h e non-aligned and
the United Nations, as noted e a r l i e r , a r e the same.
Even the agenda of t h e UN General Assembly and of the
non-aligned summit conferences a r e broadly s i m i l a r .
Therefore, the two have a v i t a l stake in functioning
cooperatively." 9

The n o n - a l i g n e d n a t i o n s h a v e g r e a t l y strengthened
t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s a s a major forum and i n s t r u m e n t of
multilateral diplomacy by joining its membership and
actively participating in it and the UN h a s been of
c r u c i a l r e l e v a n c e t o t h e N o n - A l i g n e d Movement.

Kurt Waldheim, who ws the Secretary-General of

 120

the United Nations, while addressing the Sixth

Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-

A l i g n e d C o u n t r i e s , had said:

"Many points of convergence between the concerns pf

t h i s assembly and those of the world organisation a r e
demonstrated both in your agenda and in t h e role
played by countries represented here in a c t i v i t i e s of
the United Nations over the years. In my own
experience, when d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n s have arisen on
a v a r i e t y of international issues the non-aligned
group has often been t h e moving force in t h e search
for solution accpetable t o a l l . "

The existence of the non-aligned nations has

provided a certain degree of stability to the United
Nations. The non-aligned states need the United
Nations as much as the latter needs the former.
Without the non-aligned states the Organisation would
have become a forum for confrontation between the
G r a t e Powers and t h e Cold War b l o c s . And t h i s might
have ended up i n a d i s a s t e r f o r t h e O r g a n i s a t i o n and
even t h e w o r l d . 12 The f o l l o w i n g o b s e r v a t i o n p r o v e s

this point:
 121

"A couple of years after the establishment of the

United Nations/ and before it could stabilise itself,

it became a victim of the Cold War between the super

powers and the ideological blocs they led. They

tended to see issues and situations before UN

Ocgans in Cold Wax black and white terms, to suspect

the bonafides of the other .group in sponsoring or

backing a measure. They failed to look at the

issues/ situations on their merits or held that those

merits, or justice, were wholly the interests/

aspirations and attitudes of the states which were

not aligned with either of the blocs. They tried to

push through measures which were only remotely

concerned with the purpose/ principles of the UN

Charter to embarrass or malign the opposite bloc.

Equally, each bloc of nations mechanically opposed a

measure or a resolution moved by the opposite bloc,

and vice versa. They misused the great power veto in

the Security Council to prevent collective action,

instead of (as it was intended) facilitating

agreement; in the process; they sought to reduce the

world organisation into an instrument of their power

politics On the other hand, the non-aligned

states are conscientious objectors to the ideological

War Non-alignment has defused in the United

 122

12
Nations the bomb of division of the World."

The non-aligned countries have changed the composition

of the United Nations and its role in the world. It is

remarked:

"When the UN was formed after World War II it was

predominantly white man's club representing the interests

of the victors of thatwar. The entry of newly

independent small and middle-sized states; most of whcxn

were former colonies in the Third World/has transformed

the UN Western nations/ who for years had firm control

over the functional organisation of the UN system, are

now resentful that new groupings and interesthave entered

into the global system. They assumed that their

interests (Western) were the "international" interest of

the global ccanmunity. However, vrfien the non-aligned

entered into the international systems as a cohesive

unit, they espoused the view that these interests were

limited and diAnot reflec^the entire global community.

In their activities at the UN they are attempting to make

it serve the needs of all the countries of the world,

especially the dispossessed, and not just the major

,.13
powers."

The United Nations and the Non-Aligned

Movement are both founded on the principles of peaceful

 123

coexistence of nations following different social,

political and economic systems. It may be stressed

again:

"In terms of the UN Charter/ and the criteria of

membership of the NAM/ the members of both

voluntarily bind themselves by a code of tolerance

towards each other's different socio-political,

economic systems/ although/ regrettably in practice,

they often deviate from these norms Members of

both the United Nations and NAM seek to promote the

respective national interests, but in terms of the

purpose of both. And since these purposes are

similar, if not identical in all respects/ the

functioning of each reinforces the other.

Maintenance of international peace and security/

peaceful settlement of disputes, promotion of the

right to self-determination, cooperation in solving

international problems of an economic, social

cultural or humanitarian character, and in promoting

and encouraging respect for human rights and for

fundamental freedom for all, without distinction, are

all the objectives equally shared by both

associations. The NAM seeks to achieve these by

being non-aligned with the Cold War blocs, by

 124

promoting detente between them/ and indeed by seeking

t o abrogate these blocs eventually. The NAM believes
as the United Nations too does by the l e t t e r of
charter — t h a t i t i s not in t h e i n t e r e s t of t h e
community of nations t o divide and segregate members
i n t o opposing groups, and the over-arching caranon
i n t e r e s t s of both a r e t h e same; v i c e v e r s a , that
these common interests (e.g. maintenance of
international peace and security) cannot be achieved
on the basis of division and segregation of members
of t h e international community, but by t h e consensus
of the e n t i r e community of s t a t e s . " 14

Members of the Non-Aligned Movement have been

reaffirming their firm adherence to the purposes and
principles of the United Nation's Charter from the
very beginning of their summits. They have fully
recognised the need to support and strengthen the
world o r g a n i z a t i o n , in order to make it an effective
instrument for the fulfilment of its central role in
the maintenance of international peace and security,
in developing and strengthening cooperation among

nations, in promoting fundamental rights and freedoms

i n t h e w o r l d . 15
 125

As a measure of the importance attached to the

United Nations, and since the first Belgrade summit,
the Declarations of the Summit Conference has been
regularly brought to the notice of the United Nations
General Assembly. In recognition of the paramount
importance of the United Nations, and the necessity of

enabling it to preserve international cooperation,

among other things, the Cairo Summit (1964)

Declaration urged the non-aligned countries to consult
each other (at the foreign minister or heads of
delegation level) at each session of the United
Nations General Assembly. This practice has now
matured into a standing practice of meeting just
before and, some times, during the sessions. The

Permanent Representatives of the non-aligned states

also meet regularly, once a month, for purposes of
consultations on current international problems, as on
the international programmes of the NAM. Thereby,
they not only use their presence in the world
organisation for the benefit of the NAM, but also
underline the importance of the United Nations as the
world forum for multilateral diplomacy, reinforce and
take advantage of it for promoting also the causes of
16
the organisation.
 126

The Seventh Summit declaration stressed the

importance of the United Nations as the most

appropriate international forum for finding solutions

to major world issues. It noted:

"In summit declarations, the United Nations is

characterised variously as of 'paramount importance'/

as an 'effective instrument', and so on. This

attribution of primacy to the organisation is

particularly aimed at the Great Powers, which, the

non-aligned nations have felt, had either not given

due importance to the world organisation or often

ignored, downgraded or circumvented it to achieve

their particular national interests or their combined

sectional interests as the case may be, as against

those of the vast majority of other states. The

Havana and the New Delhi summit declarations, for

instance, noted with concern that the Security

Council was still being prevented from discharging

its obligations in respect of the maintenance of

international peace and security. They also expressed

concern over the systematic attempts by the Great

Power to bypass and disregard the decision of the

17
United Nations."
 127

Furthermore/ the non-aligned nations have consistently

thought of cooperation and coordination, as discussed
earlier, between the NAM and the organisation as
mutually beneficial. The participants of the Lusaka
SQmmit were convinced that they should establish close
and continuing cooperation on all questions considered
in the United Nations in an endeavour to assure that
the principles of non-alignment were properly
reflected in actions undertaken by the world body.

The Lusaka Summit requested all representatives

of the non-aligned countries in all international
bodies to coordinate and harmonise their efforts and
to take all necessary steps to ensure the appropriate
implementation of the resolutions, decisions and
directives of the non-aligned summits. The Colombo
Summit also expres^sed the determination of the NAM to
employ the growing strength of members of the non-
aligned countries
for the^ promotion of the purposes
18
and principles of the United Nations Charter.

The non-aligned states have beenin the forefront

4

of the persistent demand for revision of the Charter in

order to strengthen the United Nations which is the
world organisation. The Cairo Declaration, for
 128

instance, urged t h e need to adapt the Charter to the

dynamic changes and evolution of international
conditions. The Colombo Summit u r g e d t h e non-aligned
s t a t e s t o c o o p r d i n a t e t h e i r v i e w s on t h e strengthening
of t h e r o l e of t h e o r g a n i s a t i o n and made p r o p o s a l s for
the purpose to the United Nati,ons Committee
e s t a b l i s h e d under t h e General A s s e m b l y . 19

Among t h e objectives of the non-aligned states

in seeking revision of the Charter, the notable and
persistent o n e s may be s t a t e d a s :

"The need for democratising i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s ,

p a r t i c u l a r l y those r e f e r r i n g t o the r i g h t of Veto in
order t o safeguard the i n t e r e s t s and a s p i r a t i o n s of
the peoples... and thus contribute to a better
adoption of the United Nations system to new
r e a l i t i e s on the basis of respect for the sovereignty
and equality of s t a t e s (as the Havana Declaration put
it). The seventhy Declaration made t h e l a s t point
more e x p l i c i t by r e f e r r i n g t o t h e need t o make t h e
United Nations more representative of t h e i n t e r e s t s
and aspiration of the great majority of the countries
which are members of that organisation. It was
obviously referring t o the fact, while membership of
 129

the organisation had more than trebled in nearly

forty years of the establishment of the world

organisation, it has not quite adapted its

organisational structure and procedure to this

r a d i c a l change i n t h e composition of membership and,

importantly, t o t h e changed i n t e r e s t s , whishes and

a s p i r a t i o n s of t h e new m a j o r i t y of t h e non-aligned

and other Third World s t a t e s . To t h e nonaligned

majority of member-states, the United Nations is

major forum/instrument for 'democratisation' of the

traditional pattern and means of conducting

i n t e r n a t i o n a l a f f a i r s — a l t h o u g h , one must add, t h e y

are quite traditional in their attachment to the

20
sovereign - n a t i o n - s t a t e system."

One of the persistent interests of the non-aligned

nations has been to make the United Nations more

effective in promoting its purposes, principles,

resolutions and d e c l a r a t i o n s . It is remarked:

"Successive summits have been u r g i n g t h e p r i n c i p l e of

of universality of membership; equitable

r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t geographical regions in

t h e v a r i o u s o r g a n s ( i n c l u d i n g t h e S e c r e t a r i a t ) of t h e

organisation; that the permanent members of the

 130

Security Council enjoying the right of veto need 'to

use wisdom and display moral integrity in the

exercise of their functions' (Algiers Summit); 'the

need to adjust the structures an reorient the

policies of the econanic and social bodies of the

United Nations in order to speed up the establishment

of the New International Economic Order; (Havana

Declaration);' Prompt and effective implementation of

the Collective Security provisions of the Charter'

(New Delhi Declaration); by strengthening the peace-

keeping machinery of the United Nations (Lusaka

Summit); to remove the 'Contempt for the decisions

of the United Nations and the tendencies of the Great

Powers to monopolise the activities of the

Organisation, to paralyse it or to use it for their

own particular interest' (Algiers Summit), and so

.,21
on."

Hence, for the non-aligned countries the United

Nations has been the most important global

institution. The UN structure offers the NAM an

opportunity to meet as a group. The non-aligned use

the UN system to react to a number of global issues,

especially that come up between summits.

 131

A careful examination of UN activities reveals

that the non-aligned countries has been playing a

very active role in the introduction of new

resolutions and the passage of all resolutions by

using their numerical strength.

The new members of the international community

which had joined the non-aligned movement/ declared
that their goal in the United Nations was to fight for
the liberation of territorial integrity/ equality and
the freedom to choose their path of social
development. Thereby they gave real substance to the

progressive principles proclaimed

the by United
22
Nations Charter at the time of its founding.

As it is stressed:

"ON the whole, as is borne out by an analysis of

their stand on the essential problems of ensuring
peace/ intemaitonal security and disarmament/ the
Non-Aligned Movement has made a tangible contribution
to the common struggle of all progressive forces
against the threat of a new world war, and for
affirming the principle of peaceful coexistence in
the international relations. The United Nations has
 132

adopted many important resolutions aimed at

s t r e n g t h e n i n g peace and i n t e r n a t i o n a l s e c u r i t y with

the active participation of the non-aligned

23
countries."

Hence/ it is safe to say that the NAM's r o l e has

changed both the composition of the United Nations

and its role in world affairs-

However, all this is not to claim that the non-

aligned members have always been sincerely and

faithfully observing the purposes of the UN. ' This

argument c o u l d be c l e a r from t h e following:

"One must regrettably confess that even after 45

y e a r s of the establishment of t h e United Nations;

member s t a t e s have not made t h e United Nations a

decisive factor in their fpreign policy/relations.

The non - a l i g n e d s t a t e s which have preached a l o t ,

and got passed numerous r e s o l u t i o n s , d e c l a r a t i o n s and

conventions i n UN forums, have t h e m s e l v e s f a i l e d in

many ways in implementing many of these, nor

implemented them in their practice with other

n a t i o n s , even w i t h t h e i r f e l l o w n o n - a l i g n e d n a t i o n s .

This f a i l u r e i s notably serious in respect of the

 133

observance of human r i g h t s and fundamental freedom i n

t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e t e r r i t o r i e s o r i n i n s i s t i n g on t h e i r

observance i n o t h e r n a t i o n s ' territories. Some of

these failures a r e p a r t i c u l a r l y a p p a l l i n g in states

which do not happen t o have an open s o c i e t y / freedom

of press and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e forms of government/

which do not e x i s t i n many n o n - a l i g n e d s t a t e s . They

are under v a r i o u s forms of distatorship civil or

m i l i t a r y and under t h e excuse of n o n - i n t e r f e r e n c e in

the internal affairs of member s t a t e s / t h e NM is

t o l e r a t i n g t h e s e v i o l a t i o n s of human r i g h t s . This i s

an a s p e c t of t h e NAM and r o l e of the non-aligned

states which is doubly wrong/ in that it is a

v i o l a t i o n of UN C h a r t e r o b l i g a t i o n s / a s w e l l a s t h o s e
24
of the loud d e c l a r a t i o n of t h e NAM."

On the other hand/ the Non-Aligned Movement had

been unable to fully i m p l e m e n t many o f its concerns at

the United Nations. Within the UN s t r u c t u r e itself/

the Security Council was c r e a t e d by t h e v i c t o r s of the

World War II to preserve the status quo in

international relations. It has been seen as a

predominantly Western private club. In addition to

the five permanent members/ the Charter allowed for

six elected members (enabling the Council to have

 133-A

elevan members) to represent fifty one nations. The

elected members of the Security Council also tended to
come from the West and Latin America. The Afro-Asian
countries challenged the authenticity of this elitist club.
In 1963, after much debate the Security Council was
enlarged to fifteen (five permanent members and ten
elected) to more accurately reflect both the increased
membership of the UN (from 51 to 154) and the particular
interests of Africa and Latin America. However, although
Non-aligned countries have been the majority in the

Security Council, they have been made impotent by the veto

25
power of the permanent members.

Furthermore, although the non-aligned countries have

in priciple given consistent support to the primarly
purposes of the United Nations to maintain international
peace and security and peaceful settlement of disputes,
sadly enough, like the aligned, the record of the non-
alignment in these respects is less than exemplary. Many
of them have failed to settle their disputes by peaceful
means and have been involved in far too many conflicts
between and among themselves. The war between Algeria-
Morrocco, Ethiopia-Somalia, Libya-Chad, Indonesia-
Malaysia, Tanzania-Uganda, Iran-Iraq, Iraq-Kuwait, have

been some of the many conflicts between and among

-K 1
themselves. 26

However, inspite of all these limitations, the

 134

Non-aligned have played a great role in

improving the level of debate at UN. In the early
days of the UN, it was dominated by the voices of the
Cold Warriors. Today, the UN has become a forum for
lively debates on the real issues that face mankind.
Thus considerable credit goes to the non-aligned
countries for strengthening the United Nations and its
role in the World affairs.

NAM FOR DETENTE AND DISARMEMENT

As most of the writers agree, the dominant

features of the international relations between East
and West in the post-Second World War was the Cold
War. But, after the Berlin crisis and the Cuban
crisis were defused, the intensity of the cold war
started declining. Both sides realised that any
nuclear show-down would lead to mutual destruction.
This awareness led both to believe in the
inevitability of peaceful co-existence. Since then,
instead of Cold War, the process of detente beween the
two super powers has started.

DETENTE

The word detente has been used to mean reduction

 135

of tension between the Soviet Union and the United

States. The term "detente" indicates the easing of
t e n s i o n between t h e two s u p e r p o w e r s .

Detente envisages a conscious and deliberate

reduction of tension in the central balance of power

while Cold war .a^ssumes a conscious maintenance of

t e n s i o n a t a r e l a t i v e l y h i g h l e v e l . 27

Detenete is described in the Penguin Dictionary

of P o l i t i c s a s follows:

"Since the 1960s the word 'Detente' has crept i n t o

our p o l i t i c a l vocabulary t o signify a foreign policy
process mainly concerned with an easing of tension
between the USSR and USA. At any p a r t i c u l a r time the
content of p o l i t i c s meant t o increase detente may
vary widely, very widely. Very roughly, any policy
involves i n t e r e s t e d economic co-operation, or steps
towards reduction in the level of armaments, is
l i k e l y t o qualify as an example of d e t e n t e . "

A c c o r d i n g t o Glenn H. S y n d e r and P a u l D i e s i n g ;

"Detente may be defined as a reduction of conflict

 136

between adversaries via the settlement of some

disputes/ and for the making of
co-operative
agreements that realise common interests."29

Instead of the Cold War between the Soviet Union

and the United States/ the process of detente had
started in early 1960s. The Cold War had started
declining during this period. The aversion of the
Cuban missile crisis of 1962 had marked a shift in
policy from confrontation to that of accommodation.
The understanding on Cuba; the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty;
and the Societ-American Wheat Deal were some of the
positive steps indicated growing detente between the
Soviet Union and the United States in early 1960s.

Detente developed out of the recognition, on both

sides of the Cold War, that the continuance of high
tensions and the armanments race does not lead to any
desirable end, but is fraught with great damages and
might provoke a nuclear world war. In fact, the
detente was
possible as an expression and fear to

pursue the Cold War. 30

In spite of several hot issues like American

bombing of the North Vietnam (1965), Arab-Israel War
 137

(1967), Soviet military intervention in Czechoslovakia

(1968), and the Berlin Crisis (1969), the new era of
detente which had already begun , continued. A number
of significant treaties and agreements were concluded
witii a view to reducing tension. To mention some of
them, on 10 August, 1970, the Soviet Union and West
Germany concluded a treaty, known as MOSCOW-BONN
Treaty, under which the USSR agreed to have diplomatic
relations with Bonn, and not to use force against each
Other. In 1971, Britain, the USA, the Soviet Union and
France concluded an agreement over Berlin. On 8
November, 1972, East Germany and West Germany concluded
a treaty whereby they recongised each other's existence
and agreed to cooperate in different spheres.
Likewise, on 4 July, 1972, North Korea and South Korea
concluded an agreement covering a wide range of
subjects.

Furthermore, Nixon visited Moscow in 1972 and

Brezhnev returned the visit in 1973. President Ford
paid a visit to the Soviet Union in 1974, and the
Vladi vostok agreement wa signed to form the basis of
SALT-II. These visits signified a kind of declaration
of detente between the two super powers. President
Jimmy Carter continued the process of detente after

assuming office on 29 January 1977. 31

 138

Therefore, 1970s was the time that good political,

legal, moral and psychological foundations were laid
for the cooperation between states belonging to the two

systems and a responsible attitude had been shown

32
towards the gains of detente.

On the other hand, a notable feature of this

period was the emergence of the Third World nations.
Following the inauguration of the process of
decolonisation in the post-Second World War period,
many countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America had
become independent. The United Nations, instead of
being split between the Soviet bloc and the pro-Western
states, came to be dominated by the Third World
countries which were more interested in anti-
colonialism and development than Soviet- American rivalry.
Majority of the Third World nations were pursuing
policy of: non-al^ignment. This has contribpted to the

success of detente since the emergence of non-alignment

was in a way discouragement to the Super Powers rivalry. 33

The reasons for generating detente between the

two super powers in the 1970s, according to Mahajan,
were:
 139

The process of detente between the Soviet Union and

the United States is due to many causes. The most

important cause is the virtually unbearable cost of an

unchecked competition for the development of both

offensive and nuclear missilles. Each of the two

super powers has long expected that the economic

system of the other would soon collapse under the

strain of a competitive nuclear missile programme....

It was realised that if the nuclear arms race went on

unchecked, there was the danger of the super powers

undermining their economic growth in the long run

without adding to their security. The unfavourable US

balance payments vis-a-vis Western Europe and Japan,

the constant downward pressure on the Dollar, and the

problem of economic readjustment in the face of

American retreat from Vietnam, also helped the process

of detente between the two super powers.

"Similar factors played their parts so far as the

Soviet Union was concerned. The lop-sided military

development over several decades had led to serious

economic imbalances, particularly an accute shortage

of consumer goods and agricultural backwardness.

There was considerable resentment among the Soviet

people. The unproductive out ome of the prolonged

 140

mutual attrition caused the Cold War, the capability

for nuclear overkill by both the super powers and the
polycentralism developing since the emergence of Asia
and Africa added a new faith in international

relations and they all helped the cause of process

of detente."34

Therefore, during the late 1960s and the 1970s

attitudes of hostilities between East and West or
between the two super powers had gradually declined and
significant efforts were made towards detente.

The transition from the Cold War to the policy of

detente and the gradual general improvement of the
international climate helped the newly free states to
consolidate their position in the international
community. Discussions on the urgent need to change
the terms of economic relations began on a broad scale.
In the same period the Non-Aligned Movement which has
been an important association of countries that had
freed themselves from colonialism, began to play a much
greater role in world politics.

Unfortunately, the dramatic turn of events in the

late 1970s r aised the spectre of a super power
 141

confrontation. In spite of the detente between the

United States and the Soviet Union/ there were" many
instances which showed that the two countries were
prepared to face each other when their national
interests clashed. The fact was that despite the
detente/ a race was going on for world supermacy
between the two countries. The global competition
between the Soviet Union and the United States
continued. The Cold War between the two super powers/
which characterised their relations in the 1950s/ and
somewhat subsided in the 1960s and 1970s again hot up
towards the close of the 1970s.

NAM FOR DETENTE

Ever since the emergence of the Non-Aligned

Movement/ the Cold War between super powers has
somewhat subsided. The NAM policy to adopt an
independent course and keep away from the involvement
of any kind/ greatly helped in this process. With the
decision of the non-aligned countries to keep off from
all kinds of military pacts with either of the big
powers/ the continuation of Cold War became difficult.

At the first Belgrade Summit/ at the height of the

 142

Cold War, the emphasis naturally was not only on

peace, but also on the intervention by the non-aligned
countries to bring about detente. This was the result
of the experience of the handful of non-aligned
countries, during the fifties, of successful
interventions to prevent the Cold War from developing
into a V, ^ war.35
hot

The spread of the Non-Aligned Movement has

prevented the division of the world into more
antagonistic power blocs and spheres of influence and
created an environment for the reduction of
international tension. It has made a principled and
lasting contribution towards the world detente and
prevented of a global and local conflicts. The non-
alingned countries have consistently and continuously
exerted every effort to bring about a lessening of
tensions and to strengthen international
understanding.

Since non-alignment was conceived at the time of

the Cold War between the two hostile military blocs,
the major effort of the NAM was directed initially to
building bridges of understanding between the two great
powers who had fortified themselves with systems of
 143

military alliances and were threatening to divide the

world into mutually exclusive blocs. To soften the
hostility of the two great powers was certainly a vital
task in the struggle for detente and the non-aligned
countries contributed much to he realisation of this
goal not only by refraining to be sucked into the
blocs, but also by taking independent positions on
world issues. The expansion of the non-alinged group
was partly responsible for the end of the Cold War and

the gradual movement towards detente between the super

powers. 36

The Non-Aligned Movement has laid emphasis on the

need for strengthening the struggle for detente
throughout the world. It has sought to achieve i'ts
objective by being non-aligned with the Cold War blocs/
by promoting detente between them. It has adopted a
hostile attitude towards the Cold War and rejected the
strategic doctrines that were the justification for
increased arms race threatening nuclear holocast and
human annihilation.

The process of detente, initiated in the late

1960s and continued during the 1970s between the West
and East, was a matter for considerable satisfaction to
 144

the non-aligned countries. The struggle of the non-

aligned countries for peace had a beneficial effect for
detente between the two power blocs. Detente will
undoubtedly be connected with the important role played
by the non-aligned countries on the world scene.

The Non-Aligned Movement welcomed the process of

detente and promoted it as much as possible. The
Movement has continuously reaffirmed its peace-loving,
anti-war course at different summits. All documents
adopted at different summits have embodied the idea
that if the policy of detente was not preserved/ and
lasting peace not achieved, further socio-economic
development of the non-aligned countries would not be
possible. 37

At the height of the Cold War the emphasis was on

the intervention by the Non-Aligned Movement to reduce
tension and bring about detente. By refusing to align
themselves with any military alliance, the non-aligned
countries have prevented the freezing of international
relations into two military power blocs. In the
process, they contributed to creating conditions for

detente and even for preventing a global military

^ V *. •
confrontation. 38
 145

Because of this role of the non-aligned countries

and the success registered by the expansion of their
numbers, detente created undue hopes among the
international community. Detente had received
wholehearted support from all non-aligned countries.
They struggled for universal application of detente
which would make it a lasting process and help the
developing countries in concentrating
attention their
39
on development and political and social stablisation.

A commitment to peace and disarmament, especially

the reduction of tension between the major powers have
united the non-aligned countries throughout its
history. In fact, Non-Aligned Movement has greatly
helped the course of the new detente.

NAM FOR PEACE AND DISARMAMENT

Disarmament is a word which many scholars have

often defined as a plan or a system for the limitation,
reduction or abolition of armed forces, including their
arms and equipment and other related items.

Disarmament has been a major preoccupation of all

peace-loving nations. Many thinkers and statesmen have
 146

contributed a lot to the idea of disarmament by

exposing the danger of arms race and building public
o p i n i o n i n a l l p a r t s of t h e w o r l d .

The Foreign Minister of Soviet Union, Andrei

Gromyko, o n c e said:

"The problem of disarmament as a means t o averting war

has been facing humanity for decades. In various
countries disarmament has always been one of the
principal demands, advanced by p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s which
were closest t o the people. The idea of disarmament
has become the demand of enormous masses of the people
who from the experience of two World Wars have learned
what i s the r e s u l t of the armed r a c e . But never
before has the disarmament problem been as v i t a l and
pressing as in our days when the explosion of one
hydrogen bomb i s capable of wiping out a l l l i f e within
a radius of hundreds of kilometres, when rocket

techniques made i t possible t o carry atomic warheads

to any spot on the glob." 40

Winston C h u r c h i l l , a l s o once observed:

"I think t h e r e i s g r e a t e r r e a l i s a t i o n everywhere now

 147

about the folly and complete uselessness of war/

because it destroys both parties, and the time when a

stronger party would defeat another party and benefit

by it has passed, or is passing."41

According to Khrushchev:

"Planes, whether bombers or fighters, are now in their

decline We now have all the rockets we need, long-

range rockets, intermediate-range rockets and close-

range rockets... We can launch satellite because we

have a carrier for the, namely the ballistic

Missile You will have it too... We must not

deceive ourselves and other peoples. As statesmen we

must do everything possible to prevent wars and to

reach agreement on major international problems,

42
including the problem of disarmament."

The problem of arms race further stated by Bradley as

follows:

"We have defiled our intellect by the creation of such

scientific instruments of destruction that we are now

in desperate danger of destroying ourselves. Our

plight is critical and with each effort we have made

 148

to r e l i e v e i t by further s c i e n t i f i c acSvances, we have

succeeded only in aggravating our p e r i l . As a r e s u l t
•we are now speeding inexorably towards a day when even
the ingenuity of our s c i e n t i s t s may be unable t o save
us from the consequences of a single rash act or a
lone reckless hand upon the switch of an
uninterceptible m i s s i l e . For 12 y e a r s , we have sought
to stave off this ultimate t h r e a t of disaster by
devising arms which would be both ultimate and
disastrous. In short/ we have attempted t o avoid

global suicide by making suicide quicker, e a s i e r and

more c e rut a i• n . ,.43

As a result of an arms race, too much money has

been spent by t h e nations of t h e world and t h e burden
i s becoming unbearable.

As it is well known, in the post-World War II

period the arms race between the two super powers,
namely, the Soviet Union and the USA, has received a
new iirpt us and s h a r p e n e d by t h e i d e o l o g i c a l differences
between the two. These s u p e r p o w e r s t r i e d to increase
their influence in the international sphere by
increasing their armaments and m i l i t a r y s t r e n g t h and by
concluding m i l i t a r y alliances.
 149

As one scholar mentioned, both sides in the Cold

War h a v e s u c c e e d e d i n t h e f o l l o w i n g respect:

"They have m i l i t a r i s e d t h e world. There i s no place

on earth t h a t cannot be destroyed within minutes by
one of t h e i r nucleartipped m i s s i l e s . There i s not one
state who cannot dispose over means of mass
destruction of the one of the other manufacture.
There i s not one s t a t e who cannot get loans t o buy the
outdated equipment of the super powers for defending
their 'democracy' ( v i r t u a l l y nonexistent). Non-state
a c t o r s varying from t e r r a r i s t s t o ethnic groups have

v i r t u a l l y unlimited access t o weapons of a l l kinds.

44
The weapons t r a d e i s one of most p r o f i t a b l e . "

As a r e s u l t of arms r a c e , the dangers of nuclear

war have g r e a t l y increased. There has been a growing
realisation amongst the world community to put a halt
to this mad r a c e and t o evolve some mechanism s o that
the peace of the world is not threatened. This was
sought to be achieved through disarmament and arms
control.

Although the process of decolonisation gave birth

to a number of new n a t i o n s in Asia, Africa and Latin
 150

America, guarantee of their security and peace was not

established. Their peace was in jeopardy because of

the non-stop nuclear arms race between the two super

powers and its consequent threat to all. Both powers

were exerting heavy pressure on them to yield to the

big power bloc politics and thereby undermining the

sovereignty of the developing countries. Therefore,

the most urgent question faced by the non-aligned

countries was how to defuse the war-like tension and

45
resist involvement in the super-power rivalry.

The N A M ' S commitment to peace and disarmament has

been one of the principles which has united the Non-

Aligned Movement since 1961. Since its inception, the

main aim of the Movement has been to reduce tension

and maintain peace.

Recognising the gravity of the situation, all

newly independent states expressed their concern about

the serious consequence of arms race. Under these

circumstances, the non-aligned nations felt it

imperative to formulate an effective strategy that

would not only reduce the present war-like tension

emanating from the accelerating arms rac.e, but also to

bring about a situation where peace and stability was

not in danger.
 151

The efforts of the Movement for peace and

d i s a r m a m e n t i s n o t e d by O. R e z n i k o v a a s follows:

"Preserving l i f e on the Earth and curbing t h e arms

race are regarding by the Non-Aligned Movement as the
major challenge of our tiems, and this has been
repeatedly emphasised by a l l the non-aligned summits.
The non-aligned s t a t e s have put forward a comrehensive
disarmament programme addressing a l l t h e major aspects
of the problem with provisions ranging from a ban on
the use or threat of use of nuclear arms to
conventional arms l i m i t a t i o n . The non-aligned s t a t e s
have called for freezing the production and deployment
of nuclear weapons and insisted that the nuclear
powers provide guarantees never t o use those weapons
test ban. Understandably, the non-aligned nations
take a favourable view of any steps promoting

disarmament and lowering the level of military

confrontation." 47

Different i d e a s and v i e w s h a v e been e x p r e s s e d from

time to time by the movement on how to stop the
escalation of arms race and ensure a peaceful
atmosphere in the World. Among its preoccupations in
world affairs, disarmament and disarmament-related
 152

matters have consistently remained central issues since

the inception of the NAM. The Non-Aligned Movement's
support to disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament/
is not for narrow moral and political reason only, but
in order to preserve and protect the Civilisation that
has built up over thousands of years.48

One of the first principles of non-alignment is

peace and disarmament. It has a major preoccupation of
the Non-Aligned Movement since its inception. The non-
aligned nations have recognised their own interests in
their efforts aimed at lessening confrontation and
promoting disarmament which has been designed to
complement detente with a view to strengthen peace and
security throughout the world.

The non-aligned nations have played an important

role in consistently working for eliminating arms race
and ensuring collective seurity. As early as the first
Non-Aligned Summit at Belgrade in 1961 , it was
declared that the consequences of the nuclear war would
affect the entire world. This Summit adopted three
main documents concerning peace. It called upon the
great powers to sign a treaty on general and complete
disarmament, conduct disarmament talks under UN
 153

auspices, and sign a treaty banning all nuclear tests.

These proposals have been reiterated in subsequent non-
aligned summits, though different aspects were stressed
on different occasions. Over the years, the Movement's
concern has enlarged to include proposals for regional
denuclearisation, dismantling of foreign military
bases, prohibiting chemical and bacteriological
warfare, and
linking disarmament to international
economic cooperation. 49

As the movement of the non-aligned countries has

grown in size and strength, its role as a factor of
peace and international security has become
increasingly significant. The participants in the
Movement has begun to show a growing interest in global
problems, considering the question of preserving peace
as most crucial.

It was at the initiative of the non-aligned

countries that special sessions of the United Nations
General Assembly on disarmament were called. They have
been taking a more vigorous stand at the United Nations
whenever disarmament comes up for discussion.

"The Non-Aligned countries have emphasised in their

 154

successive summits that any r e a l i s t i c programme for

disarmament would have t o be pursued on two planes —
the reduction of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass
destruction, and the evolution of a comparative
rather than conflictual international political
system. They have further stressed the r«
e s p o n s i b i l i t y of a l l countries whether nuclear or non-
nuclear for achieving these objectives not only
because the outcome of disarmament negotiations
affects all nations intimately but also because
countries which a r e not bound by the r i g i d i t i e s of
bloc pressures can play a crucial r o l e in creating a
climate conducive t o such n e g o t i a t i o n s . " 51

Over the years the Non-Aligned Movement has

consistently stressed the importance of the United
N a t i o n s a s t h e most a p p r o p r i a t e international forum for
finding solutions to arms race. It has supported all
efforts towards strengthening of international peace
and s e c u r i t y . Outside t h e United Nations system/ the
Non-Aligned Movement is the only inter-governmental
Movement that has been showing sustained

institutionalised concern about the arms r a c e and its

grave consequences to the i n t e r n a t i o n a l community.
 155

In this context/ serious concern over arms race

was expressed by the late Prime Minister Indira Gandhi

as follows:

"Our p l a n s f o r a b e t t e r l i f e f o r each of our p e o p l e s

depend on world peace and t h e r e v e r s a l of the arms

race. One g eneral and complete disarmament can

provide credible s e c u r i t y . N e g o t i a t i o n s confined t o a

closed circle of nuclear - weapon powers have made

l i t t l e progress. We a r e n o n - n u c l e a r s t a t e s ; who want

n u c l e a r energy used o n l y for p e a c e . But we t o o have a

r i g h t t o l i v e and be h e a r d . In t h e name of hijnanity

and on b e h a l f of us a l l / I c a l l upon n u c l e a r - weapon

pwoers t o g i v e up t h e u s e o r t h r e a t t o u s e of n u c e l a r

weapons in any circumstances; suspend all nuclear

weapons tests and the production and deployment of

n u c l e a r Weapons; and resume disarmament n e g o t i a t i o n s

52
with d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o r e a c h a g r r e e m e n t . "

Thus/ the issue of peace and disarmament

have been the serious concern of the Non-Aligned

Movement a n d t h e international community a s a w h o l e .

NAM EFFORTS TOWARDS DISARMAMENT FOR DEVELOPMENT

Disarmament for development is the central issue

 156

of our time. It is based on the realisation that real

disarmament can stop or greatly reduce the huge waste
of resources on war preparations, and help start using
these resources for peaceful purposes with a view to
ensuring a better quality of life for all nations.

Disarmament and development are closely

interrelated, both politically and economically.
Disarmament is a way to free and re-channel the
immense resources currently being eaten up by the arms
race. It opens up additional material and intellectual
opportunities for accelerating social and economic
development. Thus the double - aspect task of
disarmament and redirecting those resources into

development has become

a global issue affecting the

interests of all nations. 53

The enormous and ever increasing gap between

military expenditure and the urgent needs of social and
economic development have been one of the most burning
issue of our time.

That is why, from the very beginning the Non-

Aligned Movement has taken significant initiatives to
promote its fundamental objectives in the field of
 157

disarmament for development. This was in keeping with

the consistent efforts over the years to make the world
community to realise the link between disarmament and
development.

The Non-Aligned Movement has been in the forefront

of the . efforts of the international community to
convene International Conference on Disarmament and
Development under the UN auspices. This initiative of
the Non-Aligned Movement has been in keeping with the
importance the member countries have attached to the
transfer 'of resources/ currently wasted in military
expenditure/ to social and economic development.

The non-aligned nations have realised that reduced

military spending could contribute significantly to
development/ that disarmament could assist the process
of development not only by releasing additional
resources/ but also by positively affecting the global
economy. The diversion of very scare resources from
economic development to the arms race has been their
grave concern. The allocation of massive resources for
armament has impeded the pursuit of development to its
optimal level.
 158

Therefore/ it has been recognised that the

existing resource constraints facing the developing
states/ can be eased substantially by reducing global
military spending i.e., disarmament can create

conditions conducive to promoting equitable economic

and technological cooperation and pursuing the
objectives of the New International Economic Order.

It has also been realised by the non-aligned

nations that the continuing arms race has been
absorbing far too great a proportion of the World's
limited human/ financial/ natural and technological
resources/ and placing a heavy burden on the economics
of all countries.

The global military expenditure are in dramatic

contrast to economic .and social underdevelopment/ and
to the misery and poverty affecting more than two-
thirds of mankind. While the developing economics are
trapped in a debt crisis/ an incredible pile of money
is being spent every year on arms/ which produce
neither material nor social wealth. Hence/ increased
military spending has adversely affected the economies
of developing countries. Resources constraints have
prevented these economies from tackling the urgent
 159

problems of unemployment deterioration of existing

infra-structural facilities/ protection of environment
and e x t e n s i o n of s o c i a l w e l f a r e programmes.

Furthermore/ increased military spending by the

developed economies have resulted in a decline of the
flow of resources in real terms to the developing
economies/ which have been facing a progressive

d e c l i n e in f i n a n c i a l a i d from t h e developed ones.

A book entitled Non-Alignment in An Age of

Alignments by A.W. Singham and S h i r l e y Hune/ Published
in 1986y gives a most astonishing assessment of arms
r a c e and i t s i m p a c t s . I t says:

"The expansion of the armaments industry and the

evolution of a weapon c u l t u r e not only threaten World
peace and contribute t o the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of national
budgets towards the purchase of arms t h a t countries do
not need. While the arms race has wreaked havoc on
the First and Second Worlds by contributing to
spiralling i n f l a t i o n and t o the deceleration of the
a b i l i t y to provide consumer goods in c e n t r a l l y planned
economics/ the impact on developing countries has been
catastrophic. The increasing dependence of developing
 160

countries on the global armaments economy and the

spending of hard-earned income on weapons threaten to

condemn Third World countries to permament poverty

Therefore/ if the issue of disarmament is to be

properly addressed it has to be considered within the

54
context of a world development strategy."

Apart from seriously endangering global security,

the arms race and the enormous military expenditure

involved in it/ has economic and social consequences.

K-P. Mirsa explained:

"It needs to be understood clearly that the dynamics

of the arms race involved more than a sum total of a

military expoenditure as it adversely affects socio-

economic options of the international community. With

the present speed of arms race even the developed

countries would not be able to sustain their growth

rate/ of course/ the developing countries are bound to

suffer much more.

"Inextricably linked to the arms race/ is the world

economic situation which is worsening. The widening

of gap between the developed and developed countries

is posing a serious threat to the peace and security

of tho world."^^
 161

The importance of disarmament for development

has been examined by one thinker as follows:

"The contrast between the enormous squandering of

resources on military purposes and objective

requirements of socio-economic development urgently

necessiates effective measures to curb the arms

race and ensure disarmament, as well as to use the

released funds for development purposes. The

potential benefits from such switchover of

resources are enormous. In the first place, they

could be used for the solution of global problems

such as tapping of alternative energy sources,

exploration of the world oceans, ensuring food for

all people int eh world, combating natural

calamities, etc. Secondly, this would m ake it

possible to increase the volume of aid by

industrialised states to the newly free countries

and ease the burden of unproductive military

expenditure of those countries themselves.

Thirdly, detente and disarmament would greatly

accelerate the restructuring of the whole system of

international economic relations which are largely

determined by force of arms and coercion."

 162

Thus , it has been established beyond doubt

that arms race takes place at the expense of

development/ that expenditure on arms race and

ammunition deplete distortand the genuine

57
priorities of economic progress.

As its importance is clearly mentioned, there

is a close relationship between a restructuring of
international economic relations and the problems
connected with arms control, disarmament and the
strengthening of peace and security. The sooner
the military production lines are slowed down and
then stopped, the sooner an end is put to the
wastage of enormous intellectual and material
resources in creating and stockpiling new weapons
of mass annihilation, the more successful and
speedy will be the economic and social progress of
the people. Hence, the principle of armaments
instead development must be replaced by disarmament
^ ^ 1 ..58
for development.

It is with this in view that the NAM has been

playing a major role to build public opinion in all
parts of the world, developed and developing, and
for judicious use of scarce financial resources and
 163

deployment of science and technology not for war

but for peace and development- The only war the
developing countries afford to fight is a war

against poverty; disease and hunger.

The successive Declarations of the NAM

summits have put it and emphatically stated that
disarmament is virtually important for all the
countries. In fact, the numerous UN resolutions on
disarmament would have been impossible had the non-
aligned countries not taken an ac tive part in
varous UN forums and supported the resolutions.

The members of the Non-Aligned Movement have

never overlooked the nexus between disarmament and
development. Time and again, it has been
reiterated that diversion of scarce economic
resources from constructive investments to
destructive purposes from constructive investments
to destructive purposes is global waste of
resources. They have viewed the establishment of
distinct connection between the process of
disarmament and development as both a prerequisite

for stable economic growth

and development and

source of additional resources. 59

 164

The basic premise behind this non-aligned

countries emphasis on general disarmament is that
armament does not lead to development. It is in
this context that they have impressed on the need
for dialogue among the various interested parties,
particularly between the super powers, so that
agreement could be reached through dialogue on
issues concerning disarmament which is vital for
development and for mankind's survival.

The following information on the World

Military Expenditure could be a good indicater of
the intensification of the arms race and the
diversification of resources from development to
armament. It could also indicate how the
contemporary World is increasingly turbulent and
insecure.

The World Military expenditure has been

estimated at $ 900 billion in 1985, upward of $ 1
trillion in 1987 and $ 1.3 trillion in 1989.
Recent years have also seen Japan's growing
involvement in the arms race with its 1987 military
budget amounting to 32.4 billion against $ 32
billion for West Germany, $ 31.7 billion for France
 165

and $ 26.9 billion for Britain. The US military

budget which has been in the lead was $ 272.7

billion in 1985 and $ 291.9 billion in 1987 ,

which is expected to continue in the future and, in

1992 US military appropriations

will account for
60
31.5 per cent of all federal spending.

Furthermore/ the other countries have been

forced to go shopping for arms in order to counter
the emerging dangers generated by the new
armaments. While the world trade increased from
100 points to 350 during the seventies, exports of
weapons to the developing countries went up from
100 to 700 points during the same period. Since
then, the new wave of Cold War has further
aggravated the situation in Afro - Asian countries
and consequently defence expenditure has increased
manifold. On the other hand, funds needed for
development and other pressing problems of

developing countries have significantly been

^ ^ 61
reduced.

Not only this, the armaments expenditure by

the developing world has been quite amazing.
Between the late 1960s and the early 1980s,
 166

developing countries' share of the world military

spending rose from 15 per cent to 26 per cent.
Further, between 1960 and mid - 1980s their
military purchases increased by 400 per cent and/
in 1985, accounted for 5.0 per cent of their GNP;
and between 1970 and 1985, total military spending
of the developing countries went up from $ 27.8
billion to over $ 125 billion. In fact, developing
countries have been financino the nuclear arms race
by channelling their national income into buying
weapons. While all they have got in return have
been a growing foreign debt, depletion of national
resources, economic stagnation and a continuing
shortage of funds needed to overcome hunger,
poverty and diseases and other pressing problems.
This has caused a considerable Ito the national
economies of the developing nations.

Fidel Castro of Cuba pointed out at the

Seventh Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement:

"If a real climate of peace and security for

all states, both large and small, is not
created and if the absurd arms race which is
spiralling dizzily, faster than at any other
 167

time in history - is not halted, not only will

the danger of world war become a terrible
reality, but it will not even be possible to
dream of having the resources that are needed
to meet the Third World's needs. The task will
be impossible if military spending is not
CO
drastically reduced."

It is due to the gravity of this situation

that the non-aligned nations have raised their
voice effectively against the arms race. The non-
aligned countries have realised that to halt the
senseless military spending is one way to stable
economic growth. They have emphasised the needs to
be put on the adoption of an appropriate
disarmament and development strategy as a vital
stabilising element in international relations.

The preservation and consolidatin of peace,

the return to detente, the relaxation of
international tension, and struggle against arms
race and for general disarmament, have been
regarded by the NAM's member-countries as an
indispensable requirement for their social and
economic development fund for the equitable and
 168

peaceful international relations. Disarmament and

development are the two major process through which

the distortions, anomalies, inbalance and injustice

in the existing global situation can be removed.

However, in spite of its massive efforts,

Non-Aligned Movement has been unsuccessful in a
number of issues relating to peace, especially in
its attempts to link disarmament with development.
Furthermore, the arms race has been accelerated
rather than declining. Developing countries have
been the major purchasers and producers of small
arms in some cases. Hence, although the Movement
has been encouraged by the rapproachment between
United States and Soviet Union and progress
achieved in disarmament which could result in
releasing resources for development, the Non-
Aligned Movement still has an active part to play.
Disarmament is a global matter and not simply an
area to be left for agreement between the super
powers only. It has to be considreed within the
context of world development strategy.

In conclusion, a peaceful world order cannot

be built through armament. An end to the arms race
 169

is an essential prerequisite for development. Only

disarmament can release the additional resources
needed for combating economic backwardness. Hence/
disarmament for development is a global problem/
and as such/ can be resolved only through the
joint/ collecltive efforts of all members of the
world community. That is why detente/ disarmament
and develoopment have become the imperatives of our
time.

NAM FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION

To begin with/ conflicts among nations are

not a new phenomenon of the present day world.
Regional conflicts have occurred throughout history
of international relations.

Since the Second World War/ more than two

hundred military conflicts have takenplace with the
great majority of these occurring in the developing
countries. As a result of these conflicts millions

of people have died and

enormous financial and
material losses have been sustained. 64

The Conflict or insecurity in the developing

 170

world is not without a reason. Fundamentally/ the

conflicts in the developing World are rooted in the
socio-political and historical development of the
countries in the region. The forces and factors
that influence conflict situations in the Third
World are generated right within the boundaries of
the regions concerned. In fact/ the newly
independent countries are in the process of nation
state building with accompanying upheasvals common
in the formation of state. Most of them are
grappling with the uphill task of national
integration in highly pluralistic social settings.
Symptomatic of this process/ the intra-state
violence/ are rampant and they have reached a peak
on parochial/ religious/ linguistic and ethnic
differences with their effect spilling over
national boundaries and at places turning them
into inter-state conflicts.

Moreover, most of the Third World regions are

fragmented into large number of states with
boiundaries arbitrarily drawn or poorly defined in
the wake of rapid decolonisation, thereby sowing
the seeds of irredentism. All these are
potential sources of conflicts in the developing
countries.
 171

Furthermore/ the competition between the two

opposing systems (ideological confrontation)^ the
stepping up of the arms race by major powers/
their intensive supply of arms to regions or
countries they favour/ the efforts of the super
powers to retain newly independent countries
within the orbit of their influence have been
conducive to the emergence of hotbeds of tension
and conflicts in the Third World countries.

The conflicts have continued to occur mostly

in the territories of the developing world
through the forces of the developed world which
continued to be involved in a significant number
of these conflicts. These conflicts in the
developing nations have been further exacerbated
by the interventionist policies of the
developed countries. This policy has increased
the frequency of occurrence of such conflicts.

Moreover/ the number of conflicts in the

developing world has increased because of a wide
variety of political/ ethnic and religoius
factors. Iran-Iraq; Vietnam-Kampuchea;

Kampuchea-Thailan; Chad-Libya; Angola-South

 : 172 :

Africa; North Yemen - South Yemen; Ethiopia-

Somalia; Mali and Burkina Faso, Iraw-Kuwait are

some of the interstate conflicts that can be
ft 7

indentified. The origin of these conflicts

lay either in their colonial past or in the

clashing interests of the big powers involved in

the region. These conflicts have adversely

affected international relations. It is with

this in view that/ from the very beginning/ the

Non-Aligned Movement has been compelled

increasingly to deal with the prevention of these

conflicts which have had adverse effect on

international relations. The cause of serious

concern to the non-aligned countries has always

been the problem of conflict settlement in the

Third World.

The first Non-Aligned Conference (Belgrade)

stated that the complete removal of the sources
of all conflicts lies in the elimination of
colonialism/ neo-colonialism and in the pursuit
of the policy of peaceful coexistence. Since
then/ the non-aligned have been expressing their
support for a peaceful settlement of conflicts
and make efforts to prevent their spread to other
countries.
 173

But the difficulties encountered in reaching

a peaceful settlement of conflicts have hindred
the role and unity of the non-aligned countries.
Conflicts between member natins which occur in
different forms have been the most pressing issue
within the Movement.

The war between Iran and Iraq is an example

of the difficulties involved in settling conflict
situations through the efforts of non-aligned
countries. That war had showed that conflicts
between individual countries have an adverse
effect on the Movement as a whole. For example,
the Seventh Conference of non-aligned Countries
was due to be held in Beghad. But in this case,

they would be host country turned to be at war

with its neighbour. 69

This type of conflicts among the non-alinged

states has created danger to their unity- It has
also hindred the solution of their socio-economic
problems. At the same time, these conflicts have
served as a pretext for interferences by the great
powers for building of their military presence,
and for the formation of new bases in various
 174

regions of the world. Thus , many non-aligned

states have been drawn into the arms race and
complicated very much the solution of their urgent
70
social/ economic and cultural problems. The

conflicts of the Non-Aligned Movement have

diverted their forces and attention from major
global problems.

These conflicts have had an adverse effect on

the unity and solidarity of non-aligned countries
and on the effectiveness of the Movement. The
problem is that the Movement did not have an
effective mechanism for settling conflicts.
Another factor which paralyses these efforts has
been the fear that any attempot to determine who
is right and who is wrong in a particular

conflict, may
thereaten to split the Movement
71
into opposing groups.

Although the Iran-Iraq conflict had raised

the question of creating a political mechanism
between non-aligned countries, fearing that the
differences among non-alinged countries can be
aggravated, it was recommended that conflicts be
settled on a bilateral basis through negotiations
 175

between the parties directy involved. In such

cases the non-aligned countries have been

expressing the support for peaceful settlement of

conflicts, and have made the necessary effort to

prevent the spread to other countries.

But as the frequency and intensity of this

problem have increased/ the participants in the
Movement have begun searching for means to settle
them. For example, Yugoslavia has made a proposal
to set up/kn adhoc committee corresponding to the
particular circumstances, with the consent of

the parties involved into the conflict. But no

72
such proposals has yet been implemented. In

fact, the non-Aligned countries have not been able

to settle their members' conflicts without

external interference.

All these have had an adverse effect on the

activity an dunity of the non-aligned states in
their struggle for peace and disarmament. These
have also had an adverse impact on their
solidarity and loyality to the fundamental
principles of the NAM which are the guarntee for
further advance of the Non-Aligned Movement.
 176

Conflicts have been a heavy burden on the

economies of the non-aligned and other developing
countries. For example/ in the course of their
war, Iran and Iraq have lost a considerable range
of their resources. The war with Iraq cost Iran
250 million dollars a month. Iraq
60 earmarked

percent of its budget for the needs of that War. 73

Regional conflict is the main factor in the

developing countries of diverting resources from
socio-economic development. No economic
development is possible withoiut peace and
stability/ without diminishing regional conflicts.
Hence/ it is only the joint actions of the non-
aligned countries that can help them to
demonstrate their positive contribution to the
settlement of conflicts.

The non-aligned countries agree that the

Movement can and must actively influence the
settlement of conflicts. It is only durable peace
that can contribute to further economic and social
development of the non-aligned countries.

The Non-Aligned Summit in Harare made a major

 177

contribution in this direction. More

specifically/ it discussed the need to seek ways
to the settlement of conflict in Southern Africa/
South-West and South-East Asia/
Middle in the
East/ Latin America and the Mediterranian. 74 By

and large/ this approach of the Non-Aligned

Movement to the problem of r egional conflict is

constructive.

The ninth Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement

underlined the need for the non-aligned countries
to continue to make the necessary efforts in
seeking a durable and just solution of the
regional conflicts could that
contribute to
peaceful international relations. 75

However/ thanks to the role played by the NAM

and peace loving peoples/ there are signs of
improvement in the international environment. The
armies of the super powers have withdrawn from
certain regions/ negotiations have started and
succeeded in some areas/ to solve the regional
problems such as in Namibia/ in AFghanistan/
Kampuchea/ Angola/ Nicaragua/ Horn of Africa/
Middle East/ Southern Africa/ etc. and the efforts
 178

in some respects are continuing. These are

welcome development and a vindication of the

relentless efforts of the the Non-Aligned

Movement.

But/ still, there is an imperative need for

the cooperative of the non-aligned and other
developing countries to solve conflicts not only
in their own interests but for universal peace and
development.
 179

R E F E R E N C E S

A, Chand/ Non-aligned World: Idology,

Strategy, Prospect/ (UDH Publishers, New
Delhi), 1983,p.34.

The Non-Aligned Movement, Detente and Social

Progress ; Socialism, principle, practice,
prospect, Soviet Monthly Digest, Novosti
Press Agency Publishing House, 1986, p.48.

A.W. Sigham & Shirley Hune - Non-Alignment in

an Age of Alignment (Zed Books Ltd., London),
1986, pp. 19-20.

K.C. Chaudhary, Non-Al-igned Summitry,

(Capital publishing House, New' Delhi)",' 1988,
pp. 51-52.

S. Banerjee, Non-Alignment Today: Challenges

and prospects (Allied Publishes Pvt. Ltd. ,
New Delhi), 1985, p.94.

6. A.W. Sigham & Shirley Hune , Non-Alignment in

the Age of Alignment op.cit., pp. 16-17.

S. Banerjee, Non-Alignment Today Challenges

and Pross.ects: op. cit?, P. 105.

^/ M.S. Rajan, Role of the Non-Aligned in the

United Nations" In M.S. Rajan, M.S. Mari &
C.S.R. Marthy, (Eds.) The Non-Aligned and
The United Nations, (South Asian Publishers,
New Delhi), 1987, pp. 301-302.

Ibid ., pp. 303-304,

10. Kurt Waldheim, Address : Sixth Conference of

Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned
Countries, Havana 3-9 September, 1979, p.68.
 180

11. M.S. Rajari/ Studies on Non-Alignment and Non-

Aligned Movement/ (ABC Publishing House, New
Delhi) 1986, p. 12.

12. Ibid., pp. 12-13.

13. A.W. Singham & Shirley Hune, "Principles of

Non-Alignnient, " in U.S. Bajpai (Ed) , Non-
Alignment : Perspectives and Prospects.
(Lancers Publishers, New Delhi), 1983, pp. 15-
16.

14. M.S. Rajan, "Role of the Non-Aligned in the

Onited Nat ions".-op. cif. p. 300.

15. Ibid.^ p.; 302

16. Ibidv pp.;302-303.

17. Ibid., p.^ 303.

18. Ibid., p.p04

19. Ibid,,, p.,304.

20. Ibid., pp.y304-305.

21. Ibid,, p.305.

22. Y.Etinger, NAM ; History and Reality; A

Study, (Allied" Publishers, Pvt. Ltd.,- New' Delhi
1987, p.16.

23. Ibid,,, p., 121

24. M.S. Rajan, Studies on Non-Alignment and Non-

Aligned Movement op.cit., p. 321.

25. A.W. Singham and Shirley Hune, •• Principles of

Non-Alignment" Non-Alignment: Perspectives and
prospects, op. cit., p. 16.
 181

26. M.S. Rajan, Studies on Non-Alignment and Non-

Aligned Movement / op.cit. p.17.

27. P. Chander/ Studies in International

Relations/ (BookhiVe, New Delhi), 1986,'p. 125,

28. D. Robertson, The Penguin Disctionary of

Politics, (Penguin Books Ltd., New York),
1986, p. 83.

29. Glenn H. Synder & Paul Diesing, Conflict

among Nations (Princeton University Press,
Princeton, New Jersey), 1977, pp. 445-446.

30. L. Mates, "Non-Alignment and the Two Major

Power blocs". In K.P. Misra and K.R.
Narayanan (Ed) Non-Alignment in Contemporary
International RelationsT (Vikas Publishing
House Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi), 1981, p.34.

31. P. Chandra, International Relations, (Vikas

Publishing House, Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi),
1983, pp.18.

32. M.S. Gorbachev, Peace Has No Alternative:

Speeches Articles, Interviews, (Patriot
Publishers, New Delhi), 1986, p.55.

33. P. Chander, Studies . I'ntejrnat ional Relations,

op. cit., p. 128.
34. U.D. Mahajan, International Relations Since
1900, (S. Chand & Co. Ltd., New Delhi), 1986,
pp. 413-414.

35- S. Banerjee, Non-Alignment Today : Challenges

and prospects, op. cit., p.38.

36. A Chand, Non-Aligned World Order (UDH

Publishers, New Delhi), 1983,p.15.
 182

37. Y. Etinger, History and Reality ; A Study,

op.cit., p.36.

38. S. Banerjee, Non-Alignment Today : Challenges

and prospects op.cit., p.177.

39. A Blazevic, "Resolving Dilemmas of Non-

Alignment" in K.P. Misra and K.R. Narayanan
(Ed.) Non-Alignment in contemporary
International Relations, (Vikas Publishing
House, Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi), 1981, p.34.

40. Andrei Gromyko quoted by V.D. Mahajan,

International Relations Since 1900, op.cit.,
p.416.

41. Winston Churchil quoted by V.D. Mahajan,

International Relations since 1900, Ibid.,
p.416.

42. Kurushchev quoted by V.D. Mahajan,

International Relations since 1900, Ibdi.,
416-417.

43. Bradley quoted by V.D. Mahajan,

International Relations since 1900, Ibid., p.
416.

44. H. Tromp, "The End of the Cold War:

Everybody Lost I Review of International
Affairs, Belgrade, Vol. XLI, NO.961, p. 126.

45. G. Chaudhari, China and Non-Alignment (ABC

Publishing Housed New Delhi) 1986, p.126.

46. G.N. Srivastava, Socialism and Non-Alignment

(Indian Institute for Non-Aligned Studies,
New Delhi), 1988,p.20.
 183

47. 0. Reznikova, The West and Non-Alignment,

(Allied Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi).,
1988., p.19.

48. M.S. Rajan , Studies on Non-Alignment and

Non-Aligned Movement/ op.cit. , p.159.

49. M.S. Rajan, "Non-Alignment Between the Cold

War Blocs" in U.S. Bajpai (Ed)., Non-
Alignment ; Perspectives and Propsects,
op.cit., p.118.

50. Y. Etinger, History and Reality

study, op. cit., p. 36.

51. S.K. Sahni and R.N. Srivastava, Non-Aligned

Movement and Struggle for Peace and
Disarmament, (Indian Institute for Non-
Aligned Studies, New Delhi), 1989, p.16.

52. Non-Aligned World, (Indian Institute for Non-

Aligned Studies) , Vol. 6 No. 2, 1985, p.30.

53. I. Kovalenko and R. Touzmohammadov,

Disarmament For Development, (Allied
Publishers Ltd., New Delhi), 1989, p. 16.

54. A.W. Singham and Shirley Hune, Non-Alignment;

Perspectives and Prospects, op.cit., pp. 18-
19.

55. K.P. Misra, The World Towards 1990's; Third

World In Contemporary International Relations
(Patriot Publishers, New Delhi) , 1985, pp.
VIII - IX.

56. Y. Alexeyev, "The Problem of Disarmament and

Developing Countries, Socialism". Soviet
Monthly Digest, Novosti Press, Moscow.,-. •
NovembeV, 1981, No. p. 45.
 184

57. R. Khari/ "Disarmament and Development"/

Journal of Peace and Solidarity Organisation.
New Delhi, Vol. 20, No. 1, Jan. 1989 p.5.

58. V. Shchetinin, Transnational Corporation and

Doctrine of Neoglobalism, (Allied Publishers
Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi), 1987, pp. 136-137.

59. I. Kovalenko & R. Touzmohammadov,

Disarmament for Development, op.cit., p.16.

60. S.K. Sahni and R.N. Srivastava, Non-Aligned

Movement and Struggle for Peace and
Disarmament, op.cit., pp.9-10.

61. Ibid, p. 11

62. rbid#^pp- 12-13

63. Fidel Castro quoted by K.P. Misra, The World

Towards 1990's : Third World in Contemporary
International Relations, op.cit. p.72.

64. A.G. Bochkarev, "Perestroika in Soviet

Foreign Policy", The Korean Journal of
International Studies, The Korean Institute
of International Studies, Seoul, Vol. XXII,
No. 2, June 15, 1991, p. 292.

65. Al Hafiz, "New Challenges to Security

Studies", Biss Journal, Bangladesh Institute
of International and Strategic Studies,
Dhaka, Vol. 11 No. 4 October, 1990, pp.
423-424.

66. Ibid.; p. 424.

67. K. Subrahmanyam, "Insecurity of Developing

Nations and Regional Security'; in D.R. Goyal
 185

(Ed) Non-Alignment : Concept and Concerns,

(Ajana Publications, New Delhi), 1986, p.49.

68. S. Raman, NAM and Regional Problems, (Indian

Institute for Non-Aligned Studies, New
Delhi), 1989, p.42.

69. Y. Etinger, History and Reality : A study,

op.cit., p.37.

70. Ibid./pp. 122-123.

71. Ibid., p. 37.

72. Ibid., p. 38.

73. N. Cnevushev, Disarmament For Development

'(Allied Publishers, New Delhi), 1987.
pp. 99-100.

74. S. Raman, NAM and Regional Problems,

op.cit., ip. 43.

75. G.N. Srivastava, NAM and Contemporary World

(Indian Institute for Non-Aligned Studies,
New Delhi), 1990, p.93.