Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
Introduction
The facts involved in the Constitution Bench decision in P.V. Narasimha Rao v.
State (JMM bribery case) are that in 1991 election to the Lok Sabha, Congress (I)
[1]
Party remained fourteen members short of the majority and it formed a minority
Government with P.V. Narasimha Rao as the Prime Minister. The said
Government had to face a motion of no-confidence on 28-7-1993 and it somehow
managed to defeat the motion by mustering the support of 265 members as against
251. One Ravinder Kumar of the Rashtriya Mukti Morcha filed a complaint (FIR)
with the "CBI" alleging that a criminal conspiracy was hatched pursuant to which
certain members of Parliament belonging to Jharkhand Mukti Morcha and certain
others owing allegiance to Janta Dal (Ajit Singh Group) agreed to and did receive
bribes from P.V. Narasimha Rao and others to give votes with a view to defeat the
no-confidence motion. A criminal prosecution was launched against the bribe-
giving and bribe-taking Members of Parliament under the Prevention of Corruption
Act, 1988 and under Section 120-B of the Indian Penal Code. The Special Judge
took cognisance of the offences of bribery and criminal conspiracy. The persons
sought to be charged filed petitions at the High Court for quashing the criminal
proceedings. The High Court at Delhi dismissed the petitions. On presentation of
appeals by way of special leave and upon reference of the case to a Constitution
Bench, the Court formulated for decision these questions:
(i) Does Article 105 of the Constitution confer any immunity on a Member of
Parliament from being prosecuted in a criminal court for an offence involving offer
or acceptance of a bribe?
(ii) Is a Member of Parliament excluded from the ambit of the 1988 Act for the
reason that:
The Constitution Bench by a majority of three to two answered the first question in
the affirmative, except in the case of A-15 Ajit Singh (who, unlike the other co-
accused did not cast his vote on the no-confidence motion), holding that the bribe-
taking Members of Parliament who voted on the no-confidence motion are entitled
to immunity from criminal prosecution for the offences of bribery and criminal
conspiracy conferred on them by Article 105(2) of the Constitution. The Court in
answer to the second question, ruled that a Member of Parliament is a "public
servant" within Section 2(c) of the 1988 Act. It also concluded that since there is
no authority to grant sanction for prosecution of the offending persons for certain
offences, they cannot be tried under the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 for
such offences.
The answer given by the majority to the first question seems to have no support of
precedents, theory and practice as discussed below.
II. Article 105(2) confers no immunity on a Member of Parliament involved in a case of bribery
"A public servant can only be said to act or purport to act in the discharge of his
official duty if his act is such as to lie within the scope of his official duty. Thus, a
Judge neither acts nor purports to act as a Judge in receiving bribe, the judgment he
delivers may be such an act, nor does a Government Medical Officer act or purport
to act as a public servant in picking the pocket of a patient whom he is examining,
though the examination itself may be such an act. The test may well be, that when
a public servant is challenged, he can reasonably claim that what he does, he does
in virtue of his office."
Constitution Bench decision in Matajog Dobey v. H.C. Bhari and in Amrik Singh
[6]
"It appears to us to be clear that some offences by their very nature cannot be
regarded as having been committed by public servants, while acting or purporting
to act in the discharge of their official duty. For instance, acceptance of a bribe is
one of them and an offence of cheating and abetment thereof is another ... such
offences have no necessary nexus between them and the performance of the duties
of a public servant: 'The official status furnishing only the occasion or opportunity
for the commission of such offences .' " (emphasis supplied)
[8]
The majority in the JMM bribery case thus does not have the support of precedents
for holding that the bribe-taking Members of Parliament in receiving a bribe had
acted in the discharge of their parliamentary or official duty.
III. Article 105(2) gives MPs immunity for cast vote bona fide
The immunity under clause (2) of Article 105 from criminal prosecution is
available to a Member of Parliament only from any liability arising out of
"anything said" or "any vote given" inside Parliament or in any committee thereof.
The clause therefore has absolutely no application to any act of a Member
constituting an offence of bribery outside Parliament as to bar his liability for
criminal prosecution. The Constitution Bench in Tej Kiran Jain v. N. Sanjiva
Reddy interpreting the expression "in Parliament" appearing in clause (2) of
[10]
Article 105 as "during the sitting of Parliament" and "in the course of the business
of Parliament", lends support.
Besides, the Constitution Bench in Jatish Chandra Ghosh (Dr) v. Hari Sadhan
Mukherjee has held that the immunity available to a speech made by a Member
[11]
inside the legislative chamber of an Assembly under clause (2) of Article 194
[equivalent of Article 105(21)] shall not be available in regard to the same speech
when it was got published by a legislator "outside" the four walls of the Legislative
Assembly in a local journal.
It, therefore, follows that the majority in the case under comment could not have
extended the immunity to acts of bribery and criminal conspiracy committed by the
bribe-giving and bribe-taking Members of Parliament "outside" Parliament by
creating an illusory "nexus" with the subsequent act of casting votes by bribe-
taking Members inside Parliament subsequently.
V. Outside conduct of Members of Parliament itself constituted the completed offence of
bribery
The facts of the JMM bribery case disclose that the conduct of the Members of
Parliament without the four walls of the House itself alone constituted the
completed offences of bribery and conspiracy as per the definition of these
offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 and the Penal Code and the
same were legally capable of proof dehors the act of casting votes subsequently on
the no-confidence motion by the bribe-taking Members in Parliament. The
submission cannot be better supported than by making a reference to the finding of
the majority itself in the appeal of A-15 Ajit Singh, who has been ordered to stand
trial for bribery and conspiracy only on the basis of his conduct outside the four
walls of the Lok Sabha, because unlike the other co-accused, he had not given his
vote on the no-confidence motion.
The court proceedings that fall within the ambit of clause (2) of Article 105 can be
only those which "arise out of" and are subsequent to "anything said" or "any vote
given" in Parliament or any committee thereof and not those which arose from
outside antecedent conduct of the Members of Parliament.
The criminal liability that has arisen in the JMM bribery case, is in relation to the
conduct of the Members of Parliament that "preceded" the "giving of votes" by
them on the no-confidence motion, which could not be held by the majority to have
arisen from the subsequent act of casting votes. In fact the said liability in the
context of the Prevention of Corruption Act can be said to have arisen
independently of the votes cast.
Besides, the subject-matter of the case, the nature of the proceedings and the kind
of the court which is dealing with it shows that it is a criminal proceeding
involving an offence of bribery which will result either in the acquittal or
conviction and sentence of the bribe-taking Members of Parliament. Had it been a
proceeding "in respect of" votes that were cast then it would have been a civil
proceeding impeaching the validity of the votes cast on the no-confidence motion.
An instance of a civil proceeding "in respect of" votes given is available in the U.S.
Supreme Court decision in Kilbourn v. Thompson . In that case, one Hallet
[12]
Kilbourn had filed an action in trespass for false imprisonment against the
Members of House of Representatives, who had voted on a resolution by which
Kilbourn was punished by imprisonment for the contempt of the House. The action
was held as not maintainable.
The other illustration of a court proceeding that may fall within the scope of clause
(2) of Article 105 is the one in the Constitution Bench decision in T.K. Jain v.
Sanjiva Reddy already noticed. Some persons who held the Sankaracharya in high
[10]
esteem had in that case filed a suit for damages for defamatory statements made by
certain Members of Parliament inside the Chamber of Parliament. Another
example in relation to clause (2) of Article 194 is also available in the Constitution
Bench decision in Dr Jatish Chandra Ghosh v. Hari Sadhan Mukherjee already
[11]
noticed.
It is noteworthy that clause (2) of Article 105 is, in terms, limited to only those
proceedings that impugn "anything said", that is, "any speech made" and "any vote
given" in Parliament or any committee thereof. Thus, the findings in the JMM
bribery case that the criminal court proceedings were "in respect of" the "votes
given" which conferred the immunity on Members of Parliament seems incorrect.
Besides, if the Constituent Assembly had intended to confer absolute immunity
under clause (2) in respect of the liability that may arise from any criminal
proceedings then it would have been on the pattern of clauses (2) and (3) of Article
361 in respect of the President of India and Governors of States.
[13]
It is interesting to note that the law on the point is the same in the U.S.A. Chief
Justice Burger in U.S. v. Brewster observed:
[8]
"The Speech and Debate Clause has to be read broadly to effectuate its purpose of
protecting the independence of the legislative branch. But its purpose was not to
make members 'super-citizens' immune from criminal liability. The purpose of the
clause was to protect the individual member not simply for his own sake, but to
preserve the legislative integrity of the legislative process, but the shield does not
extend beyond what is necessary to preserve the integrity of the legislative process.
Financial abuses by way of bribes, perhaps even more than 'executive power",
would grossly undermine legislative integrity and defeat the right of the public to
honest representation."
Lord Salmon who chaired in 1976 the Royal Commission "On Standards of
Conduct in Public Life", spoke in the House of Lords in respect of Article 9 of the
Bill of Rights, 1688 thus:
"Now this is a charter for freedom of speech in the House, it is not a charter for
corruption...."
VIII. Criminal liability and privileges and immunities of Members of Parliament in Anglo-
American countries
In England, the House of Commons in conference with the Lords laid down a
broad principle in regard to parliamentary privilege in 1641 : [15]
During the rule of Tudor and Stuart Kings, the Commons had to wage a bitter
struggle to assert their supremacy, which culminated in the grant of the "Bill of
Rights" in 1688; under Article 9 thereof a right was secured that: "Freedom of
speech or debate or proceedings in Parliament ought not be impeached in any court
or place out of Parliament."
notwithstanding the operation of Article 9 of the Bill of Rights, 1688, the Supreme
Court of New South Wales held that an attempt to bribe a Member in order to
influence his vote was a criminal offence at Common Law. The decision was
approved by the highest court of that country in R. v. Boston . Besides, Section
[20]
73-A of the Australian Crimes Act, 1914 makes it an offence for Members of the
Australian Parliament to accept or be offered a bribe.
bribing Members of the Legislature to vote out the incumbent Government was an
indictable offence of bribery at Common Law and the court and not the legislature
has jurisdiction to try the said offence.
In the U.S.A., Article 1(6) of the U.S. Constitution which contains the "Speech or
Debate Clause", provides that: "For any speech or debate in either House they
(Members of the Congress) shall not be questioned in any other place."
In 1863, the Congress by statute declared a Member liable to indictment for a high
crime and misdemeanour for accepting compensation intended to influence a vote
or decision. In 1862, the Congress by another statute penalised legislators for
receiving money for votes or influence in any matter pending before the Congress.
In 1864, "Conflict of Interest Statutes" barred Congressmen from receiving
compensation for their services before any agency. The Speech and Debate Clause
does not give any protection in respect of "that act which is in no sense related to
the due functioning of the legislative powers".
In United States v. Johnson the Speech and Debate Clause was interpreted so as
[22]
to disallow the motive for performing legislative acts from being inquired into
during criminal prosecutions. In United States v. Brewster it was held that the
[23]
taking of a bribe, given for the purpose of influencing one's official conduct, is not
protected from criminal prosecution.
The Constitution of India nowhere provides for direct or express immunity for
Members from the liability that may arise from any or all criminal proceedings as
has been done under clauses (2) and (3) of Article 361 in the case of the
[25]
Besides, it is also sufficiently clear that there is no provision in the "criminal laws"
under which anything relating to "anything said" or "any vote given" in Parliament
or in any committee thereof have been constituted criminal offences against the
State, as has been done with regard to the casting of votes by Members of
Parliament at the election of the President of India, on inducement caused by
illegal gratification, an offence punishable under Chapter IX-A of the Indian Penal
Code.
Clause (3) of Article 105 deals with the powers, privileges and immunities of
Parliament and of its Members in other respects than those in clauses (1) and (2) of
that article. It, therefore, appears necessary to investigate whether any privilege or
immunity has been provided for under clause (3) having a bearing on the question
under examination.
The seven-Judge Bench in Special Reference No. 1 of 1964 better known as the
Legislative Privileges case , after enumerating the main privileges and immunities
[26]
The history of the said privilege appears in the Report of the Committee of
Privileges of the House of Commons which dealt with the case of preventive
[27]
In view of this history, Erskine May, on the basis of Captain Ramsay case,
recorded this statement of the law .
[28]
"The privilege of freedom from arrest is limited to civil causes and has not been
allowed to interfere with the administration of criminal justice or emergency
legislation."
This legal position being applicable under clause (3) of Article 105 to the Members
of Indian Parliament, the precedent of Captain Ramsay was made the basis by the
Committee of Privileges of the Lok Sabha, for its decision regarding V.G.
Despande, a Member of the Lok Sabha, when he was detained in 1952 under the
Preventive Detention Act, 1950. The Constitution Bench in Nambiar case also
[29]
In Nambiar case the Constitution Bench besides approving the two Madras High
[30]
Court decisions and one of the Calcutta High Court in Ansumali Majmudar v.
[31]
"We ought to add that in all these cases the learned Judges took notice of the fact
that freedom from criminal arrest was not treated as constituting a privilege of the
Members of the House of Commons in England."
This observation of the Constitution Bench determines the scope of clause (3) of
Article 105 and that of Article 194(3) of the Constitution. It is for this reason the
provisions of Section 135-A of the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908 limit the
privilege of "freedom from arrest" of the Members of Parliament and of the
Legislatures of the States only to "civil causes" and no such provision has been
enacted in the criminal law or procedure in India.
Besides, it is noteworthy here that in the JMM bribery case, all the five Hon'ble
Judges have together returned a finding in reply to the second question that the
Members of Parliament, in view of the enlarged scope of the new Prevention of
Corruption Act, 1988, are public servants under Section 2(c) of the said Act. It also
shows that the Prevention of Corruption Act and Section 135-A of the Civil
Procedure Code amount to the law which defines the powers, privileges and
immunities of the aforesaid Members of the legislative bodies under clause (3) of
Article 105 and Article 194(3) of the Constitution. Therefore, it follows from the
true meaning of clause (3) of Article 105, explained above, that the majority in the
JMM bribery case has, it is submitted with respect, incorrectly read the privilege or
immunity in clause (2) of Article 105, which did not exist therein. Thus, the
executive authorities are entitled to investigate and prosecute the bribe-taking
along with the bribe-giving Members of Parliament and the judiciary (Special
Judge) has jurisdiction to try them without any legal hurdle whatsoever.
X. Conclusion
The immunity under clause (2) of Article 105 becomes available to a Member
when he "makes a speech" or "gives his vote" in the parliamentary proceedings
inside one of the Chambers of Parliament or in any committee thereof. Since the
acts involving conspiracy and acceptance of bribe were wholly done by the
accused outside the four walls of the legislative Chamber, it did not attract the
immunity provision so as to protect them from criminal prosecution. Besides, these
criminal acts themselves constitute completed crimes without reference to any
goings on in Parliament and are capable of proof before the Special Judge
independently of any proof or disproof of casting of vote by a Member in
Parliament. Therefore, such offences could not be deemed to be acts "in respect of"
the act of "giving of vote" inside Parliament.
Article 105(2) may give immunity from liability arising out of private criminal
offences involving defamation, libel or slander but confers no immunity from
criminal prosecution for "public offences", that is, offences against the King or
State. Obviously, no King or State can be expected to confer such immunity which
in all probabilities will lead to the destruction of the kingdom or State. This
position is also evident from the non-applicability of the privilege of "freedom
from arrest" of the Members of the House of Commons in England to criminal
matters, which also remains the legal position under clause (3) of Article 105, its
application being "limited to civil causes".
The Constitution is an organic document and the court should have looked at the
functioning of the Constitution as a whole. The Constitution in order to maintain
the highest standard of probity in public life and to keep parliamentary life
unsullied, has provided detailed qualifications and disqualifications for being
chosen or being Member of Parliament, including taking an oath of allegiance to
the Constitution and excluding persons from the election, convicted of crimes or
disqualified for committing corrupt practices at an election or dismissed from
public service for corruption and disloyalty or persons holding office of profit
under the Government, or defecting from one political party to another. Even an
independent member is made to lose his seat for joining a political party. In Braj
Raj Singh Tiwari, Re and others in the very first case of incurring
[33]
When the Constituent Assembly did not consider it necessary even in the interest
of an independence judiciary to afford some protection to the Hon'ble Judges of the
Supreme Court and of the High Courts, even though the High Court Judges at one
time had enjoyed such protection under the provisions of 13 Geo. III, Chapter 63,
Sections 17 and 39 along with the Governor General etc. from trial in criminal
cases by Indian courts, there could be no question of the Constituent Assembly
giving immunity claimed by bribe-taking Members of Parliament under clause (2)
of Article 105.
The Founding Fathers, most of whom had participated in the national freedom
struggle and who abolished all titles, dignities, powers, privileges and immunities
enjoyed by the erstwhile Rulers of the Indian States, and other feudal elements, and
were fired with great ideals, could not possibly declare Members of Parliament and
of the Legislatures of the States "super-citizens". They could never make
provisions in the Constitution to condone the commission of offences against the
State including offences of bribery and corruption.
The decision of the majority, it is submitted with respect, is in serious discord with
the letter, the ideals, and aspirations of the Constitution while the minority opinion
is in harmony with them. The reasoning of the minority also coincides with the
present national outcry against politicians with dubious, criminally tainted records
and the wish of ordinary people to keep such persons out of legislative chambers.
The decision in the JMM bribery case, it is submitted in all humility, requires
immediate correction by a competent Bench of the Hon'ble Supreme Court.