Course: Ideological Foundations of Pakistan (537)

Semester: Spring, 2020

ASSIGNMENT No. 2
Q. 1 Why did Allama Iqbal consider European nationalism not relevant and suited to the case of Islam?
What meaning did Allama Iqbal attributed to the concept of nationalism in the Islamic concept?
Discuss.
[[1A]] There are three points of view from which a religious system can be approached: (1) from the standpoint
of a Teacher; (2) from that of the Expounder; (3) from that of a Critical student. I do not pretend to be a teacher
whose word and action are, or ought to be, in perfect harmony in so far as he endeavours to work out in his own
life the ideals which he places before others, and thus influences his audience more by example than be
precepts. Nor do I claim the high office of an expounder who brings to bear a subtle intellect upon his task,
endeavours to explain all the various aspects of the principles he expounds, and works with certain
presuppositions, the truth of which he never questions.
[[1B]] The attitude of mind which characterises a critical student is fundamentally different from that of the
teacher and the expounder. He approaches the subject matter of his inquiry free from all presuppositions, and
tries to understand the organic structure of a religious system just as a biologist would study a form of life, or a
geologist would examine a mineral. His object is to apply the methods of scientific research to religion, with a
view to discover how the various elements in a given structure fit in with one another; how each factor
functions individually; and how their relations with one another determine the functional value of the whole.
[[1C]] He looks at the subject from the standpoint of history, and raises certain fundamental questions with
regard to the growth and formation of the system he proceeds to understand:
1. What are [the] historical forces, the operation of which evoked as a necessary consequence the phenomenon
of a particular system?
2. Why should a particular religious system be produced by a particular people?
3. What is the real significance of a religious system in the history of the people who produced it, and in the
history of mankind as a whole?
4. Are there any geographical causes which determine the original locality of the religion?
5. How far does it reveal the inmost soul of a people, their social, moral, and political aspirations?
6. What transformation, if any, has it worked in them?
7. How far has it contributed towards the realisation of the ultimate purpose revealed in the history of Man?
[[1D]] I propose to look at Islam from the viewpoint of a critical student. But I may tell you at the outset that I
shall avoid the use of expressions current in popular Revelational Theology, since my method is essentially
scientific and consequently necessitates the use of terms which can be interpreted in the light of everyday
human experience. For instance, when I say that the religion of a people is "the sum total of their life experience
finding a definite expression through the medium of a great personality," I am translating the fact of Revelation
into the language of science. Similarly, "interaction between individual and Universal Energy" is simply another
expression for the feeling of Prayer, which ought to be described for the purpose of scientific accuracy. It is
 Course: Ideological Foundations of Pakistan (537)
Semester: Spring, 2020

because I want to approach my subject from a thoroughly humane standpoint, and not because I doubt the fact
of Divine Revelation as the final basis of Religion, that I prefer to employ expressions of a more scientific
content.
[[1E]] Islam is, moreover, the youngest of all religions, the last religious creation of humanity. The founder
stands out clear before us. He is truly a personage of history, and lends himself freely even to the most
scorching criticism. Ingenious legend has woven no screen round his figure. He is born in the broad daylight of
history. We can thoroughly understand the inner spring of his actions. We can subject his mind to a keen
psychological analysis. Let us then, for the time being, eliminate the supernatural element, and try to understand
the structure of Islam as we find it.
[[1F]] I have just indicated the way in which a critical student of religion approaches his subject. Now, it is not
possible for me in the short span of a lecture to answer with regard to Islam all the questions which a critical
student of religion ought to raise and answer in order to reveal the real meaning of this religious system. I shall
not raise, therefore, the question of the origin and development of Islam; nor shall I try to analyze the various
currents of thought in the pre-Islamic Arabian society which found a final focus in the utterances of the Prophet
of Islam. I shall confine my attention to the Islamic Ideal in its Ethical and Political aspects only.

The Ethical Ideal of Islam [and those of other religions]

[[2A]] To begin with, we have to recognize that every great religious system starts with certain presuppositions
concerning the nature of Man and the Universe. The psychological implication of Buddhism, for instance, is the
central fact of Pain as a dominating element in the constitution of the Universe. Man, regarded as an
individuality, is helpless against the forces of pain, according to the teachings of Buddhism. There is an
indissoluble relation between pain and individual consciousness which, as such, is nothing but a constant
possibility of pain. Starting from the fact of pain, Buddhism is quite consistent in placing before man the ideal
of self-destruction. Of the two terms of this relation, Pain and the Sense of Personality, one (i.e. Pain) is
ultimate. The other is a delusion: a tendency to intensify the sense of personality. According to Buddhism,
then, salvation is inaction; renunciation of self and unworldliness are the principal virtues.
[[2B]] Similarly, Christianity, as a religious system, is based on the fact of Sin. The world is regarded as Evil,
and the taint of sin is regarded as hereditary to man-- who, as an individuality, is insufficient, and stands in need
of some supernatural personality to intervene between him and the Creator. Christianity, unlike Buddhism,
regards human personality as something real, but agrees with Buddhism in holding that Man, as a force against
Sin, is insufficient. There is, however, a subtle difference in their agreement: we can, according to Christianity,
get rid of Sin by depending upon a Redeemer. We can free ourselves from Pain, according to Buddhism, by
letting this insufficient force dissipate or lose itself in the Universal Energy of Nature. Both agree in the fact of
insufficiency, and both agree in holding that this insufficiency is an Evil. But while the one makes up the

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deficiency by bringing in the forces of a redeeming personality, the other prescribes its gradual reduction where
it is annihilated altogether.
[[2C]] Again, Zoroastrianism looks upon Nature as a scene of endless struggle between the powers of Evil and
Good, and recognises in man the power to choose any course of action he likes. The Universe, according to
Zoroastrianism, is partly Evil and partly Good. Man is neither wholly good nor wholly evil, but a combination
of the two principles -- Light and Darkness -- continually fighting against each other for universal supremacy.
We see, then, that the fundamental presuppositions with regard to the nature of the Universe and Man in
Buddhism, Christianity, and Zoroastrianism respectively are the following:
1) Buddhism: There is Pain in Nature; and Man, regarded as an individual, is Evil.
2) Christianity: There is Sin in Nature; and the taint of Sin is natural to Man.
3) Zoroastrianism: There is struggle in Nature; Man is a mixture of the struggling forces, and is free to range
himself on the side of the powers of Good which shall eventually prevail.
[[2D]] The questions now are: (1) What is the Muslim view of [the] Universe and Man; and (2) What is the
central idea which determines the structure of the entire system? We know that Sin, Pain, and Sorrow are
constantly mentioned in the Qur'an. The truth is that Islam looks upon the Universe as a reality, and
consequently recognises as reality all that is in it. Sin, Pain, and Sorrow, and Struggle are certainly real, but
Islam teaches that Evil is not essential to the universe. The universe can be reformed, and the elements of Sin
and Evil can be gradually eliminated. All that is in the Universe is God's: "Now, surely, whatever is in the
heavens, and whatever is in the earth, is Allah's" (Qur'an 10:66). And the seemingly destructive forces of Nature
become sources of Life, if properly controlled by Man: "Most surely in the creation of the heaven and the earth,
and the alternation of the night and day, and the ships that run in the sea laden with that which profits men, and
the water that Allah sends down from the cloud, then gives life to the earth after its death, and spreads in all
kinds of animals, and the changing of the courses of winds and the clouds made subservient between the heaven
and the earth, there are signs for a people who understand" (Qur'an 2:164). Man-- who is endowed with the
power to understand and control them: "We have made him (man) hearing and seeing" (Qur'an 76:2).
[[2E]] This and similar other verses of the Qur'an, combined with the Quranic recognition of Sin and Sorrow,
indicate that the Islamic view of the universe is neither optimistic nor pessimistic. Modern psychometry has
given the final answer to the psychological implications of Buddhism: Pain is not an essential factor in the
constitution of the universe, and pessimism is only a product of [a] hostile environment. Islam believes in the
efficacy of well-directed action; hence the standpoint of Islam must be described as melioristic, the ultimate
presupposition of all human effort at scientific discovery and social progress. Although Islam recognises the
fact of Pain, Sin, and Struggle in nature, yet the principal fact which stands in the way of Islam is neither Sin,
nor Pain, nor Struggle. It is Fear, to which man is victim owing to his ignorance of his environment, and want of
absolute faith in God. The highest stage of man's ethical progress is reached when he becomes absolutely free
from fear and grief. "They shall neither fear, nor shall they grieve" (Qur'an 2:38).

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[[2F]] The central proposition which regulates the structure of Islam, then, is that there is Fear in Nature, and
the object of Islam is to free Man from Fear. This view of the universe indicates also the Islamic view of the
metaphysical nature of man. If fear is the force which dominates man and counteracts his ethical progress, man
must be regarded as a Unit of Force and Energy, a Will, a germ of infinite power -- the gradual unfoldment of
which must be the object of all human activity. The essential nature of man, then, consists in will, and not in
intellect and understanding. With regard to the ethical nature of man, too, the teaching of Islam is different from
those of other religious systems: "And when God said to the Angels, 'I am going to make a Viceroy on Earth,'
they said, 'Art Thou creating one who spills blood and disturbs the peace of the earth, and we glorify Thee, and
sing Thy praise.' God answered, 'I know what you do not know.'" (Qur'an 2:30). These verses of the Qur'an,
when read in the light of the famous Tradition, "Every child is born a Muslim (peaceful)," indicates that,
according to the tenets of Islam, man is essentially good and peaceful -- a view explained and defended in our
own times by Rousseau, the great father of modern political thought.
[[2G]] The opposite view, the doctrine of the depravity of man held by the Church of Rome, leads to most
pernicious religious and political consequences. If man is essentially wicked, he must not be permitted to have
his own way. His entire life, then, must be controlled by an external authority. This means priesthood in religion
and autocracy in politics. The Middle Ages in the history of Europe drove the dogma of Romanism to its
political and religious consequences; the result was a form of society which required terrible revolutions to
destroy it, and to upset the basic presuppositions of its structure. Luther, the enemy of despotism in religion, and
Rousseau, the enemy of despotism in politics, must always be regarded as emancipators of European humanity
from the heavy fetters of Popedom and Absolutism. Their religious and political thoughts must be understood as
a virtual denial of the church dogma of human depravity.
[[2H]] The possibility of the elimination of Sin and Pain from the evolutionary process, and faith in the natural
goodness of man, are the basic proposition of Islam, as of modern European civilisation -- which has, almost
unconsciously, recognised the truth of these propositions, in spite of the religious system with which it is
associated. Ethically speaking, therefore, man is naturally good and peaceful. Metaphysically speaking, he is a
Unit of Energy which cannot bring out its dormant possibilities owing to its misconception of the nature of
environments. The ethical ideal of Islam, then, is to disenthrall man from fear and thus to give him a sense of
his personality, and then to make him conscious of himself as a source of power. The idea of man as an
individuality of infinite power determines, according to the teachings of Islam, the worth of all human
actions. That which intensifies the sense of individuality in man is good, and that which enfeebles it is bad. Evil
is weakness. Give a man a keen sense of respect for his own personality, and let him move fearless and free in
the immensity of God's earth, and he shall respect the personalities of others and become perfectly virtuous.
[[2I]] It is not possible for me to show you in this lecture how all the principal forms of vices can be reduced to
fear. But you will see the reason why certain forms of human activities, e.g., self-renunciation, poverty, slavish
obedience which at times conceals itself under the beautiful name of humility, and unworldliness -- modes of

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activity which tend to weaken the forces of human individuality -- are regarded as virtues by Buddhism and
Christianity, but are altogether ignored by Islam. While the early Christians glorified poverty and unworleliness,
Islam looks upon poverty as a vice, and says: "Do not forget thy share in this world" (Qur'an 28:77). The
highest virtue from the standpoint of Islam is "Righteousness," which is defined in the following manner: "It is
not righteousness that you turn your faces in prayers towards east or west, but it is this: that one should believe
in Allah, the Last Day, and the Angels, and the Scriptures and the Prophets; and give away wealth for His sake
to the near of kin and orphans, and the needy and the wayfarers and the beggars, and for the redemption of
captives; and keep up prayer and pay the poor-rate; and who perform their covenant when they have
covenanted, and are patient in distress and affliction." (Qur'an 2:177).
[[2J]] It is, therefore, evident that Islam, so to speak, transvaluates the moral values of the ancient world, and
declares the preservation and intensification of the sense of human personality to be [the] ultimate ground of all
ethical activities. Man is a free, responsible being; he is the maker of his own Destiny; and his salvation is his
own business. There is no mediator between God and man. God is the birthright of every man. The Qur'an,
therefore, while it looks upon Jesus Christ as the Spirit of God, strongly protests against the doctrine of
redemption, as well as the doctrine of an infallible visible head of the church -- doctrines which proceed upon
the assumption of the insufficiency of human personality, and tend to create in man the sense of dependence
which is regarded by Islam as a force obstructing the ethical progress of man.

The Ethical Ideal of Islam [and the question of slavery]

[[3A]] The Law of Islam is almost unwilling to recognise illegitimacy, since the stigma is a great blow to the
healthy development of the spirit of independence in man. Similarly, in order to give man an early sense of
individuality, the Law of Islam has laid down that a child is absolutely free at the age of fifteen. To this view of
Muslim ethics, however, there can be one objection. If the development of human individuality is the principal
concern of Islam, why should it tolerate the institution of slavery?
[[3B]] The idea of free labour was foreign to the economic consciousness of the ancient world. Aristotle looks
upon it as a necessary factor in human society. The Prophet of Islam, being a link between the ancient and
modern worlds, declared the principle of equality; and though, like every social reformer, he slightly conceded
to the social conditions around himself, in retaining the name "slavery," he quietly took away the whole spirit of
the institution. That slaves had equal opportunities with other Muhammadans is evidenced by the fact that some
of the greatest Muslim warriors, kings, premiers, scholars, and jurists were slaves. During the days of the Early
Caliphs slavery by purchase was quite unknown. Part of public revenue was set apart for [the] purpose of
manumission; and prisoners of war were either freely dismissed or freed on payment of ransom. 'Umar set all
slaves at liberty after his conquest of Jerusalem. Slaves were set at liberty as a penalty for culpable homicide,
and in expiation for a false oath taken by mistake.

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[[3C]] The Prophet's own treatment of slaves was extraordinarily liberal. The proud aristocratic Arab could not
tolerate the social elevation of slaves even when they were manumitted. The democratic ideal of perfect
equality, which had found [=formed?] the most uncompromising ideal in the Prophet's life, could only be
brought home to an extremely aristocratic people by a very cautious handling of the situation. He brought about
a marriage between an emancipated slave and a free Quraysh woman, a relative of his own. This marriage was a
blow to the aristocratic pride of the free Arab woman; she could not get on with her husband, and the result was
a divorce, which made her the more helpless, since no respectable Arab would marry the divorced wife. The
ever-watchful Prophet availed himself of this situation at [=for?] social reform. He married the woman himself,
indicating thereby that not only a slave could marry a free woman, but also that a woman divorced by him could
become the wife of no less a personage than the greatest Prophet of God. The significance of this marriage in
the history of the social reform in Arabia is, indeed, very great. Whether prejudice, ignorance, or want of insight
has blinded European critics of Islam to the real meaning of this union is difficult to guess.
[[3D]] In order to show you the treatment of slaves by modern Muslims, I quote a passage from the English
translation of the autobiography of [the] late Amir 'Abdu'r Rahman Khan of Afghanistan (may his soul rest in
peace): "For instance, Faramurz Khan, a Chitrali slave, is my most trusted Commander-in-Chief at Herat; Nazir
Ahmad Safar Khan, another Chitrali slave, is the most trusted official of my Court; he keeps my seal in his
hands to put it on any document and food and diet. In short, he has the full confidence of my life, as well as of
my kingdom, in his hands. Parwana Khan, the late Deputy Commander-in-Chief, and Jan Muhammad Khan, the
late Lord [of the] Treasury, two of the highest officials of the kingdom in their lifetimes, were both of them my
slaves."
[[3E]] The truth is that the institution of slavey is a mere name in Islam; the idea of individuality reveals itself
as a guiding principle in the entire system of Muhammadan Law and Ethics. The poet 'Umar Khaiyyam has so
beautifully expressed the spirit of Muslim ethics in one of his quatrains that I cannot help reading it to you [in
Persian; trans. here by Hashimy]:
So long as there lie (together) bones, veins, and energy
Never step out of the House of Fate;
Do not submit even if Rustam bin Zal be your foe,
Do not accept obligation of a friend even if he be Hatim of Tayy.
Briefly speaking, then, "a strong Will in a strong Body" is the Ethical Ideal of Islam.

The Ethical Ideal of Islam [and Indian Muslims]

[[4A]] But let me stop here for a moment, and see whether we Indian Muslims are true to this ideal. (1) Does
the Indian Muslim possess a strong will in a strong body? (2) Has he got the will to live? (3) Has he got
sufficient strength of character to oppose those forces which tend to disintegrate the social organism to which he
belongs? I regret to answer my questions in the negative. You know, Gentlemen, that in the great struggle for

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life it is not principally number which makes a social organism survive; character is the ultimate equipment of
man not only in his efforts against a hostile natural environment, but also in his contest with kindred
competitors after a fuller richer, and ampler life.
[[4B]] The life-force of the Indian Muhammadan, however, has become woefully enfeebled. The decay of the
religious spirit, combined with other causes of a political nature over which he had no control, has developed in
him now a sense of dependence and, above all, the laziness of spirit which an enervated people call by the
dignified name of "contentment" in order to conceal their own enfeeblement. Owing to his indifferent
commercial morality, he fails in economic enterprise; for want of a true conception of national interest and the
right appreciation of the present situation of the community among the communities of this country, he is
working, in his private as well as public capacities, on lines which, I am afraid, must lead to ruin. How often do
we see that shrinks from advocating a cause, the significance of which is truly national, simply because his
standing aloof pleases an influential Hindu through whose agency he hopes to secure a personal distinction. I
tell you, Gentlemen, that I have got greater respect for an illiterate shopkeeper who earns his honest bread, and
has sufficient force in his arms to defend his wife and children in times of trouble, than the brainy graduate of
high culture whose timid voice betokens death [=dearth?] of soul in his body, and who takes pride in his
submissiveness, eats sparingly, complains of sleepless in [=at] night, and produces unhealthy children for his
community, if he does produce at all.
[[4C]] Gentlemen, I hope I shall not be offending you when I say that I have a certain amount of admiration for
the Devil. By refusing to prostrate himself before Adam, whom he honestly believed to be his inferior, he
revealed a high sense of self-respect, a trait of character which, in my opinion, ought to redeem him from his
spiritual deformity, just as the beautiful eyes of a toad redeem him from his physical repulsiveness. And, I
believe, God punished him not because he refused to make himself low before the progenitor of an enfeebled
humanity, but because he declined to give absolute obedience to the Will of the Almighty Ruler of the Universe.
[[4D]] The ideal of our educated young men is mostly service; and service begets, especially in a country like
India, that sense of dependence wshich undermines the force of human individuality. The poor among us, of
course, have no capital; the middle-class people cannot undertake joint economic enterprises owing to mutual
mistrust; and the rich look upon trade as an occupation beneath their dignityl Economic dependence is the
prolific mother of all the various forms of evils. Even the vices of the Indian Muhammadan indicate weakness
of life-force in him. Physically, too, he has undergone dreadful deteriorations. Go and see the pale, faded faces
of Muhammadan boys in schools and colleges, and you will find the painful verification of my statement.
Power, energy, force, strength -- yes, physical strength is the Law of Life. A strong man may rob others when
he has got nothing in his pocket; but a feeble person must die the death of a mean thing in the world's awful
scene of continual warfare.
Q. 2 Keeping in view Allama Iqbal’s Allahabad Address, discuss the intellectual contents Allama Iqbal’s
demand for a separate Muslim state.

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In this address, Allama Iqbal gave the lucid explanation of the inner feeling of the Muslims of India. He
narrated the basic principles of the Islam and loyalties of the Muslims to their faith. He gave the idea and
concept about a separate homeland in this address because the Muslim were a nation and had a right that they
got the identification and passed their lives in order to the Islamic principles. Due to these reasons, he expressed
his thoughts in this address.
There were many reasons which caused Muslims to think about the separate homeland and compelled to protect
the rights of the Muslim. There was a two branched attack on the Muslim interests. On the one side, Hindus
were creating the restrictions in the way of the Muslim and hurting the feeling of the Muslim to propose the
Nehru report as the ultimate constitution for India. On the other side, the British government totally ignored the
Muslim’s rights and other facilities were not being provided to them. They were ignored in every field of life,
especially in education and government.
In that critical condition, Allama Muhammad Iqbal realized that these eccentric problems of the Muslims in
North West India needed to be addressed. In order to solve these problems, Allama Iqbal pointed a line of
action.
In his address, Allama Iqbal explained that Islam was the major and determining factor in the life of Indian
Muslims. He defined the Muslims of India as a nation and recommended there could be no possibility of peace
in India without recognizing them as one. Unless the Muslims are considered as a nation and their rights are
protected, it is impossible to establish peace and order in the land. Because there are many nations in the land,
every nation is distinguished from the other in their customs, traditions and religion. The difference in the mind,
difference in thoughts and religion furthermore, difference in the customs and tradition make them unable to
live together. So in these condition, it is essential that Muslim have a separate homeland as without a separate
homeland they might face many difficulties for the rest of their life in united India.
As the permanent solution to the Muslim Hindus problem, Iqbal proposed that Punjab, North West Frontier
province, Baluchistan, and Sindh should be converted into one state. He expressed that the northwestern part of
the country should be established to unite as a self-governed unit, within or without the British Empire.
Islam and Nationalism
In his address, Allama Iqbal explained that Islam was the major formative factor in the life history of Indian
Muslims. It furnished those basic emotions and loyalties, which gradually unify scattered individuals and
groups and finally transform them into a well-defined people, possessing a moral consciousness of their own.
He defined the Muslims of India as a nation and suggested that there could be no possibility of peace in the
country unless and until they were recognized as a nation. He claimed that the only way for the Muslims and
Hindus to prosper in accordance with their respective cultural values was under a federal system where Muslim
majority units were given the same privileges that were to be given to the Hindu majority units. In this section,
Iqbal addressed the idea the Islam and nationalism. Islam is a way of life in which the Muslims spend their lives
with peace and harmony, it gives the principles to regulate and organize life and also form the identification of a

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separate nation within the Muslim psyche. Islam provides the Muslims with a separate identification and
distinguishes them from others because its customs and traditions are different from other religions and this
faith stresses upon monotheism and acceptance of the Holy Prophet’s principles.
As far as nationalism is concerned, it can be said that nationalism comes through Islam in Muslims, Islam
provides a different way of life. Although Islam is a religion yet it declares the rules and regulations about the
different aspects of life. On the other hand, Europeans considered Islam as a private affair and thought that
Islam should not guide political conditions. Whereas Iqbal explained that Islam was not a private matter, the
demand of separate homeland was based on Islam as it did not neglect the common life. “Man,” says Renan “is
enslaved neither by his race nor by his religion, nor by the course of rivers, nor by the direction of mountain
ranges. A great aggregation of men, sane of mind and warm of heart, creates a moral consciousness which is
called a nation.”
The question of unity
In this section of his speech, Iqbal narrated the principle of unity and whether unity in different nations was
possible or not. According to Iqbal’s point of view, there are many nations in this sub-continent and every
nation has its own social, political, and religious structure. Without partition, establishment of peace and order
in this land is impossible; nevertheless they can pass their lives with peace. One reason is that one nation does
not accept the customs and traditions of other nations and consider them lower. This thing expressed that peace
and harmony can be established but only after the division of the Indian sub-continent to facilitate the Muslims
to implement their religion.
Muslim Indians within India
The unity of nations is not only territorial as is believed by European countries. India is a continent of human
groups belonging to the different races, speaking different languages, and professing different religions. Their
behavior is not at all determined by a common race consciousness.
Conclusion
As a permanent solution of the problems was that division of continent was essential in the sight of Iqbal that is
why Allama Iqbal presented his ideas in this speech.
Q. 3 Discuss the factors for Quaid-i-Azam’s rejection of “Indian Nationalism”.
The early twentieth century has not only brought a change in the British policy towards India but also provided
an opportunity to Indians to play their role in shaping the Indian society which resulted in the rise of
Nationalism. The Congress has become a sore to the Governor General due to her criticism on the British rule
against their governance and policies. Krishna Gopal Gokhale, the mentor of Jinnah, in his first budget speech
to the Imperial Legislative Council in 1902 presided by Lord Curzon, stated: “Your Excellency, I fear I cannot
conscientiously join in the congratulations which have been offered to the Hon’ble Finance Member on the
huge surplus which the revised estimates show for last year. A surplus of seven crores of rupees is perfectly
unprecedented in the history of Indian finance, and coming as it does on the top of a series of similar surpluses

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realised when the country has been admittedly passing through very trying times, it illustrates to my mind, in a
painfully clear manner, the utter absence of a due correspondence between the condition of the people and the
condition of the finances of the country”.
Not only in financial policies but also in education, British faced a huge resistance from Indians. Lord Curzon
was in favour of centralisation of education as much as he was interested in centralisation in administration and
bureaucracy. For the preparation of Indian universities Act, he called a conference in 1901 at Simla and
summoned top education expert and university representatives. The conference adopted more than 150
resolutions for the education in India which was highly criticised by the Indian press. Later in 1902, he
appointed an Education Commission under the chairmanship of Sir Thomas Raleigh. Only two Indian members
were placed in the commission, the one was Syed Hussain Bilgrami and the other was Gurudas Benerjee. The
commission had submitted its report in the same year but with the note of dissent from Mr Benerjee. Finally, in
1904, Lord Curzon approved the Indian Universities Act on the basis of recommendations in report.
Subsequently, in 1905 Partition of Bengal which seems to be the administrative decision of British government
brought another wave of unrest and demonstrations in India. This time, it was not only the matter between two
parties, the Congress and the British, but Muslim interests were also linked with this decision.
Muslims in Bengal were happy that this partition will bring new opportunities in jobs and professional
development to them as Muslims lawyers and doctors will have a separate region to practice, possibility of
issuance of more licenses and Muslim students will secure more seats in universities. Upon a very strong
agitation from the Congress, Muslims in Bengal realised that Congress could not be the representative of
Hindus and Muslim at the same time, though Partition of Bengal was repealed in 1911 when George the V,
announced this decision in Delhi Darbar. It gave an ample time to the Muslims to think and realise their role in
present scenario and to voice for their rights and identity as a minority.
A 35-member delegation known as “Simla Deputation” under the leadership of Sir Aga Khan III met with Lord
Minto in 1906 with the demands such as right for voting under separate electorate for the Muslims, quota in
government services, both in gazetted and non-gazetted cadres, seats for the Muslims in the Senate and
syndicate of the Indian Universities and demanded representation in the Viceroy’s Imperial Legislative Council
in excess of their population. After the Hindi Urdu controversy, this was the high time when Muslims
demanded their rights in laud and clear voice as a minority.
Meanwhile, M A Jinnah, after completing Barrister at Law joined Indian National Congress and under the
president ship of Dadabhai Naoroji advocated the joint struggle against British Rule. As a young politician,
Jinnah was of the opinion that demand of separate electorate at this time may compromise the joint efforts and
nationalism in India but who knows that after three decades, the same Jinnah will demand for a separate
homeland for the Muslims, the demand which will change the history of subcontinent forever. As Jinnah was
free from all sectarian biases, due to his fair attitude and farsightedness, Krishna Gopal Ghokhale gave him the

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title of “an Ambassador of Hindu Muslim Unity”. Sarojini Naidu has written a pen portrait for Jinnah and
compiled his early speeches.
Jinnah in February 1915 while addressing to the Union of Muslim students at Bombay, emphasised the value
discipline, asked for unity and goodwill and directed them to be a true patriot. He stated that “for himself, he
could not understand an educated man saying he could not take an interest in the politics. Politics had in some
quarters assumed a definition that was anything but true. It did not necessarily mean agitation. A man could take
interest in politics without participating in agitation. And even if a man did take part in agitation it did not mean
he wanted to pull down the government”.
In the light of above account, one question arises here that how Jinnah became a man who demanded the
partition of India, who has gone so far that Hindu and Muslims are two different nations and the future of the
Muslims of India lies in a separate homeland. He was dreaming for a state where all the citizens can live freely
and enjoy their religious and social life. The simplest cause that can be traced for the demand of a separate
homeland for Muslims is that they were denied their basic rights from the beginning till partition. Had the
demands of Simla Deputation realised and fulfilled, Muslims would be happy to live in undivided India. Even
when Jinnah on the proposal of S Srinivasa Iyengar, started joint efforts for the future constitution of India and
came up with Delhi Muslim proposals i.e. as Muslims always demanded one third representation in Hindu
majority provinces, same representation will be given to Hindus in the Muslim majority provinces. Jinnah was
very much clear to the rights of all communities and protection of minorities in any future constitution of India.
When he had presented his Fourteen constitutional points, he was loud and clear about religious liberty i.e. full
religious liberty, liberty of belief, worship and observance, association and education shall be guaranteed to all
the communication. One may consider this stance of Jinnah stronger than all future stances where he talks about
religious liberty because in 1929, even the word of Pakistan was not coined. His historic speech of August 11,
1947 to the first Constitutional Assembly of Pakistan, was presided by Jogendra Nath Mandal, where Jinnah
sworn in as the first Governor General of Pakistan.
Jinnah stated: “You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any
other place or worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed -- that has
nothing to do with the business of the State”.
Today, after 70 years of Independence many ask, did we achieve Jinnah’s Pakistan? And the answer to this
question is not easy. People are still dreaming of Jinnah’s Pakistan, where all citizens can live with the same
honour and without any prejudice. One can learn from the past and can avoid mistakes done earlier. One may
find it interesting while going through the resolution of the Congress-League Scheme at the session of All India
Muslim League held at Calcutta in December, 1917 that talking about the coercive measures of the
Government, Jinnah mentioned “only take the history of this country of last twenty years or so. Let us ask this
question - What has been the cause of these coercive measures such as the Press Act. The people of this country
have been loyal - the people of this country have always been satisfied notwithstanding the many disabilities

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and ill-treatments. What is the cause of this? The cause of it you know, I know it and the Government knows it -
is that the people of India resent the continual slavish conditions which prevail in this country.
Instead of Government meeting the complaints of the people what do they do in this country? They want to
muzzle you. They say we pass Press Act, if you write anything we will, they say, strangle you. They have
passed the Seditious Meeting Act to stop meeting of the people. Is this really the method by which you can
continue governing the people? Is it possible for any statute to destroy the soul of the people? Instead of
meeting with the grievances of the people, instead of trying to remedy the defects, they go on passing statutes. I
say, this is a short sighted, mistaken policy - it is a blunder and sooner you realise it the better for you”.
The future of Pakistan lies in the welfare of its people. A better education policy and adoption of modern
technology can provide better economic opportunities to its people.
The system of local governments and need of decentralisation is much needed towards a better future.
Pakistan’s image in the international community can be improved by maintaining law and order, protecting
minorities and guaranteeing them equal rights, strengthening police system and introducing tourism friendly
policies. Regional cooperation and economic ties with its neighbours can play a vital role. Only Pakistanis can
change the fate of this country by working hard for her progress and making it a true welfare state.
Q. 4 Why did Quaid-i-Azam demand the division of the Indian subcontinent and the establishment of an
independent Muslim state?
It was the desire of the Muslims of India to have their own state as they had been galvanised by the Quaid-e-
Azam from a scattered mask into cohesive block with one flag, one voice, one leader and one demand for a
Muslim homeland where they could achieve political and economic independence and freely practise and
propagate their personal religious faith, be free from exploitation by the British and domination by the majority
Hindu population in India.
The Jinnah Anthology is an immensely valuable book which contains material and information on Jinnah and
the partition of India, which led to the creation of Pakistan.
This was traced by Liaquat Merchant, grand-nephew of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, as the guest
speaker for an introduction on the now famous book “The Jinnah Anthology”, which has been produced by him
and Professor Sharif Al Mujahid, the current 4th edition being the last and final one.
This event was hosted by the Karachi Council on Foreign Relations (KCFR) now headed by Ikram Sehgal as
chairman and Admiral (retd) Khalid Mir as co-Chairman here at a local hotel on Thursday.
Governor Sindh Imran Ismail graced the occasion as chief guest. Commodore (retd) Sadeed A Malik, secretary
general of the KCFR, Wang Yu, consul general of China, Thatree Chauvachata, consul general of Thailand in
Karachi, the consul general of Afghanistan and many other dignitaries also attended the event.
Co-author Liaquat Merchant recalled that the struggle to achieve an identity for the Muslims of India and for a
place for them under the Indian sun went on for decades starting even before the time of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan
and the establishment of Aligarh Muslim University in 1920, and the inspiring thought and poetry of Allama

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Muhammad Iqbal, Pakistan’s philosopher, but it was left to Jinnah’s brilliant leadership to formulate the two-
nation theory in his artistic language and to establish that the Muslims of India were a nation even before
Pakistan became a reality on 14th August, 1947.
He quoted Jinnah’s response to Mahatma Gandhi when Gandhi said in 1944 that a body of converts could not
constitute a nation. Jinnah replied: “We maintain and hold that Muslims and Hindus are two major nations by
any definition or test of a nation. We are a nation of a hundred million people, and, what is more, we are a
nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and
nomenclature, sense of value and proportion, legal laws and moral codes, customs and calendar, history and
traditions, aptitudes and ambitions – in short, we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life.”
In 1946 the Cabinet Mission Plan, brought by Sir Stafford Cripps to keep India united on the basis of Muslim
and Hindu majority provinces with their respective governments, was scuttled by Jawaharlal Nehru, who
claimed that parliament in India would be sovereign and could change the constitution left behind by the
British.
Jinnah demanded complete separation of India into two states as what the Muslims desired most was freedom,
fraternity and liberty which Jinnah said was “the life and blood of the Muslims”.
He said that the Muslims of India would never agree to exploitation and domination by the British and Hindus
of India and it was imperative that there should be two nations -- namely Hindu nation and Muslim nation of
Pakistan.
Recent events in India after the shooting down of an Indian plane over Pakistani air space followed by the
Indian government depriving Kashmiri of the special status given to them under the Indian Constitution clearly
reflects the mindset of India that it intends to rule over the Muslims of India by oppression and force; this is
what Jinnah warned us of in 1946, Liaquat Merchant added.
When someone described The Jinnah Anthology as a beautiful Coffee Table model, Professor Sikandar Hayat
of the FC College who spoke at the launch of the book said that the book constitutes serious hard work and
cannot be treated as a Coffee Table model.
A more apt description by Liaquat Merchant was “to understand the reasons behind the creation of Pakistan and
why the idea of Pakistan will never die – you have to cross the bridge which is “JINNAH”. This is absolutely
true and it is mainly for this reason why The Jinnah Anthology “which is presumably the best reference book on
Jinnah in Pakistan, is so invaluable to Pakistanis living in the country and more particularly to Pakistanis who
are non-resident in Pakistan as it provides a strong link between non-resident Pakistanis and Pakistan, their
home country.
The other major beneficiaries of The Jinnah Anthology are and will continue to be the younger generation of
Pakistanis who were born and will continue to be born in the post-Partition era. This book provides to them
beautiful inspirational information and documents which will continue to make the younger generation proud of
their country and the Founder of their country, he maintained.

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The Jinnah Anthology has reached this final stage over the twenty years period started in 1999 when the first
edition was brought out, the 2nd in 2009, 3rd in 2014 and the 4th in 2019. The book underwent editions and
improvements through this process resulting in a beautiful presentation which now completed 4th edition for
which the untiring efforts of Liaquat Merchant, Jinnah’s grand-nephew and founder president of The Jinnah
Society, and the truly remarkable Professor Sharif al Mujahid deserve the highest praise.
Their work is indeed commendable and The Jinnah Anthology 4th edition will continue to serve the needs of
historians, scholars, authors, students, Jinnah’s admirers and citizens of Pakistan holding dual nationality or
otherwise wherever there may be.
The Jinnah Anthology is not a book which one can pick up and read from cover to cover like other well written
books on Pakistan and Jinnah. One has to dwell into anthology to look for what you want to know and will find
the answer. This does not mean that the anthology does not contain well-written essays and articles on Jinnah
because it does.
The book is divided into 14 sections. Section one contains original essays on Jinnah by different authors
including Stanley Wolpert, S.M. Burke, Kuldeep Nair, Ayesha Jalal, Sharif uddin Pirzada, A.G. Noorani, Akbar
S. Ahmed, Muhammad Ali Siddiqui, Jawaid Iqbal, Sheharyar Khan, Sharif al Mujahid and Liaquat Merchant.
Two perspectives of Jinnah Secular or Islamic and Protector General of Minorities is an essay worth reading
and so is the essay by Muhammad Ali Siddiqui entitle “The two saviors” Ata Turk and Jinnah and “Jinnah as
seen by Sir Sultan Mohammad Shah, Agha Khan III by Liaquat Merchant.
The tribute perhaps the best ever paid to Jinnah as recorded in this chapter when the Agha Khan as stated in his
memoirs published in 1954 stated: “The Quaid-i-Azam’s brilliant and epoch-making career, so untimely ended,
reached its summit in these momentous years of 1946 and 1947. Now he belongs to history; and his memory. I
am certain, is imperishable. Of all the statesmen that I have known in my life – Clemenceau, Lloyd George,
Churchill, Curzon, Mussolini, Mahatma Gandhi – Jinnah is the most remarkable. None of these men in my view
outshone him in strength of character, and in that almost uncanny combination of prescience and resolution
which is statecraft.”
Section three contains excerpts from speeches and statement of the Quaid-i-Azam while section four deals with
books on the Freedom Movement and section five covers impressions while section six reproduces personal
recollections of Jinnah and section seven contains tribute paid to Jinnah by leading International personalities.
Section nine deals with The Jinnah Society and it focus on Jinnah’s ideals, principles and vision as a nation
building exercise in Pakistan. The Anthology contains the Quaid’s will, the Dawn Trust which Jinnah
established, Judgments of Jinnah’s personal faith and beliefs by the High Court of Karachi.
Section 13 deals with the Quaid’s last write while section 14 contains the Obituary and Editorials appeared in
The Times (London) and The Hindu (India) when Jinnah passed away. The anthology contains truly historical
and beautiful photographs of Jinnah on different occasions with different personalities including some personal
photographs. There is also an Article by Ardeshir Cowasjee where he demands “bring back Jinnah’s Pakistan”.

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The book also contains a group photograph of the Quaid’s family when a reception was hosted to felicitate the
cast and crew of the film “Jinnah” and with members of Jinnah Society at the Governor House Karachi with
Professor Stanley Wolpert when he specially came down for a lecture at the request of The Jinnah Society.
The Jinnah Awards conferred by The Jinnah Society on different leading personalities for outstanding services
to Pakistan are shown in the Chapter dealing with The Jinnah Society but perhaps the most impressive content
of The Jinnah Anthology 4th Edition is a full page devoted to Jinnah along with his signature on 18.04.1946
with a pen portrait of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah by Sarojini Naidu, a former president of the Indian
National Congress, which truly sets out the greatness, stature and character of the one and only Mohammad Ali
Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan known to all of us as “Quaid-i-Azam”.
The tribute by Sarojini Naidu is reproduced below: “The casual pen might surely find it easier to describe his
limitations rather than to define his virtues ... But the true criterion of Jinnah’s greatness lies not in the range
and variety of his knowledge and experience, but in the faultless perception and flawless refinement of his
subtle mind and spirit; not in the diversity of aims and challenge of a towering personality, but rather in a lofty
singleness and sincerity of purpose and the lasting charm of a character animated by a brave conception of duty
and an austere and lovely code of private honour and public integrity.”
The famous tribute to Jinnah by the world famous author Professor Stanley Wolpert, a patron of The Jinnah
Society, who recently passed away and his words will remain immortal as he spoke from the heart when he
said: “Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Few are still modify the map of the world.
Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a national state. Mohammad Ali Jinnah did all three.”
‘Indian Muslims safe no more’
Sindh Governor Imran Ismail said that the lives and properties of the Muslim community in India are safe no
more, adds our correspondent. “The Quaid-e-Azam while presenting the two-nation theory had said that soon
there would be no place for Muslims in India. Today, we are seeing that lives and properties of Muslims in
India are safe no more,” he said while speaking as chief guest at a programme organised at a hotel by the
Karachi Council on Foreign Relations (KCFR) to present the fourth and last edition of the book on the founder
of the nation, titled “Jinnah Anthology”.
Also present on the occasion was the co-author of the book, Liaquat Marchant, who delivered the keynote
address at the ceremony. Other notable persons in attendance were Akram Sehgal of the KCFR, and the consuls
General of China, Thailand, and Afghanistan in Karachi.
The governor said that the Indian government had left no viable options for the Muslim community living in
India. He said that plight of the Indian Muslims in the present day had rightly been predicted by Quaid-e-Azam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah right at the time of the birth of Pakistan. He said the Quaid-e-Azam had made the
commitment that every religious community in Pakistan would be given its rights on a uniform basis.
The governor was of the view that the Quaid-e-Azam was a true, selfless leader who had carried out his mission
irrespective of his serious health issues.

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He said that the Quaid-e-Azam had never provided any opportunity to anyone to highlight his ill-health status.
He said that this perseverance shown by Quaid-e-Azam was like a role model for our future generations. He
said the Quaid-e-Azam was the supreme leader of his region who had proved his superiority all over the world.
The governor said that India had unduly prolonged the Kashmir issue and Pakistan would continue to highlight
this issue at every relevant global forum till the time the issue was duly settled according to the desire of the
Kashmiri people.
“The Governor House used to be the office of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. During this reception, I
have been just asked whether or not I feel the presence of the Quaid-e-Azam at the Governor House. My answer
is that yes I feel the presence of the Quaid-e-Azam there,” he said.
“I used to see the pillars and chairs where the Quaid-e-Azam used to sit or stand. The office of the Quaid-e-
Azam is still preserved there as it is a cultural heritage,” he said. The governor invited everyone on the occasion
to come to the Governor House and observe the articles and belongings of personal use of the founder of the
nation preserved there.
He said that the Quaid-e-Azam was one of the rarest leaders of the world who had left a history behind him. The
co-author of the book, Liaquat Merchant, in his speech shed light in detail on the Pakistan Movement, the
ideology of Pakistan, and famous sayings of the founder of the nation.
He also presented a documentary film produced on the life of the Quaid-e-Azam. He said that the Jinnah
Anthology contained massive historical account regarding the Quaid-e-Azam and the foundation of Pakistan. A
special souvenir was also presented to the governor on the occasion.
Q. 5 Highlight the salient features of Lahore Resolution.
With the introduction of political reforms in India by the British, the Muslims realized that they would become
a permanent minority in a democratic system and it would never be possible for them to protect their
fundamental rights. They only constituted one fourth of the total Indian population and were much lesser in
number than the majority Hindu community. In order to protect their political, social and religious rights they
first demanded for separate electorates. However, due to the political developments that took place in the
country they realized that even the right of separate electorates would not be enough and they had to search for
some other long term solution.
Muhammad Iqbal, the poet philosopher in his famous Allahbad address made it clear that Islam has its own
social and economic system and in order to implement it a political entity was required. When Jinnah came
back to India in order to reorganize Muslim League and to make it a political party of the Muslim masses, he
got the opportunity to interact with Iqbal. Iqbal through his letters tried to persuade Jinnah that the only solution
available was a separate state for the Indian Muslims where they could spend their lives according to the
teachings of Holy Quran and Sunnah of the Prophet (SAW). Though Jinnah was convinced by late 1930s, but
being a realist he was not ready to announce the new plan until he was confident that the vast majority of the
Muslims were behind him. Overwhelming support from the Muslim masses for his call to celebrate Day of

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Deliverance on December 22, 1939 was actually a vote of confidence given by the Muslim Community in the
leadership of Jinnah, whom they by then had started considering as their Quaid-i-Azam.
Organization
With the clarity of mind and backing of the Muslim community behind him, Quaid-i-Azam called for the
27th annual session of All India Muslim League to be held from March 22 to 24, 1940 at Lahore. Sir Shah
Nawaz Khan of Mamdot was made the head of the reception committee and Main Bashir Ahmad was
nominated as secretary of the session. Prominent leaders including Chaudhry Khaliquzzam, Nawab Muhammad
Ismail Khan, Nawab Bahadur Yar Jang, A.K. Fazlul Haq, Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar, Abdullah haroon, Qazi
Muhammad Isa, I.I. Chundrigar, Sardar Aurangzeb Khan, Khawaja Nazimuddin, Abdul Hashim and Malik
Barkat Ali etc. attended the session.
Khaksar Tragedy
Due to the Khaksar Tragedy that took place on March 19, Sir Sikandar Hayat and others tried to persuade
Jinnah to postpone the session but the determined Quaid was not ready for it. In order to participate in the
session, he reached Lahore by train on March 21. He went straight to Mayo Hospital to see the wounded
Khaksars. By doing so he managed to handle well the issue of Khaksar disturbances. On his arrival Jinnah told
the print media that the All India Muslim League will make historic decision in the upcoming session.
Quaid-i-Azam’s Address
The venue of the session was Minto Park near Badshahi Masjid and Lahore Fort. The inaugural session was
planned at around three in the afternoon on March 22. People started coming from the morning and by the
afternoon the park was jam packed. According to a rough estimate around 100,000 attended the public meeting.
In the beginning of the session, the welcome address was presented by the Nawab of Mamdot. This was
followed by the historical speech of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
The Quaid in his two hours presidential address in English narrated the events that took place in the past few
months and concluded, “Hindus and the Muslims belong to two different religious philosophies, social customs
and literature. They neither inter-marry nor inter-dine together, and, indeed, they belong to two different
civilizations that are based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions. Their concepts on life and of life are
different. It is quite clear that Hindus and Muslims derive their inspiration from different sources of history.
They have different epics, different heroes and different episodes. Very often the hero of one is a foe of the
other, and likewise, their victories and defeats overlap. To yoke together two such nations under a single state,
one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority, must lead to growing discontent and final destruction of
any fabric that may be so built up for the government of such a state.” He further claimed, “Mussalmans are a
nation according to any definition of a nationhood. We wish our people to develop to the fullest spiritual,
cultural, economic, social and political life in a way that we think best and in consonance with our own ideals
and according to the genius of our people”.

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During his speech the Quaid quoted the letter written by Lala Lajpat Rai in 1924 to C.R. Das in which he
clearly mentioned that the Hindus and the Muslims were two separate and distict nationas which could never be
merged into a single nation. When Malik Barkat Ali claimed that Lala Lajpat Rai was a “Nationalist Hindu
leader”, Quaid responded, “No Hindu can be a nationalist. Every Hindu is a Hindu first and last.”
The Resolution
On March 23, A.K. Fazul Haq, the Chief Minister of Bengal, moved the historical Lahore Resolution. The
Resolution consisted of five paragraphs and each paragraph was only one sentence long. Although clumsily
worded, it delivered a clear message. The resolution declared:
“While approving and endorsing the action taken by the Council and the Working Committee of the All-India
Muslim League, as indicated in their resolutions dated the 27th of August, 17th and 18th of September and 22nd
of October, 1939, and 3rd of February 1940, on the constitutional issue, this session of the All-India Muslim
League emphatically reiterates that the scheme of Federation embodied in the Government of India Act, 1935 is
totally unsuited to, and unworkable in the peculiar conditions of this country and is altogether unacceptable to
Muslim India.
It further records its emphatic view that while the declaration dated the 18th of October, 1939, made by the
Viceroy on behalf of His Majesty’s Government is reassuring in so far as it declares that the policy and plan on
which the Government of India Act, 1935 is based will be reconsidered in consultation with the various parties,
interests and communities in India, Muslim India will not be satisfied unless the whole constitutional plan is
reconsidered de novo and that no revised plan would be acceptable to the Muslims unless it is framed with their
approval and consent.
Resolved that it is the considered view of this session of the All-India Muslim League that no constitutional
plan would be workable in this country or acceptable to Muslims unless it is designed on the following basic
principle, namely, that geographically contiguous units are demarcated into regions which should be so
constituted, with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary, that the areas in which the Muslims are
numerically in a majority, as in the North-Western and Eastern Zones of India, should be grouped to constitute
‘Independent States’ in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign.
That adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards should be specifically provided in the constitution for
minorities in these units and in these regions for the protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political,
administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with them; and in other parts of India where
Mussalmans are in a minority, adequate, effective and mandatory safeguard shall be specially provided in the
constitution for them and other minorities for the protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political,
administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with them.
This session further authorizes the Working Committee to frame a scheme of constitution in accordance with
these basic principles, providing for the assumption finally by the respective regions of all powers such as
defence, external affairs, communications, customs and such other matters as may be necessary”.

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Besides many others, the Resolution was seconded by Chaudhary Khaliquzzam from UP, Maulana Zafar Ali
Khan from Punjab, Sardar Aurangzeb from the N. W. F. P, Sir Abdullah Haroon from Sindh, and Qazi
Muhammad Esa from Baluchistan. Those who seconded the resolution, in their speeches declared the occasion
as a historic one. The Resolution was eventually passed on the last day of the moot, i.e. March 24.
Controversies
The name Pakistan was not used in the resolution and the official name of the resolution was Lahore
Resolution. It was the Hindu newspapers including Partap, Bande Matram, Milap, Tribune etc., who ironically
coined the name Pakistan Resolution. However, the idea was appreciated by the Muslim masses and the
Resolution is more known as Pakistan Resolution. Secondly, the Government and people of Pakistan wrongly
celebrate March 23 as a national day in Pakistan. The actual day when the resolution was passed was March 24.
It was only presented on March 23. Lastly, it the word “states” and not “state” was mentioned in the Resolution.
It means that the authors of the Resolution were foreseeing two separate states in the north-western and eastern
zones of India. But if one has a good look at the developments that followed, he or she would come to the
conclusion that either the word “states” was included as a mistake or the League leadership soon had a second
thought to their idea. A Resolution passed at the 1941 Madras session of the League stated, “Everyone should
clearly understand that we are striving for one independent and sovereign Muslim State.” In all the speeches
that Quaid delivered, he also used the word “an independent homeland” or “an independent Muslim state”.
Hindu Reaction
The Hindu reaction was, of course, quick, bitter and malicious. They called the “Pakistan” demand “anti-
national.” They characterized it as “vivisection; above all, they denounced it as imperialist – inspired to obstruct
India’s march to freedom.” In denouncing the demand outright, they, however, missed the central fact of the
Indian political situation; the astonishingly tremendous response of the Pakistan demand had elicited from the
Muslim masses. They also failed to take cognizance of the fact that a hundred million Muslims were now
supremely conscious of their distinct nationhood and were prepared to stake everything to actualize their self-
perceived destiny – the creation of an independent Muslim state in the sub-continent.
British Reaction
The British were equally hostile to the Muslim demand for at least two important reasons. First, they had long
considered themselves as the architects of the unity of India and of an Indian nation. Second, they had long
regarded the super-imposed unity under tax Britannica as their greatest achievement and lasting contribution in
history. And the Pakistan demand threatened to undo these presumed achievements on which the British had
long prided. However, despite the Hindu denunciation and the British alarm, the course of Muslim, indeed
Indian, politics was from now on firmly set towards Pakistan.
Conclusion
The All India Muslim League Resolution of March 1940, commonly known as the Pakistan Resolution, is
undoubtedly the most important event that changed the course of Indian history and left deep marks on the

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world history. With the passage of this Resolution, the Muslims of the sub-continent changed their demand
from “Separate Electorates” to a “Separate State.”  This Resolution rejected the idea of a United India and the
creation of an independent Muslim state was set as their ultimate goal. It gave new energy and courage to the
Muslims of the region who gathered around Quaid-i-Azam from the platform of the Muslim League to struggle
for their freedom. The dynamic leadership of the Quaid and the commitment and devotion of the followers
made it possible for them to achieve an independent state within seven years of their struggle, and that too when
the odds were against them.

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