Hyper-masculinity

Hyper-masculinity is an extreme form of masculine gender ideology and is comprised of a

cluster of beliefs that includes toughness, violence, dangerousness, and calloused attitudes
towards women and sex (Zaitchik and Mosher 1993). Advertising is believed to play a role in
the construction of hyper-masculinity (Kilbourne 1999).
 
Examination of advertisements aimed at both men and women reveal that hyper-masculine
depictions of men appear to be commonplace (Vokey, Teft and Tysiaczny 2013).
Advertisements depicting men as tough and violent (particularly towards women) is
disturbing, because gender portrayals in advertisement images have the potential to impact the
consumer in many ways; more than just selling products. These images also perpetuate
stereotypes and present behavioural norms for men and women (Allan and Coltrane 1996).

Modernity to Post-Modernity

The shift in the use and popularity of fragrance as being a woman’s product to becoming a
product more universally used, is tied to a change in society on a whole, and to the attitudes
and behaviours that accompanied it. A societal shift towards consumption occurred when
society moved from modernity to post-modernity: During the era of modernity, order was
sought through the separation of life into binaries, for example masculine and feminine and
public and private (Firat, 1994). These opposing categories were attached with superior and
inferior status levels, which helped provide grounds for the identification of hierarchies (Firat,
1994). During times of modernity, the aim was ultimately to present a society that was
transparent, structured and easily understood by its members (Goulding, 2003). During
modernity, the adoption of an ethic of a consumption by members of society was encouraged,
where men were producers of goods and women were consumers (Firat, 1994). In the era of
modern marketing, advertisers and marketers held a similar view of the ideal consumer: one
which is female, emotional, irrational and impulsive (Goulding, 2003). However, in the era of
the post-modern, production has lost the privileged position it once held in culture and society
as the prominent form of identity creation (Firat, 1994). In the post-modern era, judgement of
individuals has shifted from having a sole focus on occupation or one’s role in production,
and towards what is consumed and how this consumption is presented to others (Firat, 1994).
This era is often referred to as being that of the consumer society, due the surge in
consumerism.

There are many characteristics of post-modern society, the most prominent of which is the
dominant presence of the media. The other characteristics include hyperreality, fragmentation,
reversals of production and consumption, juxtapositions and loss of commitment (Firat and
Venkatesh, 1992; Firat, Dholakia and Venkatesh, 1995). The role of fragmentation in society
is especially significant from a marketing communications standpoint, as it reflects the
environment in which marketing communications currently operates. In post-modern society,
marketing communications are becoming increasingly fragmented as advertising spots are
becoming shorter, and the consumer is being exposed to multiple images from multiple
brands on a daily basis. The images represent all forms of products and services as well as the
numerous lifestyles, attitudes and personas which go with them. The increasingly fragmented
nature of marketing communications can be said to be mirrored in the fragmented
construction of one’s individual identity. Sturrock and Pioch (1998) state that the various
meanings that are attached to the consumption of products are used to reflect various
identities of the individual who wishes to “portray and experience momentary or situational
images felt to be appropriate or desirable at a particular time. The presentation of multiple,
varied images to the consumer allows them to become somewhat liberated from the
conformity associated with modernity, where they must conform to a single image of self
(Firat, Dholakia and Venkatesh, 1995). It can therefore be said that marketing, and consumer
society more generally, aides the consumer in their construction of self, by providing multiple
images which they can use to construct a unique identity (Kacen, 2000). Seabrook (1999)
comments on this role played by marketers stating “brands are how we figure out who we
are” ( cited in Kacen, 2000: 349). In post-modern marketing communications, the image is
displayed first and the product is often secondary (Firat, Dholakia and Venkatesh, 1995). It is
argued by Sturrock and Pioch (1998) that as a result of this, production has lost the privileged
place it held in modernity, as well as its role in identity construction for men. In the place of
production consumption practices have become the means though which individuals now
define their self-image, and the image of themselves they want to present to others
(Featherstone, 1993).

Gender and Consumer Society

While the terms ‘gender’ and ‘sex’ are often used interchangeably, the carry very different
meanings. ‘Sex’ refers to the biological aspects of being female or male, while ‘gender’ refers
to the behavioural, social and psychological traits associated with men an women (Chrisler,
2000). We are born with the biological sex we are given, however some theorists argue that
gender is something that is learned (Spence and Helmreich, 1978). Discussing womanhood
and femininity, Simone de Beavoir (get reference)* states that “one is not born but rather
becomes a woman” referring to the learned characteristics of gender. * Bring in Butler here?*
Renzetti also argues that rather than being a biological given, it is something which is created
socially. In modernity, consumption and production were closely tied to societal attitudes
towards gender. In modernity, females were considered the consumers and their activites were
based around the home, while men were the producers and tied to the workplace (Costa
1994). While these gender categories and stereotypes remain strong 5in post-modern society,
culture has become more tolerant and accepting of the sexes participating in roles and
activities which are non-traditional for their gender category (Firat, 1994). This has resulted in
the concept of gender identity itself undergoing a great transformation, becoming a more fluid
quality that changes and shifts in different contexts (Kacen, 2000).

Marketing communications and advertising have had a profound impact on the shifts and
changes in male gender identity (Patterson and Elliot, 2002). Patterson and Elliot argue that
advertising activity was one of the driving forces in the creation of the ‘new man’. The
construction of male identities shifted greatly in the 80’s and 90’s, led by marketing
communications which impacted on this new male identity (Patterson and Elliot, 2002).

Representation of men in Advertising

There are a number of aspirational traits which are included in the way in which men are
currently portrayed in advertising generally. This new male aspirational model is argued by
Astios et al (1998) as being characterised by the following recurring elements:
• Retains his masculinity (at all times)

• Able to express sincerity and sensitivity

• Witty and relaxed

• Able to return to his most inner consciousness

• Has his own personality and not an artificial imposed one

• Displays simplicity of character

Astios et al. carried out research to ascertain what men perceived as positive and negative
images of the new male, positive images included:

• The friend

• The partner

• The hardworking professional

• The sensitive man

• The father

Negative elements included:

• Man as object

• The outdated man

• The Gay/ androgynous man

• The inadequate man

Journalist John Camm (2005) also outlined negative portrayals of men which are commonly
seen in advertising which included elements such as men portrayed as being obsessed with
sex, who are inherently lazy or modern men who are cat owners. From an Irish perspective,
John Waters an Irish Journalist had argued that Irish men, especially those who are middle-to-
late aged, are frequently characterised as being stupid, ignorant are generally incompetent in
contemporary media. Preston argues that there are typically two extremes under which men in
advertising fall into: ‘Sexual hunk’ or ‘Rocket Scientist’ (Preston, 2000).

The New Man

For the majority of the twentieth century women were considered by society to be inferior to
men and as such were expected to act as their subordinate in all aspects of their lives
(Campaign, 2005). As men had take authority of the family, the workplace and the extent to
which each man asserted his authority over those ‘beneath’ him was dependent on the
character of the man, his upbringing and his culture (Campaign, 2005). The media
characterised the new man of modernity through figures such as Humphrey Bogart or John
Wayne, or in advertising the iconic ‘The Marlboro Man’. These figures became synonymous
with men of modernity and the traditional man of the mid-to-late twentieth century.

This new view of man, who is traditional and places importance of traditional values which
saw the man working the land while the woman stayed in the home and looked after the
children. Campaign argues that ‘the history of males as aggressors, hunters and protectors
developed into the time honoured idea of man: physically imposing, if inarticulate, he could
fix anything around the house and was loved and feared by his wife and children’ (Campaign,
2005: 24-25). Following the second world war the world changed and shifted in a different
direction, as during the war while men were away fighting, women took up jobs in factories
and businesses. This led to the first wave of the feminist movement, the feminist liberation
movement, which irrevocably changed the relationship between men and women; women
would no longer settle for being subordinate and submissive to their husbands, fathers,
brothers. The roles associated with the sexes also changed during this time and became more
fluid and interchangeable: a woman’s place was no longer in the home and the mans was no
longer necessarily at work. This change became stronger and more acceptable over-tie and as
the women’s liberation progressed, but it is still on-going (Campaign, 2005).

Patterson and Elliot (2002:234) describe the ‘new man as a ‘sensitive soul in touch with his
feminine emotional side’. The 1980’s saw the birth of the new man and the shift in
masculinity that he represented. His role in society became extended and more diverse,
influenced by the societal change brought about by the women’s liberation. Patterson and
Elliot (2002:234) discuss this new masculinity stating that it was a less traditional masculinity
which allowed men the freedom to become involved in the worlds of parenthood and
housekeeping which were previously understood to be women’s roles. Despite this, they state
that men managed to retain the power of their masculinity while also applying greater
attention to their well-being and appearance. This new man represents a move away from
traditional forms of masculinity and the beginning of a shift towards being a commodity
seeker (Collier, 1992 and Barthel, 1992). Barthel (1992:147) goes on to further describe his a
‘gift to advertisers’. Within the context of men’s fashion and style magazines from the 1980’s
onwards, Collier (1992) describes such magazines as being a primary source of reference for
the new man. The importance of media sources for information on lifestyle and culture
changes for men is significant, as a recent survey stated that over half of European and
American men use media as their sources of trends and information on men’s health
(Datamonitor, 2004). On this, Patterson and Elliot (2002:236) argues that ‘at a fundamental
level, there has been a growing feminization of hegemonic masculinity, designed to
encourage greater male participation in consumption activities and with the added benefit of
protecting patriarchy’.

As the 1990’s approached, more and more men became interested in men’s lifestyle and
fashion magazines (Patterson and Elliot, 2002). However, despite this increasing interest in
magazines, the post-modern man is not accurately represented in the images of men in such
magazines (Kolbe and Albanese, 1996). Kimmel traces this rise in interest in the male body
depicted in these advertisements to three fundamental social trends:

• The decreasing importance of the productive role to masculine identities and its substitution
by body and related consumption.
• The increasing participation in the public sphere by women leading to a so-called ‘muscular
backlash’ typically seen in macho films such as those starring Arnold Schwarzenegger.

• The decreasing stigmatization of gay men and the emergence of the stereotype gay macho
bod-builder (Kimmel, 1987).

Advertisers now had the ability to target a market which was largely untapped due to these
new changes, as up until that point it was not common practice to encourage the young male
market into habits of consumption and shopping, as these were considered to be a part of ‘the
feminised sphere of life and not compatible with masculinity’ (Patterson and Elliot, 2002:
235).

The Male Gaze

The relationship between the viewer of a model featuring in an advert and the model itself is
referred to as the ‘masculine-masculine look’ by Nixon (1997) but is more commonly known
as the ‘male gaze’ (Bishop, 2000). The more a viewer views an image, he becomes more
invested in it and becomes complicit in the way the way is being represented or represents
himself. Discussing the new ‘look’ of models which are used in modern advertising he
believes that the look sends out contradictory images of both ‘boyish softness’ and more
conventional rugged masculinity (Nixon, 1997). An example of this in practice can be seen in
male models who have soft, full lips which are a staple of feminine beauty, and a tough,
rugged jawline, which is resonant of masculine strength. Barthel (1992) and Rutherford
(1988) support this argument as they have described representations of masculinity which
appears in advertising as feminised and objectified, but also that devices are also used to re-
establish an assertive masculinity. Bishop (2000) discusses the ethics which are raised by
advertisers intentionally using gaze to draw the viewer into the ad in the hopes of leaving an
impact which will create sales. The male gaze can take many forms, from voyeur to critical,
and it is important to note that men will interpret male images individually and as Patterson
and Elliot (2002:239) state, ‘such a gaze represents just one of a variety of subject positions
which men can adopt’.

The consequences of images such as these has been heavily debated by critics. Typically, the
effects of idealised persons have been focused on the women, and such effects would suggests
that the impact is likely to be negative (Patterson and Elliot, 2002). It is argued that idealised
images of perfection may lead to social comparison, feelings of insecurity and damaged self
confidence among audiences (Patterson and Elliot, 2002). However, Patterson and Elliot
argue that the effects may not all necessarily be negative, and state that these representations
are likely to have various effects depending on the demographic of individual, e.g. a Hispanic,
middle-income male and a white, low-income woman are likely to view images and
representations in very different ways. They also argue that there is evidence of active
consumption with regard to men and advertising, that they in fact do not feel the need to
emulate these idealised body images. They articulate this belief, stating ‘the polysemic nature
of advertising texts…dictates that male spectators may interpret the messages conveyed by
that advertising in a whole host of ways’ (Patterson and Elliot, 2002:239).

( End of the ‘New Man’

From its inception, there was a power struggle between the ideal posed by the new man
gracing magazines, and the average Joe. British ‘Lad’ culture exploded in popularity during
the 1990’s and becoming just one in a number of competing male identities which struggled
for dominance at that time |(Campaign, 2002). Lad culture which was characterised by the
exploits of bad boy British pop bands like Oasis, and encouraged by a new generation of ‘lads
mags’ that focused primarily of bad behaviour, beer and women’s breasts, for example Nuts
and Zoo (Campaign, 2002). For some, lad culture was demonised at a considered to be a
result of binge drinking and a backlash against feminism. If the new man was typified as ‘a
sensitive soul who is in touch with his sensitive and emotional side’ (Patterson and Elliot,
2002: 234) then this 90’s lad was characterised as a lager drinking, woman chasing, anti-
intellectual)

Conceptualizing Masculinity

Hyper-masculinity refers to the gender-based ideology of what it means to be a man, when

carried out in an exaggerated way, and is comprised of four inter-related beliefs (Zaitchik and
Mosher 1993). The first is a calloused attitude towards sex and women, and the belief that
sexual intercourse with women is a source of male power and dominance over women.
Second, the idea of violence as a portrayal of manliness is the belief that violent aggression is
an acceptable expression of masculine power and dominance, over other men and women.
Third, danger as being exciting is the belief that survival in dangerous situations is manly and
displays dominance and power over the environment. Lastly, toughness as an emotional self-
control is defined as the belief that anger is the only acceptable male emotion, and the
expression of other emotions, particularly those associated with feminity, is a sign of
weakness. For hyper-masculine men it is important to conceal any emotion which will make
him seem inferior, such as fear, sadness or shame (Mosher and Sirkin 1984; Zaitchik and
Mosher 1993).

Masculine Imagery (&Operationalising HM & Social Learning Theory)

Operationalising Masculinity

The Hyper-Masculinity Inventory (HMI, Mosher & Sirkin 1984) was created to operationalise
the concept of hyper-masculinity (Zaitchik & Mosher 1993). The HMI includes three sub-
scales which measure the inter-related beliefs previously mentioned, using a forced choice
design. An overall HMI score is generated by adding all individual item scores for each
question answered. Mosher and Sirkin (1984) found that the inter-correlations of the subscales
were approximately .60, indicating that a strong relationship exists among them. If hyper-
masculinity is highly prevalent in advertisements aimed at men, it may encourage men to
adopt hyper-masculine behaviours that contribute to associated problems for men, women and
society (Kats 1995; Zaitchik and Mosher 1993).

Role of the media

There are two theories which are most frequently cited when explain how hyper-masculine
media, including advertising, influence men’s beliefs and attitudes. Cultivation theory
(Gerbner, 1966) holds that mass media not only express social and cultural patterns but
cultivate them as well by mirroring back to consumer’s images of reality. These images
reflect the interests of the creators of the media (i.e to sell products and services) and are
typically wholly inaccurate. Despite the inaccuracy, consumer beliefs and attitudes are subtly
shaped by whatever images mass media repeatedly present to them. Research has
demonstrated that greater exposure to a particular mass media image leads to greater
acceptance of it by consumers. Kervin (1990) and Kilbourne (1999) state that advertisements
do not necessarily represent men as they truly are, but instead use socially desirable versions
of masculinity to infuse those characteristics into the product being sold.

The second prominent explanation for the influence of hyper-masculine advertising is Social
Learning Theory (Bandura, 1977) which has been expanded to include social structural
(Akers, 1998) and cognitive (Bandura, 1986) elements. Social Learning Theory argues that
people learn culturally appropriate behaviour, including that related to gender-roles, via the
observation of others, modelling and differential reinforcement. The mass media are major
sources of modelling and reinforcement, especially for young people, who consumer media
targets greatly. Hyper-masculine mass media maybe most influential for males who are
already receptive to hyper-masculine norms, values and worldview (Zaitchik and Mosher,
1993).

Hyper- Masculine Theory

In ‘Gender Trouble’ (1990) Judith Butler, an American philosopher and feminist theorist,
promotes the theory of ‘Gender Performativity’, the central concept of which is that gender is
constructed through one’s own repetitive performance of gender, based on what is seen and
learnt. Images of men in adverts typically show them in positions of physical power and
dominance, emphasised by the contrast between the position if women in adverts of a similar
nature, e.g. Tom Ford’s ad’s for perfume which depict women as objects and men and
dominant aggressive figures. As with Simone de Beauvoir’s claim that “one is not born but
rather becomes a woman”, Butler also understands gender as something that is not
predetermined but rather something that is learned. Butler states that gender is not a stable
identity of a ‘locus agency from which various acts proceed; rather it is an identity tenuously
constituted in time- an identity instituted through a stylized repetition of acts. Butler states
that these acts are internally discontinuous, so that the appearance of substance is precisely
that, a constructed identity, a performative accomplishment which the mundane social
audience, including the ‘actors’ themselves, come to believe and perform in the ‘mode of
belief.’ To say that gender is performed is arguing that gender is real ‘only to the extent of
which it is performed.

Within current perspectives on masculinity, researchers have abandoned the view of a single
standard of manhood (typically White, heterosexual and middle-class) and now posit the
existence of multiple forms of masculinity. Drawing on social constructionism, this
perspective argues that masculinity is neither immutable nor monolithic; rather, it exists in
diverse forms that change as a function of cultural and historical factors (Connell 2005,
Smiler 2004, Wade 1998). Smiler suggests that this idea of masculinities is now
conceptualised in two ways, interpersonal and intrapersonal. The first concerns variations in
masculinity that are identified among groups of men arranged on the basis of categories such
as age (e.g., Cournoyer and Mahalik 1995) race (e.g., Hammond and Mattis 2005), sexual
orientation (e.g., Connell 1995), and socioeconomic status (e.g., Iacuone 2005). The
hierarchical arrangement of a plurality of alternative masculinities forms the basis of
Connell’s theory of hegemonic masculinity (Carrigan et al. 1985; Connell 1995; Connell and
Messerschmidt 2005), which has been the guiding framework for research on men and
masculinities for over two decades. Within this framework masculinities are understood as
configurations of different practices

The Study of Perceptions

As this dissertation will be examining the perceptions of Irish males aged 18-34, it is essential
that the meaning of perception is clearly outlined and understood. Perception would not be
possible were it not for at least some of our basic five senses, as Solomon (1999) has stated
that perception is the process by which our sensations are selected, organised and interpreted.
Though we all learn through our senses, the manner in which we receive, organise and
ultimately interpret the sensory information varies from person to person. Coren et. al (1994)
state that the study of perception is primarily conerned