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Biblical, Archaeological, and Egyptological
Perspectives on the Exodus Narratives
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Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
Part 1
Egyptology and Linguistic Matters
Part 2
Exodus in the Pentateuch/Torah
vii
viii Contents
Part 3
Exodus, the Wilderness Period, and Archaeology
Part 4
Exodus in the Hebrew Prophets
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269
Indexes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313
Index of Modern and Premodern Authors 313
Index of Scripture 319
Index of Other Ancient Sources 329
Offprint from:
James K. Hoffmeier, Alan R. MIllard, and Gary A. Rendsburg, eds.
“Did I Not Bring Israel Out of Egypt?” Biblical, Archaeological,
and Egyptological Perspectives on the Exodus Narratives
© Copyright 2016 Eisenbrauns. All rights reserved.
Chapter 1
James K. Hoffmeier
Trinity International University
Introduction
Forty years ago, Ronald J. Williams wrote his seminal article “‘A People
Come Out of Egypt’: An Egyptologist Looks at the Old Testament.” 1 Tak-
ing his title from the words of Balak, king of Moab, at the approach of the
Israelites into the Transjordan (Num 22:5, 11), Williams quite passionately
and persuasively argued that when it comes to study and interpretation of
the Hebrew Bible Egyptological data need to be considered. They were,
however, and still are often overlooked by biblical scholars who lack train-
ing in Egyptian history, culture, and language. As Williams reminds us, “Is-
rael was always conscious of her ties with Egypt, and the traditions of her
sojourn there were indelibly impressed on her religious literature.” 2 After
citing numerous examples of Egyptian influence on Hebrew language and
institutions in Israel, Williams concluded his essay by declaring: “Due cau-
tion must always be observed in assessing claims of direct influence, but the
evidence is overwhelming that Israel drank deeply at the wells of Egypt. In
a very real sense the Hebrews were ‘a people come out of Egypt’ (Num 22:5,
11).” 3
I stand in the academic tradition of Professor Williams, my esteemed
Doktorvater, who was an Egyptologist who had expertise in Old Testament
studies and Semitic languages, and I concur with his sentiment, which is
reflected in my own research over nearly four decades. 4 It is my conten-
tion that, due to the Hebrew sojourn in the Nile Valley, certain Egyptian
elements, linguistic, cultural, social, and religious “were indelibly impressed
1. R. J. Williams, “‘A People Come Out of Egypt’: An Egyptologist Looks at the Old
Testament,” in Congress Volume: Edinburgh 1974 (VTSup 28; Leiden: Brill, 1975): 231–52.
2. Ibid., 231–32.
3. Ibid., 352
4. James K. Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996/99);
idem, Ancient Israel in Sinai (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005/11).
3
4 James K. Hoffmeier
Sociological Factors
Genesis describes how the extended family or clan of Jacob/Israel, who
were pastoralists, migrated to Egypt during a time of protracted drought in
Canaan (Gen 41:53–42:5; 45–46). The practice of south Levantine pastoral-
ists migrating to the Nile Valley in times of draught follows a well-attested
pattern after the Old and Middle Kingdoms, especially in the first half of
the 2nd millennium BC 5 The duration of the Hebrew sojourn according to
the MT of Exod 12:40 was 430 years. Although the textual tradition in the
LXX also reads 430 years, it includes the years Abraham, Isaac and Jacob
lived in Canaan prior to the move in Egypt—that is, 215. The implication is
that 215 years were spent in Egypt. 6 On the other hand, Gen 15:14–16 offers
seemingly conflicting data. Four hundred years are offered as the length of
the sojourn (a rounding off of 430?), but v. 16 states, “but they (Abraham’s
descendents) shall come back here (Canaan) in the fourth generation (דֹור
יעי
ִ ְר ִבdôr rĕbîʿî ).” The standard meaning of the word dôr, cognate with Ak-
kadian dāru and Ugaritic dr is “generation.” 7 It has been shown, however,
that dôr in the Hebrew and cuneiform sources has a rather fluid meaning
and does not necessarily represent a fixed figure. 8 There is a reference to
7 dāru during the reign of Shamshi-Adad I (ca. 1800 BC) that turns out to
represent a period of 350–500 years or even 530 to 730 years, suggesting
to Kenneth Kitchen that the 4 dôr in Gen 15:16 could correspond to the
400-year figure cited in v. 14. 9 Regardless of whether the Hebrews were
in Egypt 4 generations (80–120 years) or 400 years, there was ample time
for them to wrestle with questions of cultural and religious adaptation and
assimilation.
5. For a review of the Egyptian literature and archaeological evidence, see my Israel
in Egypt, 52–76.
6. For treatments of the 430 years in Exod 12:40, see J. P. Hyatt, Exodus: Based on
the Revised Standard Versions (NCBC; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1971), 140. Nahum
Sarna, Genesis: The JPS Torah Commentary (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1989),
62–63. Cornelis Houtman, Exodus [7:14–19:25] (Kampen: Kok, 1996), 2.203–4. William
Propp, Exodus 1–18 (AB; New York: Doubleday, 1999), 415–16.
7. HALOT 217–18.
8. Sarna, Genesis, 116.
9. Kenneth Kitchen, On the Reliability of the Old Testament (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerd-
mans, 2003), 356.
Egyptian Religious Influences on the Early Hebrews 5
10. Israel Finkelstein, The Archaeology of the Israelite Settlement ( Jerusalem: Israel Ex-
ploration Society, 1988); Kenton Sparks, Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel: Prolegomena
to the Study of Ethnic Sentiments and Their Expression in the Hebrew Bible (Winona Lake, IN:
Eisenbrauns, 1998); William Dever, Who Were the Early Israelites and Where Did They Come
From (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003), especially chap. 11; Ann E. Killebrew, Biblical
Peoples and Ethnicity: An Archaeological Study of Egyptians, Canaanites, Philistines, and Early
Israel (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2005).
11. For evidence for Israelites in Canaan, see references in previous note.
12. Williams, “‘A People Come Out of Egypt,’” 231–32.
13. For a thorough review of the OT’s memory of the sojourn in Egypt, see my
“‘These Things Happened’: Why a Historical Exodus Is Essential for Theology,” in Do
Historical Matters Matter to Faith? (ed. James K. Hoffmeier and Dennis R. Magary; Whea-
ton, IL: Crossway, 2012), 99–134.
14. On the God of the fathers, see Albrecht Alt, Der Gott der Väter: Ein Beitrag zur
Vorgeschichte der israelitischen Religion (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1929). For a translation of
this study, see “The God of the Fathers: A Contribution to the Prehistory of Israelite
Religion,” in Essays on Old Testament History and Religion (trans. R. A. Wilson; Garden City,
NY: Doubleday, 1966), 3–86.
6 James K. Hoffmeier
and assimilation and can also be a valuable tool to resist assimilation. 15 Stud-
ies by sociologists of immigrants to the U.S.A. have shown this to be the
case, as Prema Kurien has observed: “Religion has been the most legitimate
form of ethnic expression in this country (USA).” 16 In fact, in some in-
stances Muslims and Hindus who migrate to America who, in their home-
lands had not been particularly observant become more serious practitio-
ners when taking up residence in a predominantly Christian culture, while
at the same time making some adjustments. Kurein has documented how
Indians “adapt Hinduism to fit the American context.” 17 So while embrac-
ing their traditional religion more fervently than before coming to a new
land, they modify and adapt to “create new identities in the face of changing
conditions that make old ones irrelevant or unsuitable.” 18
Studies of Chinese immigrants in the U.S.A. tell a different story. Espe-
cially among Hong Kong and Taiwan Chinese, there are significant numbers
of conversions to Christianity in American. Somewhere between 25 and
30% are Christian, whereas in Taiwan the number is a paltry 3.9%. 19 While
there is a significant conversion rate to Christianity among Chinese immi-
grants, they largely tend to worship in Chinese churches where other as-
pects of their culture and language are preserved. 20 Thus while embracing
the majority religion in the U.S.A., ethnic Chinese in America have taken
intentional steps to maintain various Chinese traditions through Chinese
churches. These sociological studies illustrate that, among ethnic minori-
ties who relocate to another culture, even while resisting total assimilation
and seeking to maintain cultural boundaries, they undergo a certain amount
of adaptation in the area of religion. This process of adapting and trans-
forming an immigrant culture in a new land resulting in “multi-stranded so-
cial relations” is called “transnationalism” by sociologists. 21 The Hebrews in
Egypt, as the Genesis narratives portray them, were pastoralists and as such
did not have a homeland or associate with a nation per se. Therefore, they
might be regarded as having an “imagined community,” as Benedict Ander-
For a recent investigation of “the God of the fathers,” see Jerry Hwang, The Rhetoric
of Remembrance: An Investigation of the “Fathers” in Deuteronomy (Winona Lake, IN: Eisen-
brauns, 2012).
15. Here, the story of Daniel and his friends in Babylon comes to mind (Dan 1 and 3).
16. Prema Kurien, “Becoming American by Becoming Hindu: Indian Americans
Take Their Place at the Multicultural Table,” in Gatherings in Diaspora: Religious Communi-
ties and the New Immigration (ed. R. Stephen Warner and Judith G. Wittner; Philadelphia:
Temple University Press, 1998), 59.
17. Ibid., 37.
18. Ibid., 59.
19. Fenggang Yang, Chinese Christians in American: Conversion, Assimilation, and Ad-
hesive Identities (University Park: Pennsylvania State University, 1999), vii–viii. Carolyn
Chen, Getting Saved in America: Taiwanese Immigration and Religious Experience (Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), 1–3.
20. Yang, Chinese Christians in American, 5–16.
21. Ibid., 26.
Egyptian Religious Influences on the Early Hebrews 7
son understands this phenomenon. 22 Anne Porter has argued that this idea
of “imagined community” is applicable to pastoralists in the ancient Near
East. 23
While it is clear that differences persist between the socioreligious con-
texts of modern immigrant groups (e.g., Chinese in the U.S.A.) and ancient
immigrant groups in an alien land (e.g., the Hebrews in Egypt), the influ-
ence of the religion of the host nation appears to affect the minority immi-
grant group. The following article aims to articulate how this phenomenon
is observable in the exodus and wilderness narratives.
On stelae 93, 95, and 98, we encounter a “chief steward” named Ameny
(short for Amenemhet) whose mother’s name was Ituneferu (an Egyptian
name), and yet she was identified as “the Asiatic” whose mother’s name was
Sit-Urteḥu. 47 Sit-Urteḥu appears to be a Mischname, or mixed name, the first
element being Egyptian and the second being Semitic. Interestingly, Ameny
was a Semite or possibly of mixed race (Egyptian-Semite?). In one instance
(stela 95), Ameny is portrayed offering a loaf of bread, standing behind his
pharaoh. 48 He is presented as a Canaanite (beard and hairstyle), and he is
making offerings to the Egyptian goddess Hathor, patron of the region. 49
The verso of Brooklyn Pap. 35.1446, dated by W. C. Hayes to the first
half of the 13th Dynasty (ca. 1786–1700 BC), 50 contains the names and oc-
cupations of 79 household servants attached to an estate in Thebes. 51 Of
these, 33 were apparently native Egyptians, 45 are identified as ʿꜢm or ʿꜢmt
(fem.), and one has an ethnicity that is uncertain. 52 The Brooklyn Papyrus
is laid out like a ledger, an ancient spreadsheet. Column A contained the
names of the individuals, their ethnicity (if an ʿꜢm/t), and their personal
names. The ʿ Ꜣmw all have Semitic names. Column B contains Egyptian
names either taken by the servant or given to him or her by a master or
mistress. 53 The formulas used for the entries are X (Semitic name), who is
called (ddw n.f [masc.] or ddt n.s [fem.]) 54 Y (Egyptian name). The Egyptian
names, Hayes observed, seem to be an attempt to “reproduce in the names
assigned to these people either the meaning or the sound of their original
names.” 55 Column C includes the title of or trade in which the individual
worked. 56
The foregoing texts demonstrate that Semites were entering Egypt in
the Middle Kingdom. Hayes thought that some of the servants named in
the Brooklyn Papyrus may have reached Egypt as POWs from military cam-
paigns, although none were known when he made this proposal. 57 He there-
fore concluded that there must have been “a brisk trade in Asiatic slaves
carried on by the Asiatics themselves, with Egypt.” 58 Not much is known
of such activities in the early centuries of the 2nd millennium BC, but the
recent discovery of a historical inscription of Amenemhet II (1901–1866
BC) sheds some light on the question. It reports that the king brought back
1,554 POWs from a campaign in the Levant. 59 Such foreigners may well be
the source for the Semitic household servants encountered in the Brook-
lyn Papyrus, who were given or voluntarily took Egyptian names. Whether
they came to Egypt as the spoils of war, from slave trade, or by voluntary
migration, the process of assimilation followed. Indeed, the archaeological
evidence reviewed below shows that periodic immigration was probably the
major factor to explain the presence of Levantine peoples of the Middle
Bronze Age culture in the Delta.
The emerging archaeological data from the northeastern Delta, and
particularly at Tell el-Dabʿa, are helping to clarify the nature of the for-
eign presence there. Starting in 1966, Manfred Bietak began his system-
atic excavation of Tell el-Dabʿa in Sharqiya (eastern) Province. 60 The work
of the Austrian Institute in Egypt over more than 40 years has produced
mountains of data about the history of the site t hat is, Avaris, the Hyksos
capital. 61
The earliest evidence for the occupation of Tell el-Dabʿa comes from an
inscription bearing the name Khety in the toponym (Ḥwt rꜢ-wꜢty ̱Htıʾ ), sug-
gesting it may have started during the Herakleopolitan period—that is, the
10th Dynasty (ca. 2160–2140 BC). 62 It may be recalled that in the “Wisdom
for King Merikare” the ruler’s father, Meryibre Khety (perhaps the same
Khety of the toponym) 63 tells his son of the measures he had taken to se-
cure the northeastern Delta from the presence of troublesome Levantine
58. Ibid.
59. Jaromír Málek and Stephen Quirke, “Memphis, 1991: Epigraphy,” JEA 78 (1992):
13–18.
60. For a survey of the work preceding 1966 and the ongoing work there, see Man-
fred Bietak, “Tell ed-Dabʿa,” OEANE 2.99–101.
61. Several notable monographs and articles by Manfred Bietak offer synthetic
analyses of his decades of work; see idem, Avaris and Piramesse: Archaeological Exploration
in the Eastern Nile Delta (London: Proceedings of the British Academy, London, 1986);
idem, Avaris the Capital of the Hyksos: Recent Excavations at Tell el-Dabʿa (London: British
Museum, 1996); idem, “The Center of Hyksos Rule: Avaris (Tell el-Dabʿa),” in The Hyk-
sos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives (ed. E. D. Oren; Philadelphia: University
Museum, 1997), 87–139.
62. Shehata Adam, “Report on the Excavations of the Department of Antiquities at
Ezbet Rushdi,” ASAE 56 (1959): 216, pl. 9.
63. There were at least four 10th-Dynasty kings named Khety (von Beckerath,
Handbuch der ägyptischen Köningsnamen, 73–75). Only Meryibere Khety, the wisdom
teacher in the “Wisdom for Merikare,” seems to have been active in trying to neutralize
the growth of the ʿꜢmw in the Delta.
12 James K. Hoffmeier
volume), are attested at Tell el-Dabʿa. “This region,” Bietak held, “received
an irregular but nonetheless continuous flow of Asiatic immigrants, who
contributed distinctly Asiatic elements to the life and customs of the local
population.” 74 The recent evidence shows that, prior to the period of Hyk-
sos rule, there was a variety of classes of people ranging from urban settlers
to pastoralists. It is not inconceivable to think that one such pastoral group
was the proto-Hebrews.
The archaeological data uncovered by Bietak have shown that the
Levantine presence at Avaris continued in the 13th Dynasty, because the
percentage of Middle Bronze Age ceramics increased from 20% to 40%
in this level. 75 A seal impression portraying the Syrian weather-god Baal-
Ṣaphon was discovered that points to the principal deity of these foreign-
ers. 76 Indeed the Baal Sanctuary, the main Temple of Avaris, continued to
be refurbished and used from this period onward throughout the Hyksos
era and New Kingdom. 77 Baal was quickly associated with the Egyptian
storm-god Seth, and so was “Egyptianized.”
Equating Syro-Canaanite Baal with the Egyptian deity Seth is an in-
dication that these Asiatics were accommodating their religion to a de-
gree. Interestingly, at Tell el-Dabʿa in the 18th century BC, a Canaanite/
Near Eastern–style temple “existed simultaneously alongside” an Egyp-
tian temple. 78 The latter, Temple V, Bietak explains, “is that of a memorial
chapel, based on the same type of plan as the Royal ka-chapel at (nearby)
ʿEzbet Rushdi dating to the Twelfth Dynasty.” 79
This Baal-Seth fusion apparently was acceptable to the Egyptians. The
400-year stela of Ramesses II (1279–1213 BC) discovered at Tanis, 80 but al-
most certainly originating at Tell el-Dabʿa, depicts the deity “Seth, Great of
Might” with his name written in a cartouche. 81 Rather than being presented
with the bizarre Seth animal, possibly a wild pig, he is depicted in human
form with a gown of Canaanite style and looks like Baal in Late-Bronze-
era iconography. 82 Other examples of this “Asiatic” presentation of Seth
are known from the Ramesside era and presently, none from earlier times
are known.
Studies in Honor of Amihai Mazar on the Occasion of His Sixtieth Birthday (ed. Aren Maeir and
Pierre de Miroschedji; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2006), 1.123–26.
74. Bietak, Avaris and Piramesse, 226.
75. Idem, Avaris: Capital of the Hyksos, 31.
76. Edith Porada, “The Cylinder Seal from Tell el-Dabʿa,” AJA 88 (1984): 485–88.
77. Manfred Bietak, “Zur Herkunft des Seth von Avaris,” AeuL 1 (1990): 9–16.
78. Idem, “The Center of Hyksos Rule,” 105–6.
79. Ibid.
80. Pierre Montet, “La Stèle de l’an 400 Retrouvée,” Kêmi 4 (1933): 191–215.
81. Ibid., pl. 15, line 7.
82. Izak Cornelius, The Iconography of the Canaanite Gods Reshef and Baʿal: Late Bronze
and Iron Age I Periods (c 1500–1000 bce) (OBO 140; Fribourg: Fribourg University Press,
1994), pls. 29–44.
14 James K. Hoffmeier
Beginning with Pharaoh Seti I (1295–1279 BC), the first pharaoh to em-
brace the name of the god Seth, a royal residence was built in the vicinity of
Tell el-Dabʿa. In Labib Habachi’s opinion, Seti was “living at the place for
part of the year, since he built a palace there.” 83 An inscribed block from the
Seth Temple at Avaris has the name of Horemheb on it, possibly over that
of Tutankhamun. 84 The names of the successors of Akhenaten probably
reflect the reestablishment of the Baal/Seth cult and the restoration of that
temple after the neglect and abuse of temples by the monotheistic Amarna
king. 85 The 400-year stela seems to celebrate the origin of the Baal/Seth
cult at Avaris by Horemheb or Seti (ca. 1300 BC), perhaps around 1700 BC.
It is noteworthy that King Nehsy (ca. 1700 BC) of Avaris is the first ruler on
record who is called “beloved of Seth, Lord of Avaris.” 86
From this general period, we find that some men buried at Tell el-Dabʿa
are of Asian origin, based on the tomb-type, donkey burials, Canaanite
ceramics, and bronze weapons, but they were also interred with glyptic
objects of Egyptian style. One such tomb yielded a scarab with the hiero-
glyphic inscription ı͗ dnw n ı͗ my-r sḏꜢwt, “the Deputy treasurer (or Seal-bearer)
named ‘the Asiatic’ (ʿꜢm).” 87 The use of hieroglyphs by a Semite bearing a
high-ranking Egyptian title, demonstrates that in this pre-Hyksos period,
foreigners were serving in the still Egyptian administration and that they
were adapting to Egyptian ways in some areas, but not in burial practices.
Another Asiatic type tomb (Tomb 28: Str. [G]–F), with Levantine ceram-
ics, from the early Second Intermediate Period (ca. 1710–1680 BC), yielded
a highly significant scarab. While the tombs in this field remain unpub-
lished, the area is presently being studied by Miriam Müller. 88 The perti-
nent scarab is included in a general study of the scarabs from Tell el-Dabʿa
by Christine Mlinar. 89 The text reads ḥm kꜢ yk wḥm ʿnḫ, “The Ka-priest,
Yak, repeating life.” This priestly title is an ancient one that goes back to the
Old Kingdom and is associated with the funerary cult. 90 Specifically, the
Ka-priest was responsible for offering food and libations for the dead. This
service was rendered by Ka-priests, Serge Sauneron affirmed, “on a daily
basis or periodically on the occasions of the festival of the necropolis.” 91
The name of the Ka-priest is otherwise not attested, 92 but since the
tomb and those surrounding it “show clear links with the material culture
of the Levant,” 93 a Semitic name might be expected. As it appears, this
name could be a shortened form of an “Amorite Imperfective” type per-
sonal name. 94 There are, in fact, several examples of this name type among
the Hyksos rulers. The name Yak could be shortened form of the names
like Yakbimu and Yakbim, 95 the names of two 14th Dynasty rulers. Other
imperfective forms occur in the Hyksos names Yaḳob-her, Yaʿmu and Ya
kebmu. 96 The last example is a near match linguistically for the name of the
Ka-priest’s name in the scarab under study. Perhaps the diminutive form
was written that could accommodate the limited space on the scarab more
easily.
What this Tell el-Dabʿa scarab, owned by a Semite and buried in a
Levantine-type grave, demonstrates is that the foreign population of the
northeastern Delta, in at least a small way, had begun to adopt some ele-
ments of Egyptian funerary practices. In this instance the Egyptian title of
Ka-priest is used along with the common wish formula, wḥ ʿnḫ, “repeating
life” or “live again.”
Further signs of religious adaptation are found in the Delta with the
Hyksos rulers during the 15th and 16th Dynasties, ca. 1650–1525 BC. Royal
names and titles are salient in this regard. The presently attested Hyksos
royal names—presumably not all are attested—are found in the Turin Canon
of Kings from the Ramesside era, on scarabs and some inscribed blocks dis-
covered at Tell el-Dabʿa and other sites. Khayan, thought to be a Semitic
name, is mentioned on scarabs along with his prenomen (throne name) nfr
nṯr swsr.n Rʿ ḫyꜢn, “The good god whom Re makes powerful, Khayan.” 97 A
Middle Kingdom and Early Second Intermediate Period History and Chronology in Re-
lation to the Khayan Sealings from Tell Edfu,” AeuL 21 (2011): 87–122.
98. Manfred Bietak, “Eine Stele des ältesten Königssohnes des Hyksos Chajan,”
MDAIK 37 (1981): 63–71.
99. Ryholt, The Political Situation in Egypt During the Second Intermediate Period, 45.
100. Von Beckerath, Handbuch der ägyptischen Königsnamen, 115.
101. Ibid., 117.
102. James K. Hoffmeier, “The Arm of God versus the Arm of Pharaoh in the Exodus
Narratives,” Bib 67/3 (1986): 378–87.
103. Hermann Ranke, Die Ägyptischen Personennamen (Glückstadt: Augustin, 1935),
1.330.
104. Von Beckerath, Handbuch der ägyptischen Königsnamen 117.
105. Ibid.
106. Ibid., 43.
Egyptian Religious Influences on the Early Hebrews 17
(ca. 2600–2500 BC) royal names with Re increased (i.e., Khaʿfre, Menkaure,
Djedefre). The epithet “Son of Re” made its appearance at this time and,
from the 5th Dynasty (ca. 2500–2350 BC) on, the inclusion of Re in the pre-
nomen was the norm for pharaohs. 107
These religioregal practices had a millennium of history in Egypt by
the time the Hyksos rulers claimed the kingship of northern Egypt, and
it seems that they embraced these traditions fully. Over a century after the
explusion of the Hyksos by the Theban ruler Ahmose, Hatshepsut claimed
that she restored the Temple of the Lady of Cusae (i.e., Hathor) in middle
Egypt. It had fallen into ruin due to neglect, she asserts, when “the Asiatics
(ʿꜢmw) were in Avaris,” claiming that “they ruled without Re.” 108 The textual
evidence from Tell el-Dabʿa and elsewhere, on the contrary, suggests that
the Hyksos attributed their kingship to the sun-god, whose bodily son ruled
as the “Son of Re.”
The material reviewed in this section demonstrates that both the Nu-
bians south of Egypt and the Levantine Semites in the Delta were indeed
influenced by many aspects of Egyptian culture and language, and religious
matters as well. With these data in mind and the sociological evidence re-
viewed in the previous section that demonstrate how immigrant minorities
are indeed impacted by the majority religion of their new homeland, let us
turn to the biblical text to see what indications there might be that Israel
experienced some of the same phenomena as did other Semites who came
to Egypt in the 2nd millennium BC.
intermarried to some degree with the Egyptians and so have given Egyptian
names to their children.” 113
Meek’s common sense treatment of the data was immediately chal-
lenged by Leroy Waterman. He assumed a “nomadic southern origin” for
the Levites from outside Canaan (but not from Egypt). 114 He dismissed the
presence of Egyptian names as evidence of the Levites’ sojourn in Egypt.
Waterman’s critique in turn prompted a rejoinder from Meek, who main-
tained his position while refining his arguments. 115 In the intervening 75
years since Meek and Waterman debated over the possible Egyptian roots
of the names cited above, further Egypto-Semitic work has been done, and
there is wider recognition of the authenticity of some of the names while
acknowledging that some linguistic challenges remain (see also the essay
by Richard Hess in this volume). I have dealt with these and other names
previously 116 and so will discuss those relevant to the present subject: Egyp-
tian names among the Levites and Egyptian theophoric names among the
exodus-wilderness generations.
Miriam ()מ ְריָם ִ was the name of Moses’ and Aaron’s sister, who was
known as a prophetess (Exod 15:20). One proposal is that the root mrı͗ men-
tioned in the previous entry is found in this name. In Hebrew Origins, Meek
proposed an Egyptian name behind Miriam. Also, in 1936, Sir Alan Gar-
diner penned an article on “The Egyptian Origin of Some English Personal
Names.” 121 Gardiner argued that behind the Hebrew name was the root mrı͗
(as in the name Merari), although he acknowledged that, for the feminine
form, one would expect the writing to be mrı͗ t. As early as the Old Kingdom,
the final t in words was not vocalized (yet was written); 122 hence mrı͗ t would
have been vocalized mrı͗ /y. Gardiner was nevertheless quite confident that
“a good case can be made out for an Egyptian derivation of Miriam.” 123
Yoshiyuki Muchiki has recently reexamined this name and proposed an-
other Egyptian possibility, namely, mr-ı͗ b, meaning “heart desires,” with the
bilabial b shifting to another bilabial, m. 124 This name is attested in most
periods of pharaonic Egypt. 125 Another possibility is that the name Miriam
represents the verb mrı͗ + divine name, another popular name type, 126 such
as for example mrı͗ + mwt, Beloved of Mut (the Theban goddess and consort
of Amun). Theophoric names with Mut were popular in the New Kingdom
(see the names Ahimoth, Meremoth, and Jerimoth below). 127 Thus, there
are several possible Egyptian name-types behind Miriam.
Moses (ׁשה ֶ ֹ )מis certainly the best known of the Levitical family in the
Pentateuch. The etymology of the name Moses is disputed. There is a wide
range of scholars who accept its Egyptian origin. Philip Hyatt 45 years
ago proclaimed that: “Most scholars now favour the view that the name
mōšeh is to be associated with the Egyptian verb ms.” 128 John Van Seters
allows the Egyptian root behind this name while rejecting any historical
implications. 129 The suggested root msı͗ means “bear, bore, give birth, and
child.” 130 Kitchen, however, has cautioned against this explanation since in
Hebrew Moses is written with a š not an s. 131 He takes seriously the popular
121. Idem, “The Egyptian Origin of Some English Personal Names,” JAOS 56 (1936):
189–97.
122. Idem, Egyptian Grammar, 34 n. 1a and 432 n. 4. I am grateful to Dr. Edmund Melt-
zer for providing me with this reference.
123. Idem, “The Egyptian Origin of Some English Personal Names,” 194.
124. Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 215.
125. Ranke, Die Ägyptischen Personennamen 1.155:17.
126. Ibid., 155–62.
127. Ibid., 147–49; but Mery-Mut is only documented in the late period (159.26).
Given the popularity of the mrı͗ + divine-name formula, and Mut’s high status in the New
Kingdom, it is hard to believe that the name Mery-Mut did not exist in this period.
128. J. Philip Hyatt, Exodus (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1971), 64.
129. John Van Seters, “Moses,” Encyclopedia of Religion (ed. M. Eliade; New York: Mac-
millan, 1987), 10.115–16.
130. WÄS 2.137–39.
131. Kitchen, Reliability of the Old Testament, 296–97.
20 James K. Hoffmeier
etymology in the naming of Moses in Exod 2:10 as the explanation for the
Hebrew name mōšeh: “She named him Moses, ‘because,’ she said, ‘I drew
him out (יתהּוִ ׁש
ִ )מ
ְ of the water.’” There are, therefore, problems with ascrib-
ing an Egyptian name to Moses. I wonder if there could be some sort of
bilingual wordplay at work; what was drawn out (mšh—Heb.) of the water
was a child (mose—Eg.).
Aaron ( ) ַאהֲרֹןis the name of the Levitical priest whose descendants
alone could serve as priests of Yahweh. Meek and others posited that Aaron
might be an Egyptian name, and some have followed this suggestion, 132
even though a convincing etymology eludes us. Certainly no Hebrew or Se-
mitic root has been identified for this name. Michael Homan has recently
made an ingenious suggestion to explain this elusive name. His theory is
that ʾahărōn derives from an “Egyptianized form of the Semitic word for
tent ()אֹהֶל, meaning something like ‘tent man’ because of his priestly role
in the tabernacle.” 133 Because Egyptian lacked a lamed, a reš was used in
Egyptian to accommodate the Semitic el sound (e.g., consider the writing
of Israel in the Merenptah stela, where r is used in place of l ). The problem
with Homan’s explanation, and he acknowledges it, is that there is no other
example of a Semitic word in the Bible that has been altered under the in-
fluence of another language and then “reentered the original language as a
borrowing.” 134 There is, however, a name similar to Aaron in Egyptian dur-
ing the New Kingdom, namely, ʿaharaya. 135
Phinehas ()ּפי ְנחָס
ִ is most assuredly an Egyptian name—that is, pꜢ nḥsy,
meaning “the Nubian.” 136 The aforementioned 14th Dynasty king Nehsy
has the same name, less the definite article ( pꜢ). In the New Kingdom, this
personal name is consistently written with pꜢ. One notable Egyptian who
bore this name was a priest of the Aten cult of Akhenaten at Amarna. 137
Phinehas, Exod 6:25 reports, was the grandson of Eleazer, while his father-
in-law’s name was Putiel, and he was also a Levite (see next entry). Phinehas
turned out to be a popular name in Israelite priestly circles. It is encoun-
tered twice more after Eleazer’s son. It is the name of the son of Eli the
priest, Phinehas II (cf. 1 Sam 1:3, 2:34, 4:4) and it is the name of a priest in
postexilic Judah, Phinehas III (Ezra 8:33). In the Persian Period, there are
several cases of the high priests of Judea being named after earlier priests,
132. Meek, Hebrew Origins, 31. John Spencer, “Aaron,” ABD 1.1.
133. Michael Homan, “A Tensile Etymology for Aaron,” BN 95 (1998): 21–22
134. Ibid.
135. Thomas Schneider, Äsiatische Personennamen in ägyptischen Quellen des Neuen
Reiches (OBO 114; Freiburg: Freiburg University Press, 1992), 105–6.
136. Ranke, Die ägyptischen Personennamen, 1.113, 13; Gardiner, “The Egyptian Origin
of Some English Personal Names,” 191–92; Kenneth Kitchen, “Phinehas,” NBD 934; Mu-
chiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 222.
137. Norman de Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs of El-Amarna (London: Egypt Explora-
tion Fund, 1903), 1.9–11 and pls. 3–23.
Egyptian Religious Influences on the Early Hebrews 21
138. See Benjamin E. Scolnic, Chronology and Papponomy: A List of the Judean High
Priests of the Persian Periods (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1999).
139. HALOT 908.
140. Noth, Die israelitischen Personennamen, 63; Meek, Hebrew Origins, 32.
141. Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 220.
142. Robert Deutsch, Biblical Period Bullae: The Josef Chaim Kauffman Collection (Tel
Aviv: Archaeological Center, 2003), 423.
143. Ranke, Die ägyptischen Personennamen 1.122:9, 123:8, 124:16, and 125:21.
144. Ibid., 123:8.
145. HALOT 73; Noth, Die israelitischen Personennamen, 63. See also Meek, Hebrew
Origins, 32.
146. Ranke, Die ägyptischen Personennamen; for examples of Osiris + verb or adjective,
see 1.84:22, 23, 24, 25, 26; and 1.85:1, 2, 3. For Osiris alone as a personal name, see 1.85:4–5.
147. HALOT 95.
148. Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 208. For the Egyptian use of both
of these possibilities, see Ranke, Die ägyptischen Personennamen, 1.46:24–25. Muchiki also
22 James K. Hoffmeier
as the text presents it, was “probably born in Egypt,” 149 and so an Egyptian
name seems likely. My inclination is to concur with the association with the
funerary god Osiris.
There are clearly Egyptian names among the Levites. Ironically, the
names of Moses and his siblings are the most uncertain, although various
scholars have seen Egyptian names associated with all three.
points out that a Hebrew root that means “prisoner” is possible, but a name with such a
negative connotation seems out of place.
149. Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 208.
150. Noth, Die israelitischen Personennamen, 63; Meek, Hebrew Origins, 32; idem, “Moses
and the Levites,” 118.
151. WÄS 3.74.
152. Ranke, Die ägyptischen Personennamen, 1.239.
153. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, 430.
154. This writing of the name of Akhenaten’s daughter illustrates that the final t was
not pronounced, leaving a final r that was quiescent.
155. For these references, see Richard S. Hess, Amarna Personal Names (ASOR Dis-
sertation Series 9; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1993), 106–7.
156. Noth, Die israelitischen Personennamen, 40 n. 1.
Egyptian Religious Influences on the Early Hebrews 23
this and opted for ’מֹותs being the writing for the Egyptian goddess, Mut. 157
Mut was very important in the New Kingdom as the consort of Amun and
a member of the Theban triad. 158 Thus, Ahimoth could be “My brother
is Mut,” which one might not consider suitable as a man’s name. There is,
however, an Egyptian man’s name Senenmut, 159 which means “Brother of
Mut,” the name famously borne by Queen Hathsepsut’s high official. More
likely, the Hebrew Ahimoth means “My glory is Mut.” 160 This reading un-
derstands the initial element to be ʿḫ, meaning “glory or beneficial.” 161 Akh-
mut is found in New Kingdom Egypt as a personal name. 162 Undoubtedly
the best-known Akh-type name in Egypt is Akh-en-aten (“Beneficial to
Aten”). Dating the period of Ahimoth to the Chronicler is problematic;
however, Muchiki does place him in the generation of the exodus. 163 It is
worth noting that two different near relatives are named Assir (1 Chr 6:22–
23), which as we have seen above was the Egyptian name given to the son of
Korah (Exod 6:24).
The name of the deity Mut (or Mot) possibly occurs in the names Jeri-
moth ( )יְִרימֹותand Jeremoth ( )יְרֵמֹותin 1 Chr 7:7–8. Based on his place in
the genealogy, Muchiki posits that Jerimoth was born in Egypt before the
exodus. 164 If indeed this is an Egyptian theophoric name, I suggest that
the Hebrew writing of יריmight correspond to the Egyptian verb ı͗ rı͗ , which
means “begat.” 165 In other words, the name would mean “Begotten of Mut.”
The name Mut means “mother,” and as consort of Amun and mother of the
gods, she may have been a mother goddess 166 and hence associated with
fertility. Strengthening the possibility that these Hebrew theophoric names
allude to the goddess Mut is the occurrence of the name Merimoth (e.g.,
mrı͗ -mwt) which is found among the Arad ostraca, 167 and the Meri/mrı͗ type
name is certainly Egyptian. A nearly identical name is Meremoth ()מרֵמֹות, ְ
157. Christopher B. Hays, “The Covenant with Mut: A New Interpretation of Isa-
iah 28:1–22,” VT 60 (2010): 212–40. This matter is further treated in idem, Death in the
Iron Age II and in First Isaiah (FAT 79; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2011); and most recently
and most significantly, idem, “The Egyptian Goddess Mut in Iron Age Palestine: Further
Data from Amulets and Onomastics,” JNES 71 (2012): 299–314.
158. Herman te Velde, “Mut,” OEAE 2.454–55; Richard Wilkinson, The Complete Gods
and Goddesses of Ancient Egypt (New York: Thames & Hudson, 2003), 153–56.
159. Ranke, Die ägyptischen Personennamen, 2.309.
160. Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 215.
161. WÄS 1.73–74.
162. Ranke, Die Ägyptischen Personennamen, 1.2:24.
163. Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 207.
164. Ibid., 213.
165. WÄS 1.108–9
166. Te Velde, “Mut,” 454–55; Wilkinson, The Complete Gods and Goddesses of Ancient
Egypt, 153.
167. Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 207.
24 James K. Hoffmeier
who was a priest and contemporary of Ezra in the mid-5th century BC (Ezra
8:33; 10:36). The occurrence of Mut in personal names in Judah in the latter
part of the Iron Age combined with the presence of amulets of Mut lead
Hays to believe that there was a thriving Mut cult in Judah during the late
monarchy. 168
A final note is in order regarding the vocalization (or quiescence) of the
final t. It was noted above that final t’s in Egyptian were not regularly vo-
calized from the Middle Kingdom on (see above discussion of Miriam). If
indeed these Hebrew names use the name of the Egyptian goddess, then
why are these names written with ת/ṯ? As it turns out, in the case of the
names of deities with final t, this dental sound is preserved. The name
pꜢ-dı͗ mwt, “He whom Mut has given,” survives into Greek as πετωμουτς, 169
which demonstrates that, in the case of Mut, the final t was vocalized
even in the late period in Egypt. Another example of the preservation
of the vocalization of the final t is the name of the goddess Hathor (e.g.,
ḥ[w]t ḥr), which is vocalized as Ἀθυρ. 170 In the theta, the final t of ḥ(w)t is
preserved. What these examples mean is that the goddess Mut may be
intended in Hebrew מֹות. Perhaps the reason that final t’s were vocalized
in the names of deities while they were quiescent in other words was due
to the fact that more-archaic vocalizations of deities continued into later
periods, even when regular words with final t’s were not pronounced in
common words.
Pashhur (ַׁשחּור
ְ )ּפis the name of the priest in Jerusalem who arrested Jer-
emiah the prophet ( Jer 20). Because there is no possible Hebrew etymology,
the name has been widely recognized to be Egyptian, but there are two pos-
sible etymologies. P(s)š-ḥr means “Share (or division) of Horus.” 171 P(s)š-ḥr
is an especially significant expression in Egypt, for it refers to the territory
allotted to Horus by Geb, who adjudicated the territorial disputes between
Horus and Seth. Geb initially decided that Horus should receive the Delta
area; it was P(s)š-ḥr. 172 P(s)š-ḥr is not attested in Egypt as a personal name,
but this theophoric name type does occur in the name psš-mw.t (“Share of
Mut”) and psš-mn (“Share of Min”). 173
The name Pashhur was popular in the later period in Judah (e.g., 1 Chr
9:12; Ezra 2:38; 10:22; Neh 7:41), and it is attested numerous times in epi-
168. Hays, “The Egyptian Goddess Mut in Iron Age Palestine,” 299–324.
169. I am grateful to Dr. Edmund Meltzer for directing me to this example. Cf. Ranke,
Die ägyptischen Personennamen, 1.123:17.
170. Claas J. Bleeker, Hathor and Thoth: Two Key Figures of the Ancient Egyptian Religion
(Leiden: Brill, 1973), 25.
171. On the meaning of psš, see WÄS 1.554.
172. See the Memphite Theology, line 10, in James Henry Breasted, “The Philosophy
of a Memphite Priest,” ZÄS 39 (1901): table 2, line 10.
173. Ranke, Die ägyptischen Personennamen , 1.137:5–6.
Egyptian Religious Influences on the Early Hebrews 25
graphic sources from the Iron II period in Israel. 174 The god Horus also
appears with some frequency among exodus-generation Hebrews (see be-
low). In fact, Horus is the most frequently occurring foreign deity found
in preexilic Hebrew personal names in the current epigraphic corpus from
Israel. 175
174. Jeffrey Tigay, You Shall Have No Other Gods: Israelite Religion in the Light of Hebrew
Inscriptions (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986), 66.
175. Ibid., 13.
176. Noth, Die israelitischen Personennamen, 236.
177. Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 207.
178. Ranke, Die ägyptischen Personennamen, 1.2:22, 24; 3:3.
179. Nahum M. Sarna, Exodus (ed. Nahum M. Sarna; JPS Torah Commentary; Phila-
delphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1991), 95.
180. HALOT 348; Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 211.
181. Ranke, Die ägyptischen Personennamen, 1.245:18.
182. Ernst Axel Knauf, “Hori,” ABD 3.211.
26 James K. Hoffmeier
Hori of the spy list of Num 13 is speculative, and thus it is “doubtful whether
a biblical personal name ‘Hori’ ever existed.” 183 Knauf ’s conjecture is un-
necessarily nihilistic. A simpler explanation is to consider a popular Egyp-
tian name derived from the name of the deity Horus (see previous entry),
which means “He of Horus.” 184 This name is widely used from the Middle
Kingdom onward. Since Hori is considered to be one of the 12 spies, he
would have been born in Egypt. Consequently, an Egyptian name for this
intelligence officer is probable.
Harnepher ( ) ַח ְרנֶפֶרis found only in 1 Chr 7:36, in a genealogical list. This
name falls sixth after the tribal ancestor Asher. Asher, Beriah, and Heber
represent a sequence found in a genealogical list in Gen 46:17 and may be a
clan name. 185 They appear again in the military census of Num 26:44–47.
It is thus difficult to determine precisely when Harnepher would have lived
but during the generation of the exodus-wilderness period is possible. A
clear Egyptian etymology stands behind this name, ḥr nfr, “Horus is Good” 186
or “Beautiful,” and it is attested as a personal name in Egypt in the Middle
and New Kingdoms and into the later periods. 187 This etymology is also
recognized by Diana Edelman, who explains that this Egyptian name may
have entered Judean archives during the period of Egyptian influence on
Judah in the Saite period (late 7th and early 6th century BC). 188 It is dif-
ficult, however, to believe that the Judeans would adopt this Egyptian
name during the very period when Necho II killed King Josiah, deported
his successor to Egypt, and set up Jehoiakim as his puppet (2 Chr 35:20–22;
36:4).
The frequency of Horus names among the exodus generation and later
in Israelite and Judean history should not be altogether surprising. Ranke
lists over 130 entries of Horus theophores. Horus names were especially
popular in the Middle and New Kingdoms. 189 A second consideration for
the frequency of Horus names among the early Hebrews is that this sky
god figured prominently in the northeastern Delta and eastern frontier. 190
This area is rich with various features that incorporate the name of Horus.
There is the well-known “Ways of Horus,” the road that led from Avaris and
191. James K. Hoffmeier and Stephen Moshier, “‘A Highway out of Egypt’: The Main
Road from Egypt to Canaan,” in Desert Road Archaeology in Ancient Egypt and Beyond (ed.
F. Förester and H. Reimer; Africa Praehistorica 26; Cologne: Heinrich-Barth-Institut,
2013), 485–510.
192. WÄS 1.246–47.
193. Dominique Valbelle, “La (les) route(s)-d'horus,” in Hommages à Jean Leclant
(Cairo: IFAO, 1994), 379–86.
194. For references, see my “Deities of the Eastern Frontier,” 198; and for recent
geological analysis of this area, see James K. Hoffmeier and Stephen O. Moshier, “New
Paleo-Environmental Evidence from North Sinai to Complement Manfred Bietak’s Map
of the Eastern Delta and Some Historical Implications,” in Timelines: Studies in Honour of
Manfred Bietak (ed. Ernst Czerny et al., Leuven: Peeters, 2006), 2.167–74.
195. Manfred Bietak, Tell el-Dabʿa (Vienna: Österreichischen Akademie de Wissen-
schaften, 1975), 2.137, pls. 10 and 23
196. Hoffmeier and Moshier, “New Paleo-Environmental Evidence from North Si-
nai,” 167–69. Stephen O. Moshier and Ali El-Kalani, “Late Bronze Age Paleogeography
along the Ancient Ways of Horus in Northwest Sinai, Egypt,” Geoarchaeology 23 (2008):
450–73
197. Hoffmeier, “Deities of the Eastern Frontier,” 198–99.
28 James K. Hoffmeier
states: “Using incense, pouring libations, purifying the way (swʿb) 203 to the
necropolis.” 204 This passage occurs in the context of the funerary proces-
sion of the deceased’s mummified remains to the necropolis.
Wʿb-priests, Denise Doxey notes, were “a lower-ranked class of priests”
that assisted the ḥm ntr or priest “in the maintenance of the temple” and
assisted in the care for the cult image in the sanctuary, but the wʿb-priest
could not enter the “innermost sanctuary or come face to face with the
god’s image.” 205 However, she observes that they did “handle sacred objects
and cult instruments. They were therefore required to observe strict rules
of purity, and they can be identified in some representations by their shaved
heads.” 206 In his classic study of priests in ancient Egypt, Serge Sauneron
mentions the most visible characteristic of wʿb-priests as “their perfectly
smooth heads.” 207 Significantly, circumcision was also a custom practiced
by the priests. 208 These are the priests who are shown carrying shrines of
deities in New Kingdom scenes, and typically they are depicted with clean-
shaven heads.
In the Egyptian priestly system, one could work one’s way up the pecking
order. The biography of Bakenkhons, who served during the reign of Ra
messes II, well illustrates how a priest could be promoted. His cultic service
began after 11 years of working as a groom in the stables of Seti I. 209 Ba
kenkhons entered the priestly ranks as a wʿb-priest, where he spent 4 years
before being promoted to the position of “god’s father of Amun” (ı͗ t ntr n[y]
ı͗ mn) for 12 years. He was then promoted to be third priest (ḥm nṯr) of Amun
for 15 years, followed by being advanced to the second priest of Amun, a
position he held for 12 years. Finally, he was elevated to be the first priest
of Amun or high priest, a royal appointment. This appointment lasted 27
years, when he died in his early eighties. His son Roma or Roy followed the
same steps as his father, eventually becoming high priest. 210
Bakenkhons’s resumé illustrates that a priest could advance through the
ranks to the upper echelons. Could it be that Korah had been a priest in the
tradition of the wʿb-priest and was pressing Aaron for a promotion that
would give him the status of a ḥm ntr-priest (Heb. kōhēn) and direct access
to the holy place, rather than playing a secondary role?
203. Swʿb is the causative form of the verb, “to make pure.”
204. James Hoffmeier, Sacred in the Vocabulary of Ancient Egypt (OBO 59; Freiburg:
Freiburg University Press, 1985), 25–26.
205. Denise Doxey, “Priesthood,” in OEAE 3.69.
206. Ibid.
207. Serge Sauneron, The Priests of Ancient Egypt (trans. David Lorton; Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 2000), 36–37.
208. Ibid., 37.
209. For the text, see KRI 3.298. For a recent translations, see Elizabeth Frood, Bio-
graphical Texts from Ramessid Egypt (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2007), 40–43
210. Ibid., 46–59.
30 James K. Hoffmeier
My proposal is that Korah had held some sort of priestly function prior
to the establishment of the new Yahweh cult in the wilderness, because of
the references to his shaved head and his possessing an incense brazier, as
did his Levite associates (Num 16:6, 17–18, 38). The word used here for cen-
ser is מ ְַח ָּתהmaḥtâ, which is sometimes rendered “censer” (Lev 10:1, 12; Num
16:6, 17, 18), and sometimes “fire pan” or “tray” (Exod 25:38; 37:23; Num 4:9),
usually made of bronze (Exod 38:3; Num 16:39) but sometimes of gold (Exod
37:23; 1 Kgs 7:50; 2 Kgs 25:15). Since no Semitic cognates for this word are
offered in Koehler and Baumgartner, 211 I previously suggested 212 a possible
Egyptian word, ḫt, that might stand behind Hebrew maḥtāh. Egyptian ḫt
means “fire,” and with a different determinative it is a word for “offering.” 213
The initial mem is the preformative, which occurs regularly in Egyptian and
Semitic languages with nominal forms. 214
Another point in favor of my hypothesis that Korah had been a priest in
Egypt is the fact that one of Korah’s coconspirators in Num 16:1 is a man
named On. He is a rather mysterious figure, whose name only occurs here,
and follows the Reubenite leaders Dathan and Abiram. Gordon has sug-
gested that these Reubenites were challenging Moses’ secular leadership
rather than Aaron’s cultic role. 215 They felt slighted that the civil leader-
ship normally went to the firstborn, which Reuben was (Gen 29:32; 49:3),
but Moses, a Levite, was taking charge. 216 Subsequent references to the
Reubenite rebels only mention Dathan and Abiram (e.g., Num 16:12, 24,
27). Philip Budd proposes omitting On from the text “as a piece of dittog-
raphy,” which explains his absence in subsequent references to the other
two men. 217 This seems unlikely to me because On’s patronymy is recorded
(“son of Peleth”), meaning one would have to delete “On, the son of Peleth.”
It is hard to explain how ְואֹון ּבֶן־ ֶּפלֶתis a dittography (from where?). The
Septuagint shows no sign of such an omission. A better accounting of On’s
presence in this narrative is therefore required.
The name On ( אֹוןʾôn) is the same as the Egyptian city located toward
the base of the Delta. The cult center of the sun-god Re/Atum was located
there; hence, from Hellenistic times it was called Heliopolis as it is in the
Septuagint (Gen 41:45, 50; 46:20). It might be recalled that Joseph’s wife
Asenath was the daughter of Potiphera, 218 the priest of On. Thus a direct
connection between the Hebrews and the cult center at On is evident. Par-
ticipation in Egyptian solar worship may explain why a man named On, who
was not a Levite, would join a conspiracy against Aaron the priest. Could it
be that On had served as a priest among the Reubenites? This might hint
that his interests were more in line with Korah’s than with Dathan’s and
Abiram’s.
218. Appropriately, the priest of the sun-god of On has a theophoric name, which
uses the name of the patron deity, Re. Potiphera follows the same name type as Putiel
discussed above. The name PꜢ-dı͗ -pꜢ-rʿ, which is thought to stand behind the Hebrew
writing Potiphera, is an attested name in Egypt (Ranke, Die ägyptischen Personennamen,
1.102:11; Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 221.
219. A. Rosilie David, The Ancient Egyptians: Religious Beliefs and Practices (London:
Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1982), 136.
220. WÄS 4.539, HALOT 1663; Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 257–58.
221. Avi Hurvitz, “The Usage of Šēš and Bûṣ in the Bible and Its Implication for the
Date of P,” HTR 60 (1967): 117–21
222. Ibid., 120.
223. Ibid., 121.
224. In the only place that this word occurs, it refers to a nonpriestly figure in Isaiah’s
denunciation of the steward Shebna for making himself a marvelous tomb (Isa 22:15–20).
The prophet then announces that he will be replaced by Eliakim, the son of Hilkiah,
who will wear Shebna’s robe and sash (Isa 22:21). This suggests that the sash was worn by
individuals of special status.
32 James K. Hoffmeier
derives from the Egyptian verb bnd, which means “wrap up.” 225 In Egypt,
this word is first attested in Egyptian texts of the New Kingdom. 226
A piece of colorful linen apparel worn by Aaron mentioned in Exod 39:28
is the ּפאֵר.ְ It has been translated “sash” (cf. niv, nrsv) and “turban” (cf. jps,
esv) and is thought by the Wörterbuch to be a loanword from Egyptian pry/
pyr, 227 a point with which Koehler and Baumgartner concurred. 228 In Egyp-
tian it applies to various kinds of bands, including a headband. 229 Thus it
could be a sash on the turban or the turban itself.
Exodus 28:32; 39:23 describes the robe worn with the ephod, and re-
ports that it had an opening for the head “like the opening in a coat of mail
()תַ ְחרָא, so that it may not be torn.” 230 Taḥrāʾ—a rather obscure word—oc-
curs only one other time in the Bible, in Exod 39:23, where it is used in the
same way. Koehler and Baumgartner declared the word to be of uncertain
origin, 231 but the meaning “coat of mail” is accepted by some more-recent
translations (cf. nrsv, njps, nkjv, njb).
Some have suggested that the Egyptian word dḥr, which means “leather”
or “animal hide,” 232 stands behind this obscure Hebrew word. It is written
with the leather sign ( or ), as is the word for mail armor (mśś ). 233 Lambdin
has pointed to some linguistic problems with equating dḥr and taḥrāʾ. 234
The relationship between leather and mail armor, however, is not insignifi-
cant. If taḥrāʾ means leather, it could refer to the leather jacket for the mail
armor. The point of its use in this text is that the opening of the linen robe
probably had a leather collar similar to a coat of armor.
Alternatively, the Egyptian word tḫr may better correspond linguistically
to taḥrāʾ. 235 It occurs only twice in Egyptian texts (dating to the 13th cen-
tury BC), and relates to the side panel of a chariot body. 236 New Kingdom
225. HALOT 8–9; T. O. Lambdin, “Egyptian Loan Words in the Old Testament,”
JAOS 73 (1953): 146; Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 237.
226. WÄS 1.465. This particular word survives in Greek as Βυνητος and refers to “an
Egyptian garment”; see H. G. Liddell, R. Scott, and H. S. Jones, A Greek-English Lexicon
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1996), 333b.
227. WÄS 1.531. A Semitic alternative not considered by Koehler and Baumgartner is
the Old Akkadian term barru/parru I (CAD B 113), which in one instance is a “fabric for
(covering) the head.” I am grateful to Alan Millard for pointing out this term to me.
228. HALOT 908.
229. WÄS 1.531.
230. nrsv translation.
231. HALOT 1720.
232. WÄS 5.481.
233. WÄS 2.149.
234. Lambdin, “Egyptian Loan Words in the Old Testament,” 155.
235. Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords, 258.
236. Alan Schulman, “The So-Called Poem on the King’s Chariot Revisited: Part II,”
JSSEA 16 (1986): 43–44.
Egyptian Religious Influences on the Early Hebrews 33
chariots typically had a large opening in the side panels, 237 and this may be
similar to the opening in the priest’s gown that is mentioned in Exod 28:32;
39:23.
Another item of priestly attire is the undergarments ( ִמ ְכנָ ַסיִםmiknāsayim)
also made of linen (šēš). Miknāsayim occurs just four times in the Torah
(Exod 28:42; 39:28; Lev 6:3; 16:4), and once in Ezek 44:18, where it is also
priestly garb. It is commonly thought that this word derives from the He-
brew root כנס, which means “gather.” 238 A good description of this garment
is found in Exod 28:42: “You shall make for them linen undergarments to
cover their naked flesh; they shall reach from the hips to the thighs.” S. D.
Sperling has argued that pants or trousers are only attested beginning in the
Persian Period, which supports the 5th-century date of P. 239 The absence
of earlier examples in representations is because one would not expect to
see undergarments on statues or in a relief at any period! Linen undergar-
ments, however, were discovered in the tombs of Tutankhamun 240 and
Khaʿ in Deir el-Medineh. 241 Furthermore, Zevit has pointed out that Sper-
ling failed to consider the pictorial representations of Judean officials wear-
ing pedal-pusher-like pants on the Lachish reliefs of Sennacherib (701 BC), 242
and Gary Rendsburg has also drawn attention to the possible connection
to Egyptian loincloths. 243 So clearly linen undergarments were known in
the biblical world centuries before the supposed 5th-century date of the P
source. 244
Exodus 28:42 suggests that the purpose of this garment was to cover the
sexual organs. Zevit suggests that the miknāsayim functioned like a jock-
strap. 245 Cassuto rightly connects the undergarments of Exod 28:42 with
237. For examples in reliefs, see Epigraphic Survey, The Battle Reliefs of King Sety I,
vol. 4: Reliefs and Inscriptions at Karnak (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1986), pls. 3–6. See
also the actual chariot bodies of Tutankhamun: M. A. Littauer and J. H. Crouwel, Chariots
and Related Equipment from the Tomb of Tutʿankhamun (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1985),
pls. 7–11, 15–18.
238. HALOT 581.
239. S. D. Sperling, “Pants, Persians, and the Priestly Source,” in Ki Baruch Hu: An-
cient Near Eastern, Biblical, and Judaic Studies in Honor of Baruch A. Levine (ed. W. Hallo,
L. Schiffman, and R. Chazan; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1999), 373–85.
240. N. Reeves, The Complete Tutankhamun (London: Thames & Hudson, 1995), 154.
241. These are on display in the Egyptian Museum, Turin.
242. Ziony Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel: A Synthesis of Parallactic Approaches
(London: Continuum, 2001), 47.
243. I am grateful to Gary Rendsburg’s advising me of his review of Sperling’s book,
The Original Torah (New York: New York University Press, 1998) in AJSR 24 (1999): 359–
62. Rendsburg does not, however, associate the Hebrew term with the Egyptian root kns.
244. For challenges to the traditional academic 5th-century date of P in favor of
postexilic dating, see the discussion in Jacob Milgrom, Leviticus 1–16 (AB 3; New York:
Doubleday, 1991), 3–34.
245. Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel, 47.
34 James K. Hoffmeier
the reference in 20:26, 246 which says: “You [the priest] shall not go up by
steps to my altar, so that your nakedness may not be exposed on it.” He
maintains that modesty among the Israelite priests was valued. 247 This be-
ing the case, an alternative root behind miknāsayim is worth considering. In
Egyptian, kns refers to the sexual area 248 or pubic region. 249 Since we do not
know the Egyptian word for a man’s underpants, one wonders if miknāsayim
was a word that was borrowed along with other Egyptian terms related to
priestly attire.
Conclusion
Meek’s nearly 80-year-old theory that the presence of Egyptian names
among the Levites was sure evidence of their sojourn in Egypt has now been
substantiated further. More-careful analysis of additional names of some
Levites and other Egyptian theophoric names among the Hebrews further
supports this view. I have also argued that the theophoric names along with
Egyptian terms among the priest’s regalia and the word for “censer” in Num
16 all point to the influences of Egyptian religion on the Hebrews. Space
prevents me from laying out the Egyptian background to the tabernacle and
Egyptian words associated with various utensils of the tent-shrine. 250
The sociological data regarding the ways in which a minority group of
immigrants is influenced by the religion of its host country are consistent
with what the biblical data indicate happened to the Hebrews in Egypt. If
the Hyksos and the Semitic-speaking immigrants who preceded them to
Egypt’s Delta in time adapted to Egyptian culture and became transna-
tional, as reflected in employing Egyptian names, Egyptian administrative
offices, and priestly titles and in associating with Egyptian deities, it should
not be surprising for the Hebrews to have had a similar experience with
Egyptian culture and religion.
The materials offered in this essay along with the arguments made cer-
tainly buttress Ronald Williams’s affirmation that “Israel was always con-
scious of her ties with Egypt, and the traditions of her sojourn there were
246. U. Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of Exodus ( Jerusalem: Magnes, 1983), 257.
247. Ibid., 387.
248. WÄS 5.134.
249. Faulkner, A Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian, 286.
250. The following studies are helpful in this regard: Kenneth Kitchen, “The Tab-
ernacle: A Bronze Age Artifact,” ErIsr 24 (Abraham Malamat Volume; 1993): 119–29;
Michael Homan, “The Divine Warrior in His Tent: A Military Model for Yahweh’s Taber-
nacle,” BR 16 (2000): 22–33, 55; idem, To Your Tents, O Israel! The Terminology, Function, Form,
and Symbolism of Tents in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East (Leiden: Brill, 2002);
Hoffmeier, Ancient Israel in Sinai, 193–222.
Egyptian Religious Influences on the Early Hebrews 35