ELECTION OPS E-BOOK

PREPARING FOR ELECTIONS

The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns

Eero Rosini P. Brillantes

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Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 2

2008 by Eero Rosini P. Brillantes

Copyright holder is licensing this under Creative

Commons, Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0
Philippines License.

Please feel free to post this on your blog or email it to friends

and interested parties.

For a FREE CONSULTATION on how to get started on an election

project, call (02) 8960038 and look for me, Eero or Meggy. You
can also e-mail me at ebrillantes@mindbullet.org. or txt/call at
09276702831.

For TONS OF ARTICLES on public relations VISIT my blog at

www.brainbang-mindbullet.blogspot.com
 Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 3

Watch out for the release of my field manual on Campaign Management of Philippine
Elections!

“Election Ops”
Strategy. Deployment. Victory
Eero Rosini P. Brillantes

Includes Chapters on the following:

Rules of Engagement!
Disposition of Forces!
Composing the Strategy Canvas!
Workshop Guide on Campaign Planning!
Case Studies!

I practice what Eero preaches in this book and believe me they work. --- from the foreword of Greg Garcia, Political Communications

Expert and part owner, Hemisphere-Leo Burnett Advertising

Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 4

The Disposition of Forces

Establishing and Analyzing the Baselines

It is imperative that a survey be conducted on awareness and trust ratings at the very least
before a candidacy is seriously considered. Awareness and trust are two valuable indicators of
the presence and opinion (or the lack of it) of probable candidates among the voting populace.
Awareness involves the actual measurement of the level of consciousness of personalities in
the electorates’ minds. Trust ratings involve assessing the level of positive or negative
disposition about a candidate relative to the electorate. Winability is an estimation of
candidates in terms of actually entering the winning circle.

Political operators would tell you that awareness ratings must be at least 75% for a serious run
at a national position. In the election of 2007, the percentage range of votes cast between 12th
place (Miguel Zubiri) and 1st place (Loren Legarda) was 37% and 62%.

For those who are bent on running for national positions no matter what, voting preferences
(presidential, vice-presidential, senatorial) surveys are conducted with a sample size of 1,200
and covers National, NCR, Balance Luzon, Visayas, Mindanao. 1,800 respondents are used if
we go regional. The Social Weather Stations (SWS) and Pulse Asia are the main organizations
when it comes to surveys.

The margin of error depends on the size of the number of respondents. A sample size of 1,200
will get you a margin of error of plus three minus three. For example awareness of a candidate
is at 71%. The margin of error would make the awareness rating as either 74% or 68%.

Weights are assigned to factor in how much votes can be expected from groupings. For example
Metro Manila (NCR) constitutes 13% of the electorate, Balance Luzon is 44%, 20% Visayas, 23%
Mindanao.
Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 5

After weights are applied, the percentages are cross referenced with historical data
on percentage of actual votes cast. For example at 73% national voter turn out in
Politics is war 2007, NCR is projected to account for approximately at least 4,215,411.28 votes
cast in 2010 or 73% of 13%.

w i t h o u t If there is historical data to indicate voting turn out averages or percentages per
region, projections can be further disaggregated. Even if the national average is
73%, percentage of votes cast may vary from region to region. The percentage of

bloodshed, votes cast per region is multiplied to the total registered voters per region to pin
down projected absolute numbers. This is important in micro-targeting voters.

A comparison of percentages of votes cast between mid term and presidential

while war is elections indicates a tendency for voters to vote less for senators during presidential
election years.

politics with For local elections, consultants can design and administer simple surveys to establish
baselines and minimum projections. Local volunteers from within the district or
from other districts can be tapped to actually administer the survey. The quality

bloodshed. may be compromised somewhat as compared to a SWS or Pulse Asia. But it would
be much cheaper using local crew. What is needed at the start is to see certain
bottom lines. Awareness, trust, winability, demographics, psychographics, major

~Mao Zedong issues, and geographical spread are essential factors to be evaluated.

Let’s say a congressional district composed of 4 municipalities and 1 city has 250,000
voters. Furthermore, the municipalities have 25,000 voters each and the city
150,000. This means that the municipalities constitute 10% each of the total number
of voters while the city is 60% of voters.
Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 6

If we survey 1,200 respondents, we may equitably distribute the respondents at 240

respondents each geographical unit. After the survey, we determine how much percentage
of each candidate we are measuring constitute the 10% of each municipality and 60% of the
city.

To extrapolate comparative and historical data, we can look at actual votes cast across election
years to establish patterns. This is important to sharpen expectations of voting behavior.

For example, even if the 4 municipalities have 25,000 voters each, they may vary on
percentage of actual voter turnout given previous elections. If we can establish patterns
based on historical data, we can play with more than one voting scenario.

The Political Map

Fundamentally, the political map can be established through the surveys and historical data.
The projected Bailiwicks, Hostile Territories, and Swing Areas can be determined. Bailiwicks
are geographical units surveyed and superiority of candidates is established. Hostile
territories are geographical units where opponents are strong. Swing areas are geographical units
where a great percentage of the voters are undecided.

The activities planned, the organizing done, the resources mobilized, the message delivered and the
order of battle of priority areas are very much dependent on truthful reading of the political map. A
survey usually indicates voter preference. When comparing such with historical data on voting patterns,
extrapolations can be done.
Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 7

In the sample colored table, a fictitious

senatorial candidate with this data would
indicate strength in the Visayas and
Mindanao but weakness in Metro
Manila and majority of balance Luzon.
Swing areas include NCR, Cordilleras, and
Cagayan Valley. Armed with this data,
such candidate must concentrate on
increasing awareness, trust, and
winability levels in Luzon while
consolidating bailiwicks in the Visayas
and Mindanao. Extrapolations indicate
that fictitious candidate will lose if Luzon
does not deliver at minimum winability
levels.

If we have historical data showing voting

patterns of the more recent election
years, we can do some projections based
on historical voter turn out percentage
wise. The table below is a percentile
range of voter turnout from the 12th
winning senator to the topnotcher in the
election years 1995 to 2007. From such
we can do rough estimates of projected
votes cast.
Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 8

Comparative Statistics of Winning Candidates for Senators 1992 – 2007

Percent Range Actual Votes

1995 GMA 61% GMA 15,745,141

Coseteng 34% Coseteng 8,700,278

1998 Legarda 56% Legarda 14,933,965

Oreta 24% Oreta 7,238,086

2001 De Castro 62% De Castro 16,237,386

Recto 40% Recto 10,454,527

2004 Roxas 56% Roxas 19,327,888

Biazon 31% Biazon 10,365,270

2007 Legarda 62% Legarda 18,501,734

Zubiri 37% Zubiri 10,005,866

Source: Commission on Elections online data and Wikipedia

Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 9

Atty. Eric Vida is a college friend. In 2007, he ran and won as Vice-Mayor of the municipality of Mendez, Cavite. Yet, he started out as
an unknown candidate outside of his circle of relatives. He approached me to map out a campaign plan for him and his entire slate.
We started out by reviewing the election history of the place. We were able to deduce patterns in the Mendez electorate. First is
the distinct voting divide between the poblacion and rural barangays. Second was the entrenched “Magdalo” machinery all over the
municipality. Third was the presence of clans. Fourth was the percentage of votes churned out by each barangay.

We conducted a survey with about 1,200 respondents divided equally among the barangays. After gathering the field data, we
applied weights based on percentage of registered votes per barangay. We applied a second formula using percentage weights of
actual votes cast based on 2001 and 2004 election results.

The initial findings were not encouraging. Eric had very low awareness although his family name was prominent in the area. If
elections were held at the time of the survey, he would have been “massacred”. What we mapped out was a set of “flanks and
maneuvers”.

Eric consolidated his clan and made family members the backbone of his machinery. He also organized a political party machinery
since he was the official Lakas-NUCD candidate. Eric likewise got the support of the incumbent mayor who made him his running
mate. He wooed the Magdalo machinery which usually operated as a block. Eric campaigned hard in the poblacion barangays
where many were undecided. He reiterated and emphasized close family ties in the rural areas where the Vida clan was large in
number. He deployed a substantial amount of stand alone campaign paraphernalia in hostile areas.

He was able to do his homework quite well. He had adequate appreciation of the lay of the land and won based on forward
knowledge established at the onset of the campaign.
 Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 10
The Communications Map

If you cannot convince them, confuse them — Author Unknown

To hear some men talk of the government, you would suppose that Congress was the law of
gravitation, and kept the planets in their places. ~Wendell Phillips, Orations, Speeches, Lectures
and Letters

The communications map establishes how a candidate and opponents are positioned in the voters’
minds, the messages to be used, and the message delivery systems to be employed. Positioning
as a marketing concept is not something new to Filipinos. In fact, part of our colorful culture
reflects positioning in everyday life. A concrete example is accusing someone of foul gas. Jokingly
it’s sometimes called “compressed natural gas” or “biological warfare agent”. How many times
have you heard a person say “Ikaw ang nagpakawala!” while pointing a finger at someone or
looking at him or her in a stern way. The poor person, albeit innocent has been painted as the
culprit. Chances are the accuser is the one guilty. At face value, the instantaneous reaction of
people across the room is to believe the accuser. The only dead giveaway of the truth is when
the sound is heard loud enough from the emanating source. Otherwise the perpetrator goes
scot free.

Al Ries and Jack Trout, in their classic book “Positioning: The Battle for Your Mind” defines
positioning as “what you do to the mind of the prospect”. In elections, assuming products (in
this case candidates) are at parity in all major aspects of the election game, what provides the
edge is to positively position the candidate in the mind of the voters. This also means negatively
positioning opponents also in the mind of the voters.

The book Blue Ocean Strategy, written by W. Chan Kim and Renee Mauborgne, sharpens this
positioning concept. The book explains that value innovation drives uncontested markets and
makes competition irrelevant. Red oceans are marred by so much bloodshed in the corporate
world because protagonists are within the industry.
Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 11

Blue oceans are created by identifying pristine market space, leveraging value innovation,
and putting an appropriate price tag. It is driven by commonalities
across certain industries and is very much determined by buyer
behavior. Examples in the book resonate.

Cirque du Soleil metamorphosed from a traditional circus to that of an

entertainment mixture of circus and theatre within a thematic
storyline.

Casella Wines got a big chunk of the U.S. wine market. It veered
away from the consumer perception that wine is a “snotty” beverage.
It studied consumers of beer, spirits, and ready to drink cocktails and
redrew the map by introducing a wine that is “fun, non- traditional,
and easy to drink for everyone”.

Southwest Airlines focused on friendly service, speed, and frequent

point to point departures. The authors composed a tagline for Southwest. “The speed of
a plane at the price of a car—whenever you need it.”

In the electoral arena, a candidate will be measured according to how he/she is valued by
voters and non-voters alike. The challenge is to position the candidate properly so that
even traditional non-voters are motivated to vote, while a big chunk of existing market is
captured.

Kim and Mauborgne also emphasized that there must be focus, differentiation, and a
compelling tag line. Focus means a clear idea of how a product is to be marketed. This
would be according to a characteristic that is easy to comprehend. Differentiation involves
defining the product and defining the position of the competition. A compelling tagline
dramatizes the focus and differentiation so that the value proposition of the product
resonates among target markets.
Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 12

Same with electoral candidates. The candidate, through an arsenal of

communications channels, portrays the competition as “walang nagawa”
or “kurakot”. Proof is given usually through word of mouth and trigger
publicity. Then the candidate positions himself/herself as the exact
opposite. This becomes the strategic message of the campaign. Political
handlers, communication specialists, and the candidate then sharpens
the message through compelling catch words, phrases, sound bites, one
liners and visuals at every opportunity possible.

Vee, Miller, and Bauer introduced Gravitational Marketing to posit the

marketing theory of positioning oneself as the expert in a given field so
that customers (voters) will gravitate towards him/her. Applying this
principle, voters are expected to flock to the precinct and vote for the
candidate. This is because he/she was able to charm and endear himself/
herself to the electorate by being the expert “leader”.

Look at Barack Obama. He positioned himself as the messiah of change

in a turbulent and insecure time in United States history. Isabela governor
Grace Padaca positioned herself as the bringer of hope to a constituency
fed up with a dynasty. Fr. Ed Panlilio became a phenomenon. It was
because there were three choices for Pampanga governor; a man of God,
the wife of an alleged jueteng lord, and an incumbent governor accused
of amassing ill gotten wealth through quarry operations.

Of course it goes without saying that there must be truth in the claims.
Otherwise people would not believe. As the adage goes, “In elections
the air is full of speeches—and vice versa”.
Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 13

More often than not, political operators would say that a national election basically
involves an “against strategy”.

In the 2001 senatorial elections, the People Power Coalition (Administration) won a
majority in Senate. The PPC projected itself as continuing the gains of the then popular
The hardest thing
EDSA people power 2. The PPC campaign organization likewise positioned the opposition
about any political
as representing a discredited previous administration. 2001 also saw a violent attempt to
campaign is how to win
overthrow the Arroyo administration known as EDSA 3. National media covered the
without proving that
event and it scared the living daylights out of the electorate especially in Metro Manila.
you are unworthy of
It was the closest visualization to street anarchy and mob rule.
winning. ~Adlai E.
Stevenson
In the 2007 elections, the same positioning strategy was applied by the opposition,
resulting in a majority win. In that year, senatorial candidates of the Gloria Macapagal
Arroyo government were lumped together as part of the “corrupt and illegitimate Arroyo
administration”. Opposition candidates (Genuine Opposition) were anti-corruption and
agents of positive change.

Many of the opposition candidates were popular symbols of being anti-Arroyo and “poster
boys and girls” of anti-corruption. Examples include Sen. Francis “Chiz” Escudero, Sen.
Alan Peter Cayetano, Sen. Panfilo “Ping” Lacson. and Sen. Antonio Trillanes III. The basic
positioning of the opposition was very effective. Even opposition candidates like Sen.
Loren Legarda, Sen. Manny Villar, and Sen. Noynoy Aquino, and independent Sen. Francis
“Kiko” Pangilinan who ran less of anti-Arroyo campaigns and more of personality and
advocacy campaigns became major winners.
Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 14

Administration candidates who won like Sen. Edgardo Angara, Sen. Joker Arroyo, and Sen. Miguel Zubiri
ran safe campaigns with token snippets of being pro-administration. Sen. Gringo Honasan ran as an
independent but for the most part was in prison just like Sen. Trillanes. The element of sympathy and
protest voting may have played a big role. Those highly identified with President Arroyo like Mike Defensor
and Prospero Pichay, despite spending so much money on ads alone, lost in a big way.

Administration candidates who won like Sen. Edgardo Angara, Sen. Joker Arroyo, and Sen. Miguel Zubiri
ran safe campaigns with token snippets of being pro-administration. Sen. Gringo Honasan ran as an
independent but for the most part was in prison just like Sen. Trillanes. The element of sympathy and
protest voting may have played a big role. Those highly identified with President Arroyo like Mike Defensor
and Prospero Pichay, despite spending so much money on ads alone, lost in a big way.

An against strategy is also effective even if one is an incumbent, whether it be at the national or local
level. But this hinges on how unpopular and scary the personality or issue an incumbent is positioning
against. The US presidential fight between George Bush and John Kerry comes to mind. Opinion polls
indicated a neck to neck fight or probable Kerry win. A nationally televised news footage of Osama Bin
Laden just before the election reminded voters of 9/11 and the Bush administration’s war on terror. Bush
eventually won because he led a global campaign against what his spin doctors coined the “axis of evil”
with Saddam Hussein and Bin Laden as symbols.

The border dispute between Cambodia and Thailand in July, 2008 crystallized nationalistic sentiment
among Cambodians and fortified support for Hun Sen. His strong posture of going toe to toe with
Thailand and by sending substantial troops to the Thai-Cambodia border drew overwhelming support
from the people at a time when elections were underway.

The messages to be used must be thought of in the same vain scriptwriters and public relations specialists
develop one liners and sound bites. Unforgettable statements stick to voters minds.
Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 15

If you hear “puno na ang salop” you are reminded of FPJ. “You are nothing but a
second rate, trying hard copycat” gives you Sharon Cuneta. “Mahal kita maging
sino ka man, tsup!” and immediately Robin Padilla comes to mind. “ Axis of Evil”
equates with George W. Bush,” climate change” with Al Gore, “I am sorry” with
President Arroyo, and “Magandang Gabi Bayan” with Vice President Noli De Castro.

It is better to associate messages with concepts that are already deeply rooted in
the voters’ culture and consciousness. For example, Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano’s
core messages in his advertisements and news statements were directly connected
with his highly publicized tiff with First Gentleman Mike Arroyo. Sen. Escudero
had ads and photo releases of him as a look alike of rock and roll youth icon Bamboo.

Positive appreciation of advertisements must not exist in a void. Corollary to this is

a deep appreciation of how ads must be contextualized by telling compelling stories
of candidates in believable and truthful ways. That is usually the realm of public
relations. Noted political and marketing guru Mr. Greg Garcia saw the need to
contextualize why the electorate must learn to write “Alan Cayetano”. 30 second
ads needed to be supported by public relations activities because of the existence
of a nuisance candidate, Joselito Cayetano.

Sen. Alan went on a media campaign and was interviewed by local and national
media to emphasize the importance of writing Alan Cayetano and so that ballots
will not be considered spoiled. He went to the Supreme Court. He attended
COMELEC hearings. He went to Davao to visit the family of Joselito. Sen. Alan
even organized prayer vigils. All these events had extensive media exposure.
Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 16

In 2008, Sen. Manny Villar brought home a number of abused overseas women Filipino workers. Their stories
of distraught made Sen. Manny focus attention on the plight of Filipino workers abroad. He was so into the
issue he even came out with public service announcements espousing the rights of OFWs.

It can be said that the dream of every communication specialist is for his/her candidate
to be projected based on a running story. It is similar to an unfolding drama but with an
anticipated happy ending. In this particular case, the electorate follows the day to day
events and news involving a set of characters. There is the lead (candidate), the contra
bida (villains), the plot and sub plots (conflict, resolution, triumph).

When then Vice President Joseph Estrada ran for the presidency, his candidacy was laid
out to become a box office hit. On national media he was projected as the underdog
“inaapi” because he was less educated, talked broken English and did not engage in debates. But he was tough
on lawlessness and was pro poor. In other words, he associated with the “toiling masses”.

After sometime, he sharpened his messages and took on a pro-poor stance against the elite, powerful and
corrupt establishment represented by his electoral opponents. This immediately appealed to the broad masses
to make him president. His value proposition to the electorate was that the “mapang aping uri” will be defeated
by the “masa”.

Says screenplay iconoclast Ricky Lee in his script writing manual “Trip to Quiapo”, “Ang manunulat ay laging
naghahanap ng mga bagay na pareho at mga bagay na taliwas sa kanyang palibot. Sa isang eksena sa Curacha,
nagkatagpo sina Ruby Moreno at Richard Quan ng sandaling oras ng pagmamahalan sa gitna ng barilan at
patayan isang gabi ng coup noon 1989”.
Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 17

In Reynaldo Lleto’s book, “Pasyon at Rebolusyon”, he posited that popular consciousness

of suffering and triumph has been manifest in religious and cultural traditions. Like the
holding of “Pasyon”, self flagellation, being nailed to the cross, pabasa, and the Moriones
festival are prime examples. Just like Christ’s suffering, death, and resurrection, the
Filipino masa longed to see the day of deliverance from all the suffering and pain that
they encounter daily.

If you Google the internet for pictures of Sen. Loren Legarda, you will come across a
particular one. An old man is holding a small portrait of the senator while looking dazed
from the hardships of life. Observe the community visits of former President Estrada
and you will sense mass veneration similar to a religious icon.

The third point to consider is the right mix of distribution systems. To be sure, national
campaigns have the benefit of nationwide networks of TV, radio, print, and other
advertisement spaces. There are also new forms of media which are highly information
technology driven. There exists non-formal channels which are very effective locally
and involves indigenous forms of viral communication networks. Samples include the
neighborhood chismoso and chismosa, gambling bookies, the sari sari store, the palengke,
the KBL (Kasal, Binyag, Lamay), the flying school (cockpits), lotto outlets, off track betting
stations, and the tambayan.

Viral marketing is quite effective. It involves armies of core believers who actually engage
in spirited conversations about candidates they are passionate with. Probing questions
by neighborhood jueteng bookies like “Sino ba iboboto nating Presidente?” while taking
bets eventually lead to sales pitching of candidates. “Mare, kumpareng buo ko si mayor.
Pag binoto natin siya ilalakad ko anak mo sa city hall maski casual” is a concrete situation
of viral marketing. Distributing employment or scholarship forms during campaign season
is yet another form of viral marketing.
Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 18

A usually overlooked aspect of communication is competitive

intelligence. This means a conscious effort at electoral sleuthing
of the opposition to evaluate their state of play.

Constant monitoring and measuring of ads and collateral

materials of opponents translate into a gold mine of information
to out flank and out maneuver the competition. For example,
the frequency, time allocation, and time duration of ads can be
used to track expenditures. Such content analysis can also point
to the demographic, psychographic, and geographical priorities of the competition.

Take cheaply made collateral materials such as posters, streamers, and tarpaulins deployed
at the top of electric poles. This may mean an opponent sorely lacks in funds and that
materials might only be one wave or two waves at most.

A review of conflicting statements of opponents may be used to project insincerity and

double talk. Incriminating photos gathered may be used to tarnish or even destroy the
image of opponents. A forward knowledge in schedules of sorties and meetings organized
by opponents can be countered effectively. Bingo socials, beauty pageants, videoke
competitions, and campaign rallies with more celebrities and prizes are some examples
of on the ground flanks and maneuvers.

Blogs are excellent sources to get the dirt on the competition. Such blogs also provide
for credible source of news slants and story ideas for both the candidate and opponents.
Election Ops: The Disposition of Forces in Election Campaigns Eero Rosini P. Brillantes 19

In the final analysis, national campaigns are very much dependent on media
networks and how candidates are positioned in the voters’ minds. Surveys, focus
group discussions, tailor fitted communications channels, and a compelling story
line very much define the activities of a campaign. It is equally important to be
part of a political party, set up loose parallel structures and strike alliances with
kingpins for materials distribution, sortie coordination, and voter generation/
protection.

At the local level where it is more personal, the employ of national and local media
plays a reinforcing role. Media projects the candidate as “bigger than life”. The
primary mode of campaigning at the local level however is to dirty one’s shoes and
become the darling of the electorate. Opponents are to be seen as “kontrabida”.

Corollary to this is to establish an army of core believers, the so called “viral

marketers” who will infect the electorate down to the precinct level where actual
fighting is situated.

Ultimately, all of this comes to a head with conscious

development of a no frills precinct level organization.
If there are 150 voters out of 200 who are projected to
vote in a given precinct, a simple majority of them should
vote for you. You need not even target all precincts but
only those with high yield potential and an adequate
buffer enough to translate into victory.
About the Author
Eero took up his Bachelor of Arts Degree in Organizational
Communication at the University of the Philippines (UP). He
pursued his Masters Program at the Asian Institute of Journalism
and Communication (AIJC). His experience spans 18 years as
communications specialist for various non-profits and government
agencies.

On the political front, he provides media relations work and strategy

to a Senator, three district congressmen, four incumbent party list
groups, and spokespersons of two political parties.

Eero is the chief nurturer of Mind Bullet Inc., a marketing and public
relations company. He handles account management and oversees
the strategic activities at the office. He is the resident wordsmith.

His other world is husband and driver to Geraldine Torres-Brillantes,

an award winning documentary film maker and PR practitioner.
Their children Enzo, Pia, and Nico, provide the backdrop to a rowdy
and nerve wracking home. The plants and aquarium fishes at their
home act as tranquility pills to even out the force and the dark side
of everyday existence.