The Psychological Impact of Political Violence

in Sri Lanka – Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D.

Of all the tasks of government, the most basic is to protect its citizens from violence.- John Foster
Dulles

18/12/2020
 

Commonly violence is defined as the intentional use of physical force or power,

threatened or actual against oneself, another person or against a group or
community that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury,
death, psychological harm, mal-development, or deprivation (Krug, Dahlberg,
Mercy, Zwi& Lozano, 2002).

Political violence refers to acts of violence undertaken to further the political

objectives. Violence is a common means used by people and governments
around the world to achieve political goals. In this context Sri Lanka is one of the
countries that is highly affected by political violence. The scale and intensity of
political violence has increased in Sri Lanka over the past few decades. Violence
has become a common occurrence during the elections in Sri Lanka. Violence
pervades Sri Lankan social and cultural life.

Complex and multidimensional

Political violence and its associated factors are complex and multidimensional.
There are many theories are associated with individual and collective violence.
Based on social learning theory Albert Bandura argued that individuals
especially children learn aggressive responses from observing, others, either
personally or through the media and environment. Bandura further stated that
many individuals, believed that aggression will produce reinforcements. These
reinforcements can formulate in to reduction of tension, gaining financial
rewards, or gaining the praise of others, or building self-esteem.

In 2002 the National Academy of Science indicated that violence can occur in
waves with highly publicized crimes copied by others. The social learning
processes reflected in, such contagious episodes include imitation and vicarious
reinforcement.

Duncan Pedersen emphasizes the root causes for the political violence and of the
view that in poor and highly indebted countries, economic and environmental
decline, asset depletion, and erosion of the subsistence base lead to further
impoverishment and food insecurity for vast sectors of the population. Growing
ethnic and religious tensions over a shrinking resource base often escort the
emergence of predatory practices, rivalry, political violence, and internal wars.
(Duncan Pedersen-Political violence, ethnic conflict, and contemporary wars:
broad implications for health and social well-being).

Sri Lankan Context

In Sri Lanka ideological differences, racial tensions and even personal grudges
have amplified political violence and there had been many deaths and
destruction of property over the years. Typically in every major election violence
has become a common occurrence and during elections many people live in
heightened fear and anxiety. Violent assaults , intimidation , murders , rape and
arson had been reported in the past elections. Many perpetrators who commit
such violence go unpunished due to political interferences and deficiencies in
the criminal justice system. Therefore political violence has become an
unstopable crime.

Collective Violence
The collective violence is defined as instrumental use of violence by people who
identify themselves as members of a group-whether this group is transitory or
has a more permanent identity-against another group or set of individuals in
order to achieve political, economic or social objectives.

William Kornhauser introduced the social attachments theory of collective

violence and it deals with the influence of a person’s interaction with society on
their potential for membership in violent groups. This theory explains that
people who have no attachments to society are more likely to join a group in
order to have a sense of belonging.

Collective violence is often social control: self-help by a group. It typically

defines and responds to conduct as deviant. When unilateral and
nongovernmental, it appears in four major forms lynching, rioting, vigilantism
and terrorism each distinguished by its system of liability (individual or
collective) and degree of organization higher or lower. ( Roberta Senechal de la
Roche Department of History, Washington University).
In Sri Lanka, collective violence had occurred in the form of riots, protests
,banditry and gang warfare etc. Collective violence in Sri Lanka has taken place
in political or ethnic dimensions and it has a drastic impact on mental health, as
well as the economy.

The World Health Organization (2008) National Report on Violence and

Health- Sri Lanka specifies that, immediately before the country gained
Independence from the British in 1948, violence in any form was not common as
it is today and had not assumed political or ethnic dimensions. Diverse causes
that precipitated group violence too were almost non-existent and individual
acts of violence – killings, rape, abductions, looting, banditry and so on were
scarce with little impact on the overall social, order of the country. In the pre-
independence period collective violence, if at all was in the, form of struggle for
freedom against the foreign rulers. ( WHO National Report on Violence and
Health- Sri Lanka 2008).
 Frantz
Fanon

Fanon on Violence
Frantz Fanon -the well known French Algerian Psychiatrist designates violence
as a cleansing force which frees the person from his inferiority complex and
from his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless and restores self-
respect’(The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon). Commenting on Fannon ‘s
theoty Peter Worsley is giving more dapth analysis in his article “Frantz Fanon
and the Lumpenproletariat “. Peter Worsley states that violence is often thought
of sentimentally, as a deviation from a, normal condition of natural order and
shared understandings. Thus, violence is often treated as social “pathology”. Yet
even the most, orthodox political theorists also recognize, often quite
inconsistently that in the last analysis ruling Clites depend upon force, even if
they, usually try to buttress their power by persuading those they rule that they
have a legitimate right to rule.

In Sri Lanka many politicians use political violence to gain public attention,
popularity and to induce fear among the opponents. Often the violence is
marked by territorial aggression and the aggressor expects submissive behaviour
, conformity and respect.
Scapegoating
Scapegoating is a hostile social – psychological discrediting routine by which
people move blame and responsibility away from themselves and towards a
target person or group. Sometimes political violence could emerge as an act of
scapegoating. The French Philosopher Rene Girard described “scapegoat
mechanism” in which particular groups are held responsible for various social
maladies. These groups are demonised , excluded and then subjected to
violence. The scapegoat theory of inter group conflict provides an explanation
for the correlation between times of relative economic despair and increases in
prejudice and violence toward out groups.

Over the years the phenomenon of Scapegoating has been seen in the Sri Lankan
society and sometimes sinister political groups have targeted specific people or
communities for economic and cultural decline. Sometimes it was done to
achieve egoistic political advantages. These actions had caused deep mistrust ,
hate among the communities and violent conflicts were erupted in the past .

Childhood Trauma

Childhood Trauma and Violent Behavior

Childhood trauma has a profound effect on brain development and it can
negatively affect the person in relation with his / her behavior in the society.
Children who had become the victims of collective and personal violence might
carry anger and resentment towards society and it could erupt in a violent form.
The researches indicate that majority of the former members of the German
Baader-Meinhof Group that engaged in political violence had traumatized
childhood. Many research confirm that the link between adverse childhood
experiences and social violence.

Trauma and violence that people experience can pass in to the next generation
and it can lead to a vicious cycle. A 1998 study by R. Yehuda titled Vulnerability
to posttraumatic stress disorder in adult offspring of Holocaust survivors
indicated that offspring of Holocaust survivor parents with PTSD have a higher
lifetime risk for PTSD and report more distress after traumatic events.
Therefore, sociopolitical violence has severe damaging effects to the population.

A large number of Sri Lankan children face sexual – physical and emotional
abuse within the family circle, in school, in religious institutions etc. Many of the
victims do not get any psychological treatment and often the time does not heal
these traumas. They grow up with the emotional scars silently hating their
perpetrators. Once they become adults they are ready to project their anger and
resentment at any individual or group.
The violence committed by most of the members of the JVP during 1988-89 had
tormented childhood and many were affected by maternal deprivation ( Middle
East Syndrome) , cast related oppression and severe poverty. Some had the
history of childhood sexual abuses. One of the members who had such a
childhood experience committed a politically motivated crime ( shooting a
family and then murdering their infant son with an axe in the Southern part of
Sri Lanka) without any remorse.

The victims with childhood trauma frequently suffer from depression and
anxiety and many have unresolved psychological conflicts. They have free
floating anger and it’s easy to manipulate such victims and get them to commit
atrocities by igniting their deep rooted hatred. (Voltaire once said “those who
can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities.”) Numerous
political groups in Sri Lanka had recruited such characters to fulfill their
political goals during the past few decades. The abduction and assassination
Daya Pathirana (in 1986) assassination of Nandana Marasinghe (in 1988) and
killing of Razmar Hussain of Matale (in 1995) signify such crimes.

Lumpenproletariat Factor and Political Violence

Uneducated under privileged social elements (commonly called as goons ) play a
crucial role in the Sri Lankan politics since 1940s. Up to dated these elements
are one of the decisive and conspicuous factors in the Sri Lankan politics. All the
leading political parties use these social outcasts to get their dirty work done.

According Rev Udukandawella Saranakara Thero who was an active supporter of

the Left-wing political movement in Sri Lanka revealed how their political
meetings were violently sabotaged by hired thugs of the United National Party.
In 1958 these social elements instigated racial riots with the help of local
politicians. By 1960 many Members of Parliment had their own henchmen to
attack the opposition members when necessary. During 1971 uprising many
SLFP MPs used their goons to form a paramilitary group called Samanala
Balakaya to fight the JVP rebels. While retreating from Balapathhava -Kegalle to
Sinharaja Forest a group of JVP members headed by Samarathunga alias Bola
Samare directly confronted with this para military group and six of them were
later executed by the rebels.

After 1977 the political goons became more powerful and lethal. Gonawala Sunil
was a powerful political thug and even the Police used to salute him. Similarly
Sothhi Upali had police powers and sometimes pretended him self as a member
of the Police Special Task Force. Baddagane Sanjiva was officially attached to the
PSD (President’s Security Division). Today the political thugs like Julampitiya
Amre operate with full political patronage and they have become untouchables.

In the recent past the lumpenproletariat factor has evolved in to a new

operational stage in Sri Lanka. A large number of mob elements have entered
politics by joining the provincial councils. By becoming local political members
they get exceptional chances to evade Police investigations against them and also
could engage in illegal activities (drug business / extortion / sex trade/
transporting and selling of illegal timber etc) without any legal interferences.
According to the Police sources some of the the provincial council members of
Kamburupitiya , Tanglle , Pujapitiya etc are charged with murders and sex
crimes . But the legal procedure against these people have been decelerated due
to various interferences and justice is not served to the victims yet.

Political Violence and Antisocial Personality Disorder

From JRJ to the present leadership every head of the state had his or her
henchmen to carry out politically connected violence. They were either ministers
or the members of the parliament or thugs with political patronage. Most of
them were under educated and had violently inclined behavior. These mob
elements had committed a number of atrocities and violent acts but they were
always protected and safeguarded by their political masters. This phenomenon
has become a naked reality of politics in Sri Lanka. These men were always
above the law and had licenses to commit violence in the name of their political
leaders. In the psychological context, these characters have deviant behaviors
and fit in to the diagnostic category of Anti-Social Personality Disorder (ASPD).

Antisocial Personality Disorder is a condition characterized by persistent

disregard for and violation of the rights of others. Deceit and manipulation are
central features of this disorder. The people with ASPD disregard the social
norms and respect to lawful behaviors. They are impulsive as well as aggressive
and with a slightest provocation they can commit violent acts. They are also
reckless disregard for safety of self or others and irresponsible. Their characters
are marked with lack of remorse. They are selfish, callous and remorselessly use
of others to full fill their goals. They have chronically unstable, antisocial and
socially deviant lifestyles. When these brands of men become politically
powerful, they can do a vast damage to the country.
The Dynamics of Political Popularity in Sri Lanka
A large number of Sri Lankan politicians believe that violence would enhance
their popularity and it could give enormous public attention. They customarily
think that political thuggery is the key way of winning the hearts and minds of
the public. Many use person directed , institution directed or social directed
violence to achieve popularity and establish power. In addition some use indirect
violence as modes of threats or sanctions. In the resent past some politicians
have imposed unlawful -unconstitutional sanctions such as prohibition of selling
meat , specific vegetables in their respective electorates.

There were no public outcry or protest following these unlawful acts and the
public always maintained silence. The other poignant fact is that the election
results in Sri Lanka indicate that the politicians who use violence have more
chance to win and those who practice decent and civilized methods of politics
had disappeared from the political arena. Therefore the voters have a great
responsibility to elect educated and decent candidates who denounce violence
and prevent political violence in the country.

Religious Fundamentalism and Violence

Religious fundamentalism has become a subject of much controversy and debate
and it has become one of the contributors of collective violence in the modern
world. In the past few decades, collective violence had occurred in Sri Lanka as a
part of religious fundamentalism and this trend is aggravating.

The clergy who embrace violence and socially unacceptable disharmonise path
are often psychologically deviated and they view people outside their religion or
faith as opponents. They are governed by US vs Them principle. They lack
empathy when addressing issues related to people outside of their religious
circle and often justify violence against them. They preach hate and instigate
their followers to commit violence. Often the clergy who support collective
violence have had disturbed childhood and some of them had been the victims of
sexual abuse. Their anger and resentments are generalized or projected to
people outside their faith or ethnic group. They put forth their insecurities as
threats to the religion or conspiracies against religion and use it to validate
violence.

Annually a considerable number of Sri Lankan children become victims of

sexual violence. Desolately some of the perpetrators have been identified as
clergy and many of these molestations occur in various religious institutions.
Frequently these abuses occur repeatedly over a long period. Sometimes the
children with insidious sexual trauma get attached to the perpetrators (like in
the Stockholm Syndrome) and they could become strong believers in their
perpetrator’s religion or faith. In the later years these victims could become hate
preachers and commit violence in the name of the religion.

Political Extremism that leads to Collective Violence

Laird Wilcox defines political extremism as taking a political idea to its limits,
regardless of ‘unfortunate’ repercussions, impracticalities, arguments and
feelings to the contrary, and with the intention not only to confront, but also to
eliminate opposition with the intolerance towards all views other than one’s own
by adoption of means to political ends which show disregard for the life, liberty,
and human rights of others.”

Political extremism in Sri Lanka has vivid faces and the extremism is often
masqueraded by using national feelings or religious ideology. Political extremist
is one who advocates or resorts to measures beyond the norm, especially in
politics. His antisocial components are often concealed and it can emerge when
the time and situation is favorable. The political extremists often try to create a
homogeneous society that is based on religion or ethnic group.

What is the deep psychology beneath creating a homogeneous society

disregarding human rights, overlooking multi-ethnicity or multi-religious
spectrum? This indicates the sadistic homosexual instincts inside the extremist’s
mind. This feature was evident in Adolf Hitler’s mind. Hitler took every effort to
create a homogeneous society in Germany. Hitler believed that the Aryan race
was supreme to other races and did not have any racial tolerance. His extremism
was connected with libidinous instincts. According to Henry Murray a
prominent personality specialist at Harvard University, Hitler was confused
about his sexuality. He directed his sexual sadism on his half-niece Geli Raubal
and Geli later committed suicide. He has had unresolved sadistic homosexual
instincts and took many unconscious efforts to repress them. Hitler ordered to
terminate gay men probably he could not stand the repressed impulse that he
had in his unconscious.

According to the DSM 4, homosexuality is not a mental illness but homosexual

instincts mixed with sadistic traits and if the person is deeply troubled by it, a
pathological condition may appear. A political extremist who is deeply confused
with his sexuality unable to come to terms with his homosexual impulses would
try to create a homogeneous society under any cost. He would be focused and
make this extreme vision as his life mission. The German people once
surrendered their liberty to such a person.

Political Violence and Democracy

Political violence manifests itself at all levels of social organization. The
prolonged arm conflict in Sri Lanka has caused a massive and radical
transformation in democracy justifying political violence. Free arm circulation
aggravated the condition and violence has become a part of day today life. Many
politicians facilitated such conditions and saw it as one of the easy ways to grab
power and rule inspiring fear among the opponents. The vicious cycle of political
violence affected every layer of Sri Lankan society.
Kristine Höglund, of the Dept. of Peace and Conflict Research – Uppsala
University describes the nature of political violence in Sri Lanka.

……From the perspective of democratic politics, violence and insecurity may

affect the election results or the outcome of elections in various ways. Threats
and intimidation may be used to interfere with the registration of voters. Voter
turn out may be influenced if large sections of the population refrain from
casting their votes due to fear of violence. Assaults, threats and political
assassinations during the election campaign may force political contenders to
leave the electoral process or prevent elections from taking place. ( Electoral
Violence in War-Ravaged Societies: The Case of Sri Lanka by Kristine Höglund )
When political violence is prevailing citizens have no equal say in the decisions
that affect their lives. The violence does not allow people to elect their
representatives democratically. There is a drastic power dis-balance and people
lose the sense of trust in the political system. The power shift becomes unequal
and there is no social justice in the state. In the long term, political violence
could lead to lawlessness, anarchy, and terrorism.

Political violence in the first parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka

The first parliamentary election of Sri Lanka was held in 1947 and mob violence
were unleashed on a larger scale. As a result of such action, one active supporter
of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka (pro-Soviet wing) was injured and became
disabled. His 4-year-old son became heavily traumatized by this incident. As a
boy, he realized that the people in politics made his father a disabled aggravating
their living condition. In the later years, this disabled man’s son launched two
insurrections (in 1971 and in 1988) causing a collective trauma in Sri Lanka. In
both events, nearly 70,000 people lost their lives.

The Prabhakaran Factor

Ethnic riots were initiated as a part of political violence in Sri Lanka. In mid
1950s, some of the local politicians organized gang violence against Tamils for
cheap popularity. When tensions rose between the Tamils and the Sinhalese,
some opportunists fabricated awful stories to keep high emotions on both sides.
There were rumors that Sinhalese women were raped and murdered in the
North and there were similar exaggerated stories that stated brutal violence
against Tamil women in the South. Rumors as well as true incidents contributed
to racial violence that was initiated by both sides. In one of the events, a sacred
Buddhist temple in the North was destroyed by hooligans who were motivated
by some extremist Tamil politicians. Sir Oliver Gunathilaka took immediate and
praiseworthy measures to restore the temple and he took deliberate efforts to
keep the event away from the newspapers. Short sighted Sinhala and Tamil
Politicians capitalized on these tension situations and sometimes aggravated it
expecting political profits. In the North, people started having doubts about
democracy.

Young Prabhakaran used to listen to the terrible stories that occurred in the Gal
Oya riots (1956) and 1958 ethnic riots where the mob savagely attacked Tamil
civilians causing many deaths. As the investigative journalist, M.R.Narayan
Swamy describes young Prabhakaran was utterly ravaged when he heard the
story of the violent murder of a Hindu Poosari in Panadura. The Poosari was
burnt alive by the mob during the ethnic riots in 1958. Prabhakaran was
determined to take revenge. He became very much focused and his made his
entire life mission to fight the Sinhalese. At the age of 16, he committed his first
antisocial act – setting fire to a CTB bus in VVT. When he became the leader of
the LTTE he ordered a number of massacres including the Anuradhapura
massacre in 1985 and the Aranthalawa Massacre in 1987 and hundreds of
suicide bombings targeting Sinhala civilians. Hence, Prabhakaran launched his
terror for three decades causing over 90,000 deaths in Sri Lanka.

Violence Conducted by the Radical Political Groups in Sri Lanka

In Sri Lanka, several radical political organizations conducted violence to
achieve their political targets. The JVP launched two insurrections in 1971 and
subsequently in 1988. Tamil militant groups launched their violent campaigns
since the 1970 s and the LTTE became the mainstream militant group that was
in action until 2009 May.

As Professor Gamini Samaranayake highlights the origin and development of the

JVP and the LTTE relate more closely to the social expansion and the lack of
economic and political development in Sri Lanka since the beginning of the
1960s. Basically, both groups are more action-oriented than ideology-oriented
and dominated by youth with a similar socio-economic background. ( Political
violence in Sri Lanka: A diagnostic approach Gamini Samaranayake )

The former JVP General Secretary Lionel Bopage explains the genesis of political
violence in Sri Lanka in the following account.

…..the Island’s post-1948 political leadership did not come into being as a result
of a coherent anti-colonial struggle that unified its people. The neo-colonial
establishment not only carried forward the policies and practices of the
exclusively colonial, mono-cultural and unitary administration, which were not
only incongruent with the culturally and linguistically diverse nature of its
inhabitants, but also their socio-economic, political and cultural expectations.

The post-colonial Sri Lankan state never considered it significant to protect the
dignity and security of marginalized and disadvantaged social groups. Domestic
issues were viewed and dealt with in a mindset of a conflict paradigm. Peaceful
demands for social equity, justice, security and dignity were continuously
disregarded and/or violently suppressed. The indignity and insecurity caused by
such attacks on the physical and psychological integrity of individuals and
communities thus motivated them to take up arms.- (Political violence in Sri
Lanka- L. Bopage).

The Ethnic Riots and Political Violence

The human rights activist Rajan Hoole points out that the politicians like Gamini
Dissanayaka, Cyril Mathew etc insinuated ethnic riots as a part of political
violence. (Sri Lanka: The Arrogance of Power: Myths, Decadence & Murder –
Rajan Hoole)

The following extract is taken from Sri Lanka: The Holocaust and After,” by L.
Piyadasa, Marram Books, London (1984) which gives a comprehensive account
how violence can be planned and executed by politicians.

In Kelaniya, Industries Minister Cyril Mathew‘s gangs were identified as the

ones at work. The General Secretary of the government “union” the Jathika
Sevaka Sangamaya (J.S.S.) was identified as the leader of gangs which wrought
destruction and death all over Colombo and especially in Wellawatte, where as
many as ten houses a street were destroyed. A particular U.N.P. municipal
councillor of the Dehiwela-Mount Lavinia Municipality led gangs in Mount
Lavinia. In the Pettah (the bazaar area, where 442 shops were destroyed and
murders were committed) the commander was the son of Aloysius Mudalali, the
Prime Minister’s right-hand man. And so on. Thugs who worked regularly for
the leaders of the U.N.P., the Ministers of State and Party Headquarters, and in
some cases uniformed military personnel and police, were seen leading the
attack. They used vehicles of the Sri Lanka Transport Board (Minister in charge,
M. H. Mohammed) and other government departments and state corporations.
Trucks of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation’s Oil Refinery came from many
miles away bringing the men who destroyed so much of Wellawatte. There is
much other evidence of this sort. In view of the quasi-governmental nature of
the “action,” the killings that took place may have been difficult for the eye-
witnesses to resist … But in the neighbourhoods, after the initial shock,
Sinhalese and Burghers organised themselves and kept off the gangs who had
been sent to burn and kill.

How Nuwara Eliya was erupted following the minister Mr. Gamini
Dissanayake’s visit, specifies in Sri Lanka – ‘Paradise’ in Ruins,” (Sri Lanka Co-
ordination Centre, Kassel, 1983.)

The town was closely guarded by the army. All vehicles were checked. Bus
conductors had orders not to transport Tamils. Minister Gamini
Dissanayake came from Colombo to Nuwara Eliya to hold a meeting with party
members. The day before, M.P. Herath Ranasinghe had arrested precautiously
(sic) some well-known rowdies. Soon after the end of Gamini Dissanayake’s
party meeting, they were released. These people went out immediately, well-
equipped with petrol, iron rods, and other kinds of weapons, and tried to attack
two Tamil priests in town. They managed to escape. Without having succeeded
they moved on – another mob joined up with the first one. They laid a ring of
petrol around a Tamil shop which was then burnt.
Election Violence
Electoral violence has become a widespread trait in Sri Lankan politics. It has
profound effects on people and their perceptions about politics and power. As
Kristine Höglund, of Uppsala University points out that the electoral violence is
used for a number of reasons: to hinder people from voting, to prevent
candidates from campaigning, to display discontent with election results, or to
overthrow the outcome of the election.

Politics in Sri Lanka and in the Village Politics impede many aspects of life in Sri
Lanka. In an anthropological study of a rural village, politics in Sri Lanka is
described as “a consuming passion” (Spencer 1990) closely linked to nationalist
and religious identity formation. State-based political patronage is widespread
in Sri Lanka. State resources have been used by the party leaders for personal
benefits, to reward political loyalty, to remain in power, and to undermine the
opposition (Suri 2007).

Patron-client relationships are core aspects of party politics and organization in

Sri Lanka. The party workers and supporters expect benefits in different forms –
for themselves and for their family. Such rewards include, for instance,
employment opportunities, state contracts and loans, or governmental welfare
benefits (Suri 2007).

Series of violence were unleashed in 1977 elections and many people became
victims. After the election victory in 1977, the newly appointed Prime Minister
J.R Jayawardene gave vacation leave to the Police Department. The supports of
the ruling United National Party openly attacked their political opponents.

Following is an eyewitness’s account that narrates the magnitude of violence

that occurred mainly in rural areas.

“My father was a cooperative committee member during the Sirimavo

Bandaranaike’s regime. We were not rich or privileged people and lived in a
small house in Hasalaka area. My father engaged in farming and we had a 2-acre
paddy land where our family members jointly worked. In 1977 election, my
father openly supported for the SLFP candidate. But he lost the election to the
UNP candidate.

Soon after the election, one evening a group of villagers came to attack our
house. Many of them were our neighbors whom we knew for generations. They
shouted slogans and then attacked our house with stones. The windows were
broken. One person broke our main door with an axe. Some assaulted my father
and humiliated my mother. We could not go to the police or seek justice. My
father was upset about this incident and became ill. He was very depressed and
disconnected with the people. He passed away less than one year after this
incident.

Many decades have past now and I had finished my school education and now
working as a schoolteacher. Sometimes I meet those villagers those who
attacked our house in 1977. They are now old and enfeeble. Though I have no
anger towards them, the events that occurred soon after the 1977 election are
very much unforgettable. I still remember it like yesterday.
In the subsequent elections, this violent trend became a foremost factor in Sri
Lanka. Murders, assaults, rapes and arson have became common crimes during
election periods. In the infamous Wayamba Provincial Council, election in 1999 ,
52-year-old woman was assaulted and stripped in public by a local politician.
An officer who was on the Election Duty at the polling center at the Anamaduva
electorate in 1999 observed mob violence and documented his thoughts thus.

I was attached to the Reginald Directorate of the Health Services in Puttlam and
called for election duty in 1999. There were many prominent politicians – local
and national level and many instigated violence. Uneducated youth from the
lower social strata gathered with these political elements. They were drunk and
shouting in filth to the opposition party members. Some people were publicly
assaulted and some houses were burnt. The police officers did nothing to stop it
and just became spectators. I approached one police officer and requested to
intervene. He looked at me as I was mad and said why should I interfere , this is
all planned, if I do interfere I would get a punishment transfer to Jaffna
tomorrow morning. I realized the policeman’s burden and thought for myself-
this country left us no hopes anymore. I was ashamed to be a Sri Lankan.
(within a few years the said officer migrated to Australia)

In 2001 election, a new tendency emerged in the Sri Lankan politics and
politicians used army deserters and ex combatants to initiate election violence in
larger scale. Many combatants from various fighting units became deserters and
joined the politicians. The culmination of the violence took place in Kandy on
polling day for the General Election and ten Muslim youth were gunned down in
Udathalawinna.
Udathalawinna massacre case in which General Anurudha Ratwatte, former
Deputy Defense Minister, his two sons, Rohan and Chanuka were indicted for
various election violence and also for the conspiracy to murder and committing
the murder of ten Muslim youths on the general election day on December 5,
2001, at Udathalawinne in Kandy district ( Udara Soysa – Asian Tribune 2005).
In 2006 the Colombo High Court acquitted all the suspects charged in
connection with the Udathalawinna murder case.

A large number of combatants with battle trauma took part in election violence
from 2001 to 2010 elections and some of them were believed to be undiagnosed
PTSD patients. As military psychologists indicate, anger and violence are
prevalent problems combatants with PTSD.

Matthew Tull, of the University of Mississippi Medical Center in Jackson did

extensive case work on PTSD and social violence. According to him, individuals
with PTSD may have intense and unpredictable emotional experiences, and
anger and aggressive behavior may ways of establishing a sense of control. Anger
may also be a way of trying to express or release tension connected to
uncomfortable emotions often associated with PTSD, such as shame and guilt.
His research on Iraq and Afghanistan War veterans who screened positive for
PTSD reported significantly greater anger and hostility than those in the
subthreshold-PTSD and non-PTSD groups. Veterans in the sub threshold-PTSD
group reported significantly greater anger and hostility than those in the non-
PTSD group.

It’s a known fact that the traumatized soldiers can be used to commit political
and social violence. This factor was seen in Somalia and in Rwanda. Extreme
groups transform traumatized people into perpetrators of violence. At the end of
the American Civil War, extremists formed KKK that conducted a series of racial
violence in America through ex-soldiers. Many Lincoln brigade soldiers who
fought in the Spanish civil war involved in social violence soon after the Great
Depression.

Psychological Impact of Political Violence

There is a close relationship between political violence, mental health and
psychosocial wellbeing. Political violence has a variety of discernible long-term
effects on political beliefs and attitudes, behavior and behavioral intentions,
emotions, and other psychological variables. It can massively affect the mental
health of the people. People constantly exposed to violence and deteriorating
social conditions, become emotionally insensitive and gradually losing their
respect for the values of life. The “culture of violence” transforms people to
believe that aggressive attitudes and violent behavior are normal and acceptable
in an environment where violence is viewed as an acceptable way to get and
maintain power and to solve problems. Therefore, psychological distress and
mental disorders are closely connected with political violence.

Political violence has negative impact on public health and it causes erosion of
socio-cultural values. When violence take place children and women become the
most vulnerable groups and they are forced to bear the consequences. The
political violence affect communities creating a profound functional vacuum.
Violence affects people in individual and collective levels. Following community
based collective violence people lose basic trust and often maintain a conspiracy
of silence. Some plan revenge.
When facing violence communities disintegrate. The potential victims could
become highly stressed, feared and could feel powerless. Fear psychosis
dominates the community. As groups begin to fear for their safety, dangerous
and, difficult-to-resolve strategic dilemmas arise that contain, within them the
potential for tremendous violence….Ethnicactivists and political entrepreneurs,
operating within, groups, build upon these fears of insecurity and polarise,
society (Lake and Rothchild, 1996: 41).

Brandon A. Kohrt of the Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia, did a clinical

research of the Bhutanese refugees in Nepal and the impact of the Maoist
People’s War and found that psychological distress and mental disorders in
situations of political violence.

Political violence is linked to poor mental health outcomes at the individual and
collective levels. People exposed to political violence have symptoms of
traumatic stress, depression, anxiety and aggressive feelings and it can lead to a
vicious cycle of further violence.
Raija-Leena Punamäki- Department of Psychology, University of Helsinki did
extensive study on political violence in Palestine and according to him exposure
to political hardships also increased mental health problems, which is a
reminder of the price which people are forced to pay in order to cope with
political violence.

The victims generally do not forget the violent episodes that they experienced
and frequently plan for revenge. Hence violence turns in to a never ending cycle.
There had been many reports that those who suffered election related violence
during 1970 took revenge from their perpetrators in 1977 general election with
the change of the government. For nearly seven years they repressed anger and
hatred until they found an appropriate payback time. In one incident in 1977
July a foreman attached to the Sri Lanka Petroleum Corporation was attacked
with iron rods by some ex workers and later the foreman succumbed to the
injuries. The reason for this attack was that the SLFP backed foreman had
assaulted some of the UNP workers and expelled them from the Petroleum
Corporation soon after the 1970 election.

Ending Political Violence in Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka is a beautiful country with high 91% literacy rate. This earthly paradise
has been deeply traumatized by political violence for many decades. The
violence has generated further violence damaging inner layers of the
communities making it more dysfunctional. The politicians would not
implement fruitful efforts to end politically motivated violence and ending
political violence in Sri Lanka is a responsibility of an every citizen. When civil
society is aware of the disastrous and manipulative nature of political violence,
they do not support such action. When people have insight, they are not gullible
or easily carried out by false propaganda that instigates political violence. When
the civil society is strengthened , educated and well aware it is safeguarding
democracy and become the guardians of social justice. When there is a strong ,
literate , politically conscious and civilized civil society, there is no space for
political violence.

Posted by Thavam