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A THESIS
CALGARY, ALBERTA
JANUARY, 2016
The primary objective of this study is to determine a material means to investigate the
little known history of Wallaga Oromo and their contribution to tuber crop domestication in
unique approach that first determined the ceramic technological style of Wallaga Oromo potters
using a chaîne opératoire methodology, and then linking the chaîne opératoire with Wallaga
Oromo culinary practices that are associated with tuber crops that leave residues on steaming
pots. Both technological style and cuisine are considered as strong markers of specific social
groups and are a strong proxy for investigating Oromo history and use of specific tuber crops.
This assertion was supported by a comparative study of the culinary practices and pottery
technological styles of two neighboring groups: the Yem and the Dawro. These groups have
farmers and potters in the study area. In this region, potters experience a low social status within
the Oromo social stratification system. The study further demonstrates how Oromo pottery is
The research represents the first comprehensive study of marginalized Oromo potters,
the relationship between Oromo pottery and cultural cuisine, and how Oromo history and
worldviews are expressed through material culture associated with pottery-making and its
i
Acknowledgements
Fieldwork and writing of this dissertation were made possible thanks to the contributions of
different individuals and organizations. During my studies, I received the University of Calgary
University of Calgary Graduate Studies Scholarship, Graduate Student Union Family Bursary,
Scholarship and the National Geographic Waitt grant (W239-12). In addition, Jimma University,
the Authority of Research and Conservation of Cultural Heritage (ARCCH), the West Village
Zone Culture Bureau and Ethiopian Institute of Biodiversity facilitated the study.
My deepest thanks go to the Wallaga potters and farmers for their great support during my
fieldwork. I am also grateful to Yem and Dawro potters in Jimma. They shared their precious
time with me during my fieldwork and shared their experience with me without reservation.
I am also indebted to Desalegn Abebaw, Dajene Dandana and Kebede Gelata of ARCCH
(Authority for Research and Conservation of Cultural Heritage) for facilitating fieldwork and
transport of the research samples to the University of Calgary. I am also grateful to Jimma
University, my home institute, for its support, beginning with visa processing through to the
completion of my studies. I am also grateful to Obbo Mitiku Wakwaya and Adde Birtukan
Hawas of Calgary for kindly helping me adapt to Calgary and introducing me to the Oromo
I am also very much grateful to my supervisor, Dr. Diane Lyons, for her kindness,
tremendous encouragement and cooperation during my course work and dissertation writing. It
ii
would have been unthinkable to reach this final step in my graduate study without her unreserved
I am also grateful to my advisory committee members, Dr. Brian Kooyman and Dr. Dale
Walde. They shared with me their deep experiences on archaeological thoughts and practice. Dr.
Kooyman also played a significant role in my understanding of starch analysis. I am also very
thankful to Dr. Kooyman for his generosity in sharing lab space and freely supplying materials
used for the starch analysis. I am also grateful to the department of Anthropology and
Archaeology faculty members and support staff for directly or indirectly contributing to the
completion of my study.
I am also thankful to my father, Obbo Sirika Wayessa, and my mother, Adde Biritu
Tarafa, for allowing me to go to school even though they had no education themselves. I am also
thankful to them for hosting me during my fieldwork, sharing the coffee ceremony with me and
offering moral support. My thanks also go to my spouse, Marame Dabala Gutama, and my
children, Lami Bula Sirika and Sena Bula Sirika. I am tremendously thankful to them for sharing
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Dedication
iv
“A person produces himself by producing material objects”
Turner 1975:21
v
Table of Contents
Abstract ............................................................................................................................................ i
Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... ii
Dedication ...................................................................................................................................... iv
3. 1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 34
Chapter Four: Occupational identities of the Oromo, the Yem and the Dawro ethno-
vi
4. 1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 44
4. 5 Summary ............................................................................................................................ 55
Chapter Five: Agency of pottery objects and functional repertoire of pots in Wallaga ...... 57
5. 1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 57
5. 4 Summary ............................................................................................................................ 75
Chapter Six: Pottery chaînes opératoires in the Southwestern Ethiopian Highlands .......... 76
6. 1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 76
6. 2. 7 Fabrication Practices................................................................................................... 90
6. 2. 10 Firing ........................................................................................................................ 96
6. 5 Summary....................................................................................................................... 139
ix
4. 2. 3 Beverages and Stimulants ......................................................................................... 148
7. 2. 5 Summary................................................................................................................... 158
Chapter Eight: Tuber crop cultivation and processing technology in the Wallaga region 159
Chapter Nine: Wallaga tuber steaming pot use-alteration analysis .................................... 189
xi
List of Tables
Oromo oral tradition indicates that the artisans who had a prestigious social status in society lost
this status because they were cursed by Waaqa because they failed to follow his order. The Yem
and Dawro traditions show that the artisans are settlers who migrated to the region from
elsewhere. Note that although intermarriage is not acceptable in their society, it does occur
Table 6. 1 Comparison of pottery production techniques among Oromo potters in Wallaga .... 103
Table 6. 2 Comparison of pottery production techniques among Yem potters in Jimma .......... 126
Table 6. 3 Comparison of pottery production techniques among Dawro potters in Jimma ....... 138
Table 9. 1 General comparisons of use-alterations that develop on different pots used for cooking
Table 9. 2 Forms of residue and typical locations where they deposit on pots, based on
observations of Wallaga cooking pots. It is important to note that most encrustations occur on the
base of the cooking pots, although they also occur on the lower and upper bodies of some
xii
List of Figures
Figure 2. 2 Physical features of southwestern Ethiopia. (Souce: GIS data National Atlas of
Figure 2. 4 Broad-leafed forest in the wet season in Wallaga July 2013. ..................................... 16
Figure 2. 6 Wetland clay mining to make pots and construction bricks in Jimma in 2013. ......... 18
Figure 2. 7 Shrine center (galma) surrounded by a mound of sand and stones deposited by
worshippers as part of their ritual practice. Picture taken in Wallaga in June 2013. .................... 26
Figure 2. 8 Stelae standing in the galma compound in Wallaga region of Ethiopia in June 2013.
....................................................................................................................................................... 27
Figure 2. 10 A farmer tilling his farmland to cultivate finger millet in July 2013 in West Wallaga.
He is tilling the third time and after 15 days the cereal will be sown. .......................................... 29
Figure 2. 11 Rural landscape in Wallaga in July 2013. Some of the farmers' plots are covered
with banana, maize and coffee while others are being prepared to sow either teff or finger millet.
....................................................................................................................................................... 30
Figure 2. 12 Woman selling her decorated baskets (hodhaa) in Jimma town in May 2012. ....... 31
Figure 5. 2 Ceramic figurines: a) represents a pregnant woman with a male fetus; and signals
society's preference for male babies; b) represents figurine with adult man’s face; c) symbolizes a
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pregnant woman with a fetus in her womb. Most of the ceramic figures have rows of appliqués in
which each row has nine pellets. The nine appliqués signify the Oromo’s belief that their
primordial father, Borana, had nine children who grew to patrilineal clans (nine goosa). Each
Figure 5. 5 a) Coffee pot, b) Dough fermentation jar. Picture taken in Wallaga in May 2013. ... 70
Figure 5. 6 a) Large brewing jar, b) Large jar showing accumulated residues. Pictures taken in
Figure 5. 7 a) Bowl with leg (waciitii), b) Bowl without legs (waciitii). Pictures taken in
Figure 5. 8 a) Water jars used for both collecting and storing water, b) Storage jar used to store
Figure 5. 9 Ceramic griddles in Wallaga in July 2012: a) Coffee roasting griddle, b) Thin bread
Figure 6. 1 A potter instructing her daughter on how to finish her pot in Wallaga in June 2013. 78
Figure 6. 2 Children scraping pots fabricated by their mother after having finished forming their
Figure 6. 3 This figure shows the variety of clay types that the potters recognize, based on clay
quality. a) A dark blue clay (suphee) is the best quality. It usually occurs naturally with fine
textured sand. b) Brown clay (boorrajjii) is the second in quality, and c) mud (dhoqqeee) that is
rarely used but is mixed with the dark blue clay using a ratio of one part mud: three parts blue
clay. The potters reported that mixing the two clay types enhances its workability because the
mud tends to be fragile and lacks elasticity. Pictures taken in June 2013. ................................... 81
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Figure 6. 4 Mining pit filled with acacia thorns by the property owner to obstruct clay-mining
Figure 6. 5 Senior potters are accompanied by their daughters in Wallaga in June 2013. ........... 84
Figure 6. 6 Mined clay being prepared for transport in Waalaga in July 2013. ........................... 86
Figure 6. 8 A potter mixing grog temper with clay using her hands in Wallaga in July 2013. ... 89
Figure 6. 9 Griddle is being formed on a mold supported by a basket woven from bamboo in
Figure 6. 10 A potter forming a clay ball into a concave shape in Wallaga in July 2013. ........... 91
Figure 6. 11 The wall of pot being built up by drawing of a lump in Wallaga in July 2013. ....... 92
Figure 6. 12 A potter trimming the surface of a pot with a knife at the leather-hard stage May in
Figure 6. 13 Pots undergoing pre-firing heat treatment in Wallaga in May 2013. ....................... 94
Figure 6. 15 Profile of firing pit. Iron slag buried at the base of the firing pit is believed to
protect the pots from witchcraft, during the phase of transformation from childhood to adulthood.
....................................................................................................................................................... 98
Figure 6. 16 A client determining whether the vessels are well fired by ringing in Dongoro,
Wallaga, in May 2012. A high pitch sound and redness are indicators of good firing. ................ 99
Figure 6. 17 Potters undertaking post-firing treatment by smearing the surface of the vessel with
hot liquid prepared from cereal flour in Wallaga in May 2013. ............................................... 101
Figure 6. 18 Potters selling vessels at Dongoro town in Wallaga in May 2013. ....................... 105
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Figure 6. 19 Variety of clay used by the Yem potters in Jimma in June 2012. a) Red clay. b)
Figure 6. 20 Degraded land caused by clay mining activity in Jimma in May 2012. ................ 107
Figure 6. 21 Eucalyptus tree spreading its roots in a clay-mining site that disrupts mining
Figure 6. 22 Potters digging to obtain the desired clay type in Jimma in June 2013. ................ 109
Figure 6. 23 Potters transporting clay to the manufacturing site in Jimma in July 2013............ 110
Figure 6. 24 Organic temper of teff chaff is used by Yem potters to increase clay plasticity and to
make their vessels durable. Picture takin in Jimma in May 2012. .............................................. 111
Figure 6. 25 Potters reported that organic temper teff straw is used by Yem potters to increase
clay plasticity and to make their vessels durable. Picture taken in Jimma in May 2013. ........... 112
Figure 6. 26 Ground clay ready to be mixed with teff chaff. Picture Jimma in May 2012......... 113
Figure 6. 27 Potters mixing clay with teff chaff in Jimma in Junly 2013. .................................. 114
Figure 6. 28 A potter fashioning a pot by drawing of a lump in Jimma in June 2012. .............. 115
Figure 6. 30 Potter making a Yem variety of a thick bread-baking griddle in Jimma in June
2013............................................................................................................................................. 117
Figure 6. 31 A woman painting and rubbing the Yem variety of griddle with a slip of red termite
Figure 6. 32 Bread-baking griddle being dried in the sun in Jimma in May 2012. ................... 119
Figure 6. 33 Griddles undergoing pre-firing heat treatments in Jimma in May 2012. ............... 120
Figure 6. 34 A potter covering firing pit with leaves of enset and teff straw and ashes. Picture
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Figure 6. 35 Pots being fired in firing pit covered with leaves of enset and teff straw and ashes.
Figure 6. 37 Post-firing treatment: a woman smearing stew pot with cooked Solanum plant
Figure 6. 38 Yem potter mining clay under forest trees in the wet season in Jimma in May 2013.
..................................................................................................................................................... 125
Figure 6. 40 Variety of clay used by the Dawro potters in Jimma in June 2013. ....................... 128
Figure 6. 39 a) A Dawro potter mining clay, b) Dawro potter removing inclusions from teff straw
and chaff temper. Pictures taken in Jimma in June 2013. ........................................................... 129
Figure 6. 41 A potter mixing clay and teff straw by hand. Picture taken in Jimma in June 2013.
..................................................................................................................................................... 130
Figure 6. 42 a) A potter shaping a griddle by drawing of a lump, b) A potter shaping the bottom
and lower body of a pot using the drawing of a lump technique. Pictures taken in Jimma in May
2013............................................................................................................................................. 131
Figure 6. 43 Griddles being dried in the sun in Jimma in June 2013. ........................................ 133
Figure 6. 44 A potter painting a griddle with a mixture of white clay and petroleum oil in Jimma
Figure 6. 45 A potter igniting fire after arranging firewood at the firing site in Jimma in May
2013............................................................................................................................................. 135
Figure 6. 47 A client in Jimma checking level of dryness of a bread baking plate with her tongue.
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Figure 6. 48 a) Dawro potter practicing post-firing treatment by smearing griddles with cow
dung. b) Ceramic griddles ready for transportation. Pictures taken Jimma in May 2013. ......... 137
Figure 7. 3 Buddena is served with anchote stew in Wallaga in June 2013. .............................. 147
Figure 7. 5 Finger millet malt in Wallaga in July 2012. The malt dries in the sun and then is
ground into flour with a mortar and pestle before adding it to the beer. Although the major
ingredients of local beer are sorghum, finger millet and gesho, more recently maize and barley
Figure 7. 7 The coffee ceremony is usually a ritualized practice associated with green grasses
(sign of blessing from God), incense (its aromatic smoke is believed to appease God) and rue
(Ruta graveolens), which is used to flavor coffee. Picture taken in Jimma in June 2012. ......... 152
Figure 7. 8 Ceremonial coffee table and coffee cups at Jimma Museum, Jimma, where
traditionally coffee is believed to have first been domesticated. Picture taken in Jimma in June
2012............................................................................................................................................. 153
Figure 7. 9 A woman preparing buna qalaa in Wallaga in July 2013. ....................................... 154
Figure 7. 10 Buna qalaa to be served in bowl (waciitii) with a spoon made of horn. Picture taken
Figure 7. 11 Chat being sold in the market place, Jimma. Picture taken in Jimma in June 2013.
..................................................................................................................................................... 156
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Figure 7. 12 A Yem man feeding his wife chat with his hand while she is making pottery .
Figure 8. 1 Anchote farm from Warra Gigsa village of Wallaga. The climbing foliage of anchote
is annual but it can regenerate mainly from its crown if it remains unharvested in the summer
Figure 8. 2 Anchote tuber attached to its crown in Wallaga in June 2013. ................................. 164
Figure 8. 8 Yams ready for harvesting in Wallaga in July 2013. ............................................... 173
Figure 8. 9 Yam-tuber attached to its crown in Wallaga in July 2013. ...................................... 174
Figure 8. 10 Yam tuber (takka). Picture taken in Wallaga in July 2013. .................................... 175
Figure 8. 11 Yam seed tuber (sanyii) in Wallaga in September 2015. ....................................... 176
Figure 8. 13 A Dawro potter harvesting enset in Jimma in May 2013. ...................................... 179
Figure 8. 15 A girl harvesting wild enset corm to feed cattle in Wallaga in April 2013. .......... 181
Figure 8. 16 Anchote tuber ready for steaming in Wallaga in June 2013. .................................. 183
Figure 8. 19 Horizontally sliced yam ready to serve in Wallaga in June 2013. ......................... 186
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Figure 9. 1 Cooking pot with oxidized base in Wallaga in June 2013. ...................................... 194
Figure 9. 2 Cooking pot exhibiting carbonized lower and upper bodies in Wallaga in May 2013.
..................................................................................................................................................... 195
Figure 9. 3 Cooking pot with carbonized food in its interior lower body. This picture was taken
immediately after the pot was used for steaming yam in Wallaga in June 2013. ....................... 197
Figure 9. 4 Steaming pot with visible carbon accretion caused by food burning during cooking.
Although not yet discarded in the garden, this pot was no longer used for cooking tubers because
it was reported that the vessel leaked water. Importantly, potters reported that they do not use
sherds from these types of vessels as temper because the accreted organic remains mix with the
temper and burn out during firing. This results in the formation of openings in the walls of the
newly formed pot, causing it to leak.Picture taken in Wallaga in June 2013. ............................ 198
Figure 9. 5 Encrustations on the interior surface of a cooking pot with multiple layers that can
possibly be an indicator for several use-episodes. Picture taken in Wallaga in June 2013. ....... 199
Figure 9. 6 Discarded cooking pot with encrusted food at the base and lower body of its interior
Figure 9. 7 Sherd of steaming pot with thick encrustations in Wallaga in June 2013. It was
collected from a farmer's garden. The encrusted residues appear to be intact at the time of
Figure 9. 8 Displays oxidized exterior surfaces with no visible residue encrustation in Wallaga in
Figure 9. 9 Illustration of Wallaga steaming pot, indicating both interior and exterior views of the
vessel. Recognition of morphology of the pot helps to identity parts of the pot where specific
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Figure 9. 10 This illustration shows the distribution of food crusts on the interior surface of a
cooking pot in Wallaga. It reflects the fact that encrustations tend to be thick at the bottom and
thin around the upper body. The lower part of the pot experiences high heat during cooking
which leads to burning and encrustation of some of the contents. ............................................. 206
Figure 9. 11 Morphology of uncooked anchote starches 500x. Anchote produces a round starch
with centric helium. While lamella are not clearly visible, anchote’s starches exhibit a clear
Figure 9. 12 Morphology of starch of uncooked yam at 500x. Yam produces an oval type of
starch. The starch also exhibits clear lamellae, an eccentric hilum and a clear extinction cross.
Figure 9. 13 Morphology of starch of uncooked Oromo potato at 500x. Oromo potato produces
an elongated oval type of starch, an eccentric hilum, clear lamellae and extinction cross (The
right side pictures on Figures 9.11-9.13 are under cross-polarized light). Scale bar equals 20μm.
..................................................................................................................................................... 212
cooked yam. c) Morphology of starch of steamed Oromo potato at 500x. Clearly, steaming
destroys the morphologies of starch to the level that species is not identifiable, but they support
the interpretation of vessel use. Scale bar equals 20μm. ............................................................ 212
Figure 9. 15 Starches extracted from cooking vessels show completely gelatinized starch grains.
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Chapter One: Introduction
The primary goal of this study is to determine a material means to investigate the little-
known history of the Oromo of Wallaga people and their contribution to tuber crop
domestication in southwestern Ethiopia. The Oromo are speakers of Afan Oromo, an eastern
highland Cushitic branch of the Afro-Asiatic language family (Bender 2000; Ehert 2002;
Greenberg 1955). They are the largest ethnic group in northeastern Africa. Although the majority
of Oromo live in Oromia Regional State, a significant number of Oromo also live in Wambara
and Kamise in the Amhara region in the central Ethiopian highlands, and in the Rayya and
Asabo areas of Tigray State in the northern highlands. Oromo are also found in Kenya and
Somalia (Ehret 1969, 2002; Hassan 1990; Kusimba and Kusimba 2005; Lewis 1962, 1966; 1970;
This situation can be attributed to at least three factors: 1) the Oromo did not possess a written
language to record their own history; 2) there is little archaeological investigation of their
history; and 3) their achievements were dismissed by the dominant social and political groups in
the Ethiopian Empire, particularly by the Amhara and the Tigrayans (see Ahmed 2001; Hassan
1990; Holcomb and Ibssa 1990; Jalata 1993, 2001, 2005; Magarsa 1994; Melba 1988).
One potential achievement of the Oromo is the domestication of tuber crops. Tuber crop
domestication is poorly understood in tropical Africa partly because physical evidence of tubers
rarely preserves (but see Hildebrand 2003, 2007; Hildebrand and Brandt 2010; Hildebrand et al.
2010). Nevertheless, tuber crops are an important staple in southern Ethiopia and in other parts
1
of sub-Saharan Africa. In the highlands of southwestern Ethiopia, indigenous tuber crops that are
grown by the Oromo include anchote (Coccinia abyssinica), Oromo potatoes (Plectranthus
edulis) and some species of yam (Dioscorea spp.) (see Hora 1995; Wayessa 2006, 2011a,
2011b). Anchote is unique among the tuber crops because it is propagated by seed, and both the
leaves and the underground organ are consumed (Hora 1995; Wayessa 2011). Other non-Oromo
groups (e.g., the Dawro and the Yem) in the region cultivate the corm crop enset (Ensete
ventricosum) (Addis 2005; Ababora 2008; Agren and Gibson 1968; Atlabachew 2007; Belehu
1982; Debebe 2006; Hildebrand 2003, 2007; Hildebrand and Brandt 2010; Hildebrand et
al.2010; Tamiru 2006), which is their staple food. Enset is not a crop grown by the Oromo of
Wallaga. Anchote is only grown as a domesticated crop by the Oromo in Wallaga, Jimma and
Iluababor and is believed to be indigenous to the study area although that has not been
researched. For the reason that anchote is specifically used by the Oromo, that is possible that
their ancestors first domesticated this crop. The study of anchote in Wallaga is an important step
Ultimately, the history of the Oromo of Wallaga and anchote domestication must be
dissertation lays the groundwork for such future archaeological studies by determining a) the
Oromo of Wallaga pottery technological style, a material signature of their social identity; and b)
how tuber processing affects ceramic assemblages differently than other food processing
activities. If the ceramic assemblages can be so characterized, then ceramic assemblages can be
used as a proxy to investigate tuber consumption in the archaeological record. The use of
ceramics to investigate social practices is important because ceramics are a material medium that
2
Ethnoarchaeological field work was conducted over two field seasons from May to July,
2012 and April to August, 2013, in Wallaga and Jimma Zones of the southwestern Ethiopian
highlands (Figure 2.1). The University of Calgary Carter Fieldwork Grant and a National
contribution to the study of Oromo history and accomplishment. I was born to a rural Oromo
household and grew up in the region. I maintain that the nature of this study will help to
invalidate the dominant but uncritical perception held for generations by Ethiopianist scholars
that people without written languages are without history. The concern to document all people’s
history is shared broadly by other Africanist researchers working in other parts of the continent
(e.g., Lane 1994, 2004, 2005, 2006; Reid 2005; Schmidt 2006; Schmidt and Walz 2007; Stahl
2009). The following sections introduce current interpretive problems in the study of Oromo
It is reported that the Oromo occupied some of their present day territories during the
Oromo population expansion in the 16th century (e.g., Bartels 1983; Gidada 1984; Hassan 1990;
Hultin 1984; Huntingford 1955; Ta’a 1986). There are two competing theories regarding the
geographic origins of the Oromo people in Ethiopia. One theory proposes that the Oromo
originated outside of Ethiopia, while the other argues that the Oromo originated within Ethiopia.
Researchers who argue for Oromo origins outside of Ethiopia do not agree on the processes of
this population expansion. Some (e.g., Bauru 1987; Huntingford 1985) claim that the Oromo
3
moved to the African continent around the 15th century AD from southwestern Asia via Arabia to
East Africa. The second group of theorists argue that the Oromo originated within Africa, but
outside of the present-day Ethiopian political boundary. According to Woldeargey (1971), the
Oromo originated in southern Somalia from where they migrated to Ethiopia. Bruce (1805)
suggests that the Oromo migrated to Ethiopia from Sudan, and more recently Megalommatis
(2007), based on some cultural and religious traits, and claims that the Oromo had earlier
connections with northern Sudan (Nubia) and Egypt (see also Verharen 2008).
Contrary to the migration theory, other scholars maintain that the Oromo originated
within the current Ethiopian political boundary and that the 16th century AD Oromo population
expansion occurred within that territory. Two schools of thought underlie this indigenous model.
One group of researchers believes that the Oromo homeland was Mada Walabu in the Bale
highlands in southern Ethiopia (e.g., Haberland 1984; Hassan 1990). According to Haberland
(1963), some Oromo expanded from Mada Walabu to different regions of Ethiopia and northern
Hassan (1990), however, suggests that before the 16th century Oromo population
expansion, groups of Oromo moved to present-day central Ethiopia and formed communities
within the medieval empire ruled by the Amhara Solomonic dynasty in Ethiopia’s central
highlands. Hassan (1990) asserts that the 16th century migrants followed the footpaths of their
predecessors northward. Hassan (1990, 1994, 2015) also suggests that the Oromo groups in the
central highlands in the medieval period were sedentary farmers and those who occupied the
Alternatively, based on ethnographic, historical and linguistic data, Bulcha (2011) and the
Oromia Culture and Tourism Commission (OCTC) (2004) propose that the Oromo were on the
4
Shawan Plateau in the central highlands before the 13th century AD, prior to the arrival of
Muslim traders who came from the east, and Ethio-Semitic speaking groups, who came from the
north. For instance, two Oromo communities, Galan and Yaya, are mentioned in the
hagiographical literature from the early 13th century. Their descent groups now live in the central
highlands and other regions of Oromia. If this interpretation is correct, then Oromo communities
The Amhara, the ethnic group that dominated the medieval Ethiopian state, arrived in the
region in the 13th century. Consequently, the Oromo communities were pushed southward
(Bulcha 2011; OCTC 2004). In the 16th century, the Oromo began to move northward to reclaim
the territory that they had lost to the Amhara. Generally, these contesting theories about the
origin of the Oromo are not substantiated by historical data. The available written sources tend to
be biased in favor of the politically dominant ethnic Amhara and no archaeological research has
been conducted on the subject. Systematic investigation of historical and linguistic data,
Although the Oromo school of thought is growing and challenging the Ethiopianist
perception that misinterpreted Oromo history and culture, it continues to foster bias in its
research agenda. Specifically, the Oromo school focuses on the socio-cultural history of the
Oromo from the perspective of the dominant Oromo groups: mainstream society and men (e.g.,
Bassi 2005; Bulcha 2011; Burka 2006, 2009; Eteffa 2006, 2012; Gidada 1984; Gnamo 2014;
Hassan 2015; Holcomb and Ibssa 1990; Jalata 1993, 2001; Magarsa1994; Ta’a 2006).
Importantly, some scholars have looked at the history of Oromo women in Ethiopia,
focusing mainly on mainstream women's social and political roles (e.g., Alemu 2007; Assegued
5
2004; Deressa 2004; Dugassa 2005; Gow 2002; Klemm 2003, 2009; Kumsa 1997, 2002;
Swanson 2008; Yedes 2009; Yedes et al. 2004). There are limited studies of Oromo artisan
women and their craft technology and Oromo women’s agricultural knowledge (Hora 1995;
Wayessa 2000, 2011a). Indeed, research among non-Oromo artisan women (e.g., Abebe and Dea
2003; Arthur 2002, 2006, 2009, 2013a, b; 2014; Freeman and Pankhurst 2003; Haaland, R., and
Gunnar 2004a, 2004b; Hallpike 1972; Kaneko 2009; Petros 2003a, 2003b; Silverman 2000;
Tekle 2005; Weedman 2000, 2002, 2006, 2008; Weedman et al. 2010; Yoshida 2008) and
studies of women’s agricultural knowledge in the region are growing (e.g., Hildebrand 2003,
2007; Fuller and Hildebrand 2013). Therefore, a significant need exists to carry out
corresponding studies of Oromo women to contribute to the growing body of research in the
This dissertation is organized into ten chapters. Chapter Two presents an overview of the
physical and cultural setting of the Wallaga Region in the southwestern Ethiopian Highlands.
Chapter Three describes the theoretical and methodological framework for the study. The fourth
chapter investigates occupational identities of the Oromo, the Yem and the Dawro ethno-
linguistic groups of the southwestern highlands. The major theories of the origins of the artisan
social category and their social segregation in Ethiopia are discussed. More specifically, the
social mechanisms that limit potters’ and other artisans' participation in societal affairs are
presented. The first section of Chapter Five discuses agency of pottery and symbolism associated
with pottery-making in Wallaga. It investigates the association between pottery technology and
persons, and how this relationship creates identities. The second section of the chapter describes
6
the functional requirements of pots in the Wallaga region. It documents pottery functional
typology and examines the relationship between pottery forms and functions. Technology is a
deeply embedded social product through which societies materialize their social identities. The
symbolic meanings loaded onto pottery vessels are intended, indirectly, to enforce the
performance requirement of these vessels and these are examined in the last section of this
chapter. More specifically, it is demonstrated that the functional requirement and symbolic
aspects of pots are not mutually exclusive. Instead they are bound together by social relations
where people make the material objects to meet their daily cultural and material requirements.
Chapter Six describes pottery chaînes opératoires that were observed in the field study of the
Oromo, Yem and Dawro in Wallaga. Chaîne opératoire provides a material identity for each
potting community. In Chapter Seven, Oromo culinary practices associated with ceramic
consumption and its implications in social identity are presented. Chapter Eight investigates
tuber cultivation and processing in the Wallaga region of the southwestern Ethiopian highlands.
research on early agriculture in Ethiopia and some methodological issues in the study of the
origin of tuber crop cultivation in the country are presented. Also examined in this chapter are
the major indigenous tubers in southwestern Ethiopia, and the harvesting and post-harvesting
methods for these crops. The post-harvesting activity, especially Oromo cooking practices, is
presented in detail to help extrapolate how this activity leaves traces on the cooking pots.
The ninth chapter investigates the impact of steaming tubers on steaming pots. It
examines major changes that develop on the interior walls of steaming pots from cooking tubers
over time. Food residues that accrete on the interior of contemporary steaming pots are analyzed
and archaeological implications for the study of tuber domestication in the southwestern
7
Ethiopian highlands are discussed. In Chapter Ten, a summary of the results of the study and
8
Chapter Two: Physical and Cultural Context
geographical diversity. Its physiographic features include mountains, undulating and rolling
plateaus, gorges, incised river valleys and plains. Altitudes range from 500 to 3300 masl in the
region. The highest peak is Tullu Welel, a sacred mountain to Oromo rainmakers, located in the
village closest to Dambi Dolo town (Figure 2.1). The region is also characterized by dense
evergreen forest vegetation, including wild coffee trees. This provides a habitat for a variety of
wild animals, including antelopes (Antilope cervicapra), colobus monkeys (Colobus guereza)
The study area is located in the southwestern Ethiopian highlands (Figure 2.1), a region
comprising Wallaga, Jimma, Illubabor and Kaffa. With the exception of Kaffa, which is situated
in the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional State (SNNPR), most of the
southwestern Ethiopian highlands region is located in Oromia Regional State. This study was
conducted in the villages of Lalo Asabi of Wallaga, and Jiren and Seka in the Jimma Zone of
Because of the geographical proximity and better infrastructure, it is common for people
to migrate from Kaffa in the SNNPR to the Jimma Zone of the Oromia Regional State. For this
reason, the largest number of potters in Seka and Jiren are from the Yem and Dawro ethno-
9
linguistic groups who originated in SNNPR. The potters in Lalo Asabi are predominately
Oromo.
2. 1. 1. 1 Geology
The present surface rock distribution, land configuration, and other natural phenomena of
the southwestern Ethiopia highlands resulted from tectonic movements of the Precambrian and
Cenozoic eras (CPGO 1997; EMA 1988; Mohr 1971; Nyamweru 1980). No significant rock
formations occurred in the southwestern highlands during the Mesozoic era. As a result,
10
Precambrian rocks are overlain by Cenozoic strata. The Cenozoic formations, particularly the
basalt, underwent an intensive chemical weathering from humid climatic conditions and the
natural vegetation cover. The chemical weathering, which resulted in a complete change in the
internal structure of the rock in the region, resulted in the development of soil units suitable for
agriculture, and other lateritic soils suitable for iron smelting and pottery-making.
2. 1. 1. 2 Soil Type
Four soil units are recognized in Wallaga. The dystric nitosols soil unit forms one of the
major groups occurring in most parts of Wallaga. Dystric nitosols are deep, clay-like red soils
that occur in flat to sloped terrain in high rainfall areas. These soils have important physical
properties, such as a high moisture storage capacity, that are required for agricultural practices.
The second soil type is orthic acrisols, which occur mainly in sloped terrain. This soil’s moisture
storage capacity is poor because of its shallow loam layer depth. Consequently, these soils have
The remaining two soil units are chromic and pellic vertisols, heavy clay soils found in
low-lying areas that flood during the rainy season. In the dry season, these soil types shrink and
develop deep cracks. Pellic vertisols are dark-brown, usually occupying areas that are
waterlogged during the wet season, while chromic vertisols are brownish and better drained. The
pellic vertisols have good but limited agricultural potential due to their low permeability and
poor drainage. Pellic vertisols are the most common soil type used in pottery-making in the
11
Additional soil units common in the southwestern highlands are calcaric and eutric
fluvisols. Fluvisols are young soils that develop in recent alluvial deposits (Westphal 1975;
CPGO 1997; WWZSEP 2011) and are used intensively as good agricultural soils (CPGO 1997).
2. 1. 1 .3 Climate
Ethiopia’s climate is determined by the general patterns of wind and pressure systems on
the African continent, topography and proximity to the Indian Ocean. There are three seasons in
Ethiopia: the main rainy season (June-September), the dry season (October-January), and the
small rainy season (February-May) (Table 2.1) (NMSA 1996; Seleshi 2004; Viste and Sorteberg
2012).
The seasonal distribution of rainfall in Ethiopia is the result of moisture-laden winds and
altitude. All rainfall in the country is ultimately derived from the Indian and Atlantic oceans
(Friis 1992). Seasonal rainfall is generated mainly by the migration of the Intertropical
Convergence Zone (ITCZ) that controls the rainy season. Convergences of the wet monsoon air
mass from the Indian and Atlantic oceans generate the total amount of annual rainfall in the
country. In the main rainy season, all parts of Ethiopia receive rain except the southeastern
lowlands that fall in a rain-shadow area (CPGO 1997). The exact position of the ITCZ changes
over the course of the year, oscillating across the equator from its northern most position over
northern Ethiopia in July and August, to its southernmost position over southern Kenya in
The North East Trade winds from Arabia dominate Ethiopia’s climate in the dry season.
The southwestern highlands are the only area of Ethiopia to receive rainfall during this season,
12
and rain continues in the southwestern highlands and the southeastern lowlands through the
The timing of the onset and duration of rain is affected by latitudinal patterns associated
with the seasonal movement of the ITCZ, with maximum rainfall in the southwestern highlands.
The southwestern highlands are wet throughout the year with an annual rainfall of approximately
1400 to 2000 mm. This region is the wettest part of Ethiopia because: 1) the Atlantic cells leave
abundant moisture in the area, and 2) the southwestern highlands are closer to the equator and
the ITCZ (CPGO 1997; Friis 1992; Friis et al. 1982; Hildebrand 2003).
2. 1. 1. 4 Natural Vegetation
Ethiopia’s extreme variation in climate and terrain has produced considerable plant
diversity. Ethiopia is known for high endemism of wild plant species in Africa (CPGO 1996),
and Ethiopian forests and woodlands are repositories and gene banks for several domesticated
13
plants, wild plants, and wild relatives of domesticated plants (Gurmessa et al. 2012). For
example, coffee (Coffea arabica L), anchote (Coccinia abyssinica), and enset (Ensete
ventricosum) are endemic to Ethiopia. They are found in the wild in the moist evergreen montane
Figure 2. 2 Physical features of southwestern Ethiopia. (Souce: GIS data National Atlas of
Ethiopia, EMA Minitry of Agriculture).
Scholars categorize Ethiopian vegetation into the following groups (see Demissew 2004;
Demissew and Friis 2009; Demissew et al. 1996; Friis and Demissew 2001; Gurmessa et al.
14
2. 1. 1. 4. 1 Broad Leafed Forest: This forest, which covers a significant part of the region, is
found in the most humid parts of the southwestern highlands with a mean annual rainfall in
excess of 1300 mm per annum in areas between 600 to 3200 masl. The broad-leafed forest has
four sub-divisions of plant communities. One of the subdivisions is the semi-deciduous Baphia
forest, growing between 600 and 1100 masl. The top storey of the Baphia forest consists of
various broad-leafed species that reach heights of 30 to 40 m. The second storey consists of
shorter broad-leafed trees. The third storey consists partly of Baphia abyssinica that reaches 15
m in height, and a shrubby layer of varied composition (see Kelbessa et al. 1992).
15
The Olea (Ejjersa) forest is the second sub-division of broad-leafed forest found between
1100 and 1900 m in elevation. Olea welwitchii makes up the dominant top storey and grows up
to 40 to 50 m in height (FAO 1996; CPGO 1997). Szygium genes (baddeessa) and other
hardwoods that grow to heights of around 30 to 40 m high dominate the second storey. The
Aningeria (qaraaro) forest forms the third category of forest and occurs in a narrow altitudinal
belt between 2000 m (in the more humid areas) and 2400 m (in the less humid areas above the
35 to 45 m in its top storey. The second storey is dominated by Croton (bakanniisa), Ebergia
16
(somboo) and Szygium species. Above the Aningeria, the Arundinaria (leemaana) forest occurs
at elevations between 2400 and 3200 m (Figures 2.3 & 2.4) with undergrowth of mixed shrubs
and poorly developed ground layers of grasses and sedges (CPGO 1997; WWZSEP 2011).
grasses, found within the woodlands and savanna environments at lower elevations and in
relatively drier parts of the region (CPGO 1997; WWZSEP 2011). In grassland areas, thorny
trees, including acacia (laaftoo), grow commonly. The grassland areas of southwestern Ethiopia
are known for their abundance of wild honeybees and bee-keeping activities.
17
2. 1. 1. 4. 3 Wetlands: The wetlands consist of marshes and swamps, including phragmites
found in narrow strips along the courses of rivers. These areas are widely cultivated (CPGO
1997; WWZSEP 2011) with main crops that include maize, taro, potatoes and sugar cane,
Figure 2. 6 Wetland clay mining to make pots and construction bricks in Jimma in 2013.
18
Wetlands are valuable areas for rural communities in this region. They contribute directly
to food security through the production of green and mature maize and vegetables. Wetlands are
also important sources of clay minerals used for making pottery vessels and the production of
construction bricks. The area is also an important source of sedges and wetland grasses used for
2. 1. 2 Drainage Systems
The heavy precipitation in the southwestern Ethiopia highlands accounts for the high
water volume carried by the rivers (CPGO 1997). The southwestern highlands are divided into
two major drainage basins: the Abbay (Blue Nile) basin in the northern part of the southwestern
highlands and the Baro basin in the southern part. Some of the major rivers that flow into the
Baro basin include the Birbir, Laga Hida and Gibe rivers. The major tributaries of the Abbay (the
Blue Nile) are the Anger, Dhidessa, Dabbus, and Fincha'a rivers.
2. 1. 3 Agro-ecological Zones
The five agro-ecological zones found in the Oromia region are based on temperature
differences in latitude: dhaamota (cold highlands), baddaa (cool, humid, highlands), badda-
daree (temperate, cool sub-humid, highlands), gammoojji (warm, semi-arid lowlands), and ho’a
(hot and hyper-arid lowlands) (Hurni 1998; CPGO 1997; Westphal 1975; WWZSEP 2011)
(Table 2.1). In the dhaamota zone, rain-fed crops are not expected to grow. In this ecological
zone, frost is a frequent phenomenon, and afro-alpine grasslands are the dominant natural
vegetation. The baddaa zone is a zone where crops, including barley, wheat, and pulses, are
19
The most dominant agricultural zone is the badda-daree. The agro-climatic condition of
this zone is highly suitable for rain-fed farming, particularly of teff, maize and finger millet. This
zone also supports cash crops, including coffee and tea, and the major staple tuber and corm
crops that include anchote (Coccinia abyssinica), Oromo potatoes (Plectranthus edulis), some
species of yam (Dioscorea spp.) and enset (Ensete ventricosum). The badda-daree zone has
The gammoojji belt falls below the badda-daree zone. This zone has warmer
temperatures than in the highlands, greater variability in rainfall and recurring drought
conditions. This zone supports production of pulses and the dominant sorghum crop, but it has
moisture limitations for crops such as maize and tubers. Below the gammojji is the ho'a zone
(Table 2.2). In this belt, rain-fed agriculture is normally not possible due to persistent drought.
Large-scale irrigation systems are possible along the major rivers, including the Dhidhessa, Gibe,
20
In the southwest Ethiopian highlands, badda-dare is the most populated ecological zone.
This zone supports livestock production due to the absence of lowland animal diseases. Wild
animal diseases, particularly trypanosomiasis, restrict the distribution of livestock herding in the
lowland areas. It is argued that trypanosomiasis caused by tsetse flies, which is especially lethal
for cattle, could have challenged the expansion of cattle-based pastoral lifeways in the region
(see e.g., Gifford-Gonzalez 2000; Marshall 2000; Marshall and Hildebrand 2002). The recent
discovery, however, of trypanosomiasis vaccines has encouraged the practice of cattle breeding
2. 2 Cultural context
The study region is home to several ethno-linguistic groups (Bender 2000, Haberland
1984; Hassan 1990; Hayward 2000). It is beyond the scope of this dissertation to examine all of
these groups and so the project focused on the Oromo (Figure 2.1). Nevertheless, aspects of the
Yem and Dawro groups are presented in order to contrast pottery production and social practices
within the study area. The Oromo history is described in Chapter One. This chapter presents a
brief history of the Yem and Dawro and an overview of the social organization and subsistence
2. 2. 1. 1 Yem
The Yem are one of the indigenous peoples of southwestern Ethiopia. Their native
language is Yemsa, which belongs to the Omotic sub-family and Afroasiatic super-family of
21
languages (Bender 2000; Ehert 2002; Greenberg 1955). The region lies between the Gibe River
in the west and the Omo in the east. The name of the old capital is uncertain, but Fofa, the
headquarters of the modern government, is believed to be the administrative center of the Yem.
These people are known by their Yamma Kingdom, which emerged before the 14th century. The
kings of Yamma belonged to a dynasty called Halman Gama that, in turn, belonged to the royal
clan known as the Mwa (Huntingford 1955; Lewis 1965; Yilma 1993).
The Yamma kingdom was neighbor to the powerful, warrior Jimma Oromo kingdom. In
1844, soldiers of the Kingdom of Jimma defeated the army of Yamma and the king of Yamma
was taken to prison (Huntingford 1955). He regained his freedom in 1847 and resumed his
struggle against his more powerful neighbor. Jimma conquered parts of Yamma in the 1880s.
The rest of the kingdom was incorporated into the Ethiopian Empire in 1894 (Huntingford 1955;
McCann 1995). Early 20th-century anthropological accounts show that the Yem had few herders
and were mainly agriculturalists, growing barley, sorghum, finger millet, coffee, flax, cotton and
enset. Coffee grows so abundantly that they use the stems for house building. Cerulli (1922,
1956) reports that maize was introduced to the Yem in the 18th century (see also Huntingford
1955; Lewis 1966; McCann 1995). The Yem region comprises mountain ranges, gorges and
deep valleys that pose some ecological problems, including land degradation.
The Yem in the study area now speak both Oromo and Yem languages. Most of the Yem
immigrants in the Oromia region belong to the artisan social group. Lewis (1962) states that fuga
migrated from Yem to Jimma. Two groups of marginalized minorities in Yem society (Freeman
and Pankhurst 2003; Todd 1977, 1978) exist: the fuga (tanner-potters) and the yirfo
(blacksmiths). The fuga, the largest category of craft workers, practice pottery and tanning as
22
well as agriculture and hunting for subsistence. Lewis (1962) states that fuga migrated from Yem
to Jimma. Other craft workers including weavers and woodworkers are despised in Yem society.
2. 2. 1. 2 Dawro
The Dawro are the third indigenous people of the southwestern Ethiopian highlands.
They speak Dawrots'ua, which is an Omotic language with close affinity to the Walayta, Gamo
and Gofa languages (Bender 2000; Ehert 2002; Greenberg 1955). The Dawro region shares
boundaries with the Konta Zone to the west, Hadiya and Kambata-Tambaro Zones to the
northeast, Wolayta Zone to the east, the Gamo-Gofa Zone to the southeast and the Jimma Zone
The major subsistence of the Dawro is similar to that of the Yem, and is based in enset
cultivation as well as teff, sorghum, maize, yam, taro, bananas and some coffee. The villagers are
farmers who keep some livestock, mainly cattle and goats. The houses and plots of cultivated
land are dispersed. It takes approximately one and a half hours to walk from one end of the
village to the other. The people commonly practice slash and burn farming techniques and use
hoes for cultivation. Ox ploughing is rarely practiced because of the trees and underground roots
of fallen trees that prohibit ploughing, although ploughs are used on a few cleared plots for teff
cultivation. The main agricultural tool is the digging stick with or without an iron point (Abebe
It is worth noting that the Dawro and other ethno-linguistic groups in the region continue
to produce microliths (Brandt 2000) and modern tanners still manufacture flaked stone hide
scrapers on a regular basis (Brandt 1996; Weedman et al. 2008). Ongoing production of flaked
23
stone artifacts makes this region an important location to investigate economic and technological
2. 2. 1. 3 Oromo
The Oromo belong to the eastern highland Cushitic branch of the Afro-Asiatic language
family. Traditionally, the Oromo are known for their age-grade organization known as the gadaa
system, and by their religious institution known as Waqefanna. These two institutions control
everyday life of the society, including craft technology and agriculture. For example, pottery-
making is deeply rooted in the gadaa system and Waqefanna. Life histories of pots are related to
age grades of the gadaa system and Oromo myths of origin. In relation to agriculture, the Oromo
cultivate a variety of cereal and tuber crops. Oromo mythology suggests that some tubers were
domesticated by their ancestors. In the society’s tradition, cultivation and processing of tubers
are associated with fertility. As a result, Oromo social organization, religion, craft technology
The Oromo political culture is based on a system known as the gadaa (Baxter 1978;
Legesse 1973). The gadaa is a system of classes (Luba) in which male individuals succeed each
other every eight years. The gadaa has 11 age-grades: Dabballee (ages 0-8), Folle (8-16 years of
age), Qondaala (16-24 years of age), Kuusa (24-32 years of age), Raaba Doorii (32-40 years of
age), Gadaa (40-48 years of age), Yuuba I (48-56 years of age), Yuuba II (56-64 years of age),
Yuuba III (64-72 years of age), Gadamoojjii (72-80 years of age) and Jaarsa (80 and above years
24
After completing his fifth gadaa cycle (Raaba Doorii) at the age of 40, the elected person
assumes political, military, judicial, legislative and ritual responsibilities (Baxter 1978; Legesse
1973). It is reported that this system has been in use for the last 500 years (Bahrey 1954; Bulcha
2011; Hassan 1990). Every eight years, the people elect a new gadaa government composed of a
nine-man presidium. The elected officials are collectively called gadaa (the ruling group) who
are presided over by the Abbaa Gadaa (a president) (Bulcha 2011; Legesse 1973).
2. 2. 1 .3 .2 Oromo religion
The Oromo believe in one Supreme Being known as Waaqa, which literally means God
(Bulcha 2011; Ehert 2002; Legesse 1973; Melba 1988; Ta'a 2006). The people believe that
Waaqa is a creator (uumaa) of all things; the created things are referred to as creatures
(uumamaa) (Melba 1988; Ta'a 2006). The Oromo believe that Waaqa put everything in order
and if anybody breaks his order, it results in sin, which in turn leads to punishment. They also
believe that Waaqa can punish anyone who commits sin because Waaqa also guards the truth.
Punishment can be in the form of a bad harvest, disease, famine and other hazardous natural
events. The traditional Oromo also believe in life after death, upholding the idea that after death,
the human soul goes to an abode that is regarded as holy. This monotheistic religion is known as
(priestesses), who carry out their religious duties and responsibilities from the ritual home known
as galma where ritual ceremonies are held usually on Fridays and Saturdays. Besides the weekly
worshipping, a pilgrimage takes place every eight years to a holy shrine of Abba Muudaa, the
25
Figure 2. 7 Shrine center (galma) surrounded by a mound of sand and stones deposited by
worshippers as part of their ritual practice. Picture taken in Wallaga in June 2013.
The pilgrimage to Abba Muudaa and his shrine functions at the national level by
maintaining contact between the different parts of Oromia and preserving a sense of Oromo
national unity. Usually the Abba Muudaa shrine centers are situated on mountains and hills. In
Oromo mythology, the first qaalluu was sent to the Oromo by Waaqa. Qaalluu is known for his
knowledge of traditions and the ability to resolve conflicts. People constantly come to his galma,
26
where the qaalluu blesses people and undertakes hammachiisaa, a traditional ritual of blessing
Figure 2. 8 Stelae standing in the galma compound in Wallaga region of Ethiopia in June 2013.
Related to this is the Irreessaa festival, Oromo Thanksgiving day, in which the Oromo
thank Waaqa for the blessings and mercies that they believe they received throughout the past
year in the sacred areas. The Irreessaa festival is celebrated annually at the beginning of Birraa
(the sunny new season after the dark rainy winter season) throughout Oromia and around the
27
Figure 2. 9 Oromo community in Calgary celebrating Irreessaa at Edworthy Park, Calgary in
September 2013.
Irreessaa is celebrated not only to thank Waaqa, but also to welcome the new season of
plentiful harvests after the rainy winter season. During Irreessaa festivals, friends, family, and
relatives gather together to celebrate with joy and happiness. Irreessaa festivals bring people
closer to each other and forge social bonds. At the time of celebration, all the pilgrims carry
green grass in their hands and put these bundles in locations near Malkaa (rivers or lakes)
(Figure 2.9).
28
Figure 2. 10 A farmer tilling his farmland to cultivate finger millet in July 2013 in West Wallaga.
He is tilling the third time and after 15 days the cereal will be sown.
Toward the middle of the 19th century, the gadaa system and the traditional religion were
in the process of decline (Bartles 1983; Baxter 1978; Hassan 1990), mainly due to long years of
transformation of the Oromo socioeconomic and political order that gave rise to a new system of
governance within the community (Ayana 1984; Bartles 1983; Hassan 1990). Because the gadaa
system was the pillar of the traditional Oromo culture, its decline led to the disruption of the
religion. Although the traditional religious system was breaking down, it was the introduction of
alien religions that exacerbated the process (Ayana 1984). The major alien religions introduced
29
to Wallaga were Orthodox Christianity, Seventh-day Adventists, the Lutheran Protestant Church
Figure 2. 11 Rural landscape in Wallaga in July 2013. Some of the farmers' plots are covered
with banana, maize and coffee while others are being prepared to sow either teff or finger millet.
Despite the introduction of Christianity and Islam into the region, the indigenous religious
traditional ceremonies, like ateetee, worship the Ayyoolee (female spirit) for proper pregnancy,
and annual Irreessaa festivals continue to be practiced. There are clearly religious borrowings
between these three religions. For example, practitioners of Waaqeffannaa began to use Ayyoolee
and St. Mary synonymously. It is also important to note that, currently, the Irreessaa festival
30
appears to be a non-religious gathering in which Oromo people from different religious
backgrounds participate. The participants claim that they take part in the Irreessaa festival not
because it is their religion, but because it is an identity marker shared by Oromo society.
2. 2. 1. 3. 3 1 Farming
The Oromo of Wallaga practice a mixed economy. Cattle are widely bred both for symbolic
and economic purposes. Symbolically, they serve as a source of prestige and a sign of Waaqa's
blessing. Economically, cattle are a source of natural fertilizer and food; oxen serve as major
Figure 2. 12 Woman selling her decorated baskets (hodhaa) in Jimma town in May 2012.
31
Like other parts of the southwestern highlands, Wallaga Oromo is endowed with suitable
agro-climatic conditions. Its climate and fertile soils encourage the growth and production of
many diverse crops. The major cereal crops cultivated include sorghum (Sorghum bicolor), teff
(Eragrostis teff), maize (Zea mays) and finger millet (Eleusine coracana) (Figures 2.9 & 2.11),
and these crops are reported by local people as having been cultivated for generations. Maize,
introduced in the late 18th century (McCann 1995), has become one of the popular cereals used to
32
In addition to cereal grain, tuber crops such as anchote, Oromo potatoes, yam and taro, are
widely cultivated. The major cash crop is coffee. A variety of vegetables, including Ethiopian
kale and mustard seeds, are also grown. The most common oil seed cultivated in Wallaga is niger
seed (Guizotia abyssinica). Although niger seed is primarily cultivated to generate cash, some
families, who do not have a dairy cow to milk in order to make butter, will produce oil from
2. 2. 1. 3. 3. 2 Craft
Crafts are also important in the contemporary economy of the Wallaga Oromo and in the
study area. These crafts include woodcarving, weaving, tanning, iron smelting and pottery-
making (Figures 2.12 & 2:13). Craft products are major sources of livelihood for the artisan
society who have insufficient or no land to support their families’ needs. More important,
craftwork, including pottery-making and basketry, assist rural artisan women’s partial
region. It is certain that if there were no agriculture, there would be little demand for these
handicraft products and vice versa. Equally, no agricultural activities can be undertaken without
farm implements that are products of the local handicraft workers. Ultimately, agriculture and
these crafts have a symbiotic relationship. Although artisans are socially despised, they hold a
special position in Oromo society. Artisans are conscious of their economic “insignificance” in
society; they express resentment for their stigmatized status and keep morally strong by
reiterating the Oromo proverb “hojii jaallachuu fi horii quusachuun abbaa badhaasa,” which
literally means, “loving one's own work and saving money makes a person rich.”
33
Chapter Three: Theory and Methodology
3. 1 Introduction
The goals of this study are to determine a material means to investigate the little known
history of the Oromo of Wallaga and tuber crop use in the southwestern Ethiopian highlands.
This requires a theoretical and methodological framework that identifies material evidence of
Oromo social identity and practices that are useful in tracking their history in the archaeological
record in the study area. Both Oromo social identity and their consumption of tuber crops can be
investigated through ceramics. The theory and methodology used to determine material evidence
of Oromo social identity and tuber consumption are outlined in this chapter.
the theories of Pierre Bourdieu (1977), Anthony Giddens (1984) and, more recently, by scholars
of symmetrical archaeology (Knappett 2012; Olsen 2007; Olsen and Kobylinski 1991; Witmore
2007). Agency is compatible with the chaîne opératoire methodology (Barrett 1988, 2000, 2001;
Dietler and Herbich 1998; Dobres 1995, 2000; Dobres and Robb 2000, 2005; Meskell 2001;
Pauketat 2001,2012; Pauketat and Alt 2005; Robb 2005; Sillar 2009), which is widely used in
Africa to investigate social identity, social history, and technological knowledge (e.g., Dietler
and Herbich 1989, 1998; Haour 2011; Herbich 1987; Gosselain 1992, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2008a,
2008b; Gosselain and Livingstone Smith 2005; Mayor 2010, 2011; Livingstone Smith 2000;
Lyons 2007, 2009, 2014; Sterner 1989, 1992; Sterner and David 2003).
Agency was introduced into archaeological research in the early 1980s, but the use of the
concept of agency by archaeologists varies (Barrett 2000; Dobres 2000; Dornan 2002; Gero
34
2000; Robb 2010). In a recent overview, Robb (2010) identifies three approaches to agency in
archaeology: agency as intentional political action, agency as dialectic, and relational agency.
aggrandizing individuals who pursue power and prestige through strategies of self-interest
(Flannery 1999; Hayden 1995). This approach to agency is criticized because it focuses on elite
ambitions without explaining how such inequalities are integrated with other sectors of these
societies (Barrett 2000; Robb 2010). The second approach of agency as dialectic is based in
Bourdieu’s (1977) practice and Giddens’ (1984) structuration theories. This form of agency
views all human action as both enabled and constrained by social structures. In daily practice,
people reproduce, modify or fail to reproduce social structures, both consciously and
unconsciously (e.g., Barrett 2000; Robb 2010). As Robb (2010) points out, in this perspective,
agency and power are not situated in the individual but in historically situated social
relationships. This approach is criticized for not considering the individual as an active agent
(Dobres 1995, 2000; Dobres and Robb 2000, 2005; Dornan 2002). Finally, relational agency
emerged in the late 1990s and includes concepts of personhood, actor network theory and
symmetrical archaeology, which emphasize the relationships that connect people and things
(Robb 2010: 502). The dialectic and relational agency approaches are linked and both inform the
Bourdieu’s (1977) practice theory is based around the concept of habitus. Habitus refers
to internalized social dispositions (e.g., social structures) that individuals learn, consciously and
unconsciously, as members of a society in the course of daily social practice (Bourdieu 1977).
35
The major criticism of practice theory is that social structures are primarily learned and practiced
unconsciously, which does not allow for individuals to consciously bring about change (Downey
2010, Joy 2009; Joyce and Lopiparo 2005; Lyons 2014). Like Bourdieu, Giddens (1984) argues
that social structures are learned and these structures provide a means and medium for individual
social action. Giddens’ structuration theory (1984) is based on the concept of the duality of
structure: human agency is reflexively the product and (re)producer of social structure. Social
structures do not exist without knowledgeable social agents who reproduce, modify or change
social structure, consciously or unconsciously, in daily action. Giddens recognizes that agents
can consciously bring about change in historically situated contexts of action when other socially
knowledgeable agents, who monitor their own and other people’s actions, choose to support a
change or innovation of an individual or group (Hegmon and Kulow 2005; Lyons 2014). For
example, the chaîne opératoire of pottery making is a form of habitus. Potters learn how to
make pots as members of a pottery making community. This does not mean that chaîne
opératoire are unchanging. Potters respond to changing social and economic conditions (e.g.
when interactions with other groups affect access to grog sources) and changing markets (new
plastic and metal alternatives), by consciously modifying their practices within the limitations
This dissertation explores two related fields of discourse. Fields of discourse or action as
described by Barrett (1988, 2001:158) are historically and spatially situated social contexts
where individuals are engaged in specific activities that create or manipulate materials in ways
that can affect the value of these materials. In short, fields are situations where agency is enacted.
Fields of discourse also overlap. In relation to the study presented, pottery production is one field
of discourse and it overlaps with culinary practices that are the second field of discourse
36
investigated. Both of these fields overlap with other Oromo fields of discourse, including
political structure, social hierarchies, and ritual practices. For example, potters produce vessels
for their farmer neighbours to process tuber crops within a socially prescribed Oromo culinary
practice. Farmers also supply tubers to potters. The commodities that they exchange carry
messages about them and reproduce structures of social inequality that farmers and potters
understand within a shared social and ritual worldview (see Chapter Seven).
archaeology explores the entangled relationships between people and things (e.g., Hodder 2012;
Knappett 2012; Latour 1993; Witmore 2007). This is important to examine how people and
pottery are entangled in the Oromo worldview. This theoretical perspective argues that objects
and non-human organisms have agency that affects how human agents interact with them (see
Robb 2005; Sillar 1996). Secondary agency (Gardner 2007; Gell 1998, Sillar 2009) is understood
as the cultural perception that people hold in which certain objects are perceived to embody the
power to act in particular ways, or that require humans to act in certain ways with these materials
(e.g., Frank 2007; Gosden 2001, 2005, 2012; Gosden and Marshall 1999; Sillar 2009). For
example, Oromo potters perceive that clay has agency and must be treated like a human being.
The potter’s technological choices at certain stages of pottery production must consider the clay
to be vulnerable and to be treated similarly to a human infant, explored further in Chapter Five.
The interaction between people, materials and material objects in daily and ritual
interaction is referred to as materiality (Knappett 2012, 2014). For instance, social perceptions of
people who embody certain skill sets (including making pottery or farming) directly affect how
such individuals are perceived within society in terms of their social status, access to resources
and capacity for political decision-making (see papers in David 2012; Lyons 2014). In the
37
Oromo example investigated here, pottery-making is in the domain of marginalized artisans and
tuber crop cultivation is dominated by members of mainstream society. These relations are
materially reproduced, for instance, when farmers cultivate tubers and redistribute them on
outlined above. Chaîne opératoire assumes that individuals are socially knowledgeable agents
whose technological choices in making or processing material objects are primarily social
choices, learned as members of a social community. For example, potters learn to make pots as
members of a social group of potters and consumers (e.g., within a field of discourse) (see
Gosselain 2000; Lemonnier 1992, 1993, 2012). Consequently, each choice or act that a potter
makes at each stage of pottery production is guided by social factors learned as a member of that
community. Learning skill is a conscious process (Downey 2010; Lyons 2014), but once learned,
the performance of the skills becomes unconscious and routine. Nevertheless, conscious change
or the choice to resist change may arise when communities or individuals are confronted with
events that affect daily practice, including environmental changes, changes in access to
Of importance in tracking Oromo history, is that the total range of choices that potters
employ in producing pots in a given potter community is referred to as their technological style.
Technological styles are material manifestations of a potter community’s social identity (Dietler
and Herbich 1998; Dobres 2000). Determining the ceramic technological style of the Oromo of
38
Wallaga is an important step as it provides a material means to track their history in future
The second field of discourse investigated using the chaîne opératoire was Oromo
culinary practices that involve the pottery assemblage. In particular, this study focuses on the
chaîne opératoire of cultvating, harvesting, processing and serving tubers that are specific to the
and processing, the study shows how aspects of tuber processing create specific use-alterations
on Oromo pottery. These use-alterations may be useful as a proxy to investigate the history of
The chaîne opératoire of Wallaga pottery-making and tuber crop production and
observation (David and Kramer 2001). Interviews included a structured set of questions for all
participants in order to compare responses by age, gender and life history events. In addition,
unstructured interviews probed each individual’s specialized knowledge of the history and
practices of pottery-making, tuber production and processing, and changes involving these
practices that they recall over their lifetime. Oral traditions of ritual practices related to pottery-
making and tuber consumption were recorded, and these ritual practices are used to reproduce
The project participants were selected from both artisan and mainstream social categories
depending upon their age, family background and occupation. I selected participants whom their
participants were made at market places and home villages. Accordingly, in summer 2012 (June
39
to August), I consulted 92 people and in the summer of 2013 (April to August), an additional 104
people were interviewed. The age range of the participants was between 12 and 60 years of age.
The interviews were held in villages, market centers, clay-mining sites, farmlands, shrine
centers and kitchens. Of the total 195 participants, 68 were Oromo potters, 19 were Oromo
mainstream farmers, 51 were Yem potters, 11 were Yem mainstream farmers, 39 were Dawro
potters and the remaining eight were Dawro mainstream farmers (see table 3.1 for their age
distribution). The Oromo were interviewed in the villages of Seqa, Dongoro, Warra Gigsa and
Didibe in Wallaga zone of Oromia. The Yem were interviewed in the villages of Jiren, Shororu
and Sokoru, and the Dawro potters were consulted in the villages of Dobi, Qofe and Bore of
Potters Farmers
Age 12-20 21-40 ≥ 41 12-20 21-40 ≥ 41
categories years years years years years years
n=68 16 40 12 n=19 4 6 9
Oromo Total % 23.5 58.8 17.7 Total % 21 31.6 47.4
Yem n=51 8 37 6 n=11 2 3 6
Total % 15.7 72.5 11.8 Total % 18.2 27.3 54.5
Dawro n=39 13 23 3 n=8 2 2 4
Total % 33.3 59 7.7 Total % 25 25 50
At the beginning of field work I used a set of structured interview questions (see
Appendix A). However, it was apparent that the participants were not conformable with the
40
structured interviews. Specifically, the participants felt dominated by me as an outside
researcher, and they felt that I was commanding them to respond to my interview questions. For
this reason, I decided to frame my questions using a semi-structured interview approach to give
privilege to the participants and to follow their narration. During their narraation, I posed
questions about pottery making and utilization in a conversational manner. The potters were also
interviewed about their social and the economic conditions in comparison with the non-potters.
Potters were asked why and how they became involved in pottery-making and their attitude
towards the technology. Furthermore, they were asked how they perceive the non-handicraft
people and how the non-handicraft people perceive and treated them in the past and in the
present in the study areas. In addition, interviews were made with non-potters to be familiar with
their views of the potters. Non-artisans were asked about the importance of pots for the whole
community and how the potters were perceived and treated. I also asked potter and non-potters
The interviews were made at individual and group levels. Individual interviews were
organized because in group interviews I observed that some people were dominated by the
others. At the same time, some people feared to express their ideas when other people were
present. However, group interviews helped to fill information gaps that resulted in some
individual interviews.The group interviews were conducted at clay mining sites, market places,
Most interviews were held in my native language, Afan Oromo, while I had interpreters
to assist me in interviewing informants who were not familiar with or fluent in Afan Oromo.
This was the case with the Dawro and the Yem people who had recently moved from the
Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region to the Jimma region of Oromia. The average
41
time I spent with each potter was six hours and each potter was visited at least three times. I
spent an average of one hour with each mainstream farmer. The interviews were held mainly in
the daytime, although interviews with busy farmers were held in the evening when they were
I collected the data as both a cultural insider and outsider. I am an outsider for the Yem
and Dawro potters because I am from the Oromo ethnic group. At the onset of my field work, I
expected that I would do my research as a cultural insider among the Oromo because of my
ethnic affiliation. I expected that this would give me the privilege to carry out research that
would generate detailed information. Other researchers also assume that the cutural insider will
be more accepted and experience privileged insider knowledge that is not available to cultural
outsiders (see DeLyser 2001; Geleta 2014; Harklau and Norwood 2005; Kassam and Bashuna
2004). However, as I began my field work, I realized that I was perceived as both cultural insider
and outsider by the participants. I learned that I was a cultural outsider in Wallaga because I was
a man working with women and because I am a man from the mainstream social group working
with women from the artisan social category. This experience taught me that the insider/outsider
perspecitves are contextual and fluid in nature. As a result, the data collected and its
interpretation is from the point of view of myself as a researcher who is both a cultural insider
and outsider. As a trained archaeologist, I had the capacity to analyze the data from the
perspective of the scientific community. Essentially, both the insider's and outsider’s view, and
views of the scientific community, influenced the interpretation presented. Samples of tubers and
tuber steaming pots were collected in order to identify starches of previously under-investigated
tuber crops and to investigate specific use-wear associated with their processing. This
information provides new material evidence to study tuber cultivation and consumption by the
42
Oromo in this region. In the following chapters, the information from these interviews are
presented and compared to demonstrate differences in the local production of ceramics and the
43
Chapter Four: Occupational identities of the Oromo, the Yem and the Dawro ethno-
linguistic groups of the southwestern highlands.
4. 1 Introduction
Occupational identity refers to the social identity given to certain groups of people who
practice the same occupation, but not all occupations result in socially equal identities. One of
In this region, potters are a socially despised and endogamous group. Intermarriage between
potters and other social categories, including farmers, violates socially acceptable practices.
intermarriage among farmers of different ethnic groups in the southwestern highlands. Because
potters must marry other potters within their own ethnic group and they cannot marry potters
with whom they share an immediate blood relationship, the potters typically marry out of their
natal village. In their husbands’ villages, however, potters continue to practice the technological
styles that they learned at an early age from their families. For this reason, pottery learning-
networks tend to be bounded by ethnic identity with girls learning pottery-making from their
parents or immediate kin. Consumers also have a strong tendency to buy pottery vessels made by
potters of their own ethnic group. It is suggested here that pottery production, distribution and
identity. In all groups studied, potters are socially marginalized by mainstream society. This
chapter describes and compares the social treatment and status of potters among the Oromo,
44
4. 2 Occupational Identities in Oromo Society
tanning, beehive-making and weaving. Of these, woodcarvers and weavers are not marginalized.
In Oromo society, craftworkers are collectively known as ogeyyii (the skilled ones). The ogeyyii
social class also includes medicine men/women, traditional midwives (deessiistuu), and
traditional circumcisers who will not be described further in this dissertation. Artisans are
referred to by other members of their communities in pejorative terms. For instance, tumtu is a
derogatory term for blacksmiths and potters, and dugduu for tanners. Both categories of artisans
hold low social status in Oromo society, which can be understood from the proverb "kan ulfina
hin qaabne boyyiicha tumtu deema", literally meaning, “he who has no respect goes to the
funeral of blacksmith."
Oromo society has four social classes: the Borana, the Gabro, the ogeyyii and the slave
social classes. The Borana (senior), the upper social status, control both the ritual and
administrative structures of society. The Gabro (junior) holds the next highest position in the
social hierarchy and, in the absence of the Borana, they perform the Borana’s social and
religious duties. The tumtu and dugduu occupy the second lowest social position. Slaves were
either war captives or laborers who had no farmland of their own and worked for the Borana and
the Gabro. Slaves could be given a plot of land to build a house for their family and grain to
support their families after performing daily service (see Gidada 1987; Hultin 1984, 1982).
Craft society, however, did not have rights to communal or private ownership of land.
They lived under the protection of each clan lineage landlord (sooressa). The land right, qabiyye,
was only for those who were members of the dominant social group, although land ownership
could be granted by clan leaders. Often, such land was the least productive fallow land (borqii).
45
Artisans were not allowed to pay for this land so that their land could be expropriated at any
time. As a result, the artisans were dependent on their crafts and not on farming. Potters reported
that the lack of access to land forced their predecessors to undertake handicraft technology as
Marriage was possible between the Borana and Gabro social classes. The tumtu, dugduu
and slaves could also marry within their own respective social class (Bartles 1983; Hultin 1979,
1984). Members of the mainstream do not marry with the artisans because they believe that they
will die. If marriage between them occurred by chance, the household would have four
hearthstones instead of the usual three stones. The four hearthstones symbolize the fact that
In Oromo society, hearthstones designate the alliance of two families through marriage.
The largest stone, buried halfway into the ground, represents the husband and his position of
authority within the family. Fire is a common metaphor used to designate his wife. The Oromo
people believe that there is no household without a wife and no wife without a household
(Magersa 1994; Wayessa 2011). The Oromo practice is that a man establishes a fire (ibidda) and
hearthstone (sunsumaa) as soon as he gets married and, in so doing, he establishes his individual
family line. The birth of a son in a family is considered to be a sign of continuity of the family
line because the son will marry and establish a blaze/fire (ibidda) (Duressa 2002). The idiom in
Oromo, ibidda isaatu dhaame (his fire ceased to exist), refers to the death of the wife. At the
same time, the expression ibiddi haa gabbatu literally means, “let the fire grow fat,” and is used
as a blessing from the elders to the bride and bridegroom at their marriage. This implies the wish
46
The artisans were not allowed to participate in the formulation of rules and regulations in
Oromo society (Bartles 1983). Different myths were used to exclude the occupational minorities
from these political processes. For instance, the tumtu, who smelt iron by beating (sibila tumuu)
on the bellows, were not allowed to take part in law-making (seera tumaa) because it was
believed that the community would start fighting immediately with one another (Bartles 1983,
see also Burka 2008, 2009). Furthermore, if dugduu participated in making society’s laws, then
the community would get an itchy skin disease; if the potters participated in law-making (seera
tuma), the law would be as fragile as their pots (Bartles 1983; Haberland 1984). As a result, the
material objects that the artisans produce carry messages that exclude them from certain social
practices and give special privilege to the non-artisan social groups. In relation to the connection
between a person and objects that they produce, an Oromo proverb states, “meeshaan abba
fakkattii,” which literally means “a person produces himself by producing material objects.” As a
result, the objects that individuals produce as members of a certain social class affect the
producer who is perceived differently from members of other social groups (see Gosden 2005;
Sillar 2009).
The Oromo social hierarchies are not rigid and it is possible for a person, including
artisans, to move between classes if they perform a certain ritual ceremony known as Luba basa
(emancipation). This ceremony involves bleeding two persons who represent the social groups
and then mixing their blood. Oromo also could bring non-Oromo members from the social
periphery into communal life through guddiffacha (adoption). According to Oromo tradition,
adopted people have full rights to participate in Oromo socio-political and religious affairs,
regardless of their previous social or ethnic background (Eteffa 2012; Wayessa 2011).
47
Following the transformation of internal socioeconomic and political developments, and
recently with the introduction of Islam and Protestant Christianity, belief in the superiority of the
Borana as sons of Waaqa has declined (Bartles1983; Knutsson 1967). The major factor was the
impact of Protestant missionaries who introduced practices that affected the social position of the
craftworkers. This change was instigated by their democratic messages and the equal treatment
these groups used in elections of members of the two social groups in church services and
leadership, including the provision for equal chances to be deacons, deaconesses and ministers.
In 1974, a socialist revolution ended the imperial regime in Ethiopia. Before the 1974
revolution, artisan settlements were spatially separated from settlements of other members of
society. Following the revolution, the socialist Derg government introduced the policy of
villagization in Ethiopia. The 1974 popular revolution also contributed to the decline (but not the
end) of social discrimination of artisans. During the revolution, both groups played equal roles in
villagization policy (resettlement), which terminated the settlement patterns that separated the
craftworkers from the upper social strata and ordered both groups to occupy government
proposed areas. The villagization policy also led to widespread pottery-making because non-
artisan women managed to learn pottery-making from relocated artisans. Although some non-
artisan women took up pottery-making, it does not mean that the work became acceptable and
respectful among the mainstream society. Some members of the mainstream group were annoyed
48
4. 3 Occupational Identities in Yem Society
One of the myths about the origin of artisans in Yem indicates that the artisans migrated
into the region from the north, with a dominant group who conquered the southern highlands
(Getachew 1995). The dominant group came with knowledge of state and hierarchy and they
brought their artisans with them (Haberland 1984; Lange 1982). This migration model affected
the artisans because they were considered to be foreigners and this status deprived them of the
right to land.
patterns. For instance, the fuga often settle on rugged land and on forest margins without mixing
with the mainstream Yem. One exception is the Yifro who do settle with the mainstream Yem
(Fulle 2003), but with whom they do not share equal access to resources.
Fuga women make pottery, while the men practice agriculture, tanning and sometimes
hunting. In contrast to the Oromo society where potters’ husbands are blacksmiths, husbands of
the fuga are not blacksmiths. The fuga are despised because they are believed to eat wild animals
(e.g., porcupines and monkeys) and carrion, which other members of society consider to be
unclean. Tanners work with skin and they were reported to eat the pieces that they scrape from
the skins they process, which is perceived as a violation of accepted social practice. Tanners
were also reported to live near streams because their work required ready access to water
Fuga are strictly forbidden from marrying the mainstream Yem. The latter perceive the
fuga as kofa (evil-eyed) (i.e., a person who is believed to possess malicious eyes that can cause
harm or injury to others) and for this reason the Yem avoid any social interaction with the fuga
except when buying their pottery vessels. The fuga also believe that some of the mainstream
Yem are evil-eyed, able to harm them and their pots. To protect them from such danger, the fuga
49
usually wear a metal bracelet (Getachew 1995; Pankhurst 1999, 2003; Pankhurst and Freeman
2003).
The mainstream Yem and fuga consider contact with one another as polluting. The two
groups claim that their relatives would die if a marriage took place between them. Moreover,
informal sexual interaction between fuga and mainstream Yem is strictly forbidden. These
actions are believed to trespass the rules of nature that would disappoint the creator. As a result,
it is reported that a fuga man, who has sexual intercourse with a non-fuga woman, is obliged to
sacrifice a goat to his deity for purification, and a non-fuga Yem man, who has had sexual
intercourse with a fuga woman, is required to sacrifice an ox or a cow for purification (Fulle
2003).
Fuga perform a ritual prayer to ensure the successful production of pottery vessels. It is
reported that every year in the spring, all married fuga women sacrifice a cup-shaped vessel,
known as samsamo. They believe that the sacrifice to the deity will ensure their success in
pottery-making. If they fail to carry out the sacrifice, their pots are believed to break during
firing or their vessels will not sell. The potters also believe that their pottery is susceptible to the
evil eye (kofa) and that they should make the sacrifice to their deity more regularly. The sacrifice
is held in spring after the dark summer rain has passed and when intensive pottery-making
begins. This is the time when the deity is believed to expect sacrifices from its followers. In
addition, the potters try to hide the firing process, a most sensitive stage of pottery-making, by
doing the firing in the evening (Fulle 2003; Lewis 1966). In interviews, fuga potters stated that
the firing stage is critical because it is a stage at which 'blood becomes a child.' They
symbolically associate this stage with childbirth. As among the Oromo of the southwestern
Ethiopian highlands (see e.g., Wayessa 2010, 2011b), the Yem believe that a newly born child is
50
susceptible and cannot survive the eyes of outsiders. As a result, pots behave like babies in the
The same social hierarchy and practices of marginalization of potters reported for the
other two groups investigated were observed among the Dawro. Like the Yem, one theory
supports the notion that, among the Dawro, the artisans are immigrants from northern Ethiopia
who came along with the ideology of state and hierarchy (Behailu 1997).
Several factors control social relationships in Dawro society (Abebe and Dea 2003).
There are five social classes among the Dawro: the malla (citizens, farmers, and rulers), the
wogatche (iron forgers), the degelle (tanners), the mana (potters) and the manja (charcoal-
makers, forest users, hunters). In Dawro society, social identities are associated with
occupational tasks and are still taken as basic controlling principles for daily interaction in
several socio-cultural fields, such as economy, marriage, ritual practices and residential location
The top of the Dawro social hierarchy is the malla class, which constitutes farmers and
leaders. Members of the malla class are socially legitimate holders of land and they have the
social capacity to order members of other social classes to provide free labor for their farm or to
supply them with crafts. The second highest social group is the wogatche, the iron forgers.
Members of this class are in charge of ritual practices in the Dawro society. The third highest
social class is that of the degelle, the tanners, whose hide-working members are despised for the
reasons that they make hides of dead animals and are polluted because they are believed to eat
flesh scraped from these hides. The mana, the potters, are also considered to be polluters who are
51
believed to be cursed by the mother earth deity. They are reported to be evil-eyed, capable of
endangering the innocent ones. According to Dawro myth, the mana came out of a gourd with
At the bottom of the social hierarchy is the manja group. Oral traditions of the society
show that the manja hunters migrated to Dawro from the north (Behailu 1997). They occupy the
manja continue a tradition of skilled hunting using traps, nets, and spears. They are also skilled
tree climbers and the main suppliers of firewood and charcoal to the surrounding towns. In the
past, the manja subsisted mainly on wild game, including monkeys, porcupines and pigs. More
recently, the government put restrictions on hunting. Today, the manja rely mainly on
agriculture. Even after farming was established, the Dawro continued a wide range of food
procurement and production practices. Manja can still be observed collecting edible wild plants,
mechanisms known as pila, tuna and gomia. Pila are social rules that determine the position of a
person by their social roles and food ways. In this manner, each social group has its own peculiar
food avoidances and other cultural practices. It also demarcates the domain from which a person
can choose marriage partners. More importantly, pila involves banning certain forms of
interaction and exchange of goods between social groups and, most particularly, between the
manja and mana social categories (Abebe and Dea 2003; Orent 1969, 1970a, 1970b; Pankhurst
1999).
Tuna refers to a concept of violating social rules and the fact that a violator should clear
the transgressions by undertaking purification ceremonies. For instance, if a malla has sexual
52
intercourse with a woman from a minority group, he is required to perform purification rituals in
order to avoid the danger of the supernatural as well as social sanctions. If a manja or mana
enters the house of a mala ritual leader, it breaches the social rule and the home should be
purified. If a person failed to undertake the purification ritual, the individual would experience
gomia (suffering) in the form of sickness, starvation or even death. These social rules maintain
deeply rooted rifts among the social classes (Dea 1998; Freeman and Pankhurst 2003; Petros
2003a, 2003b).
Food prohibition is one manifestation of this rift. For example, the manja and degala do
not eat sheep and chicken; however, sheep and chicken are the most favored food for the farming
majority mala. Furthermore, the manja and the dengala do not perform female circumcision,
which is common among the mala (Dea 1998; Freeman and Pankhurst 2003; Petros 2003a,
2003b). The different food preferences of artisans and mainstream groups affect daily social
The artisans’ homesteads are located in a low-lying part on the outskirts of the main
village. In the past, artisans were not allowed to own land and livestock. It was claimed that they
were dependent on the chief for their food and, in return, had to provide objects needed for
agriculture and for warfare and special spears for royal inaugurations of chiefs. The settlement of
the artisan class in low-lying separate quarters is also observed among the Oromo and the Yem
societies (Abebe and Dea 2003; Tekle 2005; Yoshida 2008). In general, as in the Oromo and
Yem ethnic groups, the major social practices that reinforce marginalization of the artisans in
Dawro society are land alienation that limit artisan access to some resources and the notion that
artisans eat polluted animals ( see also Lyons 2014; Van Beek 1982, 1992). In daily interaction,
53
the different social groups, including the potter social group, reproduce these unequal social
relationships through avoidance behaviors and ideological perceptions that artisans are evil-eyed.
Table 4.1 Comparison of social features of artisans in three ethno-linguistic groups. Note that the
Oromo oral tradition indicates that the artisans who had a prestigious social status in society lost
this status because they were cursed by Waaqa because they failed to follow his order. The Yem
and Dawro traditions show that the artisans are settlers who migrated to the region from
elsewhere. Note that although intermarriage is not acceptable in their society, it does occur
between artisans and mainstream people in Oromo society.
54
5 Summary
Pottery-making groups are despised by the Oromo, the Yem and Dawro ethno-linguistic
groups. In Oromo society, the artisans’ access to land and land ownership was intended to keep
them subordinate as land was an important political and social asset. Similarly, in Yem and
Dawro societies, artisans are held in contempt by the mainstream group because they are alleged
to eat unclean food, a strategy to exclude them from having equal access to common resources,
including land, and social privileges, including community leadership. For example, the mana
group of Dawro are forbidden by social rules and regulations to eat certain foods (e.g., sheep and
chicken), which are very important among the mainstream members of society. As a result, the
foods/cuisines that are embodied, affect the relationship between peoples of different social
categories (see Barthelme 1985; Lyons 2014; Robb 2005; Sillar 1996; 2004, 2009).
limited in southwestern Ethiopia (see Table 5.1). Potters from Oromo, Yem and Dawro reported
that marriage occurs only within their respective ethnic group. Oromo potters usually marry
Oromo blacksmiths, whereas Yem and Dawro potters marry Yem and Dawro tanners,
respectively.
The marginalization of artisan groups and the limitation of their marriage partnership
within their respective ethnic group is an important research avenue for the ethnoarchaeology of
social identity in the study area. For example, potters of a given ethnic group incorporate the
norms and values of their respective society in their pottery technology. Since inter-ethnic
marriage is limited and that the learning network is contained within kin groups, investigation of
55
their technology would facilitate an understanding of the history of the artisans, in particular, and
the ethnic groups with which they are affiliated in general (see also David et al. 1988; Gosselain
2000; LaViolette 2000; MacEachern 1998). In the next chapter, agency of pottery and its
56
Chapter Five: Agency of pottery objects and functional repertoire of pots in Wallaga
5. 1 Introduction
activities including processing cereal grains for baking bread and tubers for steaming. The skills
and vocabulary used in other production activities are transferred and used in pottery-making. In
this situation, pottery technology cannot be singled out from the rest of the social practices and
pottery production, potters' technological choices are determined by other social practices rather
than solely environmental factors. For this reason, pottery technology is the result of complex
relationships among materials, and between materials and people. As a result, it is misleading to
polarize the “world of materials on the one hand and culture on the other, with the former acted
Technology connects people and the objects that they manufacture symbolically and
literally (Dobres 2000). Many researchers have demonstrated that people’s social identities are
entangled with the objects that they produce and consume (e.g., Barrett 2012; Dobres 2000; Gell
1998; Gkiasta 2011; Knappett 2012; Lyons 2014; Miller 1998, 2007; Olsen 2003, 2012; Robb
2005; Sillar 1996, 2004, 2009; Witmore 2007). In Ethiopia, the social identity of potters and
their treatment within their community is based in how their occupation is socially perceived.
Potters transform raw materials from a natural state into a cultural object (David et
al.1988). In the course of production, consumption and discard, pottery comes to embody social
meaning. In the course of daily practice, the meanings embodied in pots are actively engaged in
social interactions and interactions between people and pots (see Sillar 1996, 2004, 2009;
57
Gosden 2005). Presented in this chapter are the symbolic meanings and functional repertoire of
5. 2 Agency of pots
In Wallaga, pottery is more than a functional object. Pottery is perceived to have agency
in terms of its capacity to embody spirits and certain deities, and in its need for specific types of
addition to their functional uses in cuisine. In some interactions between pots and people, the
Field participants in Wallaga claim that in Oromo traditions people are formed from clay,
and pots are perceived and treated as persons. The stages of pottery production are also
associated with the stages humans pass through in their lifetime. Pots are also active
intermediaries in human-human and human-deity ritual interactions. Pots are essential entities in
Oromo society and Oromo myths of origin. One version of the myth traces Oromo origins back
to a person known as Umamama. According to this myth, the creator, Waaqa, raised Uumama
from clay. Just after his creation, Umamama looked around but found no one. Waaqa was
concerned about Uumama’s situation and he ordered Uumama to prepare a female figurine from
clay and to perform a ritual called raqoo (sacrificing an animal by shedding blood) for the
figurine. As he was ordered, Uumama performed the raqoo on the clay figurine, which
transformed the figurine into a woman who Uumama named Uumee. They made love and
produced children, one of whom was a girl named Ullukee. Ullukee wanted to have a husband to
bear children, but all of the men were her brothers. Realizing her worries, Ullukee was advised to
pray to Waaqa to give her children through his miraculous interference. Ullukee prayed as she
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was ordered and she gave birth to nine children from the spirit of Waaqa, who are collectively
Uumama was not yet satisfied with what he had, so he again presented his concerns to
Waaqa through prayer. Waaqa had him prepare 30 clay figurines. Because Uumama was so
greedy, he prepared 60 figurines. Waaqa knew all this and asked Uumama how many figurines
he molded. Uumama lied, claiming that he had formed only 30, in accordance with the order
Waaqa had given him. Although Waaqa was not happy with the disobedience of Uumama, he
ordered 29 of the figures to be humans and one to be a horse for Uumama. Waaqa ordered the 30
figurines that Uumama had hidden from him to become other creatures including insects and
wild beasts.
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The relationship between the Oromo myth of origin and ceramics enables us to
understand the fact that pottery objects are deeply rooted in the worldview of Oromo society.
Because pottery objects are associated with human beings, pots are described like people and
elements are named for parts of the human body: teessuu (seat), garaa (stomach), waist (mudhii),
moorma (neck), afaan (mouth), hidhii (lip/rim) and gurra (ear) (Figure 5.1). The close
association between human anatomy and pottery morphology is also recognized in many African
Pottery is also symbolically and technologically likened to stages of human life, and is
treated accordingly. For instance, Wallaga Oromo potters strictly follow all the steps in drying
wet vessels to the leather-hard stage because the pots are likened to a newborn baby. Failure to
follow these steps risks the ‘survival’ of the pots. For instance, exposing a wet pot to direct sun is
equated with exposing a naked baby to the high heat of the sun that people claim causes skin
eruptions.
Furthermore, it is reported that eyes of strangers (orma) are perceived to be powerful and
can harm both babies and wet pots. For this reason, children are not shown to strangers.
Similarly, durjii (all stages of pottery-making prior to firing) must be protected from passersby
because their eyes will break wet vessels or vessels in the fabrication stage. A ‘stranger’ in this
context refers to anybody who is not a member of the potter’s family. Even a potter from one
from the same village, but from different ethnic backgrounds, can be perceived as strangers. If a
stanger views wet pots, then the stranger is asked to spit on the ware and say “haa oofkalu,”
which means “let it be spared from eyes.” If a person is not familiar with the tradition
surrounding pottery-making, the potter tells him/her to say, ‘ha oofkalu jedhi durjiin ija hin
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baatu,” which means “say let it be spared from eyes for a ware cannot survive eyes” (Wayessa
2010, 2011). Pots broken by a stranger’s eyes are deemed equivalent to persons who are
murdered.
In Oromo society, because pots are conceived of as human beings, potters pay due
attention to fabrication practices that affect vessel quality and durability. The three ingredients of
pottery vessels are suphee (clay), qiraacoo (grog) and ciraacha (sand), these have metaphoric
meanings in the society. In the society’s tradition, Waaqa created the first person from clay and,
hence, making pots is a metaphor to create a person. A person maintains his lineage through
marriage that involves the union of a man and a woman. Grog, pulverized pottery or baked clay,
added to clay for tempering purposes, is reported to maintain the continuity of a lineage by
mixing parts of old pots to form a new pot. In Oromo myth, sand is associated with human
populations, so adding sand to clay signifies growth in the total population of the lineage.
More importantly, making a good quality pot is a means of accumulating and maintaining
social recognition in society. In a household, making and selling pots gives a woman the
economic freedom to manage and allocate the income earned from pottery sales. After
combining appropriate amounts of the three ingredients (clay, sand and grog) the potter prepares
the paste for fabrication. Preparing ingredients is associated with preparing dough for bread,
whereby the grog is considered as yeast that facilitates fermentation. In Oromo society, a woman
keeps a small proportion of bread dough to use as yeast (raaciitii) for the next loaf, which
sustains continuity in the dough and linked with continuity, of her lineage. Potters use a variety
of fabrication techniques to form pottery vessels that are associated with baking bread. More
important, the same terminologies are used in forming pots and baking bread among Oromo
potters in Wallaga.
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In this society, pottery fabrication using balls of clay is associated with social cohesion.
In particular, waciitii (bowl) is shaped from many pinches of clay and every pot, in its turn, is
made of several individual parts like a social group (Bartels 1983; Wayessa 2011). In preparing
buna qalaa, the split coffee beans are added to the waciitii and then mixed with melted butter.
The buna qalaa is served often in the same waciitii and all participants eat together. Having buna
qalaa from the same waciitii is also a material demonstration of social cohesion. The tears of
Waaqa (coffee) cleanse the pot, which is described as a person (see Chapter Seven). In Oromo
society, traditional religious cleansing results in blessings from Waaqa that manifest in fertility,
Some beauty treatments observed on the human body are similarly applied to pots,
including incised marks. To make incisions, a potter presses a pointed object on the leather-hard
surface of a pot to create a series of parallel lines. This is done commonly on the neck (moorma)
of vessels and, hence, is known as hamartii (necklace). The tumaa (tattooing) that is commonly
applied on the neck of Oromo women is also incised on the neck of pots, especially water jars
that is linked to women. The tattoo pattern on the neck of water vessels is known as the vessels’
tumaa.
In Oromo society a man is circumcised at the age of 40, after completing the first five
gadaa cycles (Raaba Doorii) and as a rite of passage in joining the sixth gadaa cycle (Gadaa)
(see Chapter Four). When a man joins the sixth gadaa grade, he is allowed to take on social and
political responsibilities, including the right to be circumcised and to marry. In Oromo culture,
the foreskin is removed from the penis and is placed under the base of a water jar filled with
water. Water jars, which is associated with women, are believed to heal the male organ.
According to Oromo proscribed practice, uncircumcised males should never have sexual
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relationships with a woman. The placement of the removed foreskin underneath the water jar
to someone in the family who deviated from the society’s moral codes. This behavior disappoints
the guardian spirits. When this happens, the elders pray to appease the spirits and to restore
social order. In the same manner, a pot that is broken before proper usage (ergaraama) is
responsibilities. The person who is responsible for the pot's breakage is treated as a murderer and
they must take measures to be liberated, accordingly. In Oromo society, a person who kills
another person is expected to make a compensation payment (gumaa). The money for gumaa is
not paid from one's pocket. Rather, it is collected by the murderer from the local society. The
person who is guilty of breaking a pot is expected to pay the gumaa. In this case, he/she collects
money from the surrounding people and pays the gumaa. The ‘murderer’ holds one piece of the
broken pot to collect the money. People put money for him/her on the potsherd saying, “an
akkana lamuu si hinmudatiin,” which means “let you not encounter such kind anymore.” This
money is used to buy a pot for the replacement of the broken one (see Wayessa 2011). The
replacement is called bultuu, which means “the one who shall have a long life." In Oromo
tradition, parents give the name bultuu to a daughter who is born after the death of one of her
sisters.
Objects, including pots, are believed to have agency (see e.g., Gell 1998; Sillar 1996,
2004, 2009; Gosden 2005; 2012; Gosden and Marshall 1999; Jones 2002; Knappett 2012, 2014;
Thomas 1991, 2007). Through their perceived agency, vessels are believed to inform and
constrain the ways that they are made and used. It is a tradition in Wallaga that the water jars are
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not used for any other purpose than storing water, not because of any functional requirement but
because of the symbolic meaning attached to these vessels. According to local participants, even
damaged water jars were rarely given other uses because it was regarded as violating the social
system that regulates the male behavior by exposing them to impure or socially unacceptable
sexual acts, including sex before completing the expected gadaa grades and being circumcised.
The following reveals additional ways in which the boundary between people and pots
are blurred. Pots undergo similar cultural treatments as they develop. Dried pots that are ready
for firing are equated with a person in the liminal state between childhood and adulthood; firing
pots is the rite that transforms pots from "childhood to adulthood." A person who makes the
transition from a youth to an adult undertakes a rite of passage known as butta, in which a sheep
or an ox is slaughtered and the initiate is anointed with the blood of the killed animal. This butta
ceremony is held at the age of 40, when a person completes his fifth gadaa cycle (Raaba
Doorii). Similarly, pots undergo a post-firing treatment known as siilessuu. One form of siilessuu
involves splashing the pot with thin soup prepared of the flour of grains of finger millet or
sorghum (see Chapter Six). Potters report that, analogous to a man completing the butta
ceremony that prepares him to take on great social and political responsibility, pots are ready to
Post-firing treatment has other meanings. Splashing liquid on dry red vessels is equated
with giving water to a thirsty person. It is believed that the pot then blesses the person who does
the treatment saying, “garaan kee hin gogiin,” meaning “let your stomach never go empty,” after
which the food prepared in this pot is believed to be blessed. Similarly, a thirsty person who is
given water then blesses the giver saying “jiidhi,” meaning “stay wet”, whereby wet symbolizes
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Traditionally, only adult women can perform ‘post-firing treatments’ and eat the
buddeena siilettii, experimental bread baked on a new ceramic griddle. The women in the
neighborhood come together to eat the first experimental bread and sing songs that wish a long
life to the griddle. No young boys and girls are allowed to eat siilettii because it is believed that
eating such bread will make them childless. Girls are not allowed to participate in post-firing
treatments because it is believed that if they do so, they will face excessive bleeding during
circumcision. This prohibition is also linked to taking control of firing. Overheated ceramic
griddles are poor for baking. Likewise, a griddle overheated during siilessuu will need more
firewood for baking bread, which uses too much fuel. The effectiveness of a griddle in baking
bread is a mark of the reputation of the potter who shaped the griddle and the woman who uses
the griddle. The potter takes care to perform all of the taboos around pottery-making for the sake
of her dignity and for that of her customers. Thus, in this region, pottery production is associated
with social production and reproduction, including social identities and the reputations of women
as potters and cooks. These social perceptions of pots and people guide technological choices
made during pottery production and consumption. As Jones (2002:84) states “the technological
and functional properties of objects cannot be divorced from their cultural and social
significance.”
In Wallaga, potters provide customers with a 14-day warranty. The warranty is valid only
for vessels broken because of problems linked to manufacture, e.g., leaking due to cracks in
vessel walls. The customer, however, is required to pay at least half of the actual price for the
new vessel. This money is known as harka gubii, meaning ‘subsidy for her time and energy.’
The vessels that the client is given for the replacement of the broken vessels are known as furee,
meaning 'replacement.' To get this replacement, the client must demonstrate that the vessel was
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damaged because of a manufacturing defect and not from the customer’s misuse. To claim the
replacement vessel, the client takes an oath. If she claims wrongly, it is believed that her pots
will have a short use-life and may even cost the claimant her life.
Figure 5. 2 Ceramic figurines: a) represents a pregnant woman with a male fetus; and signals
society's preference for male babies; b) represents figurine with adult man’s face; c) symbolizes a
pregnant woman with a fetus in her womb. Most of the ceramic figures have rows of appliqués in
which each row has nine pellets. The nine appliqués signify the Oromo’s belief that their
primordial father, Borana, had nine children who grew to patrilineal clans (nine goosa). Each
appliqué represents one Oromo clan.
In the study area, lugs (gurra) are loaded with symbolic meanings and vessels can have
two, four, five and nine lugs. Potters state that two lugs represent a husband and wife, because
there cannot be a pot without a family, and the backbone of a family is the husband and wife.
Three lugs represent the three sunsumaa—the hearthstones—in the home, which in turn presents
the husband, wife and children of a household. In sum, the Oromo perceive the success and fate
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of pots and people as interrelated; pots and people have social interrelationships and act upon
Four lugs represent cow teats, which is the manifestation of Waqaa’s blessing. Five lugs
represent a ceremony held on the fifth day after a mother delivers a child. On this day, women
from the surrounding area come together at the home of the woman to celebrate by preparing and
There are also varieties of other non-utilitarian ceramic objects, some of which are
reported to have agency. Although some families keep these figurines in their homes, most often
they are kept in a holy hall, the galma, which is headed by the Qaalluu and the Qaallittii. Some
of these figurines are presented by the followers of the Waqefanna to give thanks to Waaqa upon
what they perceive as the fulfillment of their wishes. Other figurines are made by local potters, as
ordered by local religious leaders (Figures 5. 2). People offer the figurines beer to satisfy and
appease the deity on behalf of the people. In short, the figurines act as intermediaries between
In Wallaga, forming pottery vessels is associated with creating human beings, and all
humans are believed to be created from identical clay. Different persons in a society have
different roles to play. Similarly, pots which are formed from identical paste render different
services based on their intended function as cooking pots, brewing and fermentation jars, serving
bowls, storage and transportation jars, and bread baking griddles. Presented here are functional
categories of Wallaga pottery and their implications for the study of Wallaga Oromo history.
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5. 3. 1 Cooking pots
The Wallaga Oromo have a variety of cooking pots. Cooking vessels usually have an
open mouth that has a wider body at the shoulder. The most common cooking pots in Wallaga
are stew (xuwwee hittoo), steaming (xuwwee hafeellii) and porridge pots (xuwwee marqaa). The
stew pot is used to prepare spicy stew known as hittoo, which is processed from animal and plant
products and is served with bread (buddeena) (Figures 5.3 & 5.4). Stew pots are thoroughly
washed after each batch of use and they have clean, shiny interior surfaces.
Figure 5. 3 Stew pot being used to make stew in Wallaga in June 2013.
The steaming pot (xuwwee hafeellii) is used to steam tubers. This vessel type has a
slightly restricted mouth and wider body around the shoulder. The wide shoulder helps to
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accommodate more tubers for cooking, and to close the mouth in order to fit a lid and retain heat.
Steaming pots were observed to have carbonized food crusts at the base of their interior surface.
Because the interior surface of the steaming pot is not vigorously washed after each round of
cooking, residues accumulate rapidly in the interior wall. The host community reported that users
are less concerned to wash these pots after use because tubers are washed before cooking and the
outer layer of steamed tubers are peeled off before serving (Figures 5.5 & 5.6).
Figure 5. 4 Steaming pot with accumulated residue on the interior base in Wallaga June 2013.
Depending on the occasions of use, porridge pots (xuwwee marqaa) have two forms:
regular and ritual pots. The regular porridge pot is similar to the steaming pot, but usually it has
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two handles (gurra) and they are clean because they are properly washed after each use. The
ritual porridge pots have several appliqués and are used to make porridge on special occasions,
including delivery ceremonies (see Chapter Seven). The porridge pot can be used for steaming
tubers, but the steaming pot cannot be used for making porridge because steaming is believed to
leave residues that contaminate the porridge. For this reason, once the pot is used for steaming
tubers, the pot is never used again for porridge making. Note that stew pots are too small for
Figure 5. 5 a) Coffee pot, b) Dough fermentation jar. Pictures taken in Wallaga in May 2013.
A coffee pot (jabanaa) is used to make coffee (Figure 5.5a). The coffee pot is a handled
and spouted bottle used to pour coffee into coffee cups. Coffee pots are always black, which is
traditionally associated with the Waaqa gurraacha (black God), who is believed to provide
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people with all good things, contrary to Waaqa diima (red God), who the community perceives
as the source of all evil and human suffering. For this reason, red-fired coffee pots are darkened
by smoking them with teff straw and then their surfaces are smeared before they are used with a
black hot liquid prepared from roasted and ground coffee beans. It is likely that smearing the pot
with this oily coffee substance fills in pores in the pot fabric and improves its performance
(Skibo 1990, 2009, 2013; Skibo et al. 1989, 1997). The preparation of coffee pots is an example
of how technological choices of consumers are primarily guided by social choice, which in turn
affects vessel functionality (see Dobres 2000; Dobres and Robb 2000; Livingstone Smith 2000,
2007).
Figure 5. 6 a) Large brewing jar, b) Large jar showing accumulated residues. Pictures taken in
Wallaga in May 2013.
The dough fermentation pot (qodaa bukoo) is used to ferment dough to bake local bread
(buddeena) (Figure 5. 5b). Dough pots show signs of interior wall attrition caused by the
fermentation process. The other jar is the beer jar (huroo farso). Basically, huro is used for
making local alcoholic beverages: a thin beer (farso), a thick local beer (bordee) and mead
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(daadhi). These two pots can be distinguished in their use through residue analysis (Wayessa et
al. 2015).
Figure 5. 7 a) Bowl with leg (waciitii), b) Bowl without legs (waciitii). Pictures taken in
Wallaga in June 2013.
Beer jars are either small or large. The small size jar (huro xiqqaa) is wide-mouthed with
an average holding capacity of 100 l (liters) and is used to brew beer for a family. The large jar
(huroo guddaa) is used to brew beer on special occasions when people gather for cooperatives,
marriages, funerals and other related societal events. The larger jar can hold an average of 500 l
(Figure 5. 6). This form of brewing jar has greater longevity as compared with other jars, and
some are more than 100 years old. The long lifespan can be attributed to the fact that the vessels
are rarely moved from place to place, and users take greater care with them than other regular
pots. This is because large jars are expensive and only a few specialists make these particular
vessels.
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Figure 5. 8 a) Water jars used for both collecting and storing water, b) Storage jar used to store
filtered beer. Pictures taken in Wallaga in June 2013.
5. 3. 3 Service bowls
Serving pots are collectively known as waciitii (bowl). The small bowl is used for serving
porridge, buna qala and other liquid foods. Some waciitii have legs while others do not (Figure
5.7). Waciitii is not only used for serving food but they are a traditional unit of measurement.
Traditionally, the Oromo use waciitii safaraa (measure bowl) as a unit of measurement in
everyday bartering. To maintain its standard, the society buy the waciitii safaraa from
designated potters and, thus, a number of customers visit these potters to get this particular bowl.
Because the makers of waciitii safaraa have many clients, there is a saying "gursummaan waan
ittiin maqaa of dhoofsiistu barbaaddee waciitii safaraa dhoofti", which means "a widow who
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Figure 5. 9 Ceramic griddles in Wallaga in July 2012: a) Coffee roasting griddle, b) Thin bread
baking griddle, c) Thick bread baking griddle.
The other major category is the storage pot. Pottery vessels are used to store both dry and
liquid substances. In this region, there is no specific pot made for the storage of dry substances,
including cereal grains and coffee beans. Instead, people use damaged beer jars for storage
purposes. The other storage pot is the water jar (okkotee bushanii) for collecting and storing
water. The water jar (okkotee) has a highly constricted neck with a small mouth to reduce
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5. 3. 5 Bread baking utensils
Ceramic griddles (eelee cabetaa) are used to bake thin local bread (buddena). This griddle
is flat and has a black surface created from post-firing treatment. The baking surface is shiny and
the side exposed to the fire is rough. Often the parting agents, including crushed potsherds and
chaff on the mold’s interior surface, leave their trace. The second baking griddle is eelee
cumboo, which is used to bake very thick sourdough bread known as cumboo. The difference
between eelee cumboo and eelee cabetaa is that the former tends to be thicker and oval in shape
whereas the latter is flatter and thinner. There is also a relatively small ceramic griddle known as
beddee, which is used for roasting coffee and toasting beans, peas, barley and wheat (Figure 5.9).
5. 4 Summary
This study of the Oromo Wallaga’s pottery demonstrates that pots are more than
utilitarian vessels. Pots are believed to be analogous to people and are perceived to be sentient.
This relationship of pots and people is such that it is believed that the agency of people affects
pottery and vice versa. This perceived close association between persons and pots influences the
choices potters and consumers make during production and consumption respectively.
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Chapter Six: Pottery chaînes opératoires in the Southwestern Ethiopian Highlands
6. 1 Introduction
analysis of pottery in Africa (Gosselain 2000; Livingstone Smith 2000). Chaîne opératoire is a
compatible methodology with agency and practice theory, because it assumes that individuals are
objects are primarily social choices learned as members of a social community (e.g., Dietler and
Herbich 1998; Gosselain 1992, 2000; Gosselain and Livingstone Smith 2005; Lemonnier 1992;
The choices potters make as social agents at each stage of pottery production are guided by
the deeply rooted social practices that they have learned as a member of their community. The
potters learn pottery-making skills consciously but once learned, the practices become
unconscious and routine (see also Downey 2010; Lyons 2014). However, there are contexts in
which these choices can become conscious after they are learned. For example, potters are
conscious of choices when teaching their daughters, and also choices may be changed or resisted
in contexts where they are confronted with new social, economic, political or ideological
circumstances. Presented in this chapter are the pottery technological styles of the Oromo, Yem
and Dawro ethnolinguistic groups in the southwestern Ethiopian highlands and how each group
makes different choices that create unique material identities for each group.
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6. 2 Oromo Chaîne Opératoire
pottery-making because it is perceived to make them infertile. For this reason, males abstain
from the practice and, importantly, men’s female relatives (including wives) distance men from
the task. Potters do expose their daughters to the skill from an early age and, on average, girls
take up pottery-making by the age of seven. The potters teach their daughters ceramic
The hands-on instruction of young potters occurs in all stages of production including
collecting firewood for firing pots, going to the mining sites with their mothers, participating in
clay preparation and molding of simple pots (Figures 6.1 & 6.2). The daughters share the same
tools with their mothers (e.g., cobbles for scraping, knives for trimming, gourd fragments for
smoothing vessel surfaces). More recently, with the establishment of elementary schools in rural
areas, potters tell their daughters to make pots in order to generate income to purchase school
supplies.
The proverbs and storytelling revolve around the reputation of women who have the
skills to make pots and who are then compared to the non-skilled women who lack this
knowledge. Girls are told that pottery-making is their inheritance from their ancestors and should
be passed to future generations. The storytelling also gives information and criteria about how to
choose marriage partners in the future. One criterion is that the daughter should marry into a
potter family because it is only in this situation that she can keep the skill and pass it to the next
generation. Potters claim that early training is necessary for a successful future life and often
reiterate one of the Oromo proverbs, “durbaaf jiboota garaa gogaa leenjiisu,” which literally
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means “girls and yearling bulls are trained when their stomachs are empty,” where ‘empty
Figure 6. 1 A potter instructing her daughter on how to finish her pot in Wallaga in June 2013.
Ironically, the potters never tell their daughters that pottery-making is despised and that
they have low status in society. When potters were asked in interviews why they do not tell their
daughters about the potters’ stigma, one of the Oromo potters reported that “maaltu bekaa kunis
darbuu dandaa'a akka hursaa galaanaa,” which means, “who knows this situation may pass
away as a summer flood.” She stated that their ancestors were not stigmatized and that the
present-day social segregation is a more recent phenomenon. Based on the oral information
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collected in Wallaga, Bartles (1983) also states that, in the past, artisans in Wallaga took pride in
their work and even looked down on the other Oromo people. Because their feelings of
superiority violated rules and regulations, elders were annoyed with them and a leader, by the
name Mako Bili who was reported to rule between 1589 and 1618, formulated rules that
Figure 6. 2 Children scraping pots fabricated by their mother after having finished forming their
own vessels in Wallaga in June 2013.
One Oromo potter interviewed reported that artisan ancestors were more privileged
because they made tools that were important in the reproduction of Oromo society. For example,
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this same potter noted that knives (aalbe) used to cut the umbilical cord were made by artisans,
as were the pots that women used to make porridge for the new mother to recover from delivery.
The potters complained that the introduction of modern blades and other foreign products,
including metallic dishes and plastic jerry cans, has eroded their role in society. When the
narrative of mainstream social categories was sought, one participant reported that, “dhugaa
dubbachuuf yoo ta'e jarri jaboo turaan, yeroo ciniinsuu ta'e yeroo dhanna qabaa isanumattii
fiinna ture,” which means, “to speak the truth these guys [the artisans] were strong, we all used
This potter narrative falls within the popular perception that cooking food in pottery
objects can influence human society by affecting the health of mother and offspring. According
to this theory, cooking makes foods accessible to the weak teeth of mothers and infants
(Braun1983; Buikstra et al. 1986; Cook and Buikstra 1979; Curtis 2003; Wrangham 2009). This
may have reduced both mother and infant mortality rates, by transforming plant and animal
foods into nutrient-dense, soft, and digestible forms, as is argued elsewhere (Haaland 1992,
1997; Handwerker 1983). In addition, the higher energy value of cooked food should have
promoted a faster growth rate for the offspring by increasing the availability of suitably
nutritious and safe foods, cooking should facilitate weaning and shorten the duration of
The other learning network for pottery is through marriage. Although most potters marry
into other potter families, some non-potter women marry into potter families. Some of these
women learn pottery-making to integrate with their new community; if such women refuse to
make pots, then they are isolated from the artisan community. The newly married woman learns
pottery-making from her husband’s family and usually she makes pots in the same way as her
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teachers (e.g., the women in her husband’s family). The other learning system is through
guddiffacha (adoption), in which a mainstream child is adopted by the artisan family and learns
pottery-making as part of the socialization process into their new cultural milieu.
Figure 6. 3 This figure shows the variety of clay types that the potters recognize, based on clay
quality. a) A dark blue clay (suphee) is the best quality. It usually occurs naturally with fine
textured sand. b) Brown clay (boorrajjii) is the second in quality, and c) mud (dhoqqeee) that is
rarely used but is mixed with the dark blue clay using a ratio of one part mud: three parts blue
clay. The potters reported that mixing the two clay types enhances its workability because the
mud tends to be fragile and lacks elasticity. Pictures taken in June 2013.
Wallaga artisans once lived in villages separate from mainstream members of society, but
following the Derg government’s resettlement policies in the1980s, the former settlement pattern
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was disrupted, enabling potters and non-potters to live in the same villages. Through daily
interaction in the new villages, some non-potting families learned pottery-making from the
potters and have begun to make pottery to generate income. The unmarried non-artisan women
who took up pottery-making chose marriage partners from the artisan community, because men
from the mainstream group reportedly despised them. In interviews with potters, it is also
reported that non-artisan men are less likely to marry into pottery-making families because it is
widely believed that if they marry a potter, they will have a short lifespan.
6. 2. 1 Clay selection
The Oromo potters determine quality of clay by its color, texture and location where it
appears as a raw material. Clay with a dark blue color is reported to be better in quality
(Figure 6.3). Potters identify the texture size by pressing a pea-sized piece of clay between their
fingers. The potters state that this clay type develops in waterlogged areas and it is mined in a
wet state. It is also important to note that although the same quality of clay can be found in other
sites, potters always go to the mining sites that they were taught to use from their families and
low-lying marshy areas. However, both natural and cultural factors affect the potters’
accessibility to clays in this region. One natural factor affecting clay accessibility is the heavy
summer rain that overruns the mining sites and pollutes the clay source by depositing non-clay
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sediment in the mining pits. Clay access is also impeded by the rugged landscape that hinders
free movement and dense forest coverage with its underground roots that impede clay mining.
The political factor that affects clay accessibility for the potters is the Ethiopian
government land policy. In the Ethiopian feudal system (i.e., where lands were held by
landlords), potters occupied plots given to them by landlords and they had access to clay
resources situated in their respective lands. In return, the potters were expected to supply their
lords with utensils, free of charge. In addition, the potters were required to provide the lords free
Figure 6. 4 Mining pit filled with acacia thorns by the property owner to obstruct clay-mining
activity in Wallaga in April 2013.
Wallaga potters no longer have free access to clay sources and they are harassed and
intimidated; the landowners confiscate sometimes illicitly mined clay. Potters try to avoid such
encounters by going to the mining sites only when they believe that the landowners are not
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around. The property owners block any attempts to mine clay during their absence in the field by
filling mining pits with poisonous thorns (Figure 6.4). Potters mine clay with their bare hands
and the thorns often hurt them. Usually a potter prays to the mining site before her journey,
reciting, “Ya Waaq qorattii dhoqqeee kessaa isa itu hin argiin nama miidhuu na oolchi,” which
means “Oh God! Shield me from the thorns concealed in a mud that hurts unnoticeably.” Potters
also reported that the property owners add salt to the mining site, which is believed to pollute the
Figure 6. 5 Senior potters are accompanied by their daughters in Wallaga in June 2013.
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6. 2 .3 Mining clay
In Wallaga, clay is mined from riverbanks and low-lying marshy areas in a wet state.
Individual potters or neighbors mine the clay, as needed, for each batch of pottery-making, or
several families may go together to the mining site (laga suphee). To obtain clay, potters dig
through the surface soil until they discover the high quality clay (which is usually waterlogged),
remove the water, and mine the clay (Figure 6.5). The potters in Wallaga associate mining clay
with harvesting tubers. Sillar (1996) has also reported the conceptual resemblances between
Among the Oromo potters, large amounts of clay are not kept on hand because clay is
often difficult to store in quantity and can become contaminated with soil, grain, and animal
dung. Normally, clay is stored in potters’ compounds and is left for two to three days to ferment,
similar to bread dough that is kept for hours in a fermentation pot. Processing the clay to make it
suitable for use usually requires removing material from the clay and/or adding material to it.
The potters in the region practice both procedures. Potters remove natural inclusions, such as
leaves, rootlets and larger grains of sand, at mining sites when they process the clay. This
practice is associated with the process of winnowing cereal grains to remove impurities. Women
use axes and hoes in both agriculture and clay mining and often common etymologies are used to
describe both activities. As a result, pottery technological practice is embedded within other
technological practices women use in food production and processing (see also Arthur 2014;
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6. 2. 4 Transporting mined clay
In the southwestern highlands, potters and their daughters transport clay from the mine to
the manufacturing site (Figure 6.6). Traditionally, clay is packed as a large ball wrapped in broad
leaves such as the leaves of enset. Today, potters use the same bags to carry clay that are also
used to transport grain from the threshing site to home. Typically, an adult potter between 25 and
50 years of age can transport up to 50kg of clay. The younger potters transport smaller amounts
of clay.
Figure 6. 6 Mined clay being prepared for transport in Waalaga in July 2013.
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6 .2. 5 Temper
texture. Potters interviewed reported that too fine of a clay texture is not desired because vessels
shaped from this clay shrink during drying and firing. In addition, too coarsely grained a texture
is not favored because it is less elastic and hard to shape. As a result, the potters need to add
modifiers to make the raw material suitable to fabricate vessels. The potters see this
synonymously with preparation of bread dough. To make the right bread dough, a woman is
required to mix fresh dough with a small proportion of fermented dough (raacitii) to accelerate
the fermentation process. Similarly, the grog added to clay as temper helps to make the desired
pottery vessels.
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Modifiers used by the Oromo potters include grog, fired raw clay and sand. Grog is
produced from pots that break while in use or during firing. These pottery fragments are then
ground into powder and used as temper. The ado also obtains damaged pots from their clients to
make grog. The value of these broken pots depends upon the potters’ situation. If the potter does
not have a hoard of potsherds at home, then she must buy broken pots at an elevated price. Grog
is produced by crushing sherds using a grinding stone, and the resulting powder is mixed with
Recently, potters in the Seqa village of Wallaga began to use a batch of dried and fired
raw clay for tempering, which they reported to be an uncommon practice in the past. The potters
claimed that they began to use fired clay as temper because of the social friction that occurred
between the artisans of Seqa and the non-artisan villagers in Warra Gigsa. Warra Gigsa was the
village where potters obtained their main source of grog, and the social tensions affected their
access to damaged pots. The cause of the friction was the result of sons of the artisans marrying
daughters of the non-artisan group without consent of the latter’s parents. The non-artisan
parents condemned this marriage, believing that their daughters were brainwashed into marrying
such unacceptable partners. In short, breaking the social structures of marriage between potters
and non-potters created a rift that led to potters modifying their technological choice of temper.
Now they must fire clay to produce their own grog, a new technique, consciously made to
The other temper used by the Oromo potters is sand obtained from the surrounding river
courses where it is deposited by running water. The potters associate the texture size of sand
temper with the texture of flour prepared for bread dough. Potters stated that too fine and too
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coarse flour used in bread dough makes the bread stick to the griddle during baking. Dough
made from these flours will not produce ‘eyes’ (the holes in the bread that are desired in injera).
6. 2. 6 Paste Preparation
Among the Oromo of Wallaga mined clay is kept covered with green leaves for two to
three days to ferment. The leaves are believed to keep the clay moist, to protect it from dirty
substances and to facilitate fermentation. Potters claim that fermentation helps to uniformly
distribute clay particles, increase clay workability and limit risk of the pots cracking during
drying and firing. The potters prepare the clay in a similar manner to the way that they prepare
dough for bread, and use the same vocabularies for both practices. Since baking good-quality
bread is the mark of a good wife, a woman prepares the bread dough, adding appropriate
amounts of all required ingredients and then allows it to be well fermented. Similarly, the
making of a good quality pot makes a potter respected, so she follows all of the required steps in
Figure 6. 8 A potter mixing grog temper with clay using her hands in Wallaga in July 2013.
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Mined clay is processed first by removing natural inclusions, such as leaves and rootlets.
When the clay is wet enough, the potters add only small amounts of water to make the clay
wetter for further processing. Then temper is added to make the clay pliable for pottery-making
(Figure 6.8). After adding the temper, the paste is wedged by pushing the paste with the hands
when preparing small batches, or by trampling it with the feet when preparing larger quantities.
Figure 6. 9 Griddle is being formed on a mold supported by a basket woven from bamboo in
Wallaga in June 2013.
6. 2. 7 Fabrication Practices
Fabrication techniques are aspects of the chaîne opératoire that are most resistant to change
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(Gosselain 1999; Livingstone Smith and Van der Veken 2009, 2010; Van der Leeuw 1993).
Fabrication practices potentially leave a signature that may help archaeologists decipher
manufacturing techniques and pottery producing communities, even from discarded sherds
(Ashley 2010; Livingstone Smith and Van der Veken 2010; Manning 2011; Manning et al. 2010;
Mayor 2010). The Wallaga Oromo potters practice three shaping techniques: 1) molding, 2)
drawing of a lump and 3) coiling. Different shaping techniques are used for griddles and bowls.
Ceramic griddles (eelee) are plates used for baking local bread and roasting coffee.
Figure 6. 10 A potter forming a clay ball into a concave shape in Wallaga in July 2013.
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Griddles are shaped using a concave mold that is similar to the actual griddle, but thicker.
In this case, potters first prepare a ball of clay and place the ball on clean level ground, usually in
their backyard. Because the mold could break when forming a vessel, a potter supports the mold
by placing it in a concave-shaped basket. They then flatten the ball of paste by pressing it with
their foot. Afterwards, the flattened clay is placed on the mold where it is finished. This mold is
also used to turn the griddle during molding so that the potter can remain stationary. The mold is
carefully designed to taper so that the griddle can be removed easily. Fine ash or grog is dusted
on the mold’s interior surface to prevent the clay from sticking. These parting agents leave
behind recognizable traces on the outer surface of the vessels, visually distinguishing the
molding technique from other forms of vessel fashioning (Figures 6.9- 6.12).
Figure 6. 11 The wall of pot being built up by drawing of a lump in Wallaga in July 2013.
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Drawing of a lump and molding, the other common shaping techniques in Wallaga, are
used to form pots, including water jars, stew and boiling pots. In this case, potters first prepare a
larger ball of clay and flatten it by hand or with their leg on the ground. Then the potter folds the
flat clay and compresses it against a rock or wooden object that gives the clay a concave shape.
This concave-shaped lump of clay is placed in a concave mold. The potter pulls up the vessel
walls and presses with her right hand from inside the vessel against the left hand that supports
the exterior wall. This continues until the vessel takes on the desired size, shape and wall
thickness. In case there is insufficient clay in the initial clay ball, the potter adds smaller balls of
clay to build up the wall. The vessel rim is finished by adding coil segments. In Wallaga, potters
Figure 6. 12 A potter trimming the surface of a pot with a knife at the leather-hard stage May in
Wallaga in July 2013.
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Once the body is finished, the lugs (gurra) are added. A lug is formed by adding a ball of
clay and pressing it to the upper body of the pot. The rim of the pot is made by adding a small
clay coil to the lip of the pot, crushing the coil with the fingers and smoothing it with the hand
and a piece of calabash. In Wallaga, rim thinness varies from vessel to vessel. The rim size is
influenced both by the size and function of the pots, whereby larger pots will have thicker rims,
as will pots that need lids, to help the rim fit the lid.
In Wallaga, potters between the age of 50 and 60 tend to make bigger pots than do other
potters. Younger potters prepare the older potters’ clay for them under the older potters’
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instructions. Older potters choose to make bigger pots because of customer demand; there is no
cost to transport these pots to market centers because clients come to their homes to buy them.
Young and middle-aged potters rarely make bigger pots because they are time-consuming,
preferring instead to make small- and medium-sized pots that require less time and energy. The
potters who are more than 60 rarely make pots and, if they do, they usually form smaller and
simpler pots, like griddles and bowls, because they do not have the strength.
6. 2. 8 Pre-firing Treatments
Among the Oromo of Wallaga, pots are subjected to burnishing, carried out when the
pots are in the leather-hard stage to make the surface regular and smooth. Burnishing also
compresses the pot surface and reduces porosity. A pebble is used to eliminate surface
irregularities by rubbing it over the vessel surface until it is polished. Potters reported that this is
done also for decorative purposes to attract customers and to make the surface stronger. The
potters also use sharp objects, including knives, to trim or to eliminate any surface irregularities
(Figure 6.13). As is the case with most stages of pottery technological practices in Wallaga,
trimming the surface of wet pots is associated with cutting rootlets from newly harvested tubers.
The implement used for both purposes is a knife and synonymous terms are used to describe both
6. 2. 9 Drying Vessels
The time needed for drying vessels is closely related to weather conditions, which vary
seasonally. Vessels take longer to dry in the rainy season (ganna) (May-September); however,
potters can facilitate rapid drying by pre-firing their vessels to meet market days. Pre-firing is
Pots are pre-fired to ensure that all moisture is driven out of the clay before the final
firing begins. Potters stated that doing so reduces the chance of breakage during the actual firing
and helps vessels retain their shape. Pre-firing is usually undertaken at the firing pit located
outside of the main gate to the potter’s compound, and in a location where strangers rarely visit.
Firing usually takes place on the evening before, or early morning of market day. Potters do not
fire their vessels between noon and 2:00 pm because they believe that is the time when the
ekeraa (ancestor’s sprits) come to the village and rest. Firing pots when they are around would
disturb them, resulting in breakage. In addition, disturbing the ekeera is believed to upset the
moral order that may ignite strong flames by generating high velocity winds that risk the potter's
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In Wallaga, potters do not cut down trees for firing pots. They consider it immoral to kill
a living tree to fire pots that will in turn be used to prepare food that sustains the soul. This tenet
seems to be part of the traditional Oromo environmental mores that values trees for their ritual,
economic and medical uses. The potters reported that green wood would also hold too much
moisture for firing vessels, causing them to crack. Instead, fuel for firing pots is made up of
Pots are fired in a small structure (godoo suphee) or near the potter’s residence in a firing
pit that is approximately 1m in diameter and 0.5 m deep (Figures 6.14 & 6. 15). The firing pit is
dug by the potter’s husband or by another close male relative, such as her father or son. Women
do not dig the pit themselves because it is symbolically related to the slaughtering of animals,
done by men only. Immediately after the pit is dug, the potter splashes finger millet or sorghum
beer (farsoo) into the pit to appease the guardian spirit (ayyaana), who is said to ensure proper
firing as well as the vessels’ longevity. The potters also bury a piece of slag from the
blacksmith’s forge at the base of the pit, because it is believed to protect vessels from witchcraft
in this phase of transformation. Pit size is determined by the number of pots to be fired in one
batch. As much as possible, potters try to prepare the pit to be efficient in firewood consumption
relative to the number of pots being fired. Additionally, Oromo potters reported that pit firing
shields the vessels from strangers' eyes, which is important because vessels undergoing firing are
susceptible to damage if exposed to this form of harm. After continuous use, the pit becomes
larger as it is deepened by the firing process and removal of the ash by the potter. When it is too
large for the potters’ needs, a new pit is dug beside the abandoned one. The abandoned pit is
filled with ashes cleaned from the new pit. Firewood is positioned at the base of the pit during
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firing. Vessels are piled into the pit and arranged by turning them so that they are placed mouth-
to-mouth.
Firewood is placed between the pots arranged in rows, and additional fuel-wood and
straw are placed on top of the vessels until the latter glow red. The time for firing depends on the
weather conditions and the dryness of the vessels. Potters reported that it takes about 30 minutes
to fire well-dried vessels, while a relatively wet vessel will be fired for at least one hour. With
experience, potters are able to determine the amount of firewood needed to fire vessels based on
size and levels of dryness. Potters also reported that during firing, vessels in the firing pit give a
Figure 6. 15 Profile of firing pit. Iron slag buried at the base of the firing pit is believed to
protect the pots from witchcraft, during the phase of transformation from childhood to adulthood.
whether vessels are properly fired or not. The most common technique is tapping the vessels
with the knuckle of their middle finger to hear the tone (Figure 6.16); a high tone signals proper
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firing. Tapping is also used in Wallaga to detect whether the vessel has any cracks on the surface
of a pot; a dull sound signifies the presence of cracks (also Rice 1987).
Figure 6. 16 A client determining whether the vessels are well fired by ringing in Dongoro,
Wallaga, in May 2012. A high pitch sound and redness are indicators of good firing.
6. 2. 11 Post-firing Treatment
Fired pots undergo post-firing treatments. The potters stated that these treatments are
intended to seal vessel surfaces by decreasing permeability, increasing vessel strength, and
making vessel surfaces' smooth. The potters believe that this process seals fine holes in vessel
walls and ensures the proper functioning of the pot. Potters or consumers can perform post-firing
treatments. Treatments vary by vessel type and involve the application of substances to both the
In Wallaga, distillation jars (okkotee araqii), stewing pots (xuuwwee hittoo), boiling pots
(xuuwwee hafeellii), water, brewing and storage jars are treated by splashing both interior and
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exterior walls of the vessel with a soup of boiled water and flour made of the grains of finger
millet, sorghum or teff (Figure 6.17). Different post-firing treatments (siilessuu) are applied to
pottery vessels. The post-firing treatment is intended to coat surfaces to reduce permeability and
to increase strength of the vessels. Well-fired tuber steaming pots are coated to make the surface
impermeable so as to improve performance of the vessels by reducing water loss. This involves
coating interior and exterior vessel walls with a thin soup (mooqa) prepared from flour made of
grains, especially millet and teff, chosen because they are believed to make the vessels stronger.
The substance is splashed on the inner and outer surfaces of the pots (Figure 6.17). Although this
form of post-firing surface treatment can improve cooking pot performance, potters reported that
the post-firing treatment is part of pottery production and the process is not specific to the
cooking pot. For example, water jars, beer jars and serving bowls are treated in the same manner.
Once the cooking pot is coated with the soup mixture, it is ready to steam tubers. First,
however, a woman experiments before putting the vessel into household cooking practice by
steaming a few tubers, which are then only eaten by women. Men avoid eating this batch of
tubers because society believes that eating such food disables men's reproductive capacities and
Griddles are also treated. They are placed on hearthstones over the fire and when they
become hot enough, a mixture of dry cow dung and teff straw is placed on the griddle. Firing
continues until the fire is ignited and burns the materials on the griddles. After clearing the
remaining ash from the griddle, it is rubbed with a piece of cotton cloth. In the next stage,
powdered mustard seeds, niger seed (noog), cottonseed, or beeswax is placed on the well-heated
griddle. As soon as the substance becomes hot, the woman rubs it into the griddle’s baking
surface with a piece of cloth. This is done repeatedly until the surface of the griddle becomes
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shiny black. Finally, buddena siilettii (experimental bread) is baked on the griddle to ensure that
the treatment is sufficient enough for proper baking. This practice is socially learned and
symbolic and it is not intended to achieve the optimal performance of the cooking pot, as
suggested by Schiffer and Skibo (Schiffer 1983, 1987, 1992, 1996, 2001, 2004, 2011; Schiffer
and Skibo 1987) (symbolism associated with the practice is discussed in Chapter Five).
Figure 6. 17 Potters undertaking post-firing treatment by smearing the surface of the vessel with
hot liquid prepared from cereal flour in Wallaga in May 2013.
Seasonal variation of climate in the southwestern highlands is one factor that affects the
pottery economy in the region; such variation affects agriculture, which in turn influences the
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pottery types produced. In addition, seasonal climate also influences the amount of energy
women can spend on pottery-making and the price of pots. Potters also practice some farming
and, thus, the rainy season takes time away from pottery manufacture to cultivate their gardens.
Seasonal climate change has an effect on pottery-making. In Wallaga, potters mine clay
every other day. During the rainy summer season, clay mines flood and hinder clay accessibility.
Wet conditions make it incredibly difficult for potters to bring the clay across hilltops and down
slopes. This forces potters to bring only a small amount of clay per trip and limits the number of
Heavy rainfall in the area affects potters’ efficiency by limiting clay mining, outdoor
pottery fabrication and drying activities. There is also the problem of protecting the clay from
contaminating mud, and that it takes several weeks to make pots ready for consumption. Firing is
also an expense that potters incur. Firewood is scarce, wet and does not burn properly in the
rainy season. In short, the rainy season is a difficult time for pottery-making in the study area and
it is also a period when income in rural communities is low. Therefore, although greater energy
is invested in the activity, the cost or price of pots declines during the summer rains. In the dry
season, relatively less time and energy is invested in pottery-making and the price of pots is at its
highest. This season is also when community income is high because of the harvest of cash
crops, including coffee. In spite of seasonal difficulties, Oromo potters manufacture pottery
vessels throughout the year. They respond to the mining difficulty by removing water in the clay
mines in order to access the clay. In the rainy season, often the potters fabricate their vessels in
the house or in a hut built for this purpose. The Oromo potters also use a mobile mold to move
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Table 6. 1 Oromo ceramic chaîne opératoire in Wallaga.
n= 68 Total %
Learning network:
Learned from kin 68 100
Learned from non-kin - -
Paste Recipe:
a. Clay type
Dark blue 68 100
Red - -
White
Brown - -
b. Type of temper
Teff straw - -
Teff chaff - -
Potsherds 68 100
Sand 68 100
Fired clay 47 69.1
Paste preparation - -
Hand sorting of impurities 68 100
Pounding with stick - -
Sieving to remove impurities
Kneading paste with hands 68 100
Kneading with legs 68 100
Firing
Outdoor bonfire 68 100
Indoor bonfire 68 100
Fuel
Maize stalks 68 100
Sorghum stalks 68 100
Teff straw 68 100
Green leaves - -
Green grass - -
Post-firing treatments
Cow dung 20 29.4
Boiled Solanum fruits - -
Boiled flour soup 68 100
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6. 2. 13 Marketing and distribution
The Oromo potters sell vessels primarily in the marketplace (Figure 6.18). Oromo potters
are not full-time specialists; they also engage in agriculture. Potters use pottery sales to subsidize
their farming income. In Wallaga, the four market centers of Aroji, Dongoro, Gimbi and Gulliso
were visited. It was determined that pots are transported by foot to the market centers by the
potters and their daughters. Usually potters do not have enough time to take their products to
distant market centers because it disturbs their pottery-making schedule for the next market. As a
result, intermediaries are needed to take the products to distant market centers. For example,
intermediaries transport pots from Dongoro Disi for sale in Gumuz, which is about 60 km away.
The intermediaries are non-artisan local women who generate income from transporting and
distributing pots.
pottery is made by potters who are derogatively called fuga, the ugly ones. As this pejorative
indicates, the potters are outcast and marginalized. Pottery-making is influenced by both social
and economic factors, including learning networks and accessibility to resources. In Yem
society, the knowledge of pottery-making is transmitted between individuals who have a blood
relationship (e.g., mother/grandmother and daughter). Potters’ husbands and young sons engage
in agriculture, and meanstream respondents to my inquiries stated that this was subsidized by
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Figure 6. 18 Potters selling vessels at Dongoro town in Wallaga in May 2013.
Based on their learning network, the Yem potters (fuga) in Jimma use two types of clay
(ho'a): red clay (hoya) and white clay (shuwa) (Figure 6.19). These types of clay are usually
mined in the dry season from lowland areas that are submerged for at least two to four months
per year. According to the people interviewed, identical clay types also develop on hillsides.
Potters mine clay from hillsides, especially in the wet season when the low-lying clay mines are
underwater. The potters reported that to obtain the clay they must dig down to remove the top
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soil layers that are considered to be unsuitable for pottery-making. The digging continues until
they come to the red clay layer, which usually develops above the white clay layer.
Figure 6. 19 Variety of clay used by the Yem potters in Jimma in June 2012. a) Red clay. b)
White clay.
The Yem fuga determine the quality of clay by soaking the mineral in water for a few
minutes, and then they break and press the clay between their fingers. The best quality clay
shows good plasticity when pressed between the fingers. The Yem fuga also state that when
Like Wallaga potters, the Yem fuga in Jimma do not have free access to clay. The
restrictions are based on people’s claims that potters degrade farmland and pasture land with
their mining activity (Figures 6.20). Usually the clay mining sites are situated on private property
and the potters must deal with owners in order to access the clay. The potters and landowners
reach an informal agreement that regulates their interactions. Depending on the number of active
individuals in a family that make pots, the property owner imposes an informal tax on the
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potters, which is paid annually. The average annual fees range between 250 Ethiopian Birr (15
CDN$) and 370 Birr (22 CDN$). This accounts for about 13% to 19% of the annual income an
avarage potter generates from selling pots. This system is not made known to the public or any
government agent, because both partners believe that it would result in the government
confiscating the land, or an additional tax assessment would be incurred by the property owners.
The potter could also face charges from the local government for negotiating with landowners
Figure 6. 20 Degraded land caused by clay mining activity in Jimma in May 2012.
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It was also stated that a relatively rich pottery-making family deals with the property
owner and buys the plot with the clay resource. Such deals are expensive and secretive because
land cannot be sold in the country. In the Sokoru area of Jimma, for example, Yem pottery-
making families could buy an area estimated to be 200 m2 for 6000 Birr (350 CAD$). Because
the deal is informal, the buyer cannot state in public that the land belongs to him/her; neither will
the seller expose this situation. Both groups can pretend that they traded permanent property
Figure 6. 21 Eucalyptus tree spreading its roots in a clay-mining site that disrupts mining activity
in Jimma in May 2012.
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The other factor that challenges potters’ access to clay is the property owners’ practice of
planting eucalyptus trees in clay mining areas to stop mining activity (Figures 6. 20 & 6. 21).
Eucalyptus trees grow fast and extend their roots over wide areas. The root of the tree obstructs
potters from mining clay. Moreover, potters report that the trees change the soil texture and clay
soil rarely develops under its canopy. They further report that the property owners know this
situation and that is why they plant the trees. Some farmers do allow the potters to mine clay
freely and these farmers are endowed with special respect that builds social capital among
social relationship that elevates the patrons’ self-esteem and honor relative to the recipients.
Figure 6. 22 Potters digging to obtain the desired clay type in Jimma in June 2013.
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6. 3. 3 Mining
The Yem potters usually go to the clay-mining site in the morning, often traveling 15 to
30 minutes. Usually potters do not want anyone to accompany them to avoid any possible
conflict with the property owner. The property owner often inspects the mining site and if he/she
sees a strange person with the client, the property owner questions the potter as to why she
brought someone to the mine. The potters prefer to mine dry clay, because if they mine wet clay,
it requires that they dry it in the sun so that it can be pulverized and sieved (Figure 6. 22).
Figure 6. 23 Potters transporting clay to the manufacturing site in Jimma in July 2013.
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6. 3. 4 Transporting mined clay
In the past Yem potters transported mined clay to the manufacturing sites in animal skins.
Due to the rising cost of animal skins in the market and restrictions on the killing of wild
animals, people have turned to plastic bags (Figure 6.23). Like Wallaga Oromo potters, the Yem
potters use the same plastic bags to transport clay from the mine to the manufacturing site that
they use to transport grain from threshing floors to their homes. Because clay is available in
nearby localities, potters do not travel farther than 5 km to get clay. Usually potters prefer to go
to the mine in a group because they motivate each other during mining and transportation. It is
Figure 6. 24 Organic temper of teff chaff is used by Yem potters to increase clay plasticity and to
make their vessels durable. Picture takin in Jimma in May 2012.
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6. 3. 5 Temper
The Yem fuga reported to use two types of organic temper. These are teff straw
(hukuchu) and teff chaff (cidii) (Figures 6. 24 & 6. 25) bought from local farmers. The straw and
chaff are beaten separately and sieved to remove any inclusions, including sand, which the
Figure 6. 25 Potters reported that organic temper teff straw is used by Yem potters to increase
clay plasticity and to make their vessels durable. Picture taken in Jimma in May 2013.
It was observed that potters winnow teff straw to obtain what they referred to as quality
chaff in a process that is similar to the way farmers winnow teff to separate seeds from their
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stocks. A synonymous vocabulary is used to describe the stages of these activities. This supports
an interpretation that Yem pottery technology is a cultural practice that is situated within the
processing. This further supports the contention that technologies are historically situated
cultural choices and that optimal performance and functionality are not the primary structuring
Figure 6. 26 Ground clay ready to be mixed with teff chaff. Picture Jimma in May 2012.
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6. 3. 6 Paste Preparation
Among the fuga of Yem, pottery-making is practiced in both summer and winter seasons.
Mined clay undergoes different processing stages in different seasons. Clay mined in the winter
season, which is normally dry, is ground by beating it with a stick until it turns to dust. Clay
mined in the summer tends to be wetter, although potters try to mine dry clay. The potter beats
the clay using the same technique used to thresh sorghum heads to separate seeds from panicles.
Figure 6. 27 Potters mixing clay with teff chaff in Jimma in Junly 2013.
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The powdered clay is sieved using a basket to eliminate inclusions, such as sand, rootlets
and cereal grains. Thereafter, water is added and mixed. The next stage is the addition of well-
prepared teff chaff. Chaff is prepared by sieving the material with a basket made from bamboo
stems. Sieving removes inclusions including sand and pieces of animal dung. Sieved chaff is
added to the clay. This is followed by the addition of more water, mixing with a stick, and
kneading the mixture by hand. The mixture is beaten continuously with a stick until it forms a
ball. The clay ball is then softened by trampling with the foot. When the clay becomes plastic,
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The preparation of the straw involves removal of thicker straw and grinding the rest into
a manageable size. Potters believe that inclusions of thicker straw result in the formation of
undesirable and extraordinarily large holes in vessel walls during firing. The straw is mixed with
clay by pounding it with a stick on level ground. Well-mixed clay and chaff are rolled into a ball,
which is followed by further smoothing by trampling with the feet (Figure 6.27).
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6. 3. 7 Fabrication Practices
Among the Yem potters, three fabrication techniques are used: 1) drawing of a lump, 2)
coiling, and 3) pinching. The Yem drawing technique involves placement of a bulky lump of
clay on level ground that is covered with teff straw. The lump is opened by pushing out with the
thumbs or by using a round stone cobble (Figures 6.28-6.30). The potters then build up vessel
walls by adding several small balls of clay. The potters use their thumb to build up the walls
whereas the other fingers are used to support and to smooth the vessel's surface.
Figure 6. 30 Potter making a Yem variety of a thick bread-baking griddle in Jimma in June 2013.
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In the fabrication process, potters usually use a piece of leather, which differs from the
Oromo who usually use a piece of calabash. The rims are finished with a coil similar to the
Oromo practice. It is important to note that the Yem potters in Jimma do not use the molding
technique even to fabricate big jars. Instead, they build up vessel walls with courses of coils,
Figure 6. 31 A woman painting and rubbing the Yem variety of griddle with a slip of red termite
mound soil. Picture taken in Jimma in June 2013.
Coiling is another shaping technique common among the Yem potters. This technique is
applied to the upper body of vessels with elongated walls and restricted rims (e.g., water, beer
and distillation jars) whose lower body is built by drawing of a lump. Coiling is not
independently used to form vessels, but to finish the process already begun with another
technique. The third common fabrication practice in Yem is pinching, which is used to form
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simple vessels like coffee cups. Potters first make a small ball of clay that can be held in the
palm of their hands, and opened with the thumb to make the desired shape and size of a coffee
cup.
Figure 6. 32 Bread-baking griddle being dried in the sun in Jimma in May 2012.
The Yem potters also practice burnishing and trimming, but they do so after the vessels
are dry and immediately before firing. The well-burnished and trimmed vessel undergoes further
treatment. A termite mound is dug and the soil from the mound is is powdered and then mixed
with water in a bowl to make a slip that is smeared onto the surface of the pot. This is said to
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close any opening in the surface of the pot, and when fired, to help the vessel to shine (Figure
6.31).
6. 3. 9 Drying Vessels
Among the Yem, shaped vessels are exposed to the sun (Figure 6.32). It takes little time
to recognize when a given vessel is dry enough for further processing. To accelerate the drying
process and to confirm that all the moisture in a vessel is gone, a potter undertakes a pre-firing
heat treatment that takes about 30 minutes. This treatment can be undertaken in a firing pit or in
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Figure 6. 34 A potter covering firing pit with leaves of enset and teff straw and ashes. Picture
taken in Jimma in June 2013.
6. 3. 10 Firing
Yem potters consider the firing process to be a more dangerous stage for the vessels than
do the Oromo. For this reason, they do the firing in the evening in a small pit in their compound
or in the house. To fire vessels, potters first place green enset leaves at the bottom of the firing
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Figure 6. 35 Pots being fired in firing pit covered with leaves of enset and teff straw and ashes.
Picture taken in Jimma in June 2013.
Potters report that the leaves protect the pots from any ground moisture and help to
release enough smoke from the teff straw, which they believe generates high heat. An ash layer is
formed on top of the straw. On the ash, they put bunches of both green and dry firewood and teff
straw. Then the potters place the vessels in a row: smaller pots are placed at the bottom of the pit
with bigger ones at the top. More firewood and teff straw are placed on top of the vessels.
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Eventually, fire is ignited on three or more of the fuel piles in the pit to achieve a uniform firing
6. 3. 11 Post-firing Treatment
The Yem potters in Jimma expose their vessels to two forms of post-firing treatments.
The first one is smearing vessels with fresh cow dung immediately after firing. This is applied to
all forms of vessels that are not used for cooking. This category includes water, brewing and
storage jars. Among the Yem of Jimma, stew pots and other cooking pots undergo additional
post-firing treatments. First the potter or her children collect hiddii (Solanum plant) fruits (Figure
6. 37). These fruits are boiled for 30 minutes. When the fruits cool down, they are opened and
the liquid is extracted by pressing the flesh in a bowl. The liquid collected is painted on the
interior and exterior walls of the vessels using enset petioles or midribs. The potters state that
this treatment helps the pot to shine and seal any possible holes in the vessel.
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Figure 6. 37 Post-firing treatment: a woman smearing stew pot with cooked Solanum plant
extract. Picture taken in Jimma in June 2013.
In Yem society, pottery- making is more common in the dry season; only a few Yem
potters continue to make pots during the wet season. Potters respond to the environmental
firewood to sell in the surrounding cities. Among Yem potters, mining clay is one problem in the
summer season because most clay-mining sites are waterlogged and inaccessible. The potters
overcome this environmental challenge by altering their mining from low-lying mining sites to
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Figure 6. 38 Yem potter mining clay under forest trees in the wet season in Jimma in May 2013.
Firing is also a problem in the rainy season due to the scarcity and expense of wood and a
shortage of straw. Prices for pottery are also very low in the rainy season because the income in
rural communities is meager at this time. In these regions, there is a slight increase in the number
of boiling pots made in the rainy season, as it is the peak harvesting time for tuber crops. The
Yem potters in Jimma make bread griddles because the demand for vessels declines abruptly in
rural areas, and the demand for bread griddles is higher in towns in the region.
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Table 6. 2 Yem ceramic chaîne opératoire in Jimma.
n= 51 Total %
Learning network:
Learned from kin 51 100
Learned from non-kin
Paste Recipe:
a. Clay type
Dark blue - -
Red 51 100
White 51 100
Brown - -
b. Type of temper
Teff straw 51 100
Teff chaff 51 100
Potsherds 7 13.7
Sand - -
Fired clay - -
Paste preparation
Hand sorting of impurities 51 100
Pounding with stick 51 100
Sieving to remove impurities 51 100
Kneading paste with hands 51 100
Kneading with legs 51 100
Firing
Outdoor bonfire 51 100
Indoor bonfire 51 100
Fuel
Maize stalks 51 100
Sorghum stalks 51 100
Teff straw 51 100
Green leaves 51 100
Green grasses
Post-firing treatments - -
Cow dung 51 100
Boiled Solanum fruits 51 100
Boiled flour soup - -
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6. 3. 13 Marketing and distribution
Yem potters distribute their own vessels in both rural and urban areas. Some potters sell
their vessels on market days, displaying them in the pottery quarter in the marketplace. There are
also potters, particularly the Yem potters in Jimma, who distribute their vessels by visiting
customers by going door-to-door or by selling along roadsides in the hope of attracting a larger
clientele. Potters interviewed reported that their pots sell quickly when they use this approach.
Usually unsold pots are taken home, or potters arrange with someone who owns a store in town,
who will keep the pots until the next market day. The fees to keep one vessel in a store until the
next market day is 0.5 Birr ($0.30 CAN). Selling all the pots on market day saves energy and
money.
Dawro mana in Jimma have their own specific pottery technological style. As with the
Oromo and Yem, Dawro pottery-making is influenced by social and environmental factors. The
social factor that influences the craft is the learning network, where knowledge is transmitted
through kinship. Potters learn skills at an early age from their kin within a social group and do
not take on alternative ways of making pots with which they are less accustomed. The potters
consider only a limited number of potential ways for making pots. Moreover, potter castes are
endogamous, so marriage reproduces and maintains the technological style within the group. It
was reported that the Dawro mana do not marry outside of the Dawro ethno-linguistic group.
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6. 4. 1 Selection of clay
Dawro potters in Jimma use three major types of clay (bita) to manufacture vessels. They
obtain their clay from the same geological area with other two groups. These are: red clay (zo'a),
brown clay (semo) and white clay (botsa). The Dawro potters remove the topsoil with axes to
access the clay. The red clay layer occurs on top of the brown, which in turn overlies the white
clay layer. Like the fuga of Yem, the Dawro mana believe that these forms of clay develop in
low-lying areas that are submerged for several months each year. The mana identifies good-
quality clay by beating the clay, with a stick, on leveled ground. They report that once the clay is
rendered into powder, good-quality clay will have a fine texture and become elastic as it absorbs
water.
Figure 6. 39 Variety of clay used by the Dawro potters in Jimma in June 2013.
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6 .4. 2 Mining
To mine the desirable clay, potters remove the upper soil layer with axes (Figure 6.39a).
The average thickness of this layer is 0.25 m deep. The Dawro potters mine dry clay in the dry
season; in the summer season, they mine wet clay. Similar to the Oromo and Yem potters,
Figure 6. 40 a) A Dawro potter mining clay, b) Dawro potter removing inclusions from teff straw
and chaff temper. Pictures taken in Jimma in June 2013.
6. 4. 3 Temper
Like Yem potters, the Dawro potters use organic tempers: teff straw (utura), teff (ufula)
chaff and some local grasses (Figure 6. 39b). Potters interviewed report that Dawro mana
originally used only grasses for tempering clay. Because of population growth and widespread
cattle herding practices, it was difficult to get fully-grown grasses as tempers, so they turned to
teff. Some potters cultivate teff to use the straw and chaff for pottery-making, as well as for
plastering walls and floors of their houses, even where the environment is not conducive to good
harvests because of rust (Uromyces eragrostidis) and head smudge (Helminthosporium miyakei).
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Thus, supply shortages of the desired variety of grasses forced some potters to make a
transformation.
Figure 6. 41 A potter mixing clay and teff straw by hand. Picture taken in Jimma in June 2013.
6. 4. 4 Paste Preparation
Dawro potters mine wet clay that then undergoes specific processing stages. First, the
mined clay is beaten continuously with a wooden stick on level ground until the clay becomes
uniformly plastic. Its plasticity is examined by pressing a ball of clay between fingers and the
uniformity of grain texture is taken as evidence of its workability. They also add water to
improve plasticity. Prepared clay, teff straw (utura) and chaff of teff (ufula) are added
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simultaneously and mixed with the clay by beating the paste constantly with the wooden handle
of an axe. Finally, the potters trample on the clay with their feet and wedge the clay further with
Figure 6. 42 a) A potter shaping a griddle by drawing of a lump, b) A potter shaping the bottom
and lower body of a pot using the drawing of a lump technique. Pictures taken in Jimma in May
2013.
6. 4. 5 Fabrication Practices
Dawro potters use two fashioning techniques: 1) drawing of a lump and 2) coiling.
Drawing of a lump is used to fabricate pottery vessels, such as the ceramic griddle, jars and
boiling pot. The Dawro potter prepares a ball of clay and places it on level ground covered with
teff straw (Figures 6. 42a). The ball is then pressed down to the ground with thumb and fingers.
Although the Dawro potters use the drawing of a lump technique, their method differs from the
Yem in that they do not use their legs in the fabrication process.
Both drawing of a lump and coiling techniques are used to form other vessels, including
boiling pots, water jars, and stew pots. In this case, potters first make a shallow bowl by opening
the lump using their fingers and thumbs (Figures 6.42b). The small bowl is enlarged by
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stretching the clay, without adding additional clay. This also results in thinning the walls of the
vessels. The potters then add some clay to the rim to form the upper body and the narrow neck.
Finally, potters add more clay to the surface of the upper body part to form the handles. To add
handles, potters score the body of the vessels with a knife, claiming that a scored surface gives
training to the potters to mold the griddle using an elevated mold, the potters continue to shape
the vessel on leveled ground covered with teff straw without using the mold. This is despite the
fact that the introduced mold has the advantage that the potter is not required to bow down or sit
uncomfortably to shape the vessel, and it is easy to protect the drying pot from rainfall. The
NGO also provide training to build a structure to make pots in the wet season. Similarly,
although the Dawro potters regularly meet to share some common practices with the Yem
potters, the two groups do not share their fashioning techniques. Potters reported that even if
there are alternative fabrication methods that they observe being used by their friends or shaping
skills learned from NGOs, their bodies and minds prefer to use the traditionally learned practices,
including embodied gestures and learned motor skills, rather than the more comfortable
alternative.
6. 4. 6 Drying
The Dawro potters dry vessels in the sun. If rain comes before the vessels become firm
enough to move, the potters simply cover the vessels with enset leaves. In the rainy season, when
there is minimal solar radiation to dry their vessels, the potters fire pots at a leather-hard stage.
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Figure 6. 43 Griddles being dried in the sun in Jimma in June 2013.
Among the Dawro potters, primary burnishing is performed with maize cobs. Final
burnishing involves polishing vessel walls with a broken glass sherd and trimming with a knife.
This is followed by painting the inner vessel walls with a white clay slip. The other materials
used for the treatment are mixed petroleum oil, white clay and water. The mixture is painted on
interior walls of pots with a piece of leather, which the potters believe strengthens and gives
shine to the surface. It is reported that, in the past, instead of petroleum oil, ground castor seeds
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were used to smooth and shine pot surfaces (Figure 6. 44). Scraping vessel surfaces with a knife
and extracting the enset corm for food have conceptual similarity to the Dawro. The same
Figure 6. 44 A potter painting a griddle with a mixture of white clay and petroleum oil in Jimma
in July 2013.
6. 4. 8 Firing
The Dawro also fire their vessels in a small pit dug in the potters’ backyards, situated
some 10 m away from their houses to avoid burning their homes. First, the potter places teff
straw and cow dung into the pit, ignites the fire and then adds more firewood and cow dung.
Vessels are piled on top of the fire and covered with more firewood and cow dung. The pots,
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piled in the pit with their mouths down, are covered and eventually buried in ashes and sherds.
The Dawro firing process is slow in comparison with the Oromo and the Yem, taking more than
two hours to complete the firing stage (Figures 6.45 & 6.46).
Figure 6. 45 A potter igniting fire after arranging firewood at the firing site in Jimma in May
2013.
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The potters test the firing intensity by observing the surface of the vessels. When the pots
glow red in the firing pit, the potters consider this to be a mark of good firing. The Yem potters
also use the tapping technique to test the sound of fired vessels. Like Yem fuga, the Dawro mana
use the tip of their tongue, on the vessel’s surface, to test the quality of vessel firing (Figure
6.47). Potters stated that if the vessel is well fired, then it holds no moisture; if it is porous, then
Figure 6. 47 A client in Jimma checking level of dryness of a bread baking plate with her tongue.
Picture taken in Jimma in May 2012.
6. 4. 9 Post-firing Treatment
Unlike the Oromo and the Yem potters, in Dawro society post-firing treatment is rarely
undertaken by the potters. These potters usually spread cow dung on the surface of the pot
(Figure 6.49), but mainstream women stated that because the potters are highly despised, clients
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do not request them to perform post-firing treatments believing that such vessels would be made
unclean. Women in the mainstream group make the pots ‘clean’ by performing the post-firing
treatments on the pots that they purchase. In sum, in Dawro society pots and people share the
same identities: pots are the only ones that can be made pure.
Figure 6. 48 a) Dawro potter practicing post-firing treatment by smearing griddles with cow
dung. b) Ceramic griddles ready for transportation. Pictures taken Jimma in May 2013.
The Dawro potters make pottery year-round. The scale of production decreases from June
to August, the wettest months of the year. In the wet season, the potters mine clay in the
relatively sunny hours of the day and often they manufacture vessels in their houses. Because of
low production, there is an obvious decline in pottery income in this season. The potters’ and
their families’ economy depends on harvesting enset from their garden and selling firewood to
the nearest urban dwellers. Some potters work for the local farmers on a daily basis to subsidize
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Table 6. 3 Dawro chaîne opératoire in Jimma.
n= 39 Total %
Learning network:
Learned from kin 39 100
Learned from non-kin - -
Paste Receipe:
a. Clay type
Dark blue clay - -
Red clay 39 100
White clay 39 100
Brown 39 100
b. Type of temper
Teff straw and chaff 39 100
Potsherds 39 100
Sand - -
Fired clay - -
Paste preparation
Hand sorting of impurities 39 100
Pounding with stick 39 100
Sieving to remove impurities 39 100
Kneading paste with hands 39 100
Kneading with legs 39 100
Firing
Outdoor bonfire 39 100
Indoor bonfire 39 100
Fuel
Maize stalks 39 100
Sorghum stalks 39 100
Teff straw 39 100
Green leaves - -
Green grasses 39 100
Post-firing treatments
Cow dung 39 100
Boiled Solanum fruits - -
Boiled flour soup - -
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6. 4. 11 Marketing and distribution
There are at least three methods that Dawro potters use to distribute their vessels. The
most common method is selling their products in market centers on market days. Potters also
take vessel to their client's home to be sold on commission or the client comes to their home to
buy them. The Dawro potters in the Jimma area focus on producing the local bread (enjera)
6. 5 Summary
Potters in the southwestern Ethiopian highlands use clay and other ingredients to make
ceramic objects. The Oromo potters subsidize their meager income from pottery-making with
agriculture. Although they are not full time specialists, the Yem and the Dawro potters of Jimma
are involved rarely in agriculture but they have enset planted in their gardens. They subsidize
their inadequate income from pottery by collecting and selling firewood to the surrounding local
towns.
In the southwestern Ethiopian highlands, potters from different ethnic groups share the
same materials used in pottery-making. For instance, the Yem, the Dawro and the Oromo potters
use pieces of calabash to finish the fabrication process by smoothing and they use a knife for
trimming. Similarly, Yem and Dawro potters use teff straw to temper clay. Yem potters also use
teff chaff to temper clay, while the Oromo potters use sand grog made from ground sherds or
fired clay grog as tempers. The socio-cultural factors influence potters’ selection of tempering
materials from the available resources to fabricate similar pots for similar purposes.
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The patterns of the decorative treatments and meanings attached to them are different
across ethnic groups. This study shows that although potters from different ethnic backgrounds
live in a similar physical environment in the southwestern Ethiopian highlands, they each use a
Different factors influence the way potters select and use raw materials to make pots. The
most significant of these factors is their learning network, which develops and maintains
connections between potters and their daughters. Because daughters learn pottery-making from
their mothers and other female relatives (apprenticeships outside the sphere of the family are
rare), the technological choices are learned and passed down through generations, although
modifications can occur because of changes in the availability of resources or for social factors
that arise and interfere with former practices. The importance of social factors in guiding the
(e.g., Dietler and Herbich 1989; Fowler 2011; Fowler et al. 2011; Gosselain 1992, 1998a, 1999;
Gosselain and Livingstone Smith 2005; Haour 2013; Herbich 1987; Livingstone Smith 2000;
MacDonald 2011; Livingstone Smith and Van der Veken 2009; Livingstone Smith and Viseyrias
2010; Lyons 2007, 2009; Manning 2011; Mayor 2010; Stahl et al. 2008; Sterner and David
2003). This study demonstrates that in the study area, each ethnolinguistic group has a distinct
pots) is linked with the technological pottery style of the three ethnolinguistic groups
investigated. This provides a potential proxy for identifying the history of the use of specific
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Chapter Seven: An overview of Oromo culinary practices
7. 1 Introduction
Ethiopia has been a crossroad between Africa and Asia for 4000 years (Ehert 2002;
Finneran 2007; Fuller and Hildebrand 2013). The timing of the introduction of Near Eastern
crops (wheat, barley, and lentils), East Asian crops (bananas, taro) and the domestication of
African crops (e.g., teff, finger millet, sorghum, niger seed, certain tubers, coffee) are the subject
of current research (Fuller and Hildebrand 2013; Hildebrand 2007). Over the past few centuries
American domesticates have also been adopted (e.g., tomatoes, maize, potatoes). Individual
farmers choose from the available food plants and then to process them into culture-specific
cuisines using specific cooking utensils to meet their daily cultural and nutritional tastes. The
choices individual farmers make to meet these tastes will essentially structure decisions about
crop production (Fuller 2005; Haaland 2007). As a result, some crops are particular to certain
cultural groups. Presented in this chapter are the major culinary practices of the Oromo.
7. 2 Oromo Cuisine
Oromo cuisine is highly varied. People of different socio-economic status have access to
different types of foods that are prepared to help construct their status. Cultural practices also
require special dishes for religious ceremonies, marriage ceremonies, cooperative work, and
gatherings of traditional credit unions. Oromo dishes can be broadly categorized into four
groups: 1) porridge (marqaa), 2) leavened (buddeena, cumboo) and unleavened bread (maxinoo),
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3) beverages and stimulants, and 4) steamed tuber crops. Each of these groups is discussed
below.
7. 2.1 Porridge
Porridge (marqaa) is a mainstay of daily meals and for special occasions amongst the
Wallaga Oromo. Porridge is mainly prepared with the flours or grains of wheat, sorghum, teff
and/or maize. The style and form of porridge pots varies depending on the context of its use.
Some of the occasions that require a special porridge are shanaan dubartii (fifth day following
childbirth), salgaan dubartii (ninth day following childbirth) and Ateetee (women’s ritual
ceremony).
It is reported that in Oromo tradition, a woman who has delivered a baby receives special
treatment for nine consecutive days following childbirth. During this time, she eats what is called
delivery porridge (askutii) because the Oromo believe that porridge helps the mother to
recuperate from post-natal fatigue, to recover strength and to produce enough milk for the
newborn. As the delivery day approaches, a mother prepares (buys) xuwwee askutii (pots for the
‘delivery porridge’). Delivery pots have appliqué decorations believed to have the power to
protect the new baby from bad fates, and the decorations symbolize the continuity of lineages. A
women's delivery day is special for other members of the community because they enjoy
porridge with the new mother. In relation to this, there is a saying, "dubartiin deessu lubbu
egaatti, biyyimmo marqaa egaata", which means literally, “the woman who is pregnant thinks
about her life whereas the well-wishers think about the porridge they eat after a child is born."
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On the fifth day after a birth, the women’s ritual ceremony is held. Society in the study
area is divided into hobo, the elder families, and cora, the younger families. Women from both
hobo (senior) and cora (junior) come together and sing songs in honor of Ayyoole (Maaraam)
(female spirit) for enabling women to conceive and to bear children safely. Note that in today's
Oromo practice, Ayyoole and St. Mary are synonymous. In its initial stage, the hobo is the new
child's father’s peer group, while cora designates the baby and his/her peer group. One of the
Barii Waaqayyoo siitu beeka, It is you who know the dawn of God,
The women sing these songs to commemorate Ayyoole/St. Mary on both shanan and
salgaan dubartii. On the shanaan dubartii, five days after a child is delivered, porridge is
prepared in a special pot with five ears (handles are referred to as ‘ears’ in the local language)
representing the five days passed after delivery. On the ninth day, the prepared porridge is
identical with that of shanaan dubartii, except that this porridge is prepared in a pot with nine
ears that represent the nine days passed following the child’s birth, and the Nine Borana (Salgan
Borana). In Oromo traditional myth, the Nine Borana refers to the nine children of the
primordial father of the Oromo people. In both ceremonies, women from the two backgrounds,
hobo and cora, participate. It is important to note that in contemporary practice, porridge for both
occasions can be prepared in a regular porridge pot. Participants reported that the potters who
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specialize in making ritual pots are now either dead or too old to make pots and the new
generation of potters rarely makes these pots because demand for them has declined. The decline
in production is also related to the Oromo traditional religious meanings associated with the
appliqué designs. Followers of Christianity and Islam tend to use regular and plain ceramic
porridge pots for this reason. In short, changes in religious ideology have impacted the potter’s
assemblage of wares. The use of metal pots could be interpreted simply as globalization of local
markets, but local consumer choice is shaped by religious beliefs and a rejection of traditional
and local religious symbols that are associated with clay vessels.
Besides thanksgiving and prayer for the mother and newborn baby, the hobo and cora
sing rival songs. In the songs, the hobo representatives appreciate the hobo group and the cora
defend themselves, and vice versa. Each group expresses in song that their group is superior to
the other. The ceremony is colorful because of the spirit of competition between the two groups.
Mana cora lixee biliillee luqiiise, In cora’s home I found a beer serving bottle,
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Mana hobo lixee bixxillee luqiise. In hobo’s home I only found unleavened bread.
When cora complete their turn, the hobo repeat the same song, replacing the name cora
with their own. In this context, the beer-serving bottle (biliillee) is perceived as a sign of
prestige. The unleavened bread is associated with the poor who have insufficient dough to keep
Boys and girls from the surrounding area often come to enjoy the ceremony associated
with the birth of a child. The porridge used to be served from a small pot known as waciitii. The
waciitii is being replaced by a glass ceramic bowl, which is bought in the market (Figure 7.1).
The porridge is prepared from unleavened dough, which is symbolically believed to be pure (see
next section). The delivery porridge (askutii) is eaten only by female members of society and
young boys; if an adult male is found eating this form of porridge then he is perceived as female.
Although porridge is one popular meal of the Oromo society, its preparation and
consumption are affected by the socio-economic status of the family. In Oromo society, first-
class porridge is eaten with stew prepared from spiced butter and sour yogurt. Poor families,
including artisans, rarely have a milking cow since they do not have the economic ability to buy
one. Their access to this variety of porridge depends on their relations with rich farmers, who on
certain occasions will give them butter and sour yogurt. Poor families (including potters) make
regular porridge, which is eaten with a spiced thin soup prepared from boiled cereal flour. Thus,
social status affects people’s access to certain foods, which also affects their culinary practices as
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4. 2. 2 Leavened and unleavened bread
There are two main types of leavened bread. One is buddena, thin baked bread on plain
ceramic griddles called eelee cabetaa. The dough for buddeena is prepared from flour of teff,
sorghum and, more recently, maize (Figures 7.2 & 7.3). The dough is fermented, which may take
up to three days, in xuwwee bukoo (dough pot). To activate the fermentation process, a woman
keeps some residue of the previous fermented dough (raacitii) and adds it to the new one under
process. In addition to its functional value, the remaining portion of the previous fermented
dough (raacitii) symbolizes the continuity of the woman'slineage. The raacitii is associated also
with elder clan members and, hence, the Borana (see Chapter Five). As presented in Chapter Six,
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The second type of bread is comboo, thick leavened dough baked on thick oval shaped
ceramic griddles called eelee comboo. It is prepared by adding pounded garlic, ginger, chilies,
powdered salt, butter, and other spices. Women prepare cumboo by putting the dough on an eelee
cumboo covered with enset leaves and an overturned smaller griddle (beddee buna) is put on top.
The fire is lit underneath the big eelee combo and on top of the small one.
The third local bread is prepared from unleavened dough (caariggii) and is called
maxinoo. This bread is baked on a small ceramic griddle (beddee buna). Maxinoo is prepared
when there is no leavened dough to meet immediate needs. Moreover, it is baked for special
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occasions such as religious offerings and fertility prayers. As stated above, unleavened dough is
believed to be pure and it is preferred for ritual ceremonies. Unleavened bread is also prepared as
another daily meal of the Oromo called caccabsaa. The bread is broken, mixed with purified and
Liquid substances, such as farso (a thin local beer), bordee (a thick local beer) and
daadhi (mead) are also served. Local beer (farsoo) is a popular alcoholic beverage in
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southwestern Ethiopia. It takes three to four days to make local beer. Beer making ingredients
are flour of germinated seeds (biqiila), ground gesho leaves (Rhamnus prinoides), leavened
bread (bideen farso) and roasted flour (hunkuroo). Bread and roasted flour are prepared from
finger millet and sorghum, but now maize flour is also used. It is believed that gesho leaves
increase alcohol levels, enhance fermentation and give the beverages a desirable taste (Figures
Figure 7. 5 Finger millet malt in Wallaga in July 2012. The malt dries in the sun and then is
ground into flour with a mortar and pestle before adding it to the beer. Although the major
ingredients of local beer are sorghum, finger millet and gesho, more recently maize and barley
are used widely.
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Although most families have a strong desire to use pottery jars for brewing local beer,
today plastic jars are becoming popular because of their ease of use and wide availability,
especially in urban areas. The transition to plastics in the market has resulted in skeuomorphism
as a marketing strategy. Plastic jars were industrially produced but copied the local pottery
forms. This practice consciously draws upon local perceptions of culturally appropriate vessel
Christian and Muslim Oromo families. These families claim that gesho increases the alcohol
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level of beer that causes intoxication, so now they avoid the use of this plant as a major
ingredient of local beer. In addition, the availability of modern beers has reduced demands for
In Wallaga, every farmer has a coffee plantation. Traditionally, planting coffee trees
means dressing up earthly spirit (daachee) and appeasing God (Waaqa). Coffee is incorporated
into the cosmology of the Oromo people. Oromo elders claim that Waaqa ordered a behaviorally
deviant person to repent and act in accordance with his laws. The man refused to fulfill the will
of Waaqa. Eventually Waaqa became disappointed and annoyed with the man, which resulted in
his death. When Waaqa visited the area the next day, he found the corpse of the man lying in his
grave and tears streamed from Waaqa’s eyes. At that very moment, according to the myth, a
coffee plant sprouted from the spot where his tears fell. This prompted the community to believe
that while other trees grew from rain, coffee trees grew from the tears of Waaqa (Bartels 1983;
Wayessa 2011).
Hot beverages, especially coffee, are popular among the Oromo. Coffee is an integral part
of daily meals (Bartles 1983; Baxter 1991; Weinber and Bealer 2001; Wild 2005). Coffee beans
are roasted on a clay coffee griddle (beddee buna), then ground with mortar and pestle, and
subsequently boiled with salt in a special coffee pot known as jabanaa. Coffee is served in
locally made ceramic cups that are gradually being replaced by industrially made glass coffee
Children are exposed to the coffee ceremony from an early age. In Oromo society, it is up
to mothers to teach their daughters; every girl, by six to nine years of age, is able to make coffee
and is expected to run the ceremony independently. If a girl cannot do so, her mother is blamed
for failing to serve as a proper custodian of local tradition and this may affect her reputation in
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Oromo society. This is part of the interwoven customs that place women at the heart of the
coffee ceremony (either religious or secular) and its intended purpose. Furthermore, the children
are part of the ceremony because it is a forum where the elders tell proverbs, narrate legends and
tell riddles about society. It is in this manner that parents use the coffee ritual to ensure the
reproduction of traditions and to maintain continuity of social practices, including gender roles
Figure 7. 7 The coffee ceremony is usually a ritualized practice associated with green grasses
(sign of blessing from God), incense (its aromatic smoke is believed to appease God) and rue
(Ruta graveolens), which is used to flavor coffee. Picture taken in Jimma in June 2012.
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Although coffee is a popular stimulant across the globe, some coffee-related practices are
unique to the Oromo (Wallaga Oromo in this case). The first practice is that salt is added to the
coffee pot as a sweetener, and boiled with the coffee. In addition, Oromo also eat coffee beans
that are roasted but not brewed. This practice is known as buna qala (literally, slaughtering
coffee). Buna qala is prepared from green or dried coffee berries, which are washed and opened
with the teeth. Opened coffee cherries are toasted in a clay pot (distii) placed on hearthstones set
over a fire. Pure fresh butter, and powdered salt and spices like korarima (Ethiopian cardamom),
are added to the toasted coffee berries while still on the fire. The toasted coffee cherries are
served in a bowl (waciitii) with a spoon made from horn (Figures 7.10 & 7. 11).
Figure 7. 8 Ceremonial coffee table and coffee cups at Jimma Museum, Jimma, where
traditionally coffee is believed to have first been domesticated. Picture taken in Jimma in June
2012
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The eating of coffee among the Oromo is reported to be an old practice (Kraft 1856;
Weinber and Bealer 2001). People collected the ripe coffee cherries from wild coffee trees,
ground them with stone mortars, and mixed the mashed seeds and pulp with butter. The mash
was formed into balls that were carried for subsistence during long journeys. The balls are rich
with caffeine, sugar, fat and protein and were eaten by warriors, farmers and merchants to
overcome the problems of hunger and exhaustion when faced with hard work or long treks
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Because coffee is an integral part of Oromo traditional practice, there were several
historical incidents when coffee drinking was banned by both Orthodox and protestant priests
who used their respective approach to ban coffee. The Orthodox Church associated the coffee
ceremony with heathen practices that challenged Christianity. Protestants viewed coffee drinking
as an addiction that makes people dependent on it rather than God. Initially, many people
followed the new religious practice. Eventually, the majority of people returned to the coffee
ceremony because they found no appropriate alternative compatible with social interactions in
Figure 7. 10 Buna qalaa to be served in bowl (waciitii) with a spoon made of horn. Picture taken
in Wallaga in July 2013.
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Some Oromo and many other Ethiopians also use a narcotic plant called chat (Catha
edulis). Chat is an evergreen shrub cultivated as a bush or small tree. The leaves have an
aromatic odor and a taste that is astringent and slightly sweet. The plant is seedless and hardy,
growing in a variety of climates and soils. Chat is harvested throughout the year (Figure 7.11).
The leaf and stem are used as a recreational drug, as medicine and as an appetite suppressant.
Figure 7. 11 Chat being sold in the market place, Jimma. Picture taken in Jimma in June 2013.
Traditionally, only Muslims chewed chat. In rural areas, farmers chew chat to keep
themselves stronger during hard workdays (see Figure 7.12). Today, non-Muslims are also
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chewing the plant. Students, especially university students, use chat to keep themselves
stimulated and energized. In towns and cities, chat is predominately used for recreational
purposes, as well as for the maintenance and creation of social integrity in the sense that only
people who know each other well come together to chew chat. People only incorporate new
members into their group through invitation. Chat is cultivated both for home consumption and
export to the Middle East, to other African countries and Europe. However, in North America
chat is considered to be an illegal drug (WHO 2006), often attained through smuggling.
Figure 7. 12 A Yem man feeding his wife chat with his hand while she is making pottery .
Picture taken in Jimma in July 2013.
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7. 2. 4 Steamed tuber crops
Steamed tubers are dietary staples for rural people in Wallaga. The major tuber crops
consumed in the region are anchote, yams, Oromo potatoes and taro. The tubers are boiled in
steaming pots and served in different ways. For instance, anchote can be served in the form of
stew, soup or simply as slices of boiled tuber (see Chapter Eight and Nine). The tubers are
usually served with a hot sauce, known as qocqocaa, which is prepared from ground chilies,
garlic and ginger. With the exception of anchote, the tuber recipes are not available in restaurants
and hotels in Ethiopia. Anchote cuisine is available in the hotels and restaurants owned by the
Oromo. Anchote dishes are widely distributed, especially in some restaurants owned by Oromo
diaspora communities outside of Ethiopia. Some Oromo diaspora also cultivate anchote and a
significant number of Oromo immigrant families in Nova Scotia, Canada, and in Minnesota and
7. 2. 5 Summary
The Oromo of Wallaga cultivate a variety of crops that are processed and flavored to meet
both dietary and cultural tastes of the society. Some of the foods are specific to the Oromo and
have deep-rooted social values in the society. The foods are processed in ceramic utensils and a
strong symbolic relationship between vessel form and the contexts of consumption prevails. This
relationship between people and objects is produced, reproduced and transformed in daily meals
and routine ritual practice. The next chapter investigates tuber crop cultivation and processing
technology in Wallaga.
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Chapter Eight: Tuber crop cultivation and processing technology in the Wallaga region
8. 1 Introduction
As stated in Chapter Three, the second field of discourse investigated in this dissertation
is Oromo tuber crop processing technology. More specifically, the study examines growing,
harvesting, processing and serving tubers that are specific to the Oromo culinary practice. Tuber
crop refers to “any underground swollen vegetative storage organ including roots, tubers, corms
Ethiopia is considered one of the centers for early plant domestication in northeastern
Africa. Ethiopian farmers from different ethnic and cultural backgrounds, living in diverse agro-
ecological zones, have developed farming practices that persist to the present day (Harlan 1969,
1971; Hildebrand 2003, 2007; McCann 1995). Nevertheless, research on the domestication and
cultural uses of crops in Ethiopia is limited and in the early stages of investigation (but see
Brandt 1984; Brandt and Carder1987; D’Andrea 2008; D’Andrea et al. 1997, 1999; Ehert 1969;
Finneran 2007; Harlan 1969, 1971; Harrower et al. 2010, 2014; Hildebrand 2003, 2007;
Hildebrand and Brandt 2010; Hildebrand et al. 2010; Lyons and D’Andrea 2003; McCann 1995).
Based on his comparative and historical linguistic research, Ehert (1979) proposed that
agriculture in Ethiopia was developed, probably independently, in two different and major agro-
ecological zones. The first development was the cultivation of cereal (e.g., teff) that appeared to
emerge in the grassier, drier northern and eastern parts of highland Ethiopia. The second
development was the domestication of tuber crops, which is believed to have emerged in the
rainy and densely forested highlands of southwest and south central Ethiopia. Although
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archaeological research to substantiate this hypothesis is pending, presently farmers in the
practices. These practices can be used to develop a model to examine early agricultural practices
across the globe. To this end, archaeological and ethnoarchaeological research in the region is
now underway (see Hildebrand 2003, 2007; Hildebrand and Brandt 2010; Hildebrand et al.
2010). For example, recent archaeological evidence shows that ceramic technology and animal
food production appeared in the region about 2,000 years ago (Hildebrand and Brandt 2010).
Moreover, in this region exceptional macro-botanical remains, which shed light on early
cultivation and the domestication of enset and coffee, were recovered from the Kumali
archaeological site in levels dated to 2000 BP (Hildebrand and Brandt 2010; Hildebrand et al.
2010).
Ethiopia, indigenous tubers have long been part of cropping systems in this region and have been
Studies of the origin and domestication of tuber crops in southwestern Ethiopia are
comparatively scant because tubers do not produce preservable macro-botanical remains for
archaeological recovery (e.g., Langejans 2010; Sandweiss 2007). Archaeologists have focused
on the importance of looking for direct evidence of plant use even though they have observed the
inadequacy of primary archaeobotanical evidence in East Africa (Ashley 2010; Hildebrand and
Brandt 2010; Hildebrand et al.2010; Reid and Young 2000; Young and Thompson 1999). While
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an excavation of preserved plant macro-remains is one means of archaeobotanical investigation
(see Crowther 2005, 2012; Langejans 2010; Sandweiss 2007), indirect evidence in the form of
ceramic use-alteration and micro-residue analysis can contribute to the study of plant
developed methods to identify the production of certain types of foods through pottery use-
alteration studies (see Arthur 2003). These case studies have revealed that culinary practices
cause diagnostic pitting and attrition on the interiors of ceramic vessels in the course of their
preparation. The studies, however, do not show the specific food plants processed in a given pot.
Determining specific plants associated with these physical use-alterations (e.g., Wayessa et al.
2015) can enhance these types of studies. Combined with starch residue analysis, these
Culinary practices, including ceramic vessel types and heat treatments for processing
culturally specific food products (Haaland 2007, 2012; Lyons and D’Andrea 2003) are explored
in this dissertation. In the southwestern Ethiopian highlands, tubers are steamed in specific types
of pots and the process produces specific use-alteration that may provide a material signature for
tracking the history of the tuberous plant used in this region’s past.
Ethiopia hosts a variety of indigenous tuber crops. There is some research addressing
tuber cultivation and domestication (but see Hildebrand 2003, 2007, 2009) and tubers are
sometimes labeled as 'lost crops' (see Hora 1995). In the following section, the major indigenous
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tuber crops cultivated in southwestern Ethiopia are presented, specifically anchote (Coccinia
abyssinica), Oromo potatoes (Plectranthus edulis), yams (Dioscorea cayenensis) and enset
(Ensete ventricosum).
In Oromo tradition, tubers and their cultivation carry meanings, one of which is the
association between tubers and women. In this case, the plant with an edible underground organ
is associated with a pregnant woman. This symbolism is important because it controls the time of
harvesting. A woman gives birth when the fetus is matured and can endure the stress of the
external physical environment. Analogous to this, a farmer is required to wait for the tubers to
mature to harvest them. Prematurely harvested tubers are reported not to survive steaming
Similarly, cultivating the desirable tubers is equated with raising children in acceptable
ways through enculturation. This symbolism becomes clear in the Oromo saying “muuka
hunddeen minyaa’u iijisaa minyaa’a”, which translates as “the tree with a sweet root produces a
sweet fruit.” Parents raise children and cultivate in their children what they believe to be
acceptable behavior. Root crops are associated with human parents and ‘parents’ of all other
crops because they form the foundation for seeds, leaves and other edible parts of domestic and
wild plants. This perception is also expressed in the Oromo proverb, “muuktii fixxeen nama hin
baatu, hundeetu nama baata malee,” which means “it is not a tree tip that bears a person but its
root.” This implies that although young children are important members of every Oromo family,
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Figure 8. 1 Anchote farm from Warra Gigsa village of Wallaga. The climbing foliage of anchote
is annual but it can regenerate mainly from its crown if it remains unharvested in the summer
rains. Picture taken in Wallaga in July 2013.
It is also important to reiterate that Oromo potters associate mining clay with harvesting
tubers. The clay used to make pots is perceived as sentient, similar to the tuber plant that is
equated with a pregnant woman. Moreover, in Wallaga, trimming the surface of a wet pot is
associated with cutting rootlets from a newly harvested tuber. The wet pot, in turn, is associated
with a newborn baby. A newborn baby’s umbilical cord is cut with a metal knife; the surface of
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the newly shaped pot is trimmed with the same metal knife. In addition, identical vocabulary is
One of the common tuber crops cultivated in the southwestern Ethiopia highlands is
anchote (Coccinia abyssinica) that belongs to the Cucurbitaceae family. It is reported that the
genus Coccinia comprises 27 species. All of these species are limited to sub-Saharan Africa
(Bekele et al. 2014; Holstein and Renner 2011). In Ethiopia, there are eight species of Coccinia
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(Jeffrey 1995). Of these species, only anchote is domesticated (Bekele et al. 2014; Fekadu 2011;
Unlike other members of the cucurbitaceae family, which includes pumpkins and gourds
(see Mehner and Maynard 2003), anchote is grown principally for its tuberous root (Figures 8.1
& 8.2). Although the tubers are of economic concern, anchote leaves are also commonly used as
a vegetable. When the plant grows, it produces young leaves from the new bud. These tender
leaves and top growing buds are plucked together, cooked and served with other foods, including
Anchote is also known for its medicinal and ritual use, predominately among Oromo
ethnic groups (Hora 1995). Non-Oromo people of Ethiopia, however, are also reported to use its
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uncooked wild tubers and fruits for medicinal purposes (see Abebe and Hagos 1991). More
recently, anchote meals are available in hotels owned by the Oromo in cities and towns and are
Studies show that anchote is cultivated sporadically in different Ethiopian regions (Abebe
and Hagos 1991; Bekele et al. 2014). However, the major center of cultivation and consumption
of the tuber is Wallaga (Fekadu 2011, Fekadu et al. 2013; Hora 1995, Wayessa 2011). It is
reported that the Wallaga Oromo carry seeds of the anchote tuber with them when they move to
a new location. As a result, anchote may have been domesticated in Wallaga and the knowledge
of its cultivation has diffused to other regions of the country through Oromo population
movement.
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Researchers (e.g., Bekele et al. 2014; Fekadu 2011, Fekadu et al. 2013; Fufa and Urga
1997; Hora 1995) currently theorize that because of the existence of strong genetic resemblance
among the anchote populations cultivated in different parts of Ethiopia, the presence of diverse
Wallaga oral traditions of the origin of anchote, and the prevalence of diversified anchote tuber
processing technology in this region, anchote most likely was domesticated in Wallaga. It is seen
as likely that it was then diffused to other regions of Ethiopia (see Bekele et al. 2014; Fekadu
2011, Fekadu et al. 2013; Fufa and Urga 1997; Hora 1995).
According to local Oromo farmers, anchote responds strongly to fertile soil, particularly
to wood ash, and produces large-sized roots. Slash and burn is the common practice for anchote
farming, but it can also be grown close to homesteads where a cattle pen with cow dung is
available as organic manure. To make the cow dung available over a wider area, farmers rotate
the pens every five to seven days. The farmers clear the ground, then burn and plough or dig the
land usually before the onset of the rainy season. The forest is cleared in the dry season and
burned as summer rain approaches. During the week in which the summer rains begin, anchote
seeds are sown using a digging hoe. Generally, anchote cultivation involves hand tilling the field
Anchote farms are dominated by women, who are in charge of seeding, weeding,
harvesting, transporting, processing, and distributing the tubers (see Hora 1995). It is Oromo
women who know and select a desirable quality of anchote for propagation. Women are also
believed to be growers of anchote plants because they dominate sowing and weeding plants. In
addition, women determine whether anchote tubers and fruits are mature enough for harvesting.
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8. 4. 1 Oral accounts on domestication of anchote
According to local oral tradition, the Oromo used ancient wild tubers in the forests for
food and medication. Wild anchote resembles a poisonous wild tuber plant called kakii that
usually causes serious illness or death when consumed in large quantity. Kakii is the local name
for anchote’s wild progenitor. In Wallaga traditional medicine, a small amount of processed
kakii is used to treat intestinal parasites, including tapeworms, roundworms and amoeba. To limit
the potential for mixing up the tubers, it is said that people began to transplant wild anchote to
Another local theory of the domestication of anchote suggests that wild anchote was
transplanted to home gardens to make it available for the women who suffered exhaustion and
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fatigue when in labor. Because the society associates anchote with fertility, they represent the
food plant and call it fiira deessuu, which means ‘a relative of fertile women.’ Anchote is
anthropomorphized and given this name because it is reported that this tuber is the best postnatal
meal for women to help them recover from postnatal ailments. This presents a very different
practice among the Oromo to that reported by Hildebrand (2003, 2007). According to Hildebrand
(2003), unmarried or divorced Sheko men are responsible for transplanting wild yams from
determined that Sheko men, especially unmarried men, did so because of the ease of roasting
Studies show that cultivated plants that are grown for their vegetative parts, including
roots and corms, are generally propagated clonally (Fuller et al. 2010, 2012; McKey et al. 2010;
Zahary 2004). The domestication of these plants “depends on a shift from reproduction by seed
(in the wild) to vegetative propagation (under cultivation)” (Zohary 2004: 6). In most crops,
including cereals and tubers, the reproductive parts constitute the part for which the crop is
mainly grown (Barakat 2002; Fuller 2011; Price and Bar-Yosef 2011; Vrydaghs and Denham
2007; Zohary 1984, 2004; Zohary and Hopf 2000). This project shows that although anchote is
primarily cultivated for its tuber, the local women reported that they prefer propagation by seeds
because they are easy to store.This is the case even though the women also state that seed tubers
Local farmers reported that they select quality fruits for future seeds depending on the
size of the fruits and the underground organ the fruits produce. According to them there is an
inverse relationship between the size of seeds yielding fruits and the size of its tuber. The
anchote plants that produce larger fruits yield smaller tubers. Therefore, farmers select an
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anchote plant that produces smaller fruits for future cultivation. The seeds are extracted from
fully mature, yellowish fruit harvested before they begin to rot (Figure 8.3 & 8.4). Such fruits are
macerated or sliced to separate the seeds from the flesh. The seeds are then dried in the sun until
the moisture content reaches the desired level for storage for the next growing season. A mother
plant, locally known as guboo, serves as the source of seeds for further planting. One or two
plants are planted in the doorways of homes for guboo. When they grow up and their tending
vines need support, supportive sticks are planted in the ground. The vines climb up the sticks and
yield fruits. Unlike the other anchote tubers, which are harvested every year, guboo tubers may
remain unharvested for up to five years. Anchote plants in the field cannot be the seed source
because harvesting often occurs before the fruits mature, or the ripening anchote fruits are
damaged by birds, monkeys and other pests. Guboo is planted in an area protected from these
pests.
2012; Greenway 1944; Taye et al. 2007; Siegenthaler 1963) (Figures 8.6 & 8.7), cultivated
primarily for consumption after cooking (Asfaw and Woldu 1997; Westphal 1975). The raw
tuber is rich in carbohydrate, slightly higher content than potatoes, but both have comparable low
protein and fat concentrations (Ababora 2008; Asfaw and Woldu 1997; Siegenthaler 1963;
Westphal 1975). The leaf is cooked and eaten as a vegetable in some western parts of Ethiopia,
particularly in the Kaffa area (Ababora 2008; Asfaw and Woldu 1997). Its leaves are also used as
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a traditional medicine to cure different diseases. Oromo potatoes are propagated mainly by seed
Before propagating the seed tubers, a farmer ploughs land intended for tuber cultivation
at least three times with a minimum 14-day interval between each ploughing. Eventually,
horizontal rows are formed, in which holes are made with fingers or axes, and the pieces of “seed
tuber" are placed in the holes and covered with soil. Since more than one emergent leaves will
grow out of a single seed tuber, at least a 2 cm space is left between successive seed tubers. The
tuber is cultivated in May and June. During its growth, farmers carry out several cultural
practices including weeding, ploughing and manuring. Farmers start harvesting the tubers
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Figure 8. 7 Oromo potato tubers in Wallaga in June 2013.
As compared with other tubers, the yield of Oromo potatoes per unit area is low.
Regardless, the Oromo potato is a major traditional food crop in several regions of Ethiopia. This
tuber is also primarily eaten by Oromo of southwestern Ethiopia. In recent years, its acreage and
production have declined considerably due to problems associated with the shortage of seed
tubers and land scarcity (Ababora 2008). It seems that farmers are focusing on other tuber crops,
particularly taro, which has the advantage of a higher yield per unit of land than the Oromo
potato. Taro is propagated by its inedible corm (Ababora 2008; Atlabachew 2007).
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Figure 8. 8 Yams ready for harvesting in Wallaga in July 2013.
Yam (Dioscorea spp.) belongs to the genus Dioscorea, representing more than 600
species worldwide (Coursey 1967). Yam is a crop of major economic and cultural importance in
sub-Saharan Africa and this region accounts for about 95% of the world production (FAO 2004).
The ‘yam belt’ of West and Central Africa is the principal area of production (Coursey 1967;
Hahn et al 1987). Most of the studies on yams concentrate on the yam belt, and less is known
about the status of yams in other parts of Africa. This has led to the perception that yam is an
important food crop only in West and Central Africa, a view that triggered concerns decades ago
but remains largely uncontested (Ayensu and Coursey 1972; Quin 1998).
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Figure 8. 9 Yam-tuber attached to its crown in Wallaga in July 2013.
Ethiopia’s yams are hardly known to the scientific community because the country is
considered to be an isolated center of yam cultivation (Norman et al. 1995). However, there is a
number of Dioscorea species that are grown in southern Ethiopia in complex cropping systems
together with cereals and other tuber crops (Ababora 2008; Westphal 1975).
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Yams are cultivated around homesteads and the farm requires fencing to protect the crop
from wild pests, including antelopes, porcupines and pigs. Farmers prepare yam farmland
between August and December. From August to October, they add animal manure to the plot of
land intended for cultivating the tuber. Between October and December, they till the land several
times, using an ox and plough. When the plot becomes suitable for cultivation, the farmers make
holes, using axes, on the prepared plot at about a 0.5 m interval. In each hole, a seed tuber is
It takes about two months for the planted seed tuber to germinate young shoots. When the
emergent stems need to twine, then 3 m tall dry sticks are planted beside every plant. The foliage
grows up, forming canopies at the top of the supporting sticks (Figure 8.7). One of the major
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differences between wild and domestic yams in Wallaga is that the wild yam can produce tubers
without climbing a tree. In contrast, domestic yams do not yield tubers unless they climb sticks.
Yam harvesting usually begins in the month of June. A farmer harvests a portion of the
yam farm, keeping the rest for a future harvest. The first round of yam tuber (takka) harvesting is
from June to August; the second round of tuberous root harvesting, known as seed tubers
(sanyii), follows. When harvesting the first round (takka), women use a pointed stick to dig down
to expose the underground tuber. While digging, they take care around the fine roots of the stem
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to avoid damaging them. The well-exposed tuber is carefully broken away from the crown of the
parent plant (Figure 8.8). Single medium-to-large tuberous roots without any side tubers (takka)
After removing the tuber from the crown, women turn the soils to ensure the fine roots
are intact. The fine roots of the stem will produce a seed tuber (sanyii) if they are not damaged
during primary harvesting (Figure 8. 9). According to the participants, the yam stem produces
several smaller side tubers harvested in early December and buried in a ditch covered with teff
straw. After keeping them in this fashion for a month or more, the farmer unearths the seed
tubers and propagates them in the field. The harvesting of the remaining portion of the non-seed
tuber (takka) continues to the end of May, when intensive summer rain resumes.
Enset belongs to the family Musaceae (Brandt 1984, 1996; Brandt and Fattovich 1990).
In Ethiopia, enset, known as ‘three against hunger’ (Brandt et al. 2001), is primarily cultivated
for food. Although enset is a popular food among peoples in southwestern Ethiopia, this corm
plant is not cultivated and consumed by the Oromo of Wallaga, which is a manifestation of an
ethnic-specific food choice. Different types of foods are obtained from the enset pseudo-stem
(kocho) (see Figures 8.12 & 8.13). One of the foods is bulla, obtained from fully matured enset
plants, processed by chopping and burying the kocho in a pit covered with enset leaves for some
three weeks or more. When the chopped kocho is fermented, a starchy product known as bulla is
obtained by squeezing and decanting the liquid. Bulla can be prepared as pancake bread or
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porridge. The other food is amicho, which is obtained from young enset corms that are steamed
The most important characteristics of enset are its food productivity per unit of land and
its ability to be stored for a long period of time without spoilage (Seifu 1996). The majority of
the people who depend on enset for food are Omotic and eastern Cushitic agriculturalists of the
highlands of southwestern Ethiopia, including the Ari, Gamo, Goffa, Gedeo, Hadyia, Kembata,
Sidama and Wolayta. In addition, the Semitic-speaking Gurage people of south central Ethiopia
In addition to its food value, enset is used for different purposes by Ethiopian societies.
The fiber obtained from enset is used to make bags, ropes and mats. The dried midribs and
petiole are used for making mats, rope, and for fuel and house construction material. The plant
also has medicinal purposes for different illnesses, including diarrhea and bone fractures (Brandt
et al. 1997).
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Figure 8. 14 Wild enset in Wallaga in April 2013.
Enset leaves are also used to feed cattle, especially during the dry seasons when grasses
are scarce. In Wallaga, farmers chop the pseudo-stem, mix it with salt and feed it to the cattle
(Figures 8.15). Local farmers report that feeding cows the sweetened corm helps them to produce
more milk. The farmers also use the midribs and petiole of enset for making beehives and ropes
In Ethiopia, where the erratic nature of rain causes hunger, enset cultivation can be a
suitable option because it is relatively tolerant to drought, as compared to other food crops in the
country. The other advantage of enset is that the kocho (corm) can be stored for a longer time
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without spoiling. Because of its diverse uses, enset production is intermingled with the economic
Figure 8. 15 A girl harvesting wild enset corm to feed cattle in Wallaga in April 2013.
In Ethiopia, tubers, like other crops, are rarely eaten raw. They normally undergo some
form of processing and cooking before consumption, ranging from simple boiling to elaborate
fermentation, depending on the varieties of the tuber processed. The basic purposes of these
methods are to make the tubers more palatable and to remove toxins. Women play a dominant
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role in all the stages of production and processing of tuber crops, including the production of
The preparation of anchote, yams, taro and Oromo potatoes begins immediately after
harvesting and involves cleaning, washing, cooking and further processing of cooked tubers.
Cleaning, usually by hand, is done just after digging and lifting the tuber from the earth in order
to remove rootlets and soil particles. If the stems or roots are too strong, they can be removed
with a knife. The tubers are further washed to remove adhering soil and any other foreign
The steaming pot is placed on the hearthstones over the fire. The pot is one-third filled
with water and a small amount of salt. When the water in the pot boils properly, washed tubers
are placed in the pot and its mouth is covered with large leaves and a clay lid, tightly sealed with
a layer of fresh cow dung to minimize heat loss. Extremely large tubers are sliced to ensure that
they fit inside the pot and to facilitate uniform cooking. Salt is reported to add flavor and
In Wallaga, the steaming process varies depending on the nature of the tuber: anchote
and taro steaming requires more firewood and between 1 and 1.5 hours cooking time, whereas
yams and Oromo potatoes require up to 40 minutes for proper cooking. It is reported that
properly steamed tubers are flavorful. The Oromo prefer the deep-fry cooking method and
therefore often encrustations are formed in the interior of their cooking pot. Unlike the Oromo,
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Dawro and Yem women reported that they do not prefer deep-frying and their cooking practices
rarely involve the production of encrustations in the interior of their pots from burned food.
Cooked anchote and taro are processed further by peeling the outer non-edible layer with a
knife. Peeled anchote and taro are sliced and served. Sliced anchote can further be processed by
grinding it to make soup or stew. Women do the grinding using a hand mill called dhaga
dafaqoo, which consists of a haadhoo (grinding stone or quem) and majii (hand grinders).
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Grinding is also done by placing peeled tubers into a washed wooden mortar and pounding with
In Oromo socety, cooked tubers are served in different ways. The whole cooked and
peeled anchote tubers may be served during coffee gatherings and on the occasion of collective
drinking. In this case, cooked and peeled anchote tubers are split vertically for elongated tubers,
or they are cut across for more round or oval-shaped tubers. Anchote slices are served whole,
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with buttered-spiced chilies, either separately or with bread (Horan 1995). Anchote is also served
as stew (Figure 8.18) in varying forms. Pure anchote stew is made of thoroughly peeled and
washed tubers that are chopped into the desirable size, and added with spices to the stew pot on
the hearthstone.
The other common anchote stew is called lanqaxaa, in which cooked anchote is finely
chopped and converted to flour. Lanqaxaa is served principally to postnatal women, since it is
believed that they are not strong enough to chew, and is recommended for elders and those
suffering from health problems. It is also the stew commonly served at important ritual and
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marriage ceremonies, weddings, betrothals, circumcision, birthdays, religious celebrations and
commemorations for good harvest. It also appears on the menu as Oromo cuisine in restaurants.
A soup (mooqa) of anchote is also served to women in their postnatal period. Cooked yam is
John (1989) reports that some traditional beliefs relate to the chemistry of certain tuber
crops, suggesting interplay between biomedicine and ethnomedicine. For instance, in Oromo
society, anchote is believed to have medicinal or a repairing effect. For this reason, anchote is
delivered to a person suffering with fractured bones and to mothers on the birth of a baby. These
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traditional beliefs about anchote’s medicinal value are supported by scientific investigation in
which anchote is said to have a high content of calcium important for strengthening and
Anchote holds a very special place in the traditions and customs of the Oromo people.
The inclusion of anchote in the list of dishes to be served at ritual ceremonies is considered to
give prestige to the event. On the eve of such special occasions, if neighbors have not grown
anchote for the season, those who have will present an anchote tuber to them so that everyone
will have the chance to partake in an anchote dish. This kind of decision to share anchote is
made by mothers and the daughters of a household and these individuals are usually the ones
who dig up the anchote and take the present to their counterparts in the recipient family. Young
girls learn the tradition from kin and reproduce the practice. Unsurprisingly, in addition to
hunger satisfaction and medicinal value, anchote plays a critical role in structuring social
relationships.
The anchote cultivators who supply the tubers for the needy families are, in turn,
endowed with respect and social prestige in the society. The recipients, typically those who do
not have enough fertile land suitable for tuber cultivation or the cattle to provide manure to
improve the productivity of their poor land, develop a sense of dependency on the benefactors.
The everyday preparation and consumption of anchote are good examples of this routine
practice. Anchote cuisine has become part of the ‘durable dispositions’ of Oromo society that
govern their moral thought. Anchote cuisine is regarded as an important medium of contact
among individuals, and can be understood as a socially constructed practice that became part of
the self-identity of a person at an early age, transmitted from one generation to another. Daily
activities related to the tuber are informed in accordance with socially perceived daily norms.
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8. 9 Summary
In the southwestern Ethiopian highlands, a variety of tuber crops are cultivated, most of
which are reported to be native to the region. Some of the tubers are specific to certain ethnic
groups, whereas others are used by many different ethnolinguistic groups. The social practices
narrated in oral traditions still structure cultivation and consumption practices of the crops. For
instance, according to the local farmers, anchote was transplanted from the forest to the garden
believed to help her to recover. Currently, in Wallaga, a woman in this situation is fed primarily
anchote. This is different from the male-driven tuber transplantation and consumption practices
reported by Hildebrand (2003) in the Sheko area of southwestern Ethiopia indicating variability
Regardless of the social and dietary significance of the tubers in this region, little
archaeological and ethnoarchaeological research has been conducted on the process of their
cultivation and domestication, partly because the tubers leave behind little preservable tissues.
encrustations in their pots, different from use-alterations in pots used in Dawro and Yem cuisine.
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Chapter Nine: Wallaga tuber steaming pot use-alteration analysis
9. 1 Introduction
Suggested here is that the Oromo of Wallaga produce pottery of a distinct technological
style, and that the cuisine produced in tuber-steaming pots leaves evidence of Oromo culinary
practices, specifically of the types of tubers they use and consume. Oromo women usually use
pots made by Oromo potters. In addition, anchote consumption (until very recently) is specific to
Oromo people; non-Oromo people rarely use anchote as food. For these reasons, the
their specific technological style, potentially can inform archaeologists of Oromo history and
culinary practices. Specifically, the linkage of a specific technological style with certain tuber
residues can associate specific tuber-use with specific social groups. To better understand
Wallaga pottery use-alteration, it is important to examine the major approaches to pottery use-
alteration studies. Pottery use-alteration refers to any forms of changes that occur to the “surface
or subsurface of pots as a result of use” (Skibo 1990:81; see also Arthur 2002; Schiffer 1987).
Use-alteration includes both deposition and erosion from the pot’s surface. Deposition refers to a
process that involves accretion of residues on a ceramic’s surface and erosion refers to abrasion
Pottery use-alteration studies can be used to identify the contents of an ancient vessel
and to establish a link between the vessel’s form and function (e.g., see Braun 1983; Arthur
2002, 2003; 2013, 2014, Bray 1982; Evershed et al.1990, 2002; Griffiths 1978; Hally 1983;
Notarsteffano et al. 2011; Reber and Hart 2008a, 2008b; Vaz Pinto et al. 1987). Similarly, use-
alteration studies can be used to examine the social practices of consumers (Ashley 2010; Gupta
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and Ferguson 1992; Heine 1982; Lucy 2005). Documented data indicate that past consumption
practices can serve also as social markers (Appadurai 1986; Fuller 2005, 2011; Jones 1999) that
can help to examine the relationship among food habits, status, power and identity in the context
of ancient societies (e.g., Arthur 2006, 2009; Bray 2003; Dietler 1996; Dietler and Hayden 2001;
Goody 1982).
Pottery residue analysis also contributes to our understanding of people's ancient uses of
animals and their domestication. For example, analysis of fatty acids extracted from pottery
excavated from southern Libya at a Takorkori rockshelter shows that dairy fats were processed in
vessels nearly 7000 years ago; this indicates the presence of domestic cattle in that region of
Africa and the processing of milk for food (Dunne et al. 2012). This interpretation is further
supported by widespread rock art that depicts cattle with large udders and of milking scenes
found in Algeria and other parts of the Sahara (see Dunne et al. 2012) and the genetic evidence
for the mutation for lactase persistence that evolves in African populations at about this time
Arthur’s (2006, 2009) ethnoarchaeological case study of beer pots from the southwestern
Ethiopian highlands also shows a strong correlation between pottery use-alteration and social
status. Arthur found that the interior walls of beer jars were corroded by beer processing. Arthur
suggests that wealthy people produce more grain than do poor people, and they use some of their
grain to produce beer for feasting. Consequently, residences of wealthy people will produce a
greater concentration of corroded sherds from beer jars (along with more grain storage and
special rooms for beer making), thus providing a proxy to establish the socio-economic status of
past people occupying a particular residence. Ashley (2010) has demonstrated also that in the
Great Lakes region of East Africa, a strong correlation exists between a person's social status and
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the size of their cooking and serving vessels (see MacLean and Insoll 2003).
Ethnoarchaeological study in Indonesia also shows the correlation between social identity and
massive pottery assemblages, whereby feasting is associated with uncommonly massive pottery
beer consumption and gourd bowls, archaeobotanists have identified feasts through starch
analysis of gourd and squash vessel fragments found in ancient Peru (Duncan et al. 2009).
ethnographic data indicate that in Ethiopia the manja and the degala social groups of the Dawro
avoided eating sheep and chicken, which are the most favored foods for the farming majority
(e.g., the mala social category) (Freeman and Pankhurst 2003; Petros 2003a, 2003b).
In Ethiopia, ceramic analyses targeting social identity and plant domestication are sparse
(but see Lyons 2009; Lyons and D’Andrea 2003). In this section the use-alteration of tuber
processing in steaming pots is presented as a model of how ceramic use-alteration studies can
potentially contribute to linking a social group and their pottery vessels with the history of a
Because the use-alteration studies provide rewarding information for reconstructing how
pots were used in the past (Duddleson 2008; Schiffer and Skibo 1989, 2008; Skibo 1990, 1992,
2013; Vieugué 2014) and the social group that used them (Fuller 2005; Jones 1999; Thomas
2007), multiple techniques are currently in place for analyzing ceramic use-alterations (see
Evershed et al. 2002; Kimpe et al. 2002; Rice 1987; Skibo 2013). Additionally,
ethnoarchaeological studies of ceramic use have been proven to be vital for illuminating specific
use-alteration patterns, including food encrustation and surface abrasions on ceramic vessels that
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result from specific food processing techniques (e.g., Arthur 2002, 2003, 2006; Haaland 2007;
Pottery chaîne opératoire methodology has also played a significant role in identifying
social groups in Africa's past (e.g., Dietler and Herbich 1998; Gosselain 2000; Livingstone Smith
2000; Livingstone Smith and Viseyrias 2010; Lyons 2007, 2014; Lyons and Freeman 2009;
MacDonald 2011; Mayor 2010). As stated, most African ceramic chaîne opératoire studies have
focused on ceramic production rather than on consumption (but see Arthur 2014; Dietler and
Herbich 1989; Lyons 2009, 2014; Lyons and D'Andrea 2003). This area needs special attention
because African societies often practice culturally specific food processing technologies that
include specific types of pottery as part of these technologies. Pots used to process a specific
food may develop a diagnostic use-wear. As a result, historically situated studies of the post-
manufacturing use-life of pots can be informative about past food-processing practices and the
cultural group that engaged in the tradition (see Ashley 2010; Bakels and Jacomet 2003; Bray
1982; Dietler and Hayden 2001; Emery 2003; Goody 1982; MacLean and Insoll 2003;
opératoire approach to address issues related to use and discard. This dissertation combines an
approach to identifying the ceramic technological style of a particular community and linking it
with use-alteration produced by processing ethnically and/or locally specific cuisine in these
pots. This may be a potential tool for archaeologists to distinguish specific communities and their
consumption of specific foods cooked in these pots over time. In short, archaeologists using this
combined technique can potentially identify a ceramic producing and using community in a
region, as well as changes in that community’s food consumption practices over time, including
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the domestication/use of specific foods such as tubers. Ethnoarchaeological evidence can be
compared with different periods of a region’s archaeological record to determine changes and
continuities in specific food consumption practices within and between groups over time.
My field observations show that the daily use of pottery results in certain forms of use-
alteration on both interior and exterior vessel surfaces. One form of ceramic use-alteration is
surface attrition. To systematically examine the processes of attrition on fired clay, several
experimental (e.g., Beck et al. 2002; Schiffer and Skibo 1997; Skibo et al. 1997) and
ethnographic (e.g., Arthur 2002, 2003, 2006; Skibo1990,1992) studies were conducted in the
1990s and 2000s.These studies support the long-held view that vessel wall attrition informs
researchers about the general use of vessels (see Hally 1983a). Soot and oxidation patterns, for
example, reflect how vessels were positioned in relation to the fire. Abrasions, in the form of
pitting, are partly attributed to some form of activity such as stirring and scraping (see Duddleson
2008; Hally 1983a; Skibo 1990,1992, 2013; Vieugué 2014). Although it provides basic
inferences about how vessels were used in the past, the attrition study is not explicitly
informative about the specific service that pots rendered during their use-life.
attrition analysis. To acquire a comprehensive understanding about the past function of vessels, a
ceramic surface attrition study should be accompanied by residue analysis. Residue analysis can
provide robust evidence about past culinary traditions because it can identify species of the
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plants and animals processed in a specific pot (see e.g., Crowther 2005, 2012; Dunne et al. 2012;
examine the past use of pots through the analysis of either visible or observed residues left
behind of the pots’ contents (Evershed et al. 1987, 1990, 1995; Heron et al. 1989; Reber and
Hart 2004, 2008a, 2008b, Skibo 1990, 2013). Visible residues are “blackened encrustations” on
the interior walls of pots (Reber and Hart 2008b:131; see also Arthur 2002, 2003; Skibo 2013),
which often result from moist-heat cooking known as steaming (see Henry et al. 2012).
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Absorbed residues are compounds that are taken into the openings of pottery surfaces. It
is generally believed that absorbed residues include compounds from the entire use-life of a pot.
These residues are extracted from the ceramic through destructive testing (Reber and Hart 2008a,
b; see also Gill 1906). Absorbed residues yield more information on the contents of ancient
pottery, whereas visible residues provide a great deal of information about specific activities
carried out in a pot during a certain cooking episode (Reber and Hart 2008a, b). Visible residue
analysis does not involve destruction of the sherd from which samples are extracted.
Figure 9. 2 Cooking pot exhibiting carbonized lower and upper bodies in Wallaga in May 2013.
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9. 3 Wallaga cooking pot use-alteration
In Wallaga, there are three types of cooking pots: stew, porridge and steaming pots.
Stewing involves the addition of about three-fourths of the vessel’s volume with water, mixed
with ingredients, such as grain or flour made of beans, peas, or beans and/or vegetables. Porridge
is prepared from flour made of the grains of finger millet, teff, sorghum and barley. Because
stewing and porridge-making involve continuous stirring and proper cleaning after each use,
there is a lesser chance for visible residues to adhere to the interior walls of these pots. They can
Table 9. 1 General comparisons of use-alterations that develop on different pots used for cooking
in Wallaga.
As indicated in Chapter Eight, tubers are commonly cooked by steaming, which involves
the addition of about one-fifth of the vessel’s volume with water. When the water boils, cleaned
raw tubers are added into the pot. Its mouth is tightly covered with a lid and smeared with fresh
cow dung to reduce potential heat loss through evaporation in the cooking process (Figure 8.18).
The steaming process continues until the water thoroughly drains out of the tubers being cooked.
In time, the cooking pots develop a variety of use-alterations, with the most common ones being
documented on the exterior walls of tuber cooking pots. Pots are placed directly over the fire
during cooking. Because it is on an open fire an ecnlosed fire would cause carbon to form
(Figure 9.1). On the exterior wall of the lower body of the cooking pots, carbon, ranging from
thick dull to dense glossy, is deposited (Figure 9.2). The carbon accretion covers the pot from the
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base to the upper body over time. It is important to note that in this region, carbonization and
oxidation are also observed on the exterior surface of coffee, stew and porridge pots.
Figure 9. 4 Steaming pot with visible carbon accretion caused by food burning during cooking.
Although not yet discarded in the garden, this pot was no longer used for cooking tubers because
it was reported that the vessel leaked water. Importantly, potters reported that they do not use
sherds from these types of vessels as temper because the accreted organic remains mix with the
temper and burn out during firing. This results in the formation of openings in the walls of the
newly formed pot, causing it to leak. Picture taken in Wallaga in June 2013.
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9. 3. 2 Encrusted residues
Tubers are steamed in a specific pot that is rarely used for any other purpose. Cooking
tubers develops specific use-alteration in the interior walls of a pot over time, with encrustations
evident often after a few weeks of continuous use. The society in the study area prefers steaming
tubers to the point that all water in the pot is thoroughly evaporated. This is primarily because the
presence of water is believed to cause the steamed tuber to be greasy and less palatable. Fry-
cooked tubers are reported to be full of good flavor and tend to be more palatable.
Figure 9. 5 Encrustations on the interior surface of a cooking pot with multiple layers that can
possibly be an indicator for several use-episodes. Picture taken in Wallaga in June 2013.
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Steaming tubers to the extent that moisture in the tubers is totally cooked out results in
burning and encrusting of the content in the interior walls of steaming pots. The burned food
creates thick, dull and black accretions, beginning at the bottom of the interior vessel wall and
gradually spreading to the upper interior vessel body (Figures 9.3-9.5). As this process continues,
the pot's cooking capacity declines due to problems in heat transfer (Figure 9.3).
Figure 9. 6 Discarded cooking pot with encrusted food at the base and lower body of its interior
wall. Picture taken in Wallaga in June 2013.
Only cooking tubers results in the formation of the thick accretion of carbonized food.
Other cooking activities, including stewing and porridge-making, do not result in any significant
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visible residue accretion, primarily because the pots are washed thoroughly after each use and
continuous stirring during preparation prevents residues from adhering. Instead, stirring leaves
scratches on the interior walls that are caused by the mechanical contact between the ceramic
Figure 9. 7 Sherd of steaming pot with thick encrustations in Wallaga in June 2013. It was
collected from a farmer's garden. The encrusted residues appear to be intact at the time of
collection.
According to Vieugué (2014), in archaeological contexts traces like scratches are not
necessarily related to the use of pottery because they can also be caused by taphonomic
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processes (see also Arthur 2002, Beck et al. 2002; Dietler and Hayden 2001; Heron and
Evershed 1993; Skibo 2013). The encrustation of carbonized food, however, most likely occurs
during a vessel's actual use. In Wallaga, this type of carbon deposition is usually retained on the
pot because in tuber cooking, pots are only gently rinsed. The people do not meticulously wash
the encrusted residue from the interior ceramic wall, leaving the burned remnants intact. As a
result, the intentional cooking to dryness and the gentle washing are key processing traits that
Reber and Hart (2008) state that visible encrustations result from unintentional small
numbers of cooking episodes that lead to a badly burned meal. In contrast, this case study shows
that the encrustations in steaming pots are partly intentional because people want cooked tubers
void of any moisture. Every family in Wallaga knows that this kind of cooking would cost them
some portion of the tubers being cooked, but the benefit of this cooking method is worth more
than its costs. Furthermore, the encrustations are formed over long processes and cannot be
assumed to represent a “few” cooking episodes. Everyday cooking activity, throughout the use-
life of the pot, involves certain forms of encrustation. This becomes apparent from the fact that
the encrustations observed on the cooking pots exhibit several layers that mark multiple cooking
Tuber steaming pots that leak water are often reused to store grains, depending on the
severity of the encrustations. It is important to note also that cooking pots retain the accreted
residues even after the vessels' function changes from cooking to storage. Moreover, sherds of
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tuber steaming pots are not used for tempering purposes. Where post-depositional preservation is
Table 9. 2 Forms of residue and typical locations where they deposit on pots, based on
observations of Wallaga cooking pots. It is important to note that most encrustations occur on the
base of the cooking pots, although they also occur on the lower and upper bodies of some
vessels.
In Wallaga, damaged tuber steaming pots are used to store cereal grains or for temper.
The damaged steaming pots are temporarily stored outdoors and under roofs with their intact
encrustations (Figure 9.5). Pots are discarded into a temporary location and then are moved to
the garden, where it was observed that they still retained significant visible food crusts (Figure
9.6). This indicates that some of the encrusted foods can endure cultural and non-cultural
transformation processes. Once organic material has been largely reduced to carbon it is largely
inert and also unattractive to microorganisms. Although most pottery that archaeologists find are
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broken sherds and not whole vessels, this sort of use-alteration analysis can provide
however, that encrustations that extend onto vessel exteriors were the result of over-steaming and
are “prone to removal" in the depositional setting. Although both internal and absorbed residues
are important to infer vessel function, carbonized content that was absorbed into the ceramic
surface endures the depositional process and tends to be less contaminated because they are
absorbed into the vessel's wall (Marreiros et al. 2015, 2011; see also Malainey 2011; Skibo
2013).
Figure 9. 8 Displays oxidized exterior surfaces with no visible residue encrustation in Wallaga in
May 2013.
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Figure 9. 9 Illustration of Wallaga steaming pot, indicating both interior and exterior views of the
vessel. Recognition of morphology of the pot helps to identity parts of the pot where specific
use-alterations may develop.
Although other use-alteration studies are instructive, especially regarding the functions of
pots, pottery residue analysis can enlighten researchers on the kind of food processed in the pots.
In combination with the determination of ceramic technological styles, these vessels can tell us
about the social group that used the pots. One of the common approaches employed to identify
absorbed or adhering residues in a vessel is based on the phosphorous content of the vessel’s
permeable surface wall. The general assumption of this approach is that pottery surfaces that
have had contact with organic matter will yield higher phosphorus levels than surfaces that have
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no contact with organic materials. This analytical approach, however, does not involve the
identification of the individual plant or animal species involved (Cackette et al. 1987; Dunnell
Figure 9. 10 This illustration shows the distribution of food crusts on the interior surface of a
cooking pot in Wallaga. It reflects the fact that encrustations tend to be thick at the bottom and
thin around the upper body. The lower part of the pot experiences high heat during cooking
which leads to burning and encrustation of some of the contents.
The other approach is isotope analysis, which involves identifying a vessel’s content by
carbon and nitrogen ratios. This has the potential to identify what was cooked in a vessel (see
e.g., Correa-Ascencio et al. 2014; Deal 1990; DeNiro 1987; Gregg and Slater 2010; Morton and
Schwarcz 1988; Spangenberg et al. 2006). This technique offers a more efficient analysis of pots
with carbonized food encrustations and, therefore, is more applicable to cooking pots (Skibo
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1992). The other approach to ceramic residue is fatty acids analysis, which is suitable as a means
for determining the original contents of pottery vessels. Fatty acids are present as absorbed and
encrusted residue. It is also reported that fatty acids can be linked to specific plants and animals
for the reason that “fatty acids occur in different combinations and different proportions in every
plant and animal species" (Skibo 1992:83). The study of fatty acids has the potential to analyze
archaeological ceramics for both visible and invisible residues (see Evershed 2008; Skibo 2013;
Vieugué 2014).
The other technique that can be used to study pottery content, which is the focus of this
chapter, is starch residue analysis. Starch grains are microscopic plant granules produced by
higher plants. Plants synthesize two main forms of starch that are important for archaeological
analyses. One form, transitory starch, is found mainly in leaves and is an ongoing plant energy
source (Torrence and Barton 2006). The other form is storage starch, which is formed within
specialized plastids, known as amyloplasts, which are found in seeds, roots, corms, fruits and
rhizomes (Piperno 2009; Piperno and Pearsall 1998; Piperno et al. 2006; Torrence and Barton
2006).
Starch grains are microscopic plant microfossils with distinctive features, including size
and shape. Starch grains also exhibit diagnostic physical features such as hila, lamellae, and
fissures (Piperno et al. 2000). The features are genetically controlled and their systematic
examination can help to identify plant taxa (Boyd et al. 2006; Fullagar et al. 2006; Haslam 2004;
Loy 1994; Piperno et al. 2000; Torrence and Barton 2006; Zarrillo et al. 2008).
of human use of plants and the pathways of plant domestication (Barton 2007; Chandler-Ezell et
al. 2006; Crowther 2005, 2012; Henry et al. 2009, 2010; Piperno et al. 2006; Saul et al. 2012).
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This methodological approach has proved its importance in humid regions where conditions do
not favor the preservation of macrobotanical remains and in areas where tubers are important
Initially, it was reported that cooking destroys starch granules or alters their diagnostic
features, which archaeologists rely on to identify ancient starches in archaeological contexts (see
Barton 2007; Haslam 2004; Henry et al. 2009; Messner and Schindler 2010; Piperno 1998,
Piperno et al. 2000). Starch grains from cooked foods, however, reported to survive in an
identifiable form on ancient human teeth and as carbonized food residues in ceramic cooking
vessels (Crowther 2005, 2012; Haslam 2004; Messner and Schindler 2010).
More specifically, damage to starch grains caused by cooking methods, including baking
and boiling, is particularly distinctive and identifiable in archaeological records (e.g., Barton
2007; Crowther 2005, 2012; Henry et al. 2009, 2010; Saul et al. 2012). Although starch granule
analysis in the study of food plant preparation has been investigated in different parts of the
world, few studies of starches on ceramic and stone tools have been conducted in Ethiopia,
particularly of tubers (Henry and Piperno 2007; Perry 2002; Zarrillo et al. 2008). This study
In order to analyze how steaming tubers affects ceramic assemblages in Wallaga, samples
were collected of tuber cooking pots and indigenous tubers in the summer of 2013. Samples
collected were transported to the University of Calgary, the Paleoethnobotany Laboratory of Dr.
Brian Kooyman, for use-alteration and starch residue analysis. The use-alteration analysis was
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conducted with the naked eye and starch samples were examined using a Zeiss light microscope
9. 6 .1 .2 Reference collection
Tubers cultivated in the study area included anchote (Coccinia abyssinica), Oromo
potatoes (Plectranthus edulis) and yam (Dioscorea cayenensis). Samples were collected and
prepared in a plant press for starch analysis. Glass slides, with samples of raw tuber plants, were
prepared as a baseline to compare any changes that occurred in the starches during the cooking
process. These descriptions were compared against previously published reference collections
(e.g., Piperno 2000; Torrence and Barton 2006). Samples of anchote, Oromo potatoes and yams
were steamed separately in new steaming pots on traditional hearths under the supervision of
Fifty tuber-cooking pots were selected in Wallaga for the purpose of starch micro residue
analysis. These samples were collected from two villages, Warra Gigsa and Seqa, located in the
Wallaga zone. A total of 50 samples of ethnographic steaming pots were collected. Seventy-eight
households, out of a total of 197 households in Warra Gigsa and Seqa villages, were visited to
collect samples. Samples were obtained from 50 households. Fifty percent (n=25) of the pots
were collected from farmers' gardens, with the remaining 32 percent (n=16) and 18 percent (n=9)
obtained from outdoors (under roofs) and from temporary discard areas in the homes,
respectively.
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The collected samples, selected for their significant visible residues, were examined
visually for the presence of encrusted foods on their interior walls. Most of the samples collected
exhibited residues on their interior bases. One sample sherd was extracted from every pot
selected. The sample was composed of 82 percent (n=41) vessel bases, 10 percent (n=5) lower
Before breaking the selected pots to take the sample, I examined and documented where
the food crusts accumulated on each vessel. Each pot was then broken to extract a desired size of
Department of Archaeology. A sample of residue from each sherd was taken for starch analysis
To prepare the slides, the target residue from vessel walls was separated, using a scalpel.
The residues were then disaggregated by pounding in an agate mortar and pestle. The
disaggregated residues from each sherd were soaked in distilled water in a small bowl for 10 to
20 minutes to allow dissolving. A quantity of wet specimen was added to the glass microscope
slide, covered with a slide cover and left to dry at room temperature (see Henry et al. 2009; Saul
et al. 2012). The starch grains from the samples of a) raw tubers (anchote, Oromo potatoes and
yam); b) the samples of steamed tubers; and c) residues extracted from ceramic processing
vessels were compared and analyzed to determine if differences existed. The form of damage to
the starch grains that resulted from cooking (e.g., swelling, loss of features, and change in the
extinction cross) was detected using a light microscope. The identified starches were then
In the analysis of the presence of carbonized and oxidized attributes on the exterior wall
of the 50 steaming pots, 64 percent (n=32) have an oxidized exterior wall, 26 percent (n=13)
present a carbonized exterior wall, and 10 percent (n=5) appear to exhibit both attributes. As
indicated elsewhere, oxidation develops on the exterior base of the cooking pots. This implies
that thick encrustations and oxidation coincide because they develop on the interior and the
potatoes and yams - were collected for reference. To understand how the appearance of starches
can be altered, I cooked samples of selected native tubers under the supervision of local women
who usually perform tuber cooking, and documented how cooking may cause changes to starch
grains.
Figure 9. 11 Morphology of uncooked anchote starches 500x. Anchote produces a round starch
with centric helium. While lamella are not clearly visible, anchote’s starches exhibit a clear
extinction cross. Scale bar equals 20μm.
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Figure 9. 12 Morphology of starch of uncooked yam at 500x. Yam produces an oval type of
starch. The starch also exhibits clear lamellae, an eccentric hilum and a clear extinction cross.
Scale bar equals 20μm.
Figure 9. 13 Morphology of starch of uncooked Oromo potato at 500x. Oromo potato produces
an elongated oval type of starch, an eccentric hilum, clear lamellae and extinction cross (The
right side pictures on Figures 9.11-9.13 are under cross-polarized light). Scale bar equals 20μm.
a b c
212
Figure 9. 15 Starches extracted from cooking vessels show completely gelatinized starch grains.
Magnification at 500x. Scale bar equals 20μm.
The study shows that in the Wallaga Oromo practices a locally specific technique of
steaming tubers in pots that results in the formation of layers of food encrustations in the interior
walls of pots. The study also determined that steaming alters the morphological features of native
starch grains. As a result, modified starch granules do not display all the characteristics typical to
native grains. This implies that damaged starch granules can be more difficult to recognize.
Although the starch grains are often transformed, making it challenging to identify species, they
213
are recognizable as steamed starch grains (see also e.g., Chandler-Ezell et al. 2006; Crowther
9. 7 Conclusion
The Wallaga Oromo use pots made by the Oromo potters. In the region, the pots used for
steaming tubers develop diagnostic use-alterations. The Oromo in the region prefer to steam
tubers and this cooking technique results in the formation of layers of food encrustations in the
interior walls of their steaming pots. It is reported that specific food-processing techniques leave
specific use-alterations on pots (García-Heras et al. 2001; Henry et al. 2009; Saul et al. 2012;
Stahl et al. 2008). As a result, ceramic use-alteration studies can contribute to identifying
analysis. One of the ceramic residues that can be investigated is starch. However, identification
of the starch in charred residues by pounding and soaking in distilled water shows no diagnostic
features of native starches. As result, further charred starch residue analysis should be carried out
to enhance the archaeologist's ability to determine the specific tubers steamed in these pots (see
Crowther 2012; Saul et al. 2012; Zarrillo et al. 2008). Specifically, in order to identify starch
grains in the charred residues the "heavy-density liquid separation" technique should be used in
In future studies, these residues should be examined with other approaches that might be
more successful. For example, ceramic chemical analysis (e.g., analysis of carbon and nitrogen
ratios, fatty acids analysis) and compositional analyses (e.g., instrumental neutron activation
214
analysis, ceramic thin section) could diagnose the precise foods cooked in these vessels in ways
that will assist archaeologists in tracking the history of the people who made and used the
vessels, and may discern the antiquity of tuber crop cultivation/domestication in the region (see
Arnold 1985; Arnold et al. 1978; García-Heras et al. 2001; Notarstefano et al. 2011; Stahl et al.
2008). More importantly, because fatty acids of different species of plants occur in different
arrangements and proportions (Skibo 2013; Malainey 2011), this is a very important technique to
investigate in situations where only one community grows and consumes a specific crop
similarly to the Oromo who are the primary cultivators and consumers of anchote.
Finally, the combination of pottery technological style (e.g., a material identity of a social
group) with specific foods remains an important approach to investigate the history of specific
social groups in the past, including the history of their culinary practices. Until now ceramic
analyses like isotopes and phytoliths have informed us as to what people ate in general, but not
how the pot used for food processing was made or how the foods were prepared.
215
Chapter Ten: Discussion and Conclusion
10. 1 Discussion
The primary objective of this dissertation is to develop a material means to investigate the
history of the Oromo people in Wallaga and their contribution to tuber domestication in the
region. To meet this objective, the chaîne opératoire of Oromo pottery production and that of
two of their neighbours was successfully determined. It was demonstrated that the Oromo potters
practice a distinctive technological style from the Yem and Dawro ethnolinguistic groups. The
results of this study support the growing ethnoarchaeological literature of ceramic chaîne
opératoire in sub-Saharan Africa that the technological choices made by potters are primarily
guided by social choices (e.g., Dietler and Herbich 1989; Fowler 2011; Fowler et al. 2011;
Gosselain 1992, 1998a, 1999, 2011; Gosselain and Livingstone Smith 2005; Haour 2013;
Herbich 1987; MacDonald 2011; Livingstone Smith 2000; Livingstone Smith and Van der
Veken 2007; Livingstone Smith and Viseyrias 2010; Lyons 2007, 2009, 2014; Manning 2011;
Mayor 2010; Sterner and David 2003), contrary to the functional argument presented in
behavioral archaeology's chains of operation where the potter’s choice is based fundamentally in
(e.g., Schiffer 1972; Schiffer and Skibo 1997, 2008; Skibo 2013; Skibo and Schiffer 1987). For
instance, Oromo, Yem and Dawro potters produce the same types of pots to cook the same types
of crops in the same local environment, but they make pots using separate and distinct
chaînes opératoires. This does not mean that potters are unconcerned with vessel function, but
that social values and functional values are inseparable. For instance, pottery vessels are
produced within a social learning network to function in culinary, social and ritual practice,
which includes a guarantee of workmanship to the customer. Moreover, the project shows that
216
Wallaga pottery technological practices integrate or are part of broader technological practices in
Oromo society that include winnowing and processing of cereals for bread-making. This
supports observations that the technological practices of a society are used to solve other
technological problems in other contexts of material culture production within that society (see
Lechtman 1977; Lyons 2009; Sillar 1996, 2009). This concept demonstrates that functional
Importantly for the objectives of this study, the distinct Oromo chaîne opératoire
provides a material identity of the Oromo that can be used as a starting point to investigate their
history in the Wallaga archaeological record. This supports the ever-growing literature that
discards long-held narratives, that people without a written language are without history, and that
strives to recover the histories of Africa’s subaltern peoples through their material culture
analysis (see e.g., Lane 2004, 2006; Schmidt 2006; Schmidt and Walz 2007).
In addition to the chaîne opératoire, the project provides detailed information on the role
ritual practice. The project indicates that potters engage with pots in certain stages of production
in similar ways that people interact with people. Moreover, pottery structures the relationships
among individuals in the course of its production and ritual practices. In this context, pots have
active social relationships with their makers and users. Indeed, clay itself is perceived to have
agency, and potters must perform certain rituals before collecting it and other raw materials.
More importantly, in Wallaga, pots embody spirits that require engagement of humans with these
clay objects including splashing local beer prepared free of finger millet to appease its spirit.
Finger-millet beer was reported to make the spirit unhappy and should not be included in a beer
217
that is intended for this purpose. Moreover, through their perceived agency, the vessels inform
and constrain the ways that they are used. For example, traditionally in Wallaga, water jars are
not used for any purpose other than storing water, not because of its functional requirement but
because of the symbolic meaning attached to these vessels. According to local participants, even
damaged water jars were rarely given other uses. To do so would violate the social system that
regulates the male worldview, exposing them to impure or socially unacceptable sexual acts,
Pots are perceived as sentient, and they experience vital events including birth, growth
and death analogously with human beings. An example was provided in Chapter Five where
breaking pots was perceived as similar to murder and the act was handled similarly to a human
murder.
a well-situated case study of object agency and the deeply embedded role of pottery in human-
human and human-pottery interactions and relationships in the societies investigated here.
Symmetrical archaeology maintains that objects influence the ways human beings act with them
in the social world (Gosden 2005, 2012; Jones 2004; Knappett 2012, 2014; Robb 2005; Sillar
2009) and hence it proposes that “human and non-humans should not be regarded as
ontologically distinct, as detached and separated space entities” (Witmore 2007:547). In short,
humans and things are engaged in complex networks and co-exist through negotiations
(Knappett 2014; Olsen 2003; Witmore 2007). Further studies of ceramic ethnoarchaeology in
Wallaga and other regions of Ethiopia will surely contribute to the development of symmetrical
218
This dissertation provides information on culinary practices of the groups investigated,
especially that of the Oromo of Wallaga. The Oromo of Wallaga cultivate and consume anchote.
In addition to its dietary value, serving anchote dishes is the sign of respect and harmony among
the people that share the food. The cultivation and processing of anchote, which is associated
with fertility, are primarily carried out by women. The Yem and Dawro ethno-linguistic group do
not cultivate and consume anchote. The stable tuber for these groups is enset, which is not
cultivated and consumed by the Oromo of Wallaga. This supports the idea that crops in the same
environment are preferentially consumed by specific ethnic groups, and further practice
foodways that reproduce social identity (see Fuller 2005; Jones 2007; Simoon 1994).
In Wallaga, it is reported that anchote was transplanted to make anchote meals available
to women to help them recover from postnatal ailments. This view is different from the practices
of the Sheko reported by Hildebrand (2003, 2007). Hildebrand observed that in Sheko, the
transplantation of wild yams into gardens is primarily carried out by unmarried or divorced men,
to make the food available to them as desired. The Sheko men, like men in many Ethiopian
Wild tubers can be roasted (not boiled) and provide Sheko men with an acceptable meal
in the absence of women who will cook for them. Yam tubers are also preferred by men because
they are easily prepared. Hildebrand used this obseration to demonstrate that there is no universal
factor that led to the origins of agriculture (see e.g., Denham et al. 2007; Fuller 2005, 2011;
Fuller et al. 2014, Harris 2007; Price and Bar-Yosef 2011; Martins and Pliner 2005; Zeder and
The project also presented use-alterations of Oromo pottery that result from the Oromo's
219
that the way pots are used in processing and preparing different food items vary in the
southwestern Ethiopian highlands. For example, in Wallaga tuber cooking pots develop
Oromo in Wallaga prefer to steam tubers, a method that results in the formation of layers of food
encrustations in the interior walls of the tuber steaming pots. This may help to distinguish tuber-
residue analysis in regard to identifying specific tubers steamed in pottery vessels. In the study
area, steaming pot micro-residue analysis indicated that the cooking process gelatinized the
starches that impaired the identification of starch grains in charred residues using common
techniques that involve soaking the sample in distilled water (see also Crowther 2005, 2012;
Henry et al. 2009; Saul et al. 2012). Thus other charred starch residue identification techniques -
heavy-density liquid separation- should be used in the future to identify specific starches cooked
As a result, other techniques including ceramic chemical analyses (e.g., carbon and
nitrogen ratios, fatty acids analysis) and compositional analyses (e.g., instrumental neutron
activation analysis, ceramic thin section) might be useful approaches for future research to
identify specific tuber cooking practices and the people who engaged in the activity (see García-
Heras et al. 2001; Stahl et al. 2008). Although the starch analysis did not produce a satisfactory
result in terms of identifying specific tubers cooked in given pots, this experiment was important
because it determined the starch morphology of uncooked tubers. The starch morphologies were
previously undetermined for these species. On a positive note, the potential of being able to link
the technological style of pottery with specific food processing practices holds promise for
220
tracking the history of social groups, as well as the history of their culinary practices and food
choices, in the past. This is an important avenue of research that deserves more study.
This ethnoarchaeological project is the first case study in the region that integrated the
chaîne opératoire methodology and pottery use-alteration. This integrated approach is at an early
stage in ceramic studies in the Horn of Africa. Combining these approaches enables us to provide
a stronger social context for pottery production and consumption. In short, archaeologists and
ethnoarchaeologists using this combined technique potentially can identify specific social groups
in a region and in a region’s archaeological record and track changes to that community’s food
consumption practices over time. Ultimately this approach could be used to identify specific
group tuber domestication practices or at least the consumption of specific tubers over time.
This project also contributes to our understanding of the social context of pottery
production in Wallaga; potters are marginalized women who do not have free access to clay
resources. Studies show that traditional pottery-making is declining because of the reduced
demand for their products due to influx of plastics and metal alternatives (e.g., Ali 2010; Bowser
2000; Gukas 2012; May and Tuckson 2000). Although Ethiopia is working towards gender
equality through different programs to enhance the social and economic status of women, its land
policy limits potters’ free access to clay in Wallaga, as it does in other parts of the country (e.g.,
Lyons and Freeman 2008; Lyons 2014; Freeman and Pankhurst 2003; Berhane-Selassie 1991,
1994, 1999; Wayessa et al. 2015). This policy is contradictory to attaining gender equality.
The project presents detailed information on the Oromo knowledge and use of tuber
crops, an important contribution to the current but limited understanding of tuber crops in
Ethiopia. This information includes how farmers select quality tubers and their motives for
choosing how to propagate the tuber. The project also determined that when Oromo farmers
221
move to new places, they take anchote seeds to cultivate in their new homes. This is supported
by the presence of a strong genetic resemblance among anchote presently cultivated in different
Ethiopian regions by Oromo people (see Bekele et al. 2014; Fekadu 2011; Fekadu et al. 2013).
10. 2 Conclusion
The major objective of providing a material means to track the history of the Wallaga
Oromo in the past was met by determining their pottery technological style and those of
archaeological record to determine the history of the Wallaga Oromo in this region as well as
The project further determined that in Wallaga, pots and humans actively interact and co-
exist through negotiation. The negotiation frames the way pots are made, used and discarded. In
short, pottery production is fully rooted in the Oromo of Wallaga’s culture and worldview. The
project also determined that anchote (Coccinia abyssinica) is cultivated and primarly used by the
Oromo in Ethiopia. It is also reported that the tuber is grown by the Oromo diaspora. Anchote
The project successfully describes Oromo contemporary cuisine. In the region, different
ethnic groups follow their own specific culinary traditions and these traditions produce specific
use-alterations on specific vessels. However, the project was not able to identify different types
of tubers cooked in specific pots based on starch-residue analysis. Future work should include
222
chemical analyses of residues to try to establish the linkage of a pottery technological style with
Finally, the current government land policy inhibits potters in practicing their craft within
the context of declining market demand and the presence of industrial vessel alternatives in the
marketplace. The decline in pottery markets has adversely affected the social and economic
livelihood of the potters. In addition to losing income that gave these women economic freedom,
the potters are losing the opportunity to travel to market centers and to meet other people. This
social and political context reproduces structures of social inequality between men and women
223
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Appendix A
The following interview questions were prepared before going to to the field. In the field, I found
that a less structured interview process was more useful. This allowed the potters and farmers to
lead the interview by explaining what and why they were doing something at each stage.
1. What is your name? Please tell me about your ethnic background. When and where were you
born? I would like to observe your pottery manufacturing processes and as an outsider, what are
2. When did you start pottery making? From whom did you learn pottery-making? Do you like
pottery-making or you are making pots only for income? How many children do you have? Do
you advise your daughter/s to take up pottery making? If no, why? Does your husband or sons
help you make pots? If yes, mention some of their activities in the technology. If no, why do they
involved in iron smelting or any other craftwork? How did you choose your partner? Does the
mainstream society marry from the artisan class? If no, what do you think are the reason/s for
this? Do artisans and non-artisans marry to/ from the surrounding people who are not ethnically
4. What are the major raw materials you use to make pots? How do you get the resources? How
do you choose quality clay? Do you have free access to the clay mining sites? How is the current
land certification policy affecting you? Is there any ritual practice to be held at the mining site?
How do you transport the clay to the manufacturing site? How do you process clay? Why do
265
you prefer the way that you shape pots? Do you allow someone to adopt your shaping technique?
Have you ever tried to use other shaping techniques? Are you willing to take up another shaping
method? What are the norms and values you should follow as a potter? What do you think are
the impacts of Christianity or Islam on the traditional values in general and pottery-making in
particular? What do you think happens if you violate the norms? Can you mention the major
forms of pots that you make? How do you dry your pots? Is there any social regulation to be
followed? How do you make sure whether the pots are dry enough to be fired? Do you fire pots
in a pit or open firing? If in pit, who digs the pit and why do you prefer pit firing to open firing?
Do you have any post-firing treatments for the pots? Do you do the post-firing treatments
yourself? Can you comment on any observable change and continuity in pottery technology in
your lifetime?
4. What are your sources of income other than pottery making? What are the major tuber crops?
Do the tubers have ritual or medicinal value? If you believe that they have medicinal value how
do you know? Do other ethnic groups use the same tubers that you use in the same manner? Are
there tuber crops you do not use? If so, why? How do you steam tuber crops? Do you use metal
pots to steam tuber crops? If no, why you do not use them? Can you distinguish your steaming
pots from the steaming pots shaped by other ethnic groups? If yes, mention some of the specific
features you use to distinguish them from other people. Why do you do this? Can you estimate
the longevity of steaming pots? Is there any specific wear that develops on the interior walls of
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ii. Sample Questionnaire for non-artisan farmers
1. Thank you very much for your willingness to participate in this project. Please tell me your
2. What are the major crops you cultivate? How do you select appropriate sites for each crop?
Who taught you how to grow the type of crops your area supports? Do you cultivate tuber crops?
If yes, can you tell me some about them? Do these crops have wild forms in this region? How do
you distinguish the domestic ones from the wild ones? Do you use the wild plants? If yes,
3. Do the tuber crops have medicinal value? If yes, how did you learn their medical significance?
Tell me if the tubers have any ritual role to play in the society. Who plays major roles in land
selection, cultivation and harvesting of tuber crops? If one of the sexes, what do you think the
reason is for this division of labour? I have heard that you call anchote as a ‘friend of fertile
women’? What does this mean? What is the link between anchote and fertile women? When do
4. How are the tubers propagated? If there any tuber that propagates by seed, who selects the
desired quality seeds? How do you know when the crops are mature enough and ready for
harvesting? How do you steam the tubers? How are the tubers propagated? If there any tuber that
propagates by seed, who selects the desired quality seeds? How do you know when the crops are
mature enough and ready for harvesting? How do you steam the tubers? Do you use a clay pot or
metal? If you do not use metal pots, why is this? From where do you get clay pots? How do you
get the pots? Do the potters themselves bring them to your home or you buy from market places?
Do you buy in cash, in exchange with other goods, or both? Do you use a clay pot or metal parts?
If you do not use metal pots, why is this? From where do you get clay pots? How do you get the
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pots? Do the potters themselves bring them to your home or you buy from market places? Do
you buy in cash, in exchange with other goods, or both? Do you buy specific parts for specific
purposes? What specific use-wear patterns do you observe in the steaming pot? Can you
distinguish potsherds of steaming pots from other discarded potsherds? If yes, what are the
criteria you use to distinguish them? Do you buy parts from any potters or from specific clients?
5. Who are the potters? What is your social relationship with the potters? Do you marry artisans?
If no, what do you think is the reason? What would you feel if your daughter takes up pottery-
making as a livelihood option? What change and continuity do you observe regarding the
relationship you have with the potter? What do you think the impact is of the new religions
(Christianity or Islam) on the traditional social structures and on the relationship between the
6. What are other craftworks processed in this region? What do you think the roles of artisans in
community? Comment on their social status as compared to their contributions to the society.
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