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Iris Franz
To cite this article: Iris Franz (2020): Unintentional procrastination, self control, and academic
achievements, Education Economics, DOI: 10.1080/09645292.2020.1801596
1. Introduction
People have self-control issues. We tend to seek immediate gratification and postpone costly actions
(O’Donoghue and Rabin 1999, 2000). As such, self-control seems to be an asset: the ability to delay
gratification and carry out costly action promptly has become a key to success, such as studying hard
and getting good grades, meeting project deadlines, living within one’s means, and staying on a diet
(Laibson 1997).
At school, self-control issues arise when students postpone studying until days or hours before a
major exam, or wait until the last minute to start working on an assignment, such as homework or a
term paper. Research shows that about 80–95% of college students procrastinate in academic work
(Ellis and Knaus 1977; O’Brien 2002; Steel 2007), and almost 50% of them habitually and consistently
procrastinate (Day, Mensink, and O’Sullivan 2000; Haycock, McCarthy, and Skay 1998; Onwuegbuzie
and Jiao 2000). Reasons for students to procrastinate include ‘fear of failure,’ ‘lack of energy,’ ‘task
unpleasantness,’ ‘lack of motivation,’ and ‘lack of task competence’ (Solomon and Rothblum 1984;
Klingsieck et al. 2013).
It seems obvious why procrastination could be detrimental to academic performance: given the
same deadline, the longer one waits to start working on an assignment, the less time is permitted
for that assignment. As a result, one might conjecture that the later a student starts working on
an assignment, the lower the quality of the completed (and sometimes unfinished) assignment.
Nevertheless, postponing working on an assignment does not necessarily suggest self-control
issues. While some students are procrastinating, others take the time to study lecture notes and
the textbook to better prepare themselves for the homework assignment. Still others claim that
they ‘work better under pressure,’ and purposefully start working on an assignment only a few
days, or a few hours, before the deadline. Therefore, not all procrastination suggest the lack of
self-control. Rather, some procrastination are ‘intentional.’ In particular, delaying working on an
assignment, depending on the circumstances (e.g. studying the course material before attempting
the homework), could possibly improve, rather than jeopardize, the quality of the assignment.
As such, the number of days that a student waits until starting to work on an assignment is no
longer a good measurement of (the lack of) self-control. Instead, an appropriate measurement of
self-control should reveal whether a student has deviated from his/her study plan, or if the
student had purposefully waited until the last minute to work on an assignment.
This study measures students’ unintentional procrastination. The author observes the behaviors of
students in several principles of micro-and-macroeconomics classes, taught between spring 2015
and spring 2017 at the University of St. Thomas, Houston, TX. On a day when a homework assignment
was posted on Blackboard, the author, also the instructor of the classes, asked each student to indi-
cate which day he or she planned to start working on that assignment. Unbeknownst to the students,
the author observed the day that each student actually started working on the assignment, as
recorded by Blackboard. Not surprisingly, the 2 days did not always coincide.
The difference between the day that a student planned to work on an assignment, and the day
that the student actually worked on that assignment, is called ‘the number of days delayed,’ or
‘delay,’ in this paper. ‘Delay’ indicates the number of days the student unintentionally procrastinated
working on the assignment. Furthermore, ‘delay’ measures the degree of the student’s lack of self-
control. The larger ‘delay,’ the more the student has procrastinated unintentionally, and the more
self-control issue the student has.
Notice that ‘delay’ is not measured in the ‘absolute’ term – that is, it is not measured by the
number of days the student waited until working on the homework since it was posted. Rather,
‘delay’ is measured by the day the student planned to work on the homework and the day he or
she actually worked on the homework. If the student indicated that he or she would do the home-
work on ‘Sunday’ (the due date of the assignment) and he/she actually did so, then the student
delayed 0 days. This way, this study distinguishes students who procrastinated intentionally (that
is, those who planned to work on the due date and actually did so) from those who procrastinated
unintentionally (those who planned to work on an earlier day but failed to do so).
A positive delay does not always suggest self-control issues. Perhaps students do not care much
about obtaining a good grade. Therefore, it is a rational choice to postpone assignments that require
effort, which is unpleasant and costly to the students. However, research reveals that students often
‘pester’ their professors into giving extra points, although doing so is also costly (Franz 2010). This
shows that students do care about their grades to some extent.
A positive delay could also be caused by unexpected sickness or family emergency.1 Yet, emer-
gency does not occur every day. If a student consistently delays working on homework many
times that could suggest a self-control issue.
This study finds that students who procrastinate unintentionally, as measured by relatively larger
‘delay,’ are more likely to (1) score lower in a homework assignment, (2) perform worse in principles of
micro-and-macroeconomics, and (3) obtain a lower grade point average (GPA).
The major finding of this study is that, self-control issue has a negative association with academic
achievements. This finding is coherent with the literature: research shows that students with higher
scores on self-control tend to have higher GPAs (Chamorro-Premuzic and Furnham 2003; De Paola
and Scoppa 2015; Duckworth and Seligman 2006; Horn and Kiss 2018; Non and Tempelaar 2016;
Tangney, Baumeister, and Boone 2004). Furthermore, studies also find that self-control outdoes IQ
in predicting academic achievements of adolescents (Duckworth and Seligman 2005).
Nevertheless, there has been little research about procrastination in studying with data observed
in the field. For instance, Horn and Kiss (2018) and Non and Tempelaar (2016) analyze how students’
time preferences could affect their academic performance. However, they measure students’ time
preferences by hypothetical questions like ‘would you prefer $1000 now or $1100 next year?’
rather than facing students with a real choice. Even if an individual indicates that he/she prefers
$1100 later to $1000 now in the questionnaire, it does not necessarily imply that the individual
would make the same choice in his/her real life.
EDUCATION ECONOMICS 3
Laboratory and field experiments, where subjects make real choices that affect their actual payoffs,
give us a better idea of their real time preference. For instance, in Bisin and Hyndman’s (2014) field
experiment, subjects, who are also students, are asked to perform a simple task – sorting alphabets –
for a monetary reward. The research confirms that students are mostly biased to the present and tend
to procrastinate.
Yet, students’ time preference and procrastination in sorting a word in the alphabetical order
could be quite different from their time preference in human capital investment – that is, studying.
It would be ideal if students’ procrastination behavior is measured by their actual studying behavior.
Otherwise, one lacks the smoking gun to connect students’ procrastination to their academic
achievements. For instance, to prioritize studying, one might procrastinate house chores. Therefore,
using procrastination behavior in house chores (or other activities) to predict one’s academic achieve-
ments could be misleading.
Wong (2008) observes students’ procrastination behavior in studying, which allows him to connect
procrastination with academic performance. In his research, students are required to report their own
optimal study date, the date that they planned to study, and the date that they actually studied. This
way, students could be categorized into ‘time-consistent,’ ‘sophisticated,’ and ‘naivetes.’
With the link between students’ procrastination in studying and their academic record, Wong
(2008) was able to conclude that time-consistent students outperform those who are time inconsist-
ent. The only issue is that his research relies on students’ self-report, which could be subjective and
plagued by the noise in the data caused by students’ imperfect and limited memory.
De Paola and Scoppa (2015) successfully captured college freshmen’s procrastination behavior by
recording the number of days they waited to register for classes since the date of their admission
notice. Unlike self-reports, the observations were objectively documented by the registrar of the uni-
versity. De Paula and Scoppa argue that after receiving the admission notice, the longer a student
waited until registering for classes, the more he or she procrastinated. They conclude that procrasti-
nation, as measured by the number of days a student waited to register for classes, is a strong indi-
cator for academic success.
Unlike Wong (2008), De paola and Scoppa (2015) measure students’ procrastination in registering
for classes, which cannot be directly connected to their academic performance. Furthermore, De
Paola and Scoppa record students’ procrastination in the ‘absolute’ term. As a result, the data are
not informative as to whether students procrastinated intentionally or unintentionally. To students
who intentionally procrastinated, registration was probably not their top priority; perhaps they
planned to register at a later day because they had other more important things to do. The naive
students, on the other hand, put off registration because they inaccurately predicted that they
‘would do it very soon.’
This paper contributes to the literature of students’ self-control and procrastination in several
ways. First, the measurement of procrastination is in a relative term – delay – the difference
between the day that a student planned to do the homework, and the day that the student
actually did it. This way, one can tell whether the students’ procrastination was intentional or
unintentional.
Second, this study observes students’ time preference in studying. This is also the major difference
of this paper from the literature. Unlike many papers that measure procrastination in tasks unrelated
to human capital investment, this paper measures students’ procrastination in doing their homework.
Students face a real choice as to which day to do the homework, rather than some hypothetical ques-
tions about money in a questionnaire. Moreover, students’ behaviors are observed objectively on
Blackboard, so the data are more reliable than students’ self-report. Finally, this study captures indi-
viduals’ behaviors outside of the laboratory, which better reflects the reality.
The rest of the paper will proceed as follows: Section 2 introduces the method of data collection.
Section 3 describes the data collected in the field. Section 4 details regression models and expec-
tations, and Section 5 presents regression results. Section 6 discusses policy implications, as well
as whether students update the priors of their own behaviors. Section 7 concludes.
4 I. FRANZ
2. Data collection
2.1. Subjects
Students who took principles of microeconomics (ECON 1332) and principles of macroeconomics
(ECON 1331) taught by the author from spring 2015 to spring 2017 at the University of St. Thomas
(UST), Houston, TX, were solicited for the study (see Table 1). Each class had 20–30 students.
Except for one adult learner, all students were typical full-time college students, between 18 and
22 years old. They were diversified in gender, as well as cultural and ethnic backgrounds.
In the beginning of the study, the students were guaranteed confidentiality of their personally
identifiable data and signed the consent approved by the UST Human Subject Committee. Extra
credits were offered as an incentive for participation. Due to the low marginal cost of participation
(5 minutes of class time; details below), the initial participation rate was 100%. However, some stu-
dents, typically poor performers, dropped out later and their data were excluded. In addition, stu-
dents who failed to submit any assignment were dropped from the data set.
2.2. Procedure
In the beginning of each semester, the instructor discussed this research project with all students in
classes listed in Table 1. The students were told that the purpose of this project is to understand their
study plan; in particular, the day that they plan to work on homework assignments. However, stu-
dents were not aware that the instructor later checked the day that they actually started working
on the homework assignments.
attempt but failed to finish it before the due time, the system would submit the assignment automati-
cally and gave credit to the student for the questions he or she had completed. The students were
allowed to work in groups.
After each attempt, Blackboard informed the student the number of mistakes he or she made,
without indicating which answer was wrong. Once an assignment was due, students could no
longer attempt the assignment, and Blackboard graded all students’ assignments automatically. At
the end of the semester, the worst assignment was dropped from each student’s record.
Each homework assignment had the same weight and was normalized to 100 points. For instance,
if an assignment had 15 questions, then each question counted 6.67 points. But in an assignment that
had 10 questions, each question counted 10 points. At the end of the semester, after dropping the
worst assignment, the average score of the assignments counted 20% of the students’ final grade.
The weight of assignments, as well as assignment policy (no late assignments, two attempts
allowed in each assignment, etc.) were indicated on the syllabus. In addition, the instructor
announced the assignment policy at the beginning of the semester in each class.
2.5. Procrastination
Blackboard keeps a record as to exactly which day a student started working on an assignment. Let Ai
be the day that the student actually worked on Homework i, i = 1 · · · 5. This is how Ai is coded:
Tuesday=2, Wednesday=3, Thursday=4, Friday=5, Saturday=6, and Sunday=7.4
Let the day that a student planned to start working on Homework i be Pi , coded the same way as
Ai . Let the number of days delayed, or ‘delay’ be Di , where Di = Ai − Pi .
For instance, if a student indicated on the questionnaire that he or she would like to start working
on Homework 3 on Friday, but actually did so on Sunday, then D3 = A3 − P3 = 7 − 5 = 2.
It is possible that Di , 0. That is, occasionally, a student worked on an assignment earlier than he
or she had planned. However, this happened less than 9% of the time. In contrast, Di . 0 happened
most of the time (see Table 2).
Table 2. Delay.
Delay < 0 Delay = 0 Delay > 0 Total
Count 115 366 872 1349
Percentage 8.23% 27.13% 64.64% 100.00%
6 I. FRANZ
3. Data description
Through spring 2015 to spring 2017 (5 semesters in all), the author was able to collect most data of
students’ plan to work on a homework assignment (Pi ), as well as the actual day students worked on
the assignment (Ai ). Thus the author was able to calculate the number of days delayed for most
assignments.
number of missing assignments does not affect the number of observations. In Table 5, missing
assignments (with no record of Ai ) were dropped from the calculation of the mean and median of
‘Actual.’ However, in Table 6, missing assignments were recorded as Ai = 8. As such, both ‘Actual’
and ‘Delay’ are higher in Table 6 than in Table 5.
gender, major, years in college, and the subject control variable (whether data were collected from
microeconomics classes (micro = 1), or macroeconomics classes (micro = 0)). Furthermore, dummy
variables are included to control for different assignments (HW2, HW3, HW4, or HW5).
Because missing assignments cause variable Ai to be underestimated, the author runs the
regression of Equation (1) with two sets of data. In the first set of regressions, observations with
missing Homework i will be dropped. In the second set of regressions, however, missing Homework
i is recorded as Ai = 8 and Di = 8 − Pi . That is, missing assignments are treated as ‘having been sub-
mitted on Monday with zero points.’
student submitted more than one assignment each semester, one can run Regression (1) again with
individual fixed effects.
economics classes (Butler, Finegan, and Siegfried 1998). Therefore, one expect EMP to be positively
associated with Homework Score in Equation (1) and EconGrade in Equation (2).
One would expect variable JS to be positively associated with work quality and academic achieve-
ments in Equations (1), (2), and (3). Other things being equal, juniors and seniors are probably more
knowledgeable and more serious about their studying than their freshmen and sophomore
counterparts.
In race control variables, the reference race is ‘Other.’ The university is diversified in race and cul-
tural background. Except for Asian, Black, Hispanic, and White, about 16% of the students identify
their race as ‘Other.’ This includes mixed races and students from the Middle East, India, and Pakistan.
The expected signs of race control variables, as well as gender control variable (variable ‘Male’), are
unknown in Equations (1), (2), and (3).
‘Micro’ is a control variable that indicates where the data were collected from. ‘Micro’ = 1 if the
data were collected from microeconomics classes; ‘Micro’ = 0 if the data were collected from macro-
economics classes. Anecdotal evidence from College Confidential,5 an online student forum, suggests
that students typically find microeconomics more challenging than macroeconomics, due probably
to math and graphs involved in microeconomics. Therefore, the expected sign of ‘Micro’ coefficient is
negative in Equations (1) and (2), but unknown in Equation (3).
Note that some students took both micro-and-macroeconomics classes taught by the same
instructor. However, they always did so in different semesters, as the instructor never taught both
micro-and-macroeconomics in the same semester throughout the data collection period. Therefore,
the same student who took both micro-and-macroeconomics from the same instructor was treated
as two distinct students, as the student’s year (freshman, sophomore, junior or senior), econ grade
(micro or macro), and cumulative GPA have all changed.
4.8. Limitations
One drawback of this data set is the lack of the SAT scores to control for students’ IQ. The UST Human
Subject Committee permitted the collection of the SAT scores directly from students only. Unfortu-
nately, many students were transfer students who came to the university without the SAT scores.
Other students took the ACT instead of the SAT. Still others took the SAT but forgot about their scores.
Eventually, less than half of the students reported their SAT scores from their memory. While these
students reported their SAT scores, they indicated that they might not remember their scores cor-
rectly, as the test ‘was taken a long time ago.’ Since the reliability of these self-reported SAT scores
is questionable, they are not included in the analysis.
5. Regression results
5.1. Unintentional procrastination and homework score
Table 7 displays four sets of regression results of Equation (1). Regressions (1) and (2) drop obser-
vations with missing assignments. Regression (1) is an OLS model, and Regression (2) controls for
individual fixed effects.
Regressions (3) and (4) treat missing assignments as ‘submitted on Monday with zero points.’
Regression (3) is a Tobit model, and Regression (4) is a Tobit model with individual fixed effects.
In Regressions (1) and (2), one can observe that, each day delayed is negatively associated with the
homework score by about 1 point, and the result is statistically significant at the 5% and 1% level,
respectively. In addition, the actual day students work on the assignment does not seem to matter.
Nevertheless, Regressions (3) and (4) depict a more dire story. Since no one missed assignments
intentionally, failing to submit the homework on time can be an indication of serious procrastination
issues.6 Regressions (3) and (4) demonstrate that both ‘actual day’ and ‘delay’ matter. For instance, in
Regression (4), after controlling for individual fixed effects, each day delayed from the plan is
EDUCATION ECONOMICS 11
negatively associated with 3.3 points in the homework score. Moreover, one additional ‘actual day’ is
negatively associated with homework score for almost 2.8 points.
A negative coefficient in ‘Actual’ indicates that, students probably did not start homework on a
later date to better prepare themselves for the homework (such as studying the textbook). Moreover,
the quality of students’ work does not improve when they work ‘under pressure;’ that is, when the
deadline is approaching.
races.’ Some of these students had to learn economics the first time with English as a second
language, which could be challenging. This might explain why their homework scores are lower
than their counterparts.
Regressions (2A) and (2B) treat missing assignments as Ai = 8 to partially alleviate the underesti-
mation of Ai and MD(Ai ) due to missing assignments. One can observe similar results here as those in
Regressions (1A) and (1B). Regressions (2A) and (2B) demonstrate a negative association between
‘delay’ and EconGrade. One day of delay is negatively associated with about one-tenth a letter
grade in economics, although the results are slightly more statistically significant than Regressions
(1A) and (1B).
6. Discussion
6.1. ‘Delay’ matters more than ‘Actual’
All regressions from Tables 7–9 demonstrate a negative association between ‘Delay’ and academic
performance, measured by homework score, grade in principles of micro-and-macroeconomics, as
well as the GPA.
Table 9. GPA.
(1A) (1B) (2A) (2B)
Missing Excluded Missing Excluded Missing as Mon. Missing as Mon.
GPA GPA GPA GPA
Actual_Mean −0.00775 −0.0504
(−0.24) (−1.49)
Delay_Mean −0.0777∗ −0.108∗∗
(−2.03) (−2.88)
Actual_Median 0.0120 −0.0130
(0.45) (−0.48)
Delay_Median −0.0767∗ −0.103∗∗
(−2.30) (−3.18)
Missing_Assignment −0.255∗∗∗ −0.263∗∗∗
(−5.09) (−5.30)
Male −0.134 −0.143 −0.118 −0.136
(−1.84) (−1.96) (−1.55) (−1.78)
JuniorSenior −0.0204 −0.0258 −0.0455 −0.0420
(−0.25) (−0.32) (−0.52) (−0.48)
Asian −0.0393 −0.0219 −0.0274 0.0195
(−0.28) (−0.16) (−0.19) (0.14)
Black −0.443∗∗ −0.452∗∗ −0.366∗ −0.368∗
(−2.64) (−2.70) (−2.14) (−2.14)
Hispanic −0.0821 −0.0775 −0.0816 −0.0608
(−0.75) (−0.70) (−0.73) (−0.54)
White 0.114 0.124 0.154 0.195
(0.95) (1.03) (1.26) (1.59)
EMP 0.412 0.414 0.376 0.373
(1.27) (1.27) (1.12) (1.11)
Business_major −0.0618 −0.0550 −0.0433 −0.0362
(−0.69) (−0.61) (−0.45) (−0.37)
MajorOther 0.125 0.120 0.220 0.217
(1.18) (1.13) (1.90) (1.86)
Micro −0.0237 −0.0304 −0.0366 −0.0482
(−0.31) (−0.41) (−0.47) (−0.62)
_cons 3.404∗∗∗ 3.300∗∗∗ 3.562∗∗∗ 3.334∗∗∗
(18.19) (19.92) (18.16) (19.27)
N 255 255 255 255
t statistics in parentheses.
∗
p<0.05, ∗∗ p<0.01, ∗∗∗ p , 0.001.
EDUCATION ECONOMICS 15
Regressions (3) and (4) in Table 7 also show a negative association between ‘Actual’ and home-
work score. However, no such an association is established between ‘Actual’ and ‘Econ Grade,’ or
‘Actual’ and the GPA in Tables 8 and 9. Although attempting the homework on a later day is nega-
tively associated with the homework score, it is not associated with the grade in economics or the
GPA.
Regression results from Tables 8 and 9 suggest that starting homework late per se says little about
unintentional procrastination. Therefore, one does not see a negative association between ‘Actual’
and grade in economics, or the GPA.
Instead, attempting the homework later than planned – that is, variable ‘Delay’ – is a better indi-
cation of unintentional procrastination and the lack of self-control. This is probably the reason why all
regressions in Tables 7–9 demonstrate a strong negative association between ‘Delay’ and academic
performance.
4, 0.43 days more; and Homework 5, 0.65 days more. The results are significant at the 5%, 1%, and
0.1% level, respectively.
Why did students delay more and more? One possibility is that, students might have strategically
missed the last assignment. Because the worst assignment is dropped from the record, the good per-
formers who did the first four assignments well might have purposefully chosen to miss the last
assignment. However, no one indicated that he or she intended to miss an assignment on the ques-
tionnaire. Assuming that students were honest when filling out the questionnaire, one can rule out
this possibility.
Another explanation is that, the later into the semester, the busier the students became, due prob-
ably to term papers, projects, and presentations assigned in other classes. In addition, Homework 5
was due in the end of the semester, when students were the most overwhelmed cramming for their
final exams.
If students were fully forward-looking, or behave like ‘econs,’7 then they would have calculated the
time needed for all assignments in other classes and planned accordingly. This is especially true
because all professors at the University of St. Thomas are required to give a course syllabus with sche-
dule clearly planned at the beginning of each semester. However, the ANOVA results demonstrate
otherwise; in particular, students did not update their priors about how many days they tended to
delay working on a homework assignment. This suggests that students are not ‘econs’ and do not
update their prior.
6.3. Limitations
Although this study finds a negative association between unintentional procrastination and aca-
demic achievements, the direction of causality is ambiguous. Procrastination could lead to poor per-
formance. However, poor performers might tend to procrastinate.
Ideally, to identify the causal relationship, one would have to randomly assign some students to
study early, and some to procrastinate, and then compare the results. However, such an experiment
would be unethical as most, if not all, students care about their grades. Such a design of the exper-
iment would also fail to pass any Human Subject Committee.
On the other hand, if unintentional procrastination causes poor academic performance, then the
professor can give incentives, such as extra credits, for early submission of homework assignments.
This could motivate students to finish their homework earlier, achieving a better learning outcome.
However, the incentive of early homework submission will not improve the learning results of stu-
dents who intentionally procrastinate (even if they might be induced to submit homework early),
because these students did not have an issue to begin with.
7. Conclusion
This paper collects field data to examine students’ unintentional procrastination in homework assign-
ments, measured in ‘delay’ – the number of days a student had delayed working on an assignment
relative to his or her original plan.
Regression results demonstrate a negative association between unintentional procrastination and
all measurements of academic achievements, including homework score, the grade in principles of
micro-and-macroeconomics, and the GPA. After controlling for an underestimation issue, one day
of delay is negatively associated with homework score by more than three points. The results are stat-
istically significant at the 0.1% level, with and without controlling for individual fixed effects.
In addition, ‘delay’ and the number of missing assignments are negatively associated with the
grade in micro-or-macroeconomics, as well as the cumulative GPA. One day of delay in homework
is negatively associated with one-tenth of a letter grade in economics, while one missing homework
assignment is negatively associated with almost half of a letter grade in economics. Similar negative
associations are observed between delay and the GPA, and between the number of missing assign-
ments and the GPA.
One important implication of the regression results is that, starting the assignment late per se does
not matter as much as starting the assignment later than planned.
In this study, homework assignments were relatively small assignments. If the assignment was
larger and required longer time to complete, such as a term paper, then one might observe a
bigger negative association between delay and the score received for the assignment.
The main results of this study – the negative association between unintentional procrastination
and academic achievements – may be applied to the workplace as well. Assuming that students
who procrastinate unintentionally at school are also likely to do so at workplace after graduation,
then firms are doing the right thing in reviewing transcripts before hiring new employees. Since
regressions demonstrate a negative association between ‘delay’ and GPA, firms might be able to
find potential employees with good self-control and discipline by looking at their GPAs, and
perhaps their grades in micro-and-macroeconomics.
Notes
1. A great majority of our students are full-time students, between 18 and 22 years old. Unlike adult learners, our
students typically do not have a family to take care of, and they do not hold a full-time job.
2. There was one exception: Homework 4 in spring 2017 had only seven multiple choice questions.
3. ECON 1332 Section N was the only exception. The class met on Tuesdays and Thursdays at 3:35 pm. Therefore, the
assignments became available 3 h before the class met. In that class, the instructor announced ‘The homework
assignment has been posted.’
4. One can also code Tuesday = 1, Wednesday = 2, and so on, but this does not affect the regression results.
5. http://talk.collegeconfidential.com/ap-tests-preparation/537093-economics-micro-vs-macro.html, accessed
March 2017.
6. Section 1 discussed reasons, other than procrastination, for missing homework assignments.
7. Thaler (2015) calls rational and highly intelligent beings ‘econs.’
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
18 I. FRANZ
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