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Paper Prepared for the American Political Science Association Meeting, Toronto,
September 2009
Abstract
Patriotic images such as the American flag have had a prominent place in news coverage
in the United States particularly since the terrorist attacks of 9/11. Previous research
suggests that patriotic images do not affect how viewers perceive journalistic norms
(Barnett and Roselle, 2008). However, our research conducted in 2007 suggested that
subgroups within the population respond differently to these patriotic images; liberals and
Democrats exposed to patriotic images, for example, were less likely to fear future
terrorist attacks than conservatives and Republicans who also saw these same images.
One plausible explanation is related to frame switching – or the activation of particular
frames associated with symbolic icons. Because the flag had come to be associated with
the Bush Administration’s War on Terror, perhaps Democrats and Liberals who viewed
news stories with the US flag were primed to be less fearful. This logic suggests that this
finding would no longer hold after the election of Barack Obama. The current research
analyzes the use of patriotic images (the American flag) in summer 2009. The study uses
an experimental model to test again whether or not patriotic images in news stories affect
the degree to which they consider the news objective, fair, and balanced. Results are
consistent with our 2008 findings. In addition, the frame switching explanation is
partially supported as now Conservatives who see the patriotic version of news stories are
more inclusive or egalitarian in some limited areas. This study serves as a probe for a
future large-n study.
Introduction
On January 20, 2009, Barack Obama was sworn in as the 44th President of the
United States. He gave his inaugural address in front of 5 magisterial American flags;
one modern 50-star flag, two 21-star flags symbolizing Obama’s home state of Illinois
(the 21st state) and two 13-star ‘Betsy Ross’ flags. The tremendous crowd that assembled
to celebrate this inauguration waved American flags proudly in spite of the cold day in
Washington, DC. Yet, only 15 months before presidential candidate Barack Obama had
refused to wear a small American-flag pin, declaring that "Shortly after 9/11, particularly
because as we're talking about the Iraq War, that became a substitute for I think true
patriotism, which is speaking out on issues that are of importance to our national security,
more than a year, some would claim that the American flag became a symbol that
Democrats and Liberals would be proud to wear and wave again (Egan, 2009,
Research done in 2007 before the 2008 presidential election (Barnett & Roselle,
2008) suggested that, for the most part, American flag images including anchor flag pins
and patriotic graphics during television news stories did not affect how viewers perceived
the objectivity, fairness, or newsworthiness of the stories. Flag graphics, however, did
affect how afraid Democrats and Liberals claimed to be of a future terrorist attack.
Among Democrats and Liberals, those who saw experimental news stories with patriotic
images were significantly less likely to be afraid of a future terrorist attack. The current
research is meant to follow-up on these previous findings and to see if and how flag
focuses on frame switching and suggests that the effects of flag imagery in news stories
The importance of political symbols is not lost on most people associated with
electoral politics and governance. Candidates use carefully crafted visuals during
campaigns and elected officials often construct or use images that will help to legitimize
their policies, thus making the visual political symbols ways to reinforce the desired
particularly important ways, and one of these images is the national flag (Ferguson,
More assumptions about the effect of patriotic images, including the flag, have
been made in the scholarly literature than empirical analyses of responses to these
images. Yet, in recent years there has been a growing interest in the effects of flag
that the American flag can affect perceptions of journalistic norms (Barton & Campbell,
2001), levels of fear (Barnett & Roselle, 2008), and activation of American nationalist
ideology or nationalism (Ferguson, Carter, and Hassin, 2009; Kemmelmeier and Winter,
2008; Butz, Plant, and Doerr, 2007). As Ferguson, Carter, and Hassin (2009) note,
“whereas people might consciously behave in line with their explicitly avowed political
ideologies and values, they may also be unintentionally and nonconsciously moved by
subtle political and ideological clues in their environment”(54). The US flag is one
A study conducted in 2007 by the authors (Barnett & Roselle, 2008) was
perceptions of these images. We were interested in whether or not viewers would judge
objectivity, fairness, and balance. As hypothesized, patriotic images did not seem to
affect the degree to which viewers reported the news story to be more or less fair,
newsworthy, biased, important, or balanced. So, first, the current research attempted to
replicate those results in a new political climate after a party change in the Presidency.
H1: Patriotic images will not affect perceptions of how objective, fair, or newsworthy
Even as the previous research suggests that patriotic imagery within news stories
does not affect perceptions of journalistic norms, (and in fact in most cases the audience
does not even consciously recognize the imagery itself), there is evidence that patriotic
imagery can prime viewers in other ways. Past research suggests that patriotic images and
symbols can be important to building political support and ideological affinity. Before
the election of Barack Obama, our research showed that Democrats and Liberals exposed
to patriotic imagery reported being significantly less afraid of future terrorist attacks than
those who did not see the news stories that included patriotic images (Barnett & Roselle,
2008). The current study attempted to see if this relationship was still evident after the
patriotic images. Research in this area suggests a number of possibilities. One of the
interesting areas of scholarly inquiry related to patriotic, and particularly flag imagery, is
research that suggests that exposure to flag imagery heightens nationalism or nationalist
ideology (Thorisdottir, Jost, and Kay, 2009, 12). Of course the central issue here is what
constitutes nationalist ideology. Ferguson, Carter, and Hassin (2009) associate three
They find that for one group of viewers - news-watchers - flag cues lead to more support
for power and materialism and more evidence of aggressive judgment and behavior (71).
country, and nationalism, or a sense of superiority over others, and find that the American
flag increased American nationalism and did not increase American patriotism.
Responses designed to assess patriotism included the degree to which participants were
that assessed the US as a leader in the world and the degree to which US interests should
be pursued without consideration of the costs to other international state, for example.
another set of values. For example, some scholars suggest that egalitarianism is central to
American identity (Butz, Plant & Doerr, 2007; Devos & Banaji, 2005). Devos and
Banaji (2005, 448) argue that “[a]llegiance to universalistic values, especially equality,
appears to be the most important feature defining what it means to be American.” Butz,
Plant & Doerr argue that the flag is associated with being American and hence egalitarian
and less aggressive values. These scholars claim that “[b]ecause highly nationalistic
people tend to be more hostile toward outgroups but also are strongly identified with their
nation, exposure to national symbols that promote tolerance and egalitarianism may have
a particularly strong impact on the highly nationalistic”(Butz, Plant & Doerr, 398).
Most of the work in this area to date has assumed that the meaning of the US flag
is relatively static, that is that these relationships will hold over time and in different
reviewing recent research, suggest that “an emerging literature on the exposure to the
U.S. flag suggests that for different people the flag may simultaneously activate very
Frame Switching
Our previous research showed that Democrats and Liberals who saw patriotic
news stories (in 2007) were less likely than those who saw a neutral version to be afraid
of a future terrorist attack. One plausible explanation for this involves a more dynamic
understanding of the meaning of the flag. Here we relate this to the concept of frame
switching discussed by Hong, Morris, Chiu and Benet-Martinez (2000). Hong, et. al.
argue that individuals can have, and switch between or among, multiple interpretive
frames and that these frames can be activated by particular symbols. In their experiments
frames when certain cultural icons were introduced. One of the US icons was the US
flag. The authors primed different groups with different cultural icons and then asked
the dispositions of individuals versus groups” (713). Those who were primed with the
Chinese cultural icons were more likely to give weight to external or group social
pressure to explain behavior under question, while those primed by the American cultural
icons were more likely to give weight to internal or individual pressure. We argue that,
in studying the effects of patriotic images in news stories, it may be fruitful to look at flag
imagery as activating the political frames associated with the President’s national security
objectives and policies. This seems plausible due to the fact that news stories often
contain reporting about the political leadership (Iyengar and McGrady, 2007; Smoller,
1990; Berry, 1990; Lewis and Rose, 2002; Mauer, 1999). This could explain our finding
about Democrats and Liberals in 2007. Flag imagery could have activated associations
related to the war on terror and protection of the US population from terrorism specific to
Especially in the case of the change from President Bush to President Obama, we
argue that the flag should be associated with a differently weighted set of “American”
characteristics or values. Under President Bush, the flag was used by the Administration
to support that the war on terror provided clear protection from terrorism. Under Barack
Obama, we argue that the flag has come to represent a differently weighted set of US
values, including a more inclusive or egalitarian emphasis on foreign policy. If our logic
about frame switching is plausible, we would not expect to see the same results as found
in our 2008 study among Democrats and Liberals, and we would expect changes in how
Republicans and Conservatives perceived issues related to inclusion and foreign policy
H2: Democrats and Liberals who are exposed to the flag imagery in news stories will
stories will be more likely to report inclusive or egalitarian views than Republicans and
Finally, previous studies have suggested that gender can affect public opinion on
national security in the United States (Holsti, 1997). Some studies suggest that men are
more nationalistic and/or aggressive in their views of national security (Goldstein, 1997,
329-330; see also Tickner, 2002 for an additional nuanced discussion). In accordance
with the logic of frame switching, we would expect that men who viewed the flag image
in the news would express more egalitarian preferences than those who watched the
H4: Exposure to US flag images within news stories will be associated with
Design
fairness, objectivity, etc. and 2) US foreign policy and national security. To test viewer
perceptions after watching patriotic news stories, two newscasts, one patriotic and one
neutral, were created for the experiment. In this study, we focused on the use of the
American flag. Each newscast contained three identical news stories. Two scholars with
professional expertise in television wrote the script of the news stories adapted from
current news. The three segments were approximately 30 seconds long each and were
recorded by an advanced communications student who has had experience interning in a
local news station. To ensure the same anchor intonation and mannerisms, the same
recording was used for both patriotic and neutral versions and digitally manipulated by
The first news story covered the real estate market in the weak US economy. The
second story concerned the war in Afghanistan and covered fatalities of both Afghanis
and Americans. In the neutral version, a map of Afghanistan was positioned in a box
above the anchor’s left shoulder. In the patriotic version, an American flag was placed in
the box instead of the map. The third story concerned interrogation of prisoners by the
Bush administration and the Obama administration’s decision not to prosecute CIA
officials.
undergraduates between the ages of 18 and 22 (n=59, 61%) and older adults (n= 38,
39%). Fifty-four percent were men and 46% were women. Caucasians made up 76%
(n=74) of the sample and African-Americans made up 16% (n=15). The participants
We also asked them to rate themselves as liberal or conservative, and the sample included
61% self-identified liberals (1-5) and 39% conservatives (6-10). In this sample, 55% felt
the media to be liberal (1-5 on a 10-point scale), and 45% said the media were
conservative (6-10 on a 10-point scale). It is important to note that the sample was
skewed toward liberals and those with a high school diploma or higher, but the two
samples were not statistically different (see below). Participants reported their primary
source of news to be television (37%), the internet (33%), newspapers (15%), other
(10%), and friends (5%). News channels preferred were CNN (38%), local news (26%),
The participants were placed into two different groups through a random
assignment. Analysis shows that the groups were not significantly different in
demographic characteristics, media usage and political affiliation. After the random
assignment to a group, approximately half of the sample watched and answered questions
about the patriotic newscast while the other half viewed the neutral broadcast. After each
30-second segment the tape was paused and the participants answered questions
regarding the bias, objectivity and fairness of the segment and two questions about the
anchor (see Appendix for questionnaire). These questions asked respondents to use a 10-
point scale to assess characteristics of news story and anchor. At the end of the three
segments, memory questions were posed about information presented in the broadcast.
The viewers were also asked open-ended questions about the anchor as well as the
graphics used in the newscast they saw in order to determine if viewers consciously
noticed the patriotic imagery. Demographic and political affiliation questions were
government in fighting terrorism; 2) fear of future terrorist attacks; 3) factors that could
These questions were developed from polling questions used by Public Agenda
and the Pew Center. The polling questions addressed both the conventional wisdom
found in media reports and scholarly studies that suggest that there are two often
competing worldviews or perspectives on American identity and national security. One
worldview presents the world as competitive and zero-sum, and identifies American
national security goals as maximizing American interests even if this is done at the
expense of others. A second worldview sees the world as cooperative and American
security being bound up in the interests of other states. These worldviews are associated
with political self-identification and political leaders. An April 2009 Pew survey showed
example, 75% of Republicans agreed that the best way to ensure peace is through
military strength compared to 43% of Democrats agreeing with the same statement
also showed that 68% of Republicans agreed that a person should fight for this country
right or wrong. “Only about half of independents (52%) and Democrats (47%) agree that
one has an obligation to fight even when the country is wrong” (http://people-
addressed a broad distinction between the two worldviews were used so that there would
be a range of possible ways to examine how flag imagery might prime views. A full list
Results
Hypotheses 1 and 2
Based on our previous research, we expected that those who watched the patriotic
version of the news story would not perceive those stories to be less fair, newsworthy,
biased, accurate, important, or balanced (H1). This hypothesis was again supported.
Overall there was no statistically significant difference in how participants viewed the
news stories in terms of journalistic norms. This replicates the results from the 2007
sample. There was one exception to this result as Democrats and Liberals who watched
the Afghan War story (in which the flag was embedded) were less likely to rate the story
as balanced and reported that it made them feel less confident than Democrats and
Liberals who saw the neutral version. A similar result was found in the earlier study
among those who viewed the patriotic version of the news story on terrorism. One
explanation for this is that Democrats and Liberals have a particularly strong likelihood
to be wary of flag imagery when it is associated with conflict or war. This requires much
We expected that the flag imagery would not affect how fearful Democrats and
Liberals were of a future terrorist attack after the 2008 election of Barack Obama (H2)
and this hypothesis was supported. There was no significant difference in the levels of
fear of future terrorist attacks reported by Democrats and Liberals who saw the patriotic
How afraid are you of a future terrorist attack happening in the United States?
Not at all afraid 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very Afraid
Hypothesis 3
For the most part, our national security questions did show the expected
differences between the self-identified Democrats and Republicans. Overall, across the
two versions and within the neutral and patriotic samples, Democrats were significantly
less likely to fear a future terrorist attack than Republicans, and more likely to say that
showing more respect for the views and needs of other countries would enhance security.
In addition, Republicans were significantly more likely to answer that tighter immigration
controls would enhance security and that the best way to ensure peace was through
military strength. Republicans were more likely to agree with the statement that we
should all be willing to fight for our country whether it is right or wrong and more likely
to agree that the best way to ensure peace is through military strength. These differences
correspond to patterns found in previous research and polling discussed above. (See
Tables 2 and 3)
between the two versions. For those viewers who saw the neutral version (without flag
identified Democrats and self-identified Republicans. The only responses that did not
For those viewers who saw the patriotic version, 4 of 9 questions showed significantly
different responses by party affiliation. In addition to the questions above, there were no
statistically significant differences in the following questions for those who viewed the
Pol. M t p value
Affiliation
Wash DCi Dem 6.35 1.19 .243
(n=37) Rep 5.45
futureii Dem 4.12 -3.86 .000*
(n=37) Rep 7.18
depiii Dem 4.81 -0.48 .632
(n=37) Rep 5.27
immigiv Dem 5.69 -3.08 .004*
(n=37) Rep 2.64
respectv Dem 3.04 -2.07 .046*
(n=37) Rep 5.18
fightvi Dem 8.15 4.87 .000*
(n=37) Rep 3.45
militaryvii Dem 8.06 5.34 .000*
(n=37) Rep 4.09
activeviii Dem 3.42 -1.58 .126
(n=37) Rep 4.91
terrorismix Dem 1.92 2.90 .006*
(n=37) Rep 1.55
Table 2
Patriotic Version – National Security Questions by Political Affiliation
Pol. M t p value
Affiliation
Wash DCi Dem 6.43 0.72 .479
(n=37) Rep 5.89
futureii Dem 4.54 -2.67 .012*
(n=37) Rep 6.89
depiii Dem 5.50 -0.06 .955
(n=37) Rep 5.56
immigiv Dem 6.11 1.66 .105
(n=37) Rep 4.22
respectv Dem 2.50 -2.68 .011*
(n=37) Rep 4.89
fightvi Dem 7.82 2.16 .038*
(n=37) Rep 5.67
militaryvii Dem 8.21 5.48 .000*
(n=37) Rep 4.11
activeviii Dem 3.39 -0.36 .726
(n=37) Rep 3.78
terrorismix Dem 1.96 1.75 .116
(n=37) Rep 1.67
i
Do you think the government in Washington D is doing a good job of preventing future
terrorist attacks?
Not a good job at all 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very good job
ii
How afraid are you of a future terrorist attack happening in the United States?
Not at all afraid 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very Afraid
iii
To what degree would the following enhance our security?
Becoming less dependent on other countries?
A great deal 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Not at all
iv
To what degree would the following enhance our security?
Tighter controls on Immigration
A great deal 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Not at all
v
To what degree would the following enhance our security?
Showing more respect for the views and needs of other countries.
A great deal 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Not at all
vi
To what degree do you agree with the following statements?
We all should be willing to fight for our country whether it is right or wrong.
Completely agree 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Completely disagree
vii
To what degree do you agree with the following statements?
The best way to ensure peace is through military strength.
Completely agree 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Completely disagree
viii
To what degree do you agree with the following statements?
It’s best for the future of our country to be active in world affairs.
Completely agree 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Completely disagree
ix
Thinking about things the government must do to fight terrorism, in your opinion,
should the government (Choose one):
1. Put more emphasis on military efforts 2. Put more emphasis on diplomatic
and economic matters
and as Republican (n=20). Conservatives who saw the patriotic version of the news story
those who saw the neutral version. The Republican sample did not show the same
results.
Hypothesis 4
would be associated with men expressing more egalitarian concepts. First, responses to
some questions by participants who watched the neutral version were significantly
different by gender. For example, women who watched the neutral version ranked the
Afghanistan and terrorism stories significantly more important than men did. In addition,
women were significantly more likely to answer that to fight terrorism more emphasis
should be placed on diplomatic and economic matters (M=7.52, p=.019). Women were
also significantly less likely to agree that the best way to ensure peace is through military
strength.
However, different results are evident in the group that viewed the patriotic
version of the news stories. There is no statistically significant difference between men
and women who watched the patriotic version for any of the questions on security. This is
only suggestive, but this lends support for future analysis of whether exposure to the flag
affects how men view security. Across versions there are no statistical differences
between men who watched the neutral versus those who watched the patriotic version.
Conclusions
previous findings and to test the plausibility that certain relationships may hold in a larger
n-study. It attempted to explore how flag imagery may affect perceptions of journalistic
norms, fear of future terrorist attacks, and US national security. The results suggest that
the conceptual framework associated with frame switching warrants further research.
The limitations of the small experimental size are clearly evident here. First, the
low average age and the high educational level of the participants are limitations. Some
of the subgroup sizes are small and hence the t-test results should be interpreted with
care. In addition, more sophisticated statistical analyses would be needed (with a larger
total sample size) to more clearly disentangle relationships. In addition, the economy
story was not an optimal control story. There were differences in responses to this story
across the samples that could not be accounted for, for example. One reason for this
could be the highly emotionally-charged nature of economic stories in the midst of the
current economic downturn. Information on the whether or not participants had been
directly affected by the economic situation was not collected. We plan to work further on
Overall, the study points to some interesting conclusions. First, this study
reiterates that viewers do not tie the inclusion of patriotic images such as the flag to the
compromise of journalistic norms. Viewers seem to accept that news within the United
States will contain patriotic images. This raises questions for journalists and others about
the audience’s understanding of objectivity in news reporting and also the attention paid
Second, the studies on the effects of flag imagery, taken together, suggest that the
simple image of the US flag can affect viewers and this is particularly true of certain
groups under certain circumstances. This is at least some support for studying frame
what values the US flag triggers across different groups and in different issue areas. The
fact that Democrats and Liberals who saw the news story about the war in Afghanistan
with the US flag were less likely to view that story as balanced suggests that perhaps for
war stories embedding the flag can affect perceptions of the story.
As expected, the flag did not trigger changes in any of the national security
questions for Democrats and Liberals, but changes were evident in responses to some
statistically weak, to suggest that men were also affected in this way. This suggests that
perhaps the presence of the US flag in news stories can trigger viewers to shift
interpretive lenses to more closely resemble some of those of the President if those
viewers do not normally associate their own views with that of the leader. Further
research is needed on clarifying what views, values, or policies come to be associated
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Appendix A
Coding Instrument
These questions relate to the report you just saw about the economy.
--STOP-- Please do not turn the page until you are told to do so.
These questions relate to the report you just saw about Afghanistan.
--STOP-- Please do not turn the page until you are told to do so.
These questions relate to the report you just saw about interrogations.
No criminal charges are planned for Bush administration lawyers said to approve
harsh interrogation against terror suspects.
True False
Please describe the following qualities of the news broadcast to the best of your
ability:
Age: ________
How many hours of news coverage (local and national) do you watch daily?
_____________________
What is your primary source for news information (CIRCLE ONLY ONE)?
When you watch the news which channel do you prefer (CIRCLE ONLY ONE)?
Local news network CNN Fox MSNBC I don’t watch the news Other
Do you think the government in Washington DC is doing a good job of preventing
future terrorist attacks?
How afraid are you of a future terrorist attack happening in the US?
Showing more respect for the views and needs of other countries
We all should be willing to fight for our country whether it is right or wrong.
Completely agree 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Completely disagree
It's best for the future of our country to be active in world affairs
Completely agree 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Completely disagree
Thinking about things the government must do to fight terrorism, in your opinion,
should the government (Choose one):