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Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark., February 2010
DOI: 10.1002/nvsm
92 Cheryl Martens
Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark., February 2010
DOI: 10.1002/nvsm
Branding HIV/AIDS communication 93
not only across the wide range their media programme of its kind to centrally focus on
properties including television, digital and marketing expertise to raise awareness about
outdoor advertising, but also beyond their HIV. More recently the discourse of ‘selling’
broadcasting areas, by third party broadcasters HIV/AIDS education in aesthetic terms can be
offered on a rights free basis. As a result, these seen to be entrenched in relation to how HIV/
initiatives, produced in collaboration with non- AIDS prevention is now conducted. This can
governmental and intergovernmental partners, be seen on a range of levels, from Community
such as UNAIDS reach an estimated two thirds Based Organisations (CBOs), to larger inter-
of the world’s television viewers (Family national non-governmental organisations and
Health International, 2003). the advertising agencies involved in the
production of campaigns. In a US Centre for
Background Disease Control (2000) study of community
based organisations, one CBO summed up HIV
The involvement of private corporations in education efforts as follows:
social marketing HIV/AIDS education pro-
motion now spans three decades, yet social
marketing strategies of HIV/AIDS prevention If we give them a good product, they’ll
have only begun the concerted ‘selling’ of HIV come back for more. So we know who the
education in relation to aesthetic information market is and what they want to buy, you
and values at the global level since the late know, and then we sell it to them. . . We’re
1990s. This is particularly evident in corporate- selling self-esteem, we’re selling activism,
led HIV/AIDS campaigns such as MTV’s Staying we’re selling hope for the future. . .we are
Alive and Viacom’s Know HIV/AIDS cam- selling HIV prevention (CDC, 2000: 10).
paigns, which now appear across their media
platforms. Some programming, such as the Viewed as a product to be sold, the argument
World AIDS day programming of MTV now has a being put forward is that if the prevention efforts
television reach of two thirds of the world’s are packaged in an attractive enough manner, in
population. The approach of selling and tune with people’s consumer values, not only
aestheticising HIV/AIDS education; however, will messages be sold to them on a one-off basis,
can be increasingly seen in the approaches of they will seek out this information as part of their
governmental and non-governmental actors, lifestyle and ‘come back for more’ (Center for
particularly in the United States. Referring to Disease Control, 2000). Actor Richard Gere,
the US context in 1998, the former executive founder of the Heroes Project in India, which
director of the Harvard AIDS Institute argues works closely with Viacom and media corpor-
that: ations in India, similarly emphasises the selling
of HIV as an aesthetic object that needs to be
‘sexy’ and ‘alive’:
Preaching abstinence wouldn’t sell many
Calvin Klein’s, and urging risk avoidance
wouldn’t sell many Nikes,[y]et abstinence How do you sell HIV and make it sexy and
and risk avoidance are exactly how HIV alive and interesting over and over and
prevention is being sold to young people - over again? You’ve got to be creative about
one of the groups at highest risk for it. And that was one of the reasons we had
infection (Marlink in Byron, 1998). our creative summit. It was talking about
exactly that issue, on keeping it alive for
With the aim of creating new strategies to the journalists and for the writer so they’re
prevent HIV amongst young people, the still interested, they’re still open to this and
Harvard AIDS Institute and the Centre for they’re creative but to feed more stories,
AIDS Prevention Studies launched Marketing more possibilities, more angles, more
HIV Prevention (MHP) in 1997, the first humour, more life, more human interests,
Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark., February 2010
DOI: 10.1002/nvsm
94 Cheryl Martens
not just facts. Facts are dead, can’t tell that as potentially ‘enhacing human intimacy’
story anymore (Gere, 2005). (www.cpbgroup.com).
Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark., February 2010
DOI: 10.1002/nvsm
Branding HIV/AIDS communication 95
analysed in isolation of one another, but rather focus groups of services users and volunteers
must be viewed as interlinked in the process of at a local centre for HIV were also included,
meaning making. The campaigns presented which included individuals above the age of
here were produced by Viacom and MTV twenty-five. Due to the personal nature of the
between 2004 and 2006. Specific case studies content, pre-existing groups were used so that
of campaigns were selected in order to avoid participants would feel more at ease in their
making generalised claims. The tool of visual discussion. This would not have been possible
analysis was used and based around the with the sample entirely focussed on youth
concept of ‘situating knowledges’ (Haraway, responses, due to the difficulty in accessing
1989), grounding the visual texts in local and groups of young people living with HIV within
actual practices and experiences in examining the city. The final sample thus included six
discourses and meanings. focus groups. Four groups of young people
By ‘situating knowledges’ in the case of the (15–23 years): one secondary school class
visual and discursive analysis presented here, (16–17 years), one group of peer sexual health
the aim of this research aims to consider how educators (17–19 years), one group of young
language, in its many modalities, simul- men who were MTV viewers at a connexion
taneously reflects and constructs the context centre (aged 15–16), one group of female MTV
in which it is to be found. Furthermore, viewers (17–23 years) who worked at a local
following Lury (2004), this research also aims cafe, and two groups of HIV support group
to go beyond the analysis of semiotics and service users (27–52 years). For reasons of
discourse to explore how branded media confidentiality, all participants have been
objects may be understood as a relational, given pseudonyms.
interactive media at the core of exchange The focus group interviewing allowed for
between producers and consumers. the exploration of key issues and initial
In terms of sampling, the research was not responses to the campaigns through semi-
designed to uncover a uniform or predictable structured discussions in response to cam-
reaction to media messages but to explore paign materials. The focus groups also pro-
discourses and forms of interactions in relation vided insights into collective attitudes about
to the campaigns and the brands. Statistical HIV campaigns5 and discourses around sexu-
representation was not therefore deemed to be ality and the media. The in-depth interviews
a determinant factor of the results (Bloor et al., helped achieve triangulation, providing greater
2001). Nevertheless, the design sought to reliability of responses by checking with
include a diverse cross-section of social classes, interviewees the themes that emerged from
ethnicities and experiences in relation to HIV the focus group discussions and also provided
awareness from across the city, representing the opportunity to explore recurrent themes in
the wide range of geographical areas and socio greater depth over the space of several
economic groups found within the parameters months.
of the city at the time of the study. The age The data was analysed in three stages,
sample of the focus group interviewees was beginning with the analysis of all transcripts
initially determined on advice sought by key by assigning index codes. The codes were
informants from the local sexual health and refined and new indexes were generated as
HIV support centres. Interviews with local categories and sub-categories became evident.
sexual health workers and MTV and Viacom After the initial coding was complete, the wider
campaign coordinators emphasised that young contexts and prevalent discourses of the inter-
people between 14 and 25 years of age were views and focus groups were examined. Major
the main targets for the campaigns and current themes and their relation to the geographic,
sexual health work. However, in order to 5
Campaign materials included outdoor and televised
address issues of race as well as include the PSAs, Staying Alive and Know HIV/AIDS brochures
representation of people living with HIV, two and website content.
Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark., February 2010
DOI: 10.1002/nvsm
96 Cheryl Martens
cultural and socio economic contexts of school students. Many recognised the Viacom/
participants were considered in addition to Staying Alive brand but didn’t engage with the
participant power dynamics within the focus meaning in the messages:
groups. Issues concerning gender, and ethnicity
and particular uses of discourses (or resistance For me, I saw the advert on the side of the
to them) became apparent at this stage. The final bus, I just thought it was an advert to sell
stage of the analysis involved considering the drugs [referring to Knowledge in a Pill
data in relation to the theoretical concerns of the advert]. (Billy-Jo 16)
research and wider campaign data generated
through other methods, such as campaign Yeah, I see those adverts, but I don’t really
brochures and websites. take them in..they’re just there, like, not
something I focus on. (Rich, 15)
Results Rather than recalling the of the adverts (i.e.
Branded ‘mediascapes’: campaigns in ‘Knowledge prevents HIV, fights AIDS, cures
everyday life hopelessness’), informants relayed their mem-
ories relating to specific images. They recog-
I saw it! But I didn’t get it. (Tim, 42) nised the iconography, such as the logos of
Staying Alive and Know HIV/AIDS, but they
The above quote by Tim, a 42 year-old HIV did not necessarily recall the messages. Ways in
positive male, is an initial response to a Staying which these were recalled differed in terms of
Alive outdoor campaign which appeared on how people identified themselves and their
the sides of buses in a city in Northern England particular context at the time of viewing.
in 2004 (initially branded ‘Know HIV/AIDS, When asked to recall any aspect of the
Figure 1). Tim recounted having seen the campaign, brand recognition of MTV and
advert at the bus station, but he did not Viacom logos was the main finding across all
consciously reflect on the meaning of the the groups. Respondents consistently recalled
message until he saw it again in the focus images, rather than text, and their interactions
group. Given the density of media messages with these images, such as paying attention or
encountered by informants, messages in out- tuning out. In the case of the Knowledge in a
door advertising and posters were usually Pill advert (Figure 1), many participants
interacted with as objects in passing, like viewed it as a drugs-related advert on first
billboards along the highway (Couldry, 2000). glance. Where they were and what they were
A main theme to emerge was how audiences doing (e.g. going to work, getting on the bus)
read adverts—in modes of distraction—as was integral to how the image was recalled.
they go through their everyday lives. This was a The messages were most notably related to as
dominant theme across all of the focus groups. fleeting images rather than something people
Tim’s response that he saw the campaign stopped to take time to read:
but ‘didn’t get it’ was echoed by secondary
Yeah, I saw that message on the side of a
bus, but I didn’t get it. (Tim, 42)
Figure 1. ‘Knowledge in a Pill’ advert, Viacom and MTV Although the commentary of informants
International, 2003–2005. focussed mainly on adverts they recalled from
Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark., February 2010
DOI: 10.1002/nvsm
Branding HIV/AIDS communication 97
Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark., February 2010
DOI: 10.1002/nvsm
98 Cheryl Martens
Facilitator: Looking at that would you say Becky: I thought the second was because it
that’s a campaign about HIV/AIDS? was like a car advert...
Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark., February 2010
DOI: 10.1002/nvsm
Branding HIV/AIDS communication 99
Within the HIV support centre’s focus group Identifying with branded condoms does not
members, a single adult male in his mid-30s make using them necessarily any easier to
reported identifying with the aesthetic appeal incorporate into everyday life. Issues of power
of the adverts. This participant was also the in sexual relations are thus inseparable from
service group member who most regularly how people relate to and integrate condom use
reported regularly watching MTV. His first (Holland and Ramazanoglu, 1994) and will
response to outdoor PSAs for the Knowing is also be touched upon here. The discussion
Beautiful campaign was: ‘I think that that’s a will close with the changing way in which
really really important message to get across’ a service group member and volunteer ident-
(Bob, 34). ified with the objects in relation to his everyday
Drawn in to the adverts by their aesthetic life.
appeal and message to young people about The responses to the branded condoms by
testing, Bob considered these messages timely the secondary school and peer educator
in relation to what he considered a need groups were positive. The secondary school
amongst young people in the area for greater class focus group immediately remarked on the
awareness about testing. MTV Staying Alive logo on the condoms. They
However, the act of viewing is also a concurred with Billy Jo (16) that the ‘Staying
dynamic act, which happens over the space Alive means be safe’. The packets were
of time (Cronin, 2004). In future exchanges, considered ‘good and effective for selling’
after having viewed the entire campaign on the (Amanda, 15) and they also considered the
internet and having heard what others at the packets to be appropriately marketed to young
HIV support group thought of the campaign, couples. They were impressed by the attractive
Bob’s opinion of these highly aestheticised packaging of the condoms and considered that
adverts changed to anger and disgust: ‘They ‘it makes it stand out more that the money goes
make me right angry, those arty PSAs! They’re to HIV/AIDS’ (Katie, 16). The students framed
right offensive’. When asked what he made of their reflections concerning the condoms in
this particular campaign and the representa- relation to consumer identities: ‘people go for
tions it portrayed Bob replied: the price, then the product’ (Georgina, 17).
Two pounds for the condoms was considered
It doesn’t really represent the reality. It’s a to be ‘okay’ (Mandeep, 16) and ‘a reasonable
bit perverse in a way, though. Because its price’ (Katie 16). Not purchasing condoms did
almost fetishizing it really, and they are all not emerge as an issue. Condom use and
beautiful attractive people, and the vast purchase were voiced as an unproblematic
majority of ill people aren’t. part of sexual relationships and everyday life
by the young women. While the young men
Identifying with MTV condoms and
did not counter these ideas, they were much
less vocal on the subject than the young
icons of HIV awareness
women.
The following discussion examines audience The Connexions Centre focus group, the
responses to and interactions with the branded most overtly brand aware of all the groups that
condoms distributed by MTV and other participated in the research, unanimously
consumer objects mediating HIV awareness resisted the idea of buying branded condoms.
raising, more generally. In 2004, in association Whilst there was a resistance to the branded
with Condomi Condoms, MTV ran a campaign condoms, it was less to do with the use of
selling condoms for £2 in Virgin record stores condoms than their purchase. Their engage-
across the UK. Responses to the campaign ment with this particular theme also demon-
varied according to how participants situated strated a display of macho attitudes, tied up in
themselves as consumers, according to gender, their ways of relating to the materials—
and/or their experiences of living with HIV. through jokes and by putting women down.
Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark., February 2010
DOI: 10.1002/nvsm
100 Cheryl Martens
They stated that they would not personally buy Connexions centre. These very same symbols
branded condoms in record stores (or any- of HIV awareness, however, were related to
where) nor did they think others would buy differently by people living with HIV, depen-
them. One respondent stated: ‘I wouldn’t pay dent on a range of factors. Service user and
two quid for them’ [Tom, 16]. In a later volunteer at the centre, Bob, discusses the
exchange with the young men it transpired significance of the red wrist band and how the
that they get condoms from a local clinic. They symbols pertaining to AIDS awareness have
also teased each other that using condoms was been incorporated into his everyday life in an
‘for dirty bitches’ and expressed that they were evolving way:
more concerned about Chlamydia than any-
thing else.
When I first went to SAN’s7 and did the
Not interested in ‘nice pictures’ on con-
volunteer training, there was a little band
doms, the consumer items that this group
that says ‘destigmatising HIV’ . That’s
emphasised through their appearances were
never come off since, and that’s really
brand name trainers, visual markers such as
symbolic to me and I almost..uh..I value it
arm bands, Burberry and branded accessories
as much as I value my wedding ring. . .its
around their necks. Rather than taking up the
so important to me. And its not embossed,
idea of purchasing MTV condoms they
its in the rubber, and I kind of like that,
suggested that HIV prevention and awareness
because I know its there, and people will
should be promoted through some kind of
see that. And you know, I know—this
campaign such as red wrist bands:
sounds really silly but—I’ve got a woolly
hat, with sort of a red ribbon on it, and
Tim: Do HIV and AIDS do like that football
actually since I’ve been involved with
band and that?...They have a black one for
SAN’s, I’ve actually been more confident
racism and stuff like that.
to wear that. And part of that is the fact
that being involved with SAN’s. And being
Dave: And they should have one for HIV!
involved in an organisation that has a
mixture of HIV positive and not HIV
Eddie: And everyone wears them.
positive people—that I know of—and
wearing the ribbon, makes me not feel
Tim: Footballers, especially.
that wearing the ribbon or destigmatising
HIV band kind of thing, doesn’t automati-
Eddie: People think, ‘Well, he’s got one, so I
cally say to everyone that you’re HIV
should get one!’
positive, which is how I felt before.
This exchange raises the issue of class in
The above quote demonstrates how Bob’s
relation to non-linearity and the importance of
interaction with and understandings of objects
iconic communication of information (Terra-
associated with HIV awareness have been
nova, 2004), whereby the ‘HIV awareness
influenced not by his changing identity and
community’ for these young people is based in
personal experience, from being an HIV
exteriorised and collective use of symbols. In
positive non-volunteer and non-service group
this case, they draw on footballers as potential
member for seven years, to becoming both a
points of connection between themselves
service user and one of the most active
and what they view as the ‘distant issue’ of
HIV.
Although red wrist bands did not take place
via a set campaign, they did nonetheless get
distributed by the local HIV support group and 7
The organisation name has been changed to protect
were eventually worn by the young men at the people’s confidentiality.
Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark., February 2010
DOI: 10.1002/nvsm
Branding HIV/AIDS communication 101
volunteers within 6 months of him joining the excitement and interest in HIV education was
organisation. generated amongst them by raising awareness
via symbols, potentially supported by sports
personalities and celebrities. With regard to HIV
Discussion: identifying and interacting
support service user responses to the branding
with the brands HIV communication
and aestheticisation of the campaigns, the vast
The above findings demonstrate a variety of majority of participants felt left out of HIV
ways in which current HIV awareness messages prevention messages altogether. In the case of
‘fit in’ with people’s media landscapes. Partici- the Knowing is Beautiful Campaign, the
pants most commonly interacted with the women’s group of participants from the HIV
messages of HIV/AIDS communication as support group misunderstood the intended
objects in passing and not often engaged with message altogether and voiced their offence at
consciously. In some cases, the adverts were the campaign tag line.
seen as irrelevant or fast forwarded through by Considering the relations of participants—
target audiences altogether. The responses to most notably HIV service user Bob—towards
these adverts can be seen in terms of the context brands and icons of HIV awareness, such as the
of media overload (Couldry, 2000). The level of red ribbon illustrates that relations to these
(dis)engagement by participants also pertains to objects need to be understood in conjunction
the volume of information they receive about with changing notions of identity, based on
risks in their everyday lives (Van Loon, 2002), personal and group experiences. Bob’s initial
impacting upon the kinds of rational responses view of these items as ‘branding’ him as being
they make. However, in addition, the level of HIV positive initially over the space of several
engagement is demonstrably related to how months transformed to making him feel part of a
participants perceived the relevance of the collective engaged in destigmatising HIV and
messages in relation to their sense of group actively engaged in HIV education volunteer
belonging including gender, race, socio-cultural work. Bob’s response, in contrast to responses
positioning, personal experience and class. from other HIV negative participants who
Significantly, within the sample of young mainly related to objects as consumers, fore-
people and the HIV support group focus group grounds his relation to these items according to
participants there was a marked difference his interaction with them and his changing
between the groups of young people who sense of identity concerning his HIV positive
received HIV education sessions and were status. The engagement of Bob with these
involved in peer education, and the other objects and icons of HIV/AIDS awareness
participants. The participants who most ident- demonstrates how ‘mediated communication
ified with the MTV campaigns were not is always a contextualised social phenomen-
necessarily MTV viewers, but those who on. . .embedded in social contexts’ (Thompson,
identified with the campaigns’ marketing 1995: 11).
management’s aesthetics and values promoted
as part of the packaging of HIV awareness.
Conclusion
MTV condoms were most highly regarded by
middle class secondary school students, for This paper has explored audience interactions
example those who identified with the aes- and responses to branded consumer objects
thetics and values promoted by the MTV adverts and icons of HIV awareness, through a case
and who affirmed their trust in MTV as a major study of the widest reaching global AIDS
international brand. For the young working class campaigns in existence today, the campaigns
men at the Connexions centre—all of whom of MTV and Viacom. Examining audience
were MTV viewers—who put much time and interactions with the campaigns, it was
effort into external group markers, such as possible to gain an understanding of how
wearing Burberry, and other brands, greater certain hierarchies of gender, sexuality, race,
Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark., February 2010
DOI: 10.1002/nvsm
102 Cheryl Martens
culture and class presented in the campaigns dependent on socio-economic and cultural
were accepted and/or challenged. This may be factors, engage to a greater extent with the
seen as part of a spectrum of identification and aesthetic thrust and consumer orientation of the
participation with the media through which messages than others.
the messages are communicated. However, in
considering the wider marketing management
discourses and aesthetics that make up the Acknowledgements
campaigns, it is possible to see how those most
receptive to the campaigns were also most The findings presented in this article are based
likely to take up the discourses and find appeal on doctoral research completed at the Univer-
in the experiential marketing techniques used. sity of Manchester on HIV/AIDS campaigns and
In both the focus group and in-depth changing modes of communication. The
interviews, participants did not respond pas- author would like thank the focus group
sively to this new genre of branded and participants and interviewees who partici-
aestheticised adverts. Despite the use of the pated in this study and the article reviewers
signifiers of difference and multiculturalism, for their insights. The author would also like to
youth and agency via consumer ‘choice’, the acknowledge invaluable support received on
focus groups demonstrated strong disassocia- earlier drafts of this paper by Dr. Graham Kirk-
tions with regard to the messages. So called patrick and Dr. Sonia Bookman.
‘groups at risk’, including the young people
and ethnic minorities that the campaign
claimed to target often rejected or disasso- Biographical note
ciated themselves from the messages and the Dr Cheryl Martens is a Senior Lecturer in the
media through which they were communi- School of Creative Enterprise, London College
cated. The strongest identification with and of Communication, University of the Arts
participation in the campaigns came from London, where she teaches Marketing Com-
groups that shared many of the middle class munications, Media and Cultural Studies.
aesthetic values and tastes that constituted the
advertisements. Participants of middle class
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