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Introduction
The discovery in 1801 of the dwarf planet Ceres marked not only a sig-
nificant event in the history of astronomy, but also led to a remarkable sci-
entific and mathematical drama. When Ceres was discovered, Pierre-Simon
Laplace was the preeminent authority of the time in celestial mechanics,
and was in the prime of his mathematical career. Laplace had, years earlier,
developed a method for determining the orbit of a celestial object based on
observational data. Yet it seems that his methods were unable to produce an
accurate orbit for Ceres when such a calculation was desperately needed by
the scientific community. It was, instead, the young and relatively unknown
Carl Friedrich Gauss who saved the day, thereby gaining international fame
and establishing Gauss as a highly respected member of the mathematical
community.
Natural questions arise concerning these events. Why had Laplace’s well-
known and well-respected method apparently failed? What exactly made
Gauss’s method superior to Laplace’s? Surprisingly, these questions have
gone largely unanswered for over two centuries, due to the fact that the ever
enigmatic Gauss never published his original orbit determination methods,
and it seems that his notes regarding his earliest work on Ceres were not
preserved.
Further questions arose a few years later when Adrien-Marie Legendre
published the method of least squares. Gauss promptly claimed that he
had used least squares in the computation of Ceres’ orbit, thereby asserting
priority for the discovery. Gauss, having failed to keep adequate records, ap-
parently had no direct evidence to support his claim, but he maintained his
1
position nonetheless. The issue was never settled between the two mathe-
maticians, and indeed, this controversy remains unresolved within the math-
ematical community even today.
Can we ever have answers to these questions? Is it possible to sift through
the evidence available and put to rest a two-hundred-year-old unsolved mys-
tery? Frustratingly, the answer appears to be no: there is simply not enough
data available to definitively answer these mathematical and historical rid-
dles. However, there is much to be learned from the process of examining
what evidence we do have. The mathematics involved are engaging, and the
story is entertaining in its own right. In this paper, we examine the events
surrounding the discovery of Ceres and take a careful look at the obtainable
data, both from a historical and a mathematical perspective, to gain new in-
sight into an old mystery. The reader may also find new appreciation for the
genius of Laplace, Legendre, and Gauss, who came to be connected through
an exceptional set of circumstances, all beginning with the discovery of a
little planet called Ceres.
Ceres was discovered by Joseph Piazzi, the Italian astronomer and founder
of the Palermo Observatory, on January 1, 1801. Piazzi, who sighted the
object quite by accident while collecting data for a star catalogue, at first
suspected he had discovered a comet. He soon became hopeful, however,
that the object was something more exciting, for the scientific community
in Europe, headed by Baron Xavier Von Zach, had in fact been actively
searching for a “missing” planet between the orbits of Mars and Jupiter.
Piazzi, reluctant to assert whether or not the “moving star” he had ob-
served was in fact the long-searched-for planet, kept his discovery secret
initially. He did eventually notify two of his colleagues regarding the discov-
ery, but did not immediately give them observational data so that they or
others could themselves observe Ceres [2].
Ceres, which indeed orbits between Mars and Jupiter, remained visible
in the night sky for a period of 41 days. Piazzi was able to record a total of
19 complete observations during this time, but Ceres disappeared into the
glare of the sun after his final observation on February 11, 1801. Further
observation then became impossible as Ceres passed behind the sun, and
the newly discovered object was effectively lost, with Piazzi being the only
human who had ever observed it [2], [10].
News of the object’s discovery quickly swept the scientific community in
2
Europe, and leading astronomers and mathematicians launched an earnest
effort to relocate Ceres. Piazzi’s observations were made available and were
circulated within the scientific community. Beginning in August of 1801, as-
tronomers began systematically watching the skies for the object’s reappear-
ance. To assist their efforts, astronomer and mathematician Jean Charles
Burckhardt was given the task of computing an orbit for Ceres from Pi-
azzi’s observations, using known orbit determination techniques. Burck-
hardt, along with others working independently, indeed produced prelimi-
nary orbits, but astronomers were unable to locate Ceres using ephemerides
derived from such computations [2], [10].
By September the situation was becoming tense as the best efforts of the
scientific and mathematical community still yielded nothing. Piazzi’s repu-
tation was on the line, for he alone had originally observed the object, and
suspicions began to arise of Piazzi’s credibility and the accuracy of his obser-
vational techniques. Von Zach complained that Piazzi had, by keeping his
discovery private too long, precluded the possibility of other astronomers
helping to understand the object and its movements. Burckhardt, likely
troubled that his computations had failed to be useful, apparently asserted
that Piazzi’s observations must have been inaccurate [2].
Gauss Steps In
Carl Friedrich Gauss, then 24 years of age, became absorbed with the
problem at about this time. He had, by happy coincidence, been working
on topics dealing with celestial mechanics at the time of Ceres’ discovery.
Having obtained a full set of Piazzi’s observations after they were published
in the September issue of the Monatliche Correspondenz, Gauss became de-
termined to produce an accurate orbit for Ceres. In the space of just a
few months, he succeeded in his efforts, computing an orbit that was much
different from ones computed earlier by Burckhardt and others. This new
orbit was immediately employed to produce new ephemerides for Ceres, and
Ceres was then successfully relocated on December 7, 1801, in precisely the
position predicted by Gauss’s computations [2], [10].
Gauss’s achievement earned him instant and international acclaim; the
discovery of Ceres effectively launched Gauss’s reputation as a mathemat-
ical genius. To relocate Ceres when hope was nearly lost, almost a year
after its initial sighting and using only a tiny amount of observational data,
was indeed a remarkable feat. Despite the magnitude of his accomplish-
ment, however, Gauss never published the orbit determination methods he
so painstakingly developed, and apparently saved little of his original work
3
from 1801. His later published methods dealing with orbit determination
included in his famous Theoria Motus Corporum Coelestium in Sectionibus
Conicis Solem Ambientium (Theory of the Motion of the Heavenly Bodies
Moving about the Sun in Conic Sections) of 1809, by Gauss’s own admission,
were vastly different from the techniques he employed to relocate Ceres [3],
[10].
Our knowledge of Gauss’s work on the Ceres problem is therefore largely
incomplete. In fact, we would likely know nothing of Gauss’s original orbit
determination methods had it not been for Gauss’s friendship with German
physician and astronomer Wilhelm Olbers. Olbers had been intimately in-
volved in the efforts to relocate Ceres, and was intensely interested in the
mathematics utilized in Gauss’s work. In a letter dated August 6, 1802,
Gauss described his method to Olbers in some detail, though many points
were left undeveloped and somewhat vague. Fortunately for us, this letter
was preserved by Olbers and was eventually published in 1809 by von Zach
under the title Summarische Übersicht der zur Bestimmung der Bahnen der
beiden neuen Hauptplaneten angewandten Methoden (Summary Survey of
the Methods used to Determine the Orbits of the Two New Major Planets),
[4], [10].
A Mathematical Mystery
The circumstances surrounding the discovery of Ceres invoke some in-
teresting questions. The apparent inability of the finest scientific minds of
the day to compute a correct orbit for Ceres is rather surprising in some
respects, given that methods for determining the orbit of a celestial object
were well known at the time. Pierre-Simon Laplace, age 52 when Ceres was
first sighted by Piazzi, was a leading expert on the subject. Laplace had
himself developed and described such an orbit determination method in his
1780 Meḿoires de l’Académie Royale des Sciences des Paris , which later
became a chapter in his crowning achievement, the Mécanique Céleste , his
monumental treatise on celestial mechanics [6], [5].
Laplace was very active in celestial mechanics at the time of Ceres’ dis-
covery and was, in fact, in the midst of writing and compiling the Mécanique
Céleste. Laplace’s method was well-known and readily available when Ceres
was discovered, not to mention the fact that Laplace himself was at the top
of his career. While no evidence seems to remain of what method Burck-
hardt and others employed in their efforts to compute Ceres’ orbit, it seems
reasonable that they were using Laplace’s previously published method, or
some variation of this. Why then, armed with the genius of Laplace, did
4
astronomers and mathematicians of the day fail to compute an accurate
orbit for Ceres? More importantly, how had the young Gauss succeeded
when the most determined efforts of the best minds had come to nothing?
These are questions that have never been fully answered, due to our lack of
information concerning the intricacies of Gauss’s method.
[T]he principle which I have used since 1794, that the sum of
squares must be minimized for the best representation of several
quantities which cannot all be represented exactly, is also used
in Legendre’s work and is most thoroughly developed [7].
Gauss was at the time working assiduously on his Theoria Motus, and
when the work was published in 1809 Gauss included his own version of the
method of least squares. Gauss recognized in Theoria Motus that Legendre
had precedence for publishing the least squares technique, but insists that it
was he, rather than Legendre, who first discovered the method, stating, “our
principle, which we have made use of since 1795, has lately been published
by Legendre,” [3], [7].
Legendre, who received a copy of Theoria Motus soon after its publi-
cation, was understandably annoyed by Gauss’s claims. In a letter from
Legendre to Gauss dated May 31, 1809, Legendre expresses his dismay with
Gauss’s assertions in Theoria Motus, arguing,
5
if one does not supply the evidence by citing the place where
one has published it, this assertion becomes pointless and serves
only to do a disservice to the true author of the discovery [7].
Gauss, who often did not keep clear and accurate records, apparently
never managed to provide Legendre with the evidence requested, stating in
a letter to Olbers in 1812, “The papers have now been lost, in which I ap-
plied that method in earlier years, e.g. in Spring 1799,” [7]. In fact, though
Gauss averred for the remainder of his life that he deserved credit for the
discovery, no direct evidence ever emerged of Gauss’s use of least squares
prior to the method’s publication by Legendre. The two mathematicians
thus became locked in a decades-long feud over the issue, which was never
resolved.
What does all this have to do with Ceres? In the 1812 letter to Ol-
bers referenced above, in the sentence before Gauss’s statement of the lost
records, Gauss offers us an intriguing bit of information. Gauss writes, “In
Autumn 1802 I entered in my astronomical notebook the eighth set of ele-
ments of Ceres, found by the method of least squares,” [7]. Gauss neglects
to describe anywhere, however, the exact way in which the method was em-
ployed in his computations of Ceres’ orbit, or whether the method was used
in his original 1801 computations for Ceres.
Unanswered Questions
It seems we are left with several unanswered questions. What differences
were there between Gauss’s and Laplace’s orbit determination methods that
caused Gauss’s to emerge as superior over Laplace’s in 1801? If what Gauss
claimed was true, and he had been using least squares since 1795 or so, did
he put the technique to service in his original computations of Ceres’ orbit?
Is this, perhaps, what made the difference between the two methods in the
end? Most importantly, is there any way to gain additional insight on any
of these questions?
While it may be unlikely that we will ever fully unravel the mysteries
surrounding Ceres’ discovery, we can learn a great deal using the facts that
we do have. We have Laplace’s method, published in full, in both his Mem-
oires and the Mécanique Céleste. We also have Gauss’s letter to Olbers of
1802, which was later published as the Summarische Übersicht, in which
Gauss describes at least some portions of his method in detail. These re-
sources, as the reader will discover, can go a long way to helping us gain
better understanding of the issues at hand. We will thus end the historical
6
discussion here, and move on into more mathematical topics, beginning first
with a short review of the basics of orbit determination.
7
Figure 1: Geocentric Ecliptic Longitude and Latitude (λ, β).
that time, but that is all. To obtain this missing distance information is the
primary goal of both Gauss’s and Laplace’s orbit determination methods.
8
of Ceres. Gauss’s method, on the other hand, uses the same three (λ, β)
pairs to compute two separate heliocentric position vectors, r1 and r3 , cor-
responding to the observation times t1 and t3 , as shown in Figure 3.
Once we have either the (r, v) pair or the (r1 , r3 ) pair, we can proceed
9
encouraged to consult these sources for more information regarding the de-
tails of orbit computations. Recommended reading includes “Computation
of Planetary Orbits” and “The Discovery of Ceres: How Gauss Became Fa-
mous,” both by Teets and Whitehead, and Fundamentals of Astrodynamics
by Bate, Mueller, and White [1], [9], [10] .
10
Figure 4: The Orbital Angles
11
Figure 5: Flowchart of Orbit Determination Process
Laplace's Method
12
Figure 6: The Vectors R, r, ρ, and L
Next, we must derive an expression relating the unit vector L (at any
arbitrary time) to the vector R and the scalar values r and ρ, which are the
unknown magnitudes of the previously defined vectors. To begin, observe
that a simple vector addition gives us
r = ρL + R. (1)
13
Where the constant µ is known, being equal to the product of the gravita-
tional proportion constant G and the mass of the sun. Substituting (1) into
(3) gives
µ µ
r̈ = − 3 Lρ − 3 R, (4)
r r
and by equating (2) and (4) we obtain
µ R
Lρ̈ + 2L̇ρ̇ + L̈ + 3 L ρ = − R̈ + µ 3 . (5)
r r
14
For notational simplicity, let
↑ ↑ ↑
A = L̈ 2L̇ L .
↓ ↓ ↓
Now let
bx cx
−1 −1
−A R̈ = by ,
−A R = cy .
bz cz
Then we can write
µ
ρ = bx + cx (9)
r3
and
µ
ρ̇ = by + cy , (10)
r3
thereby expressing ρ and ρ̇ as functions of r, where the quantities b1 , b2 , c1
and c2 along with the constant µ are all known. Note that the unknown ρ̈
is no longer needed; its presence in the process was merely the bi-product
of intermediate computation steps.
We have now reduced our original three equations given in (5) down to
two equations, but there are still three unknowns, ρ, ρ̇, and r. We also know
r = ρL + R given before, however. Taking the dot product of each side with
itself produces
r2 = ρ2 + 2ρ(L · R) + R2 , (11)
thus giving two equations in the unknowns ρ and r. Substituting (9) into
(11) gives an 8th degree polynomial in the variable r,
where the values of all coefficients are known. This can be solved using
any available method (though one must truly feel sympathy and respect for
Laplace solving this by hand in 1780).
Now that r is known, ρ and ρ̇ can be found easily from (9) and (10).
15
Then the vector r is given by r = ρL+R, and the velocity vector v is simply
the derivative of this, given by
Thus we have achieved our goal; Laplace’s method has produced a position
vector r and a velocity vector v for the middle observation time t2 . At this
point, we would proceed with element computations as described earlier to
produce an orbit for Ceres.
Gauss's Method
16
Figure 7: The Vectors R, r, ρ, and δ and the angle L
its magnitude, like that of the the vector ρ, is unknown. The heliocentric
longitude of the Earth, denoted L, is the angle measured from the positive
X axis to the Earth’s position (be sure not to confuse this with the vector
L given in Laplace’s method). The angle L is known, as is (once again) the
vector R. As before, with any of these symbols, we can indicate a specific
quantity corresponding to an observation time ti by adding the appropriate
subscript.
Now let π = h cos(λ), sin(λ), tan(β) i and let P = h cos(L), sin(L), 0 i.
Gauss derives
t3 − t1 (π 2 × π 3 ) · P2
δ1 = δ2 (13)
t3 − t2 (π 2 × π 3 ) · P2
and
t3 − t1 (π 1 × π 2 ) · P2
δ3 = δ2 , (14)
t2 − t1 (π 2 × π 3 ) · P2
which are approximations for the magnitudes of the previously defined vec-
tors δ 1 and δ 3 .
Additionally, Gauss constructs
17
3
R2 R2 −2 tan(β2 ) sin(λ3 −λ1 )−tan(β2 ) sin(λ2 −λ1 )
1− r2 δ2 = (M2 −M1 )(M3 −M2 ) tan(β1 ) sin(L2 −λ3 )−tan(β3 ) sin(L2 −λ1 ) (15)
and !− 1
2 2
R2 R2 R2 R2
= 1 + tan2 (β2 ) + +2 cos(λ2 − L2 ) (16)
r2 δ2 δ2 δ2
and
− 1
y = x x2 + bx + a 2
,
respectively. Then, substitution gives an 8th degree polynomial in the quan-
tity x = Rδ22 ,
3
x8 − (x − N )2 x2 + bx + a = 0. (17)
This polynomial can be solved for the quantity x = Rδ22 from which we
can easily obtain δ2 , and then δ1 and δ3 are given by equations (13) and
(14). Next we can compute the vectors ρ1 and ρ3 from geometry using
and
ρ3 = h δ3 cos(λ3 ), δ3 sin(λ3 ), δ3 tan(β3 ) i .
These vectors then yield the desired r1 and r3 if we observe that r + R = ρ
for any time. Thus the computation is complete, and we could proceed with
element computations if desired.
18
A Comparison of Methods
We have now seen the techniques employed in both Gauss’s and Laplace’s
basic orbit determination methods. While there are many differences be-
tween the methods, the reader will no doubt have noticed a few interesting
similarities as well. Most obvious is the fact that both methods rely on
the use of three (λ, β) pairs from three separate observation times. Both
methods also employ approximation techniques that relate the three time
values (interpolation polynomials in Laplace’s method, and equations (13)
and (14) in Gauss’s method). Perhaps more intriguing, however, is the fact
that both methods hinge on the solving of an 8th degree polynomial, and
in both cases the quantity being solved for is a distance that relates to the
geometry of the planet’s position in the solar system.
Indeed, it seems Wilhelm Olbers noticed some similarities as well, re-
marking to Gauss in a letter dated September 11, 1802, in reference to one
of the results contained within the Summarische Übersicht,
[Y]ou must have known the great analogy of your principle equa-
tion with the Laplacian . . . This analogy must naturally occur.
So as you justly note, that every useful method must give at least
an equally accurate orbit from the same observations, so must
also every direct dissolution of the comet problem from three
observations . . . lead to similar equations. It comes only to the
more or less simple course of analysis, and on the convenience
and brevity with which one can calculate the required outcome
for the equation [8].
The Laplace formula, that I had seen many years ago in his The-
ory of Elliptical Motion, had come completely out of my memory,
19
until I very recently received the Mécanique Céleste. I think one
must be able to derive it from [my formula] very easily [8].
4. Compute (λ, β) values for all nineteen observation times using results
from step 3.
5. Subtract each computed (λ, β) pair from the observed (λ, β) pair com-
puted by Piazzi to obtain the error value, and take the absolute value
of this result.
This process yields some interesting results. As we can plainly see in Ta-
ble 1, Gauss’s method seems to produce results that are only negligibly more
accurate than Laplace’s method.
20
Possible Correction Methods
21
The Three Hypotheses Method
We will now attempt to unravel the meaning of Gauss’s advice. It should
be noted that the method presented here is only one possible interpretation
of the previously reproduced passage, although the reader will likely agree
that this interpretation seems to match Gauss’s words quite closely.
Gauss states that we first assume the “approximated distances,” and
then we change “first the one and then the other a little bit,” thus giving
the three hypotheses. These steps are explained below.
1. We perform the computations explained in Gauss’s method to achieve
an approximated (δ1 , δ3 ) pair for the planet. We will denote these
original approximations as (δ1 (1) , δ3 (1) ).
22
Figure 8: Two-Dimensional Linear Interpolation
output is λ∗ . Our goal is to find a value δ ∗ that when used as an input will
yield λ∗ . This is a simple two-dimensional linear interpolation problem, and
is presented pictorially in Figure 8.
The interpolation here is trivial. Simply find the slope of the line that
intersects all three points as shown in Figure 8, using
λ(2) − λ(1)
m= . (18)
δ (2) − δ (1)
Then the equation of this line is given by
23
Figure 9: Visualizing the Three Hypothesis Method
and third hypotheses and maps to an analogous output vector. Our problem,
then, is to find the vector originating at (δ1 (1) , δ3 (1) ) and terminating at
some unknown point (δ1 ∗ , δ3 ∗ ) that maps to the vector which originates at
(λ(1) , β (1) ) and terminates at the pair of desired (observed) outputs (λ∗ , β ∗ ).
This setup is shown in Figure 9.
By examining Figure 9, we see that we can write
(2)
− δ1 (1)
(2)
λ − λ(1)
δ
M 1 = (2) (20)
0 β − β (1)
and (3)
λ − λ(1)
0
M = (3) , (21)
δ3 (3) − δ3 (1) β − β (1)
where M denotes the transformation matrix that maps the vectors from the
(δ1 , δ3 ) plane to the (λ, β) plane. The matrix M can be found using linear
algebra, and we can write
λ(2) −λ(1) λ(3) −λ(1)
(2)
−δ1 (1) δ3 (3) −δ3 (1)
δ1
M= , (22)
β (2) −β (1) β (3) −β (1)
δ1 (2) −δ1 (1) δ3 (3) −δ3 (1)
24
Table 2: Average Absolute Error from Observed Values (Radians)
λ β
Laplace’s Method 8.75E-04 8.34E-05
25
terpretive abilities), we still cannot replicate Gauss’s results. It would seem
that there is more to Gauss’s method than he gives in the Summarische
Übersicht.
Least Squares?
We turn now, again, to Gauss’s possible use of least squares. Gauss
specifically stated that he had used least squares since at least 1795, and
that at some point, at least by 1802, he used least squares in his computa-
tion of the elements of Ceres [7]. Gauss gives us no more information than
this, and we are left with a puzzle with several key pieces missing. Assuming
Gauss was truthful on these points, how did Gauss use least squares in his
computations? Did he use the method when he first computed Ceres’ orbit
in 1801, or did he use least squares only in subsequent computations after
Ceres was rediscovered? Although we may never be able to fully answer
these questions, we now consider two potential least-squares-based correc-
tions that Gauss could have used.
The first possible least squares method is a direct extension of the Three
Hypotheses interpolation method. The Three Hypotheses method uses the
(λ, β) values from the middle observation time t2 as the desired outputs
(λ∗ , β ∗ ) to find the interpolated inputs (δ1 ∗ , δ3 ∗ ). Suppose we keep the val-
ues for δ1 (1) , δ1 (2) , δ3 (1) , and δ3 (3) fixed, and add n observed (λ∗i , β ∗i ) pairs
from n “middle” observation times. Piazzi, after all, recorded a total of 19
(λ, β) pairs, and we have thus far only used three of them in our computa-
tions. Each added observation then produces two new equations analogous
to (20) and (21), and M goes from being 2 × 2 to being n × 2. Equation
(23) then becomes
∗1
λ − λ(1)
β ∗1 − β (1)
∗2 (1)
λ − λ
∗
δ1 − δ1 (1)
M = ∗2 (1)
β − β . (24)
δ3 ∗ − δ3 (1) .
..
λ∗n − λ(1)
β ∗n − β (1)
26
The second likely least squares method involves making small changes
to each of the six computed elements, calculating the modified (λ, β) values
that result in each case, and then performing a similar least squares estimate
process to determine the corrected elements. This computation can be per-
formed in conjunction with the Three Hypotheses method or independently.
So what results were obtained using these correction methods? The short
answer is that both methods seem to offer some improvement to the com-
puted elements and positions, but neither method succeeded in reproducing
Gauss’s results. The outcomes from both of these computations were, there-
fore, inconclusive, and we are still no closer to knowing how Gauss used least
squares in his early orbit determination methods.
Conclusion
Can we ever have an answer to the questions examined within this pa-
per? Will we ever know exactly how Gauss computed the orbit of Ceres in
1801? Can we discover how and when he used least squares in his computa-
tions? After carefully examining the available evidence, after meticulously
performing the many necessary computations, after scrutinizing and dissect-
ing Gauss’s words, it appears that there is simply not enough information
available to provide conclusive answers to our questions.
It is unlikely that we will uncover any direct written explanations for our
queries, and it is also unlikely that we will hit upon a method that exactly
reproduces Gauss’s results. For all we know, Gauss did use one of the least
squares methods presented in this paper, but we may be unable to reproduce
his computed results due to differences in values used for constants, Earth
data, and other parameters throughout the process. Then again, Gauss
could have used an entirely different process that was only obvious to him,
and those of us who are, perhaps, slightly less mathematically gifted than
Gauss will have an impossible time stumbling upon the same method.
It therefore seems likely that the mysteries explored in this paper will
live on, possibly forever. We close, then, with the hope that the reader has
gained an appreciation for the genius of our mathematical forebears, has
gleaned some insight into orbit determination processes, and has formulated
his or her own thoughts regarding the problems contained within this doc-
ument. At the very least, it is hoped that the reader has been entertained
by a good story.
27
References
[1] R. Bate, D. Mueller, J. White, Fundamentals of Astrodynamics, Dover, New York, 1971.
[2] G. Foderà Serio, A. Manara, P. Sicoli, Giuseppe Piazzi and the Discovery of Ceres, Asteriods
III, U. of Arizona Press, Tucson, AZ, 2002, pp. 17-24.
[3] C. F. Gauss, Theory of the Motion of the Heavenly Bodies Moving about the Sun in Conic
Sections, , translation by C. H. Davis, Dover, New York, NY, 1963.
[4] C. F. Gauss, Summarische Übersicht der zur Bestimmung der Bahnen der beiden neuen
Hauptplaneten angewandten Methoden, Montaliche Correspondenz zur Beforderung der Erd-
und Himmels-Kunde, XX (1809), pp. 197-224.
[5] P. S. Laplace, Mécanique Céleste, translation by N. Bowditch, Hilliard et al., Boston, MA,
1829.
[6] P. S. Laplace, Meḿoires de l’Académie Royale des Sciences des Paris, 1780.
[7] R. L. Plackett, Studies in the History of Probability and Statistics XXIX, The Discovery of
the Method of Least Squares, Biometrika 59 (1972), pp 239-251.
[8] C. Schilling, Wilhelm Olbers, Sein Leben und Sein Werke, Verlag Von Julius Springer, Berlin,
1900, p. 78.
[9] D. Teets and K. Whitehead, The Computation of Planetary Orbits, The College Mathematics
Journal 29 (1998), pp. 397-404.
[10] D. Teets and K. Whitehead, The Discovery of Ceres: How Gauss Became Famous, Mathe-
matics Magazine 72 (1999), pp. 83-93.
[11] X. Von Zach, Fortgesetzte Nachrichten über den Längst Vermutheten Neuen Haupt-Planeten
Unseres Sonnen-Systems[Ceres], Montaliche Correspondenz zur Beforderung der Erd-und
Himmels-Kunde, III (1801).
28