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Micael-Lee Johnstone
is a senior teaching fellow in the Department of Marketing at the University of Otago.
Her research interests include retail marketing, marketing communications and social
marketing. She is currently working towards her PhD in the area of retail identity.
Denise M. Conroy
is a senior lecturer in the Department of Marketing at the University of Auckland.
Denise’s primary research interest is centred on consumer behaviour. She is currently
taking a constructivist approach to personal appearance, building upon her interest in
both identity and identification.
Keywords:
Abstract
Rituals, ritual
This paper focuses on the pleasurable aspects of shopping from an experiential perspective, ritual
behaviour, ritual
behaviour being the focal point. This research adopts an interpretive methodological approach and
artefacts, social relies on phenomenological interviews with a range of women to explain how ritual behaviour and
identity, hedonic ritual artefacts contribute to pleasurable shopping experiences. The findings suggest that the
consumption, dressing ritual is an important determinant of whether or not the shopping experience will be
symbolic perceived as pleasant or unpleasant. Equally important, the ritual of dressing was found to play an
consumption important role for many of the participants in their maintenance of self. Copyright # 2005 John
Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
234 Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 4, 4, 234–245 Copyright # 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 1472-0817
Dressing for the thrill
the pleasurable aspects of shopping from Researchers such as Cova (1997) suggest
an experiential perspective. Why do that consumers form social links with
women find shopping pleasurable? As others through their consumption
Clammer (1992: 195) states, ‘shopping is practices. This social link may be more
not merely the acquisition of things: it is significant than the product because the
the buying of identity’. Yet, one does not product merely facilitates these social
need to confine shopping to the physical interactions (Cova, 1997; Aubert-Gamet
act itself, it encompasses many other and Cova, 1999). Consequently, while
elements, such as browsing (eg Bellenger some forms of consumption may
and Korgoankar, 1980; Bloch and decrease, other forms may increase
Richins, 1983), socialising (eg Frenzen because consumers will choose products
and Davis, 1990; Rubinstein and and retail environments, not for their use
Parmelee, 1992), people-watching or value, but for their link value (Cova,
voyeurism (eg Bloch et al., 1994; McGrath 1997). Therefore, one could posit that
and Otnes, 1995) and ‘parading’ or social interactions within the retail
narcissism (Featherstone, 1982). environment may influence how one
perceives and identifies with the retail
LITERATURE REVIEW environment and with others within it,
Hedonic consumption which consequently may affect one’s
Many studies in the past have pleasurable (or hedonic) shopping
investigated the information-processing experiences.
aspects of consumer behaviour but, as The aim of this study was to examine
Woods (1981, cited in Holbrook et al., hedonic shopping experiences within the
1984: 728) states, consumers ‘also engage retail environment in order to find out
in imaginative, emotional and what factors contribute to pleasurable
appreciative consumption experiences’. shopping experiences. For the purpose of
Holbrook and Hirschman (1982) referred this paper, the findings focus on the
to this as hedonic consumption dressing ritual and how this contributes
experiences. These types of consumption to positive and/or pleasurable shopping
experiences are concerned with feelings, experiences.
fantasies and fun, and are very much a
multisensory and emotive experience Rituals
(Holbrook and Hirschman, 1982). Rituals are pervasive in people’s
The experiential perspective has much everyday lives, yet there has been some
to offer retail literature because, as difficulty in finding a universal
Seamon (1984) suggests, people form definition of the term ‘ritual’ because
emotional links with their environments people have often restricted the meaning
based upon their experiences with the to religious or mystical contexts, viewed
environment. By understanding the it as a primitive and regressive
experiential nature of consumption one behaviour, or depicted rituals as things
may come to have a better understanding that take place in large public settings
of why people regularly patronise (Rook, 1985). For the purposes of this
specific retail sites, and why they paper, the authors define rituals as
participate in various consumption symbolic behaviour that is actively or
activities. As Abbott (1955: 40, cited in passively performed by a participant in a
Holbrook, 1987: 161) states, ‘what people public or private setting, either with or
really desire are not products but without an audience (Rook, 1985;
satisfying experiences’. Yet, as Edgell Rothenbuhler, 1998).
and Hetherington (1996: 5) contend, Rook (1985) relies on the following
social relations shape the experience of four tangible components when defining
consuming. This has important a ritual experience. First, ritual artefacts
implications for the retail environment. are physical objects, for example, the
Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 4, 4, 234–245 Copyright # 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 1472-0817 235
Micael-Lee Johnstone and Denise M. Conroy
clothing one wears to go shopping. one group or community to the next, but
Secondly, a ritual script guides the use of also through one’s shared consumption
the artefacts and is performed by the with others these relationships can be
people who are participating in the formed (Gainer, 1995: 257). More
ritual. For example, the script will change importantly, rituals can manage
depending on the role one assumes relationships even in the absence of face-
within the shopping environment and to-face communication because common
within each store (eg discount store versus participation still can be shared through
boutique designer store). Thirdly, ritual consumption rituals (Gainer, 1995: 253),
performance role(s) can be passive or active such as Christmas celebrations,
because participants can either interact birthdays and so on. Therefore,
directly (eg singing the national anthem at consumption should not be understood
a sporting event) or indirectly (eg ‘as consumption of use-values, a material
watching the rugby World Cup final on utility, but primarily as the consumption
television along with thousands of other of signs’ (Featherstone, 1987: 57). As past
viewers). Fourthly, a ritual experience researchers suggest, symbolic
includes a ritual audience, which may be an consumption and ritual behaviour
immediate audience, such as family and communicates much meaning about an
friends, or can extend beyond one’s circle individual (eg McCracken, 1986; Fischer
of friends to include one’s community, and Arnould, 1990), about societal norms
city, country and the world. and values (eg Solomon, 1985; Escalas,
Essentially, rituals are communicative. 1993), and about how relationships are
Just as symbolic consumption can managed (eg Wallendorf and Arnould,
convey much meaning about a person (or 1991; Arnould and Price, 1993).
group), ritual actions can also Therefore, by understanding
communicate much meaning about consumption activities that take place
people and places. Rituals serve to during the performance of rituals, one
include or exclude individuals from also may have a better understanding of
community membership and groups those cultural values that are most
(Bocock, 1974; Rook, 1985). important in society (Houston, 1999:
Social identity theory (SIT) is a useful 542). Equally important, one may have a
framework within which to explore why better understanding of how rituals
people participate in ritualised contribute to making a shopping
behaviour. Social identity, as defined by experience pleasurable.
Tajfel and Turner (1986: 16), incorporates
‘those aspects of an individual’s self- RESEARCH METHOD
image that derive from the social This paper was undertaken with two
categories to which he perceives himself research objectives: first, to explain how
belonging’. This categorisation process ritual behaviour and ritual artefacts
serves two purposes. First, as Ashforth contribute to pleasurable shopping
and Mael (1989) state, it enables people to experiences and, secondly, to explore the
define others, as it provides a systematic motivations that drive these rituals. The
means of segmenting and ordering the study employed an interpretivist
social environment. Secondly, it enables methodological approach because the
people to locate or define themselves in authors were interested in exploring the
the social environment (Ashforth and participants’ lived experiences. Since this
Mael, 1989: 21). study was concerned with how
As Driver (1991: 132) states, ‘the individuals construct meaning,
reinforcement, if not the actual creation qualitative methods were used. The
of social order is perhaps the most advantage of using qualitative methods
obvious of ritual’s functions’. Not only is that they enable the study to focus on
do rituals enable people to move from ordinary events that happen in ‘real life
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Dressing for the thrill
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Micael-Lee Johnstone and Denise M. Conroy
Sue (52 years): ‘It’s important to, I feel, to shops, I want to look like someone who goes to
dress up in something trendy because you don’t posh shops [laughs], even if I don’t.’
want to be perceived as being sort of frumpy
[pause] by the people you don’t know.’ Fulfilling a fantasy
As with other rituals, eg the wedding
The consequences of not participating in ceremony, there is a performance aspect
these rituals often resulted in to the dressing ritual. Performance via
unsatisfactory and sometimes the ritual mode is done bodily and shown
unpleasant shopping experiences, as through symbolic display (Driver, 1991:
Sarah (a television journalist) 91). Flora, a 27-year-old English
commented below. postgraduate student, for example,
gained much pleasure in being able to
Sarah (31 years): ‘I always feel when I walk in change her appearance daily, hence
[referring to designer stores], there’s this
signifying to others that she had created a
feeling that the shop assistant’s always looking
you up and down to see whether you can afford new identity. For her ‘the phenomena of
to shop in the first place.’ expectation and anticipation play a
central role in shopping’ (Lehtonen and
The dressing ritual contributed not only Mäenpää, 1997: 158).
to some of the participants’ personal
identities but also to their social Flora (27 years): ‘I like all those really
dramatic clothes so I dress up. I think I like
identities. Tajfel and Turner (1986) state
having lots of clothes and just choosing who I
that people will often try to maintain a want to be every day, so that’s the
positive social identity in order to be enjoyment . . . changing yourself by wearing
accepted by others. One can relate this certain clothes.’
back to the shopping environment
because people may choose to patronise As George Herbert Mead suggests, if
stores that are congruent with their social people want to change their identity,
identities, as to do otherwise may lead to they need to change their consumption
rejection or alienation. Once an habits in order to indicate to others that
individual has decided on how they they have adopted a new identity, only
would like to be perceived in a given then can they assume the new identity
social situation, such as shopping in a (Campbell, 1995: 112). Flora enjoyed
particular store or in a certain location, being on display because she enjoyed the
means of expressing that self are often theatrical aspect of dressing, or ‘playing
formulated. These findings will now be dress up’ and living a fantasy. For this
discussed in detail. ritual to be meaningful, Flora required an
audience. As her comments below
RITUALS CONTRIBUTING TO A indicate, dressing in a theatrical or
PLEASURABLE SHOPPING EXPERIENCE fantastical manner could be very
Role-playing empowering for her.
The dressing ritual enables people to
role-play. For example, Flora sometimes Flora (27 years): ‘I remember this skirt [points
pretended to be the type of person who to the one she is wearing] I bought it especially
could regularly afford to shop in to intimidate this man I was having problems
expensive boutique stores. She was able with, so [laughs] I was shopping in a very, I
don’t know, vicious mood [pause] I’m going to
to adopt this role and change her identity buy something very dramatic and walk into the
through her use of clothing. As Driver place and he’ll be there and he’ll just look at me
(1991: 93) states, ‘rituals are primarily and he’ll be like crushed to death, and so
instruments designed to change a [laughs] I bought this skirt. And it kind of
situation’. worked too [laughs].’
Flora (27 years): ‘That’s especially why I Yet, one could also suggest that Flora’s
dressed up like this today, I want to go to posh actions verge on being narcissistic. Not
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Dressing for the thrill
only did Flora take great pleasure in one is to apply film theorist Mulvey’s
observing herself, she also enjoyed (1991) perspective to the retail
observing others watching her. As environment. Mulvey (1991) applies
Featherstone (1982: 27) states: scopophilia (the pleasure of looking—
the female gaze) to narrative cinema;
‘Within consumer culture, which approximately males look at females (ie the spectator
coincides with the culture of narcissism, the new observes the spectacle/object) and, in
conception of self which has emerged, which we
shall refer to as the ‘‘performing self ’’ places turn, females are aware that they are
greater emphasis upon appearance, display and being looked at.
the management of impression.’ As Berger (1972: 47) states, men look at
women and women watch themselves
Certainly, for some participants, the being looked at, which not only
dressing ritual enabled them to pretend determines the relations between the
to be something they were not, but, in sexes but also ‘the relations between
Flora’s case, the audience was equally women themselves’. Yet, one could add
important to her pleasure. that women within the retail
environment are both the spectators and
Voyeuristic pleasure
the spectacle. Within this arena, women’s
For some participants, voyeurism played
adornments and clothing become the
an integral part in the dressing ritual. The
objects of desire, and pleasure is derived
participant on the one hand was the
from appreciating other women’s
spectacle (an object of someone else’s
clothing, jewellery, make-up and hair.
gaze), but, at the same time, was also a
spectator. Sally (28-year-old TV researcher): ‘‘‘Oh
those are great shoes!’’ ‘‘YES they are aren’t
Sue (52 years): ‘I always dress up to go to the they. I got these from sales.’’ There’s this
mall [pause] because you’re going to be seen. As wonderful thing about girls, it’s always [pause]
well as looking, seeing other people, you’re kind of complimentary. Girls always do that to
going to be seen in turn by other people.’ girls all the time.’
The authors suggest that the performance The findings from this study suggest that
factor enabled the shopper to experiment the participants identified with other
with her appearance and to have fun in the women within the retail environment
retail environment; one could even view based on social categories. The authors
the dressing ritual in carnivalesque terms. also argue that the female spectator within
For example, it may be fun and exciting to the retail arena is an active participant, not
adopt a new identity each time one goes passive, because she actively constructs
shopping or it may mark the beginning of and deconstructs her identity.
a new adventure.
The need for social affiliation
Sue (52 years): ‘I think shopping’s an Identification is commonly conceived as
adventure. It’s an adventure because you never
a cognitive concept that involves an
know what you’re going to see, you might
discover a bargain or you might discover a new individual coming to see another entity
product . . . anything can happen sort of thing.’ (individual, group, object, place, etc) as
being definitive of self. The greater the
At the same time, it is important to view number of attributes the individual
retail environments as places that considers their self to hold in common
nurture and foster social interactions with the entity, the stronger the
because social relationships are often individual’s sense of identification (Pratt,
what shape consumption activities in the 1998; Pratt and Foreman, 2000). Pratt
first place. (1998) suggests that there are two ‘paths’
The store, its goods and even its to identification, ‘affinity identification’
patrons become the objects of desire if and ‘emulation identification’.
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Micael-Lee Johnstone and Denise M. Conroy
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Dressing for the thrill
SIT suggests that humans need to feel between the store patron image and the
accepted. The desire to belong to a group consumer’s self-concept, the more likely
or to feel part of a community appeared that consumer [will have] a favourable
to be a motivating factor for many of the attitude toward that store’ and, the
participants. Consequently, much authors would add, the more likely that
symbolic meaning can be gauged from the person will identify with that store or
their actions. The fact that a shopping bag location.
can communicate much meaning, as
illustrated by Rachel’s comments above, The shopping bag as a symbolic
is significant, while the fact that she was artefact
aware of her actions is even more so.
Rachel rationalised that her actions were Eileen (61-year-old housewife): ‘Oh those
absurd but it did not prevent her from wonderful bags. I’m always thrilled with the
performing these actions, hence bags, I love the bags [pause] it’s quite nice if
signifying how powerful it is to preserve you’ve bought something, trotting into the
next shop with a nice bag [laughs] and actually
one’s self-image and one’s social status. ideally you could take an old one with you.’
As stated by Crane (2000: 2), ‘clothes as
artefacts ‘‘create’’ behaviour through The shopping bag that stores provide
their capacity to impose social identities their customers with is steeped in
and empower people to assert latent symbolic meaning. This was highlighted
social identities’. Rachel, in this case, did by Eileen’s comment above. Participants
not want to be perceived as a person who were very aware of the images associated
shopped in lowbrow stores, with the different stores. In fact,
consequently her actions appeared to be participants suggested that carrying the
motivated by her desire to protect her right bag could even enhance their social
social identity. These findings would identities.
suggest that a fear and trepidation path
to identification was being taken because Kristy (22 years): ‘I remember getting a bag
Rachel was afraid of being ‘found out’ as from my brother, he bought something at
a person who shopped in lowbrow Barkers and I thought oh yeah Barkers is cool so
stores. I, you know, just asked him for the bag so I could
take it to school, I mean I never wore anything
This third path is very much based on
from Barkers but as long as I had the bag I was
fear and what might happen if one is cool.’
‘found out’. The authors would suggest,
however, that identification based on this In contrast, bags could also make the
path was not very strong. Consumers participant feel very self-conscious if she
were more likely to be attracted to thought others would perceive her
emulation or affinity identification when unfavourably, as highlighted by Rachel’s
an alternative presented itself because earlier comments.
there is a basic desire to maintain and/or Some participants reflected on their
enhance one’s self-concept. One’s self- teenage years and suggested that they
concept is guided by different motives, were often influenced by a store’s image
such as the need for self-esteem, the need and a store’s bag because this could
for self-consistency, the need for social enhance their social identity. In fact,
consistency and the need for social many participants admitted to
approval (Sirgy et al., 2000). borrowing shopping bags from family
Consequently, the authors would members/friends, or keeping bags as
suggest that loyalty to stores based on the mementos if the bag had a favourable
fear and trepidation path is less likely to image.
be enduring if an alternative option were
to become available. As Sirgy et al. (2000: Tracy (21 years): ‘I keep some of them if
127) propose, ‘the greater the match they’re really nice like there’s this beautiful
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Micael-Lee Johnstone and Denise M. Conroy
Riccochet one that I bought a skirt with [pause] The participants clearly understood that
because it was in this really nice bag it felt like it it was desirable to adapt their dress code,
was a present. It’s shaped like a handbag, so it’s
and hence their social identity, to match
like you’re carrying a handbag, which is nice.’
the retail environment they wished to
In many ways, the shopping bag extends consume, in order to enhance their
the pleasurable shopping experience experience. Equally, they were aware
long after the initial purchase. that neglecting this ritual increased the
displeasure they might experience
Flora (27 years): ‘I remember once I bought during the act of shopping.
this dress in London, it was a beautiful beaded As Lurie (1981) suggests, people
dress and they packaged it up in this box and choose clothing to define and to describe
put little pieces of paper in-between it and themselves. Consequently, acceptance of
things, and that was very lovely. It was like a
one’s clothing can either engage a person
little present. I still keep it in the box [laughs],
in the box and the paper, and that was a few in the group, or exclude them from
years ago.’ participation (Lurie, 1981). As the
findings revealed, the participants often
Whether the bag was considered ‘nice’ or felt intimidated when they shopped in
not, appeared to be determined by three certain stores (eg boutique stores),
factors: because they believed the sales personnel
were making judgments about their
— The store must sell expensive appearance. More importantly, they
products and/or high-image believed judgments were being made
products. about them as people. Consequently,
— The store must sell aesthetically these brief service encounters were often
pleasing (ie beautiful) products. viewed as unpleasant, which can be
— The bag must be made from quality linked to self-congruity theory (Sirgy
paper, it must have the store’s logo et al., 2000). If a participant believed that
printed on the outside and it must their self-concept was not congruent
have sturdy handles. Plastic bags, with a store’s image, they might
even from exclusive stores, were not experience uneasiness. In contrast, the
perceived as favourably. findings revealed that this situation
could be appeased easily if the service
CONCLUSION encounter was perceived to be pleasant.
The aim of this study was to examine Pratt’s (1998) ‘paths’ to identification
hedonic shopping experiences within the (affinity and emulation) were both
retail environment, and to find out what represented in the data, but a third path
factors contributed to pleasurable based more on fear and trepidation
shopping experiences. Clearly, it was seemed equally apparent. Women
seen that specific ritualistic activities indulged in dressing rituals to ensure
prior to the shopping excursion were that shop assistants in certain stores
common and contributed substantially would not question their right to be in
to the pleasure of the experience. The that store, not because of the women’s
most frequently cited ritual (and the emulation with the store, but because of
focus of this paper) was the dressing their concern for being ‘found out’, a fear
ritual. Essentially, dressing was seen as that their lack of identification with the
an important way of defining oneself and store was apparent to others, particularly
gaining social approval. This study sales assistants. This is an important
suggests that the desire to dress point given the human need for social
appropriately was driven by the affiliation, and clearly a point
participants’ need to maintain their understood more obviously by
social identities, and to locate and define consumers than service providers who
themselves in the social environment. continue to express overt judgments of
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Journal of Consumer Behaviour Vol. 4, 4, 234–245 Copyright # 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 1472-0817 245