REAL BEAUTY: is in the eye of the beholder? Or is it in the heart?

A Thesis
Presented to the
Department of Literature
College of Nursing University of Santo Tomas

In partial fulfillment
of the requirements in
Literature 102
Philippine Literature

Dela Cruz
Darwin Ken T.
March 2010
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would like to express the deepest appreciation to my Lit102 Professor Elmer

Hibek PhD., who has the attitude and the substance of a genius: he continually and
convincingly conveyed a spirit of adventure in regard to literary pieces and an
excitement in regard to teaching. Without his guidance and persistent help this literary
thesis would not have been possible.

It is a pleasure for me to express my gratitude to my father, mother and younger

brother who helped me in one way or another to complete this literary thesis.

I would also like to thank my friends who gave me ideas in improving this thesis.

This thesis would not have been possible without the resources/materials that I
utilized from the UST Central Library.

I offer my regards and blessings to all of those who supported me in any respect
during the completion of the project.

Lastly, I heartily thank God, our Creator, and Blessed Virgin Mary, Mediatrix of all
grace, for guiding and giving me wisdom and strength to finish this project.
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DEDICATION

I would like to dedicate this work to all migrant workers who are bearing the brunt of
work and sacrificing themselves in order to provide for their families and loved ones.
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT i
DEDICATION PAGE ii

CHAPTER

1 THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND

A. Introduction 1
B. Statement of the Problem 7
C. Significance of the Study 8
D. Objectives of the Study 9
E. Definition of Terms 9
2 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES
A. Related Literature 12
B. Related Studies 46
3 SUMMARIES
Forty Thousand Women 73
Filipeneza 75
Singapore Sunday 77
A night in Dubai 78
Japayuki 79
The Resident Alien as Acrobat 81
Luzviminda, or Filipinas Make Such Good Maids 82
4 ANALYSIS
Forty Thousand Women 84
Filipeneza 87
Singapore Sunday 90
93
A night in Dubai
ii
 Japayuki 96
The Resident Alien as Acrobat 99
Luzviminda, or Filipinas Make Such Good Maids 102
5. SUMMARY, FINDINGS, CONCLUSION, RECOMMENDATION
A. Summary 106
B. Findings 107
C. Conclusion 133
D. Recommendation 135

BIBLIOGRAPHY 139
BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHORS 142
CURICULLUM VITAE 144
 CHAPTER 1

THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND

A. Introduction

“The Philippines is not the first country to send its labor force abroad. Japan and
Korea, Spain and Italy had been there before us. But the big difference is that these
countries did not make a permanent industry out of exporting the brains and brawn of
their people. For them it was a stopgap measure, lasting no more than 15 years on the
average, just to hurdle a difficult phase in their history; whereas we have been at it
continuously and in growing numbers, almost from the time we first began to imagine
ourselves as a nation.” (David, 1995)

The spirit of seeking greener pastures away from one’s home finds roots early in
the Philippine history. These movements have been a search for security, such as the
Sulu sultans paying tribute to Chinese emperors, or employment as in the case of
seamen in the Spanish fleet

The history of the Filipino people suggests that migration is a natural tendency of
the Filipino race.

The early Filipinos used long boats called balangay to move from place to place in
search of food and place to settle in. About 18 meters long, these boats could transport
a small clan or large family.

Weather conditions determined the economic life of the early settlers in the
Philippines.
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Sociologist Arnel De Guzman, a professor in the University of the Philippines once said
“Given the topography of the Philippines, social scientists and even natural scientists
consider water as a means of connecting rather than a hindrance.”

Spanish era

The mobility of the early Filipinos was constant, even after the Spaniards
conquered the archipelago and gave it the name “Filipinas”. The conquerors moved the
natives around the country where they were made to work as slaves. In the south,
which resisted Spanish rule, trade among the sultanates was very active.

Early on, the Spaniards realized and benefited from the craftsmanship of the
Filipinos. From Cavite to Camarines Sur to Cebu, they opened large shipyards wherein
they are employing purely Filipino labor that utilized local raw materials to build vessels
for the Galleon Trade.

The Canton-Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade from 1565 to 1815 gave Filipinos an

opportunity to move about farther than they ever did before. These seafarers later
became crewmembers of the galleons and were known as “Manila Men” or “Luzones
Indios”

There are accounts of Filipino crew members jumping overboard in the open seas
as they neared port in California, Acapulco and Canton, to escape the harsh conditions
in the galleons and never return to the ships.

Although the Galleon Trade was the colony’s lifeline to Europe, it did not benefit
the country much. Its main objective was to stockpile huge quantities of wealth in the
islands to ship to Spain or Mexico in a short period.

The First Wave

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On Decemeber 10, 1898, under the Treaty of Paris, the United States took over
the country and developed the local economy for the exports of goods to a market, in
this time being to the US. Rice, corn and other vegetable plantations for the domestic
market were converted into large plantations for sugarcane, coconut, tobacco, and other
products for export and processing in the US. Consequently, poverty became
widespread in the rural areas and peasants move to Manila because they were
displaced from their lands thus creating unemployment.

Although, at that time, the US was in the process of erecting its economy, it
needed manpower. This prompted them to look at other countries as sources of labor
for their farms and factories. Hawaiian Sugar Planters Association came to the
Philippines to recruit manpower.

Initially, the Filipinos were hesitant to the idea of working in Hawaii and only a
hundred or so were recruited. Three years after, whilst the poverty in the Philippines
worsened, thousands of Filipinos signed up for farm work in the island of Hawaii.
Conversely, 18 years after, a union strike banned many Filipinos in Hawaii and migrant
labor shifted to mainland US.

There were also conscious attempts on the part of the recruiters to recruit Filipino
peasants because labor was much cheaper. It was a come-on and a sugar-coated
candy for the Filipinos to run away from their lives as peasants in the Philippines
because it was more lucrative in the US.

Expansive number of Filipino farmers moved to the California, Alaska and other
American territories in the Pacific to work in plantations and canneries. For quite some
time they had the advantage because as residents of a US colony, Filipinos were
considered as “US nationals”. On the contrary due to the proclamation of the Tydings-
McDuffie Act of 1934, in which it was officially proclaimed Philippine independence from
US rule, all Filipinos in the US territories were reclassified as “aliens”.
 4

Many Filipinos defied American immigration law and continued to live and work in
US as illegal aliens, American employers continued to hire them because they were
cheap labor and can be “disposed” anytime if anything went wrong.

The Second Wave

Although the first wave of Philippine labor migration was based on skills for farm
and factory work and blue-collar service in the American military facilities, the second
wave filled a labor shortage in the US mainland that included professionals.

The war in Vietnam brought about a deficiency of American males who were being
drafted as soldiers. Filipinos, this time professionals such as doctors, nurses, and
engineers flocked to the US in the late 60s to support its escalating economic
development while American men were busy fighting in the war.

Moreover, just like the Spanish program for the ilustrados, the US government
gave opportunity to Filipino graduates to study in the US through exchange programs.
Many Filipino graduates of different universities were encouraged to pursue their
masteral and doctoral degrees in American Universities.

Although this second wave was short-lived and the number of migrants was small,
it made a definite impact in the country’s labor force as professionals, academics,
doctors and engineers left the Philippines. This phenomenon came to be known as
“brain-drain”.

The Third Wave

The movement of migrants rebounded on the third wave when thousands of

Filipinos left the country in the 1970s bound for jobs as construction workers and other
blue-collar professionals in the Middle East.
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This opportunity all started from an oil embargo imposed by the Organization
Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) against the US in 1973 for its meddling in the
Arab’s affairs. The OPEC was established to create a common front and assert the
rights of oil exporting countries against the gargantuan US and British oil firms known as
the “Seven Sisters”. From the 60s to early 70s period the Seven Sisters [composed of
US-based Exxon (Standard oil of New Jersey), Mobil (Socony- Standard Oil of New
york), Socal (Standard oil of California which later became Chevron), Gulf, and Texaco;
and British-based Royal Dutch Shell and British Petroleum or BP] dominated the oil
industry, dictating the price of crude in the world market.

When the original five OPEC member countries (Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and
Venezuela) were joined by eight others (Qatar, Indonesia, Libya, United Arab Emirates,
Algeria, Nigeria, Ecuador and Gabon), OPEC became powerful enough to mandate
petroleum policies and crude oil price. This placed the US, which that time imports 30%
of its oil needs from the Middle East, at the hands of the OPEC. When the OPEC
ordered an embargo against the US for meddling in the region’s affair on 1973, America
and its allies were affected including the Philippines. OPEC raised the crude prices by
70 percent, from US$3 per barrel to US$5.11 in October 1973 and again to US$11.65 in
January 1974. Because of the higher prices, Arab countries had so much money; they
began to import labor to develop their petrochemical industry and other infrastructure
projects.

Seeing the opportunity opening up for Filipino labor in the Middle East, President
Ferdinand Marcos issued in 1974 Presidential decree 422, or the Labor Code that
created the Overseas Employment Development Board and the National Seamen
Board. The government monopolized the placement agencies for sourcing Filipino
professionals and laborers for the Middle East and PD 422, which required operational
guidelines for recruitment, placement and licensing fees, as well as foreign exchange
remittances, dispute resolution, registration, and documentation, put the systems in
place. By the late 70s, the Philippines experienced relatively high economic growth due
mainly to the remittances of Filipino worker abroad. President Marcos used this
 6

“economic achievement” to show that the New Society (Bagong Lipunan) he

established was working. “We have provided jobs for our people not only in our new and
expanding industries but also in the world labor market. Filipino talents and skills are
becoming ubiquitous in many parts of the world. Returning Filipino workers have helped
improve or skills and technological standards” President Marcos said in 1976.

The movement of workers out of the country continued during the Aquino, Ramos,
and Estrada administrations. Data from the Philippine Overseas Employment
Administration revealed that the country sent out an average of over 30,000 migrant
workers a month from 1984 to 1990. the figure constantly grew more than 50,000 a
month from 1991 to 1995 and to more than 60,000 a month from 1996 to 2001.

Although the government billed the OFWs in the late 80s as “modern day heroes”,
the government would neither confirm nor deny that the Philippine economy remained
afloat due to migrant workers’ remittances. Government chose its words carefully,
saying that migrants “contributed to the nation’s foreign exchange earnings” and hailing
their efforts as “significant in fostering goodwill among peoples of the world”.

“Feminization” of migration

The third wave of migration continues until the present, and it has brought about
many breakthroughs for the Filipino overseas workforce. It expanded the market for
migrant workers to places other than the Middle East and the US. Entertainers were
hired for the Japanese market; medical practitioners such as doctors, nurses and
caregivers were recruited for the ageing population of Canada and Great Britain; and
domestic helpers were in great demand in countries in Europe, in Hong Kong and
Singapore. This period is marked by a heavy demand for semi-skilled and unskilled
workers, the “feminization” of migration, and the brain drain.

While up to the mid- 80s the vast majority of migrant workers were men, by the late
80s, the demand grew in the international service sector, women workers found that
 7

they too could join the migrant work force. In 1987, some 47.2% of the migrant workers
were women, climbing to 50% in 1992 and up to 69% in 2002.

Many women take on jobs as domestic helpers and entertainers, but a substantial
number are professionals, such as nurses and other caregivers. A major concern of
advocacy groups is that these women, especially domestic workers and entertainers
working in Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore and the Middle East, are vulnerable to
exploitation and abuse.

The rich and long history of labor migration in the Philippines which date back four
centuries ago give us the inescapable conclusion that labor migration is here to stay.

B. Statement of the Problem

1. How do the authors portray the experiences of the migrant workers? Is this an
accurate portrayal of what is really happening to them?
2. What are the effects of labor migration on one’s self, family and society?
3. What is the profile of the migrant workers in terms of age, gender, work and
socioeconomic status?

C. Significance of the Study

• Recipients/ Beneficiaries of the Study
o Migrant Workers
 Migrant Workers will benefit in this study because this paper will
serve as their voice to “verbalize” their concerns to those who are
concerned and should have been concerned in their condition. Many
migrant workers encounter specific obstacles related to their family
status, work conditions and other related concerns. This paper will
serve as a “window” to give us a picture of what is really happening
to them.

o Government
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 The government, particularly migration related offices such as

OWWA and POEA could benefit from this paper. Although they
already know some of the data presented in this study, this paper
would surely give them the thought of further implementation of
different laws related to labor migration. Moreover, they could be
more strict on the processing of papers to reduce different illegal
workers overseas who are very vulnerable to abuse.

o Family of migrant workers

 The family of migrant workers could also benefit from this paper
because this could give them a second thought whether a family
member should really work overseas. Having the different effects of
labor migration family members should really think whether their
actions would really benefit the family or not.

o Non-government organizations
 Non-government organizations could also benefit from
this study because it could give them some pertinent data that they
need to pursue their advocacy.

D. Objectives of the Study

1. To determine how the authors portray the experiences of the migrant workers
and to know whether it is an accurate portrayal of what is happening to the
migrant workers.
2. To determine the effects of labor migration on one’s self, family and society.
3. To determine the profile of the migrant workers in terms of age, gender, work
and socioeconomic status.

E. Definition of Terms
Overseas Filipino Workers- These includes: OCWS, other Filipino workers
abroad with a valid working visa or work permits. Included also are crew
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members of airplanes such as pilots, stewards, stewardesses and others

whose employers are foreign nationals. Filipinos who went out of the country
through backdoor means. Filipinos whose place of employment is outside the
Philippines but whose employer is the Philippine government.

Migrant Workers- refers to a person who is engaged or has been engaged in

a remunerated activity in a State of which he or she is not a national.

Overseas Contract Workers- Filipinos who are presently and temporarily out
of the country to fulfill an overseas contract for a specific length of time or who
are presently at home on vacation but still has an existing contract to work
abroad. They may either be land-based or sea-based

Embargo- is a partial or complete prohibition of commerce and trade with a

particular country, in order to isolate it.

Feminization- Feminization of migration is characterized by an increase in

the number of female migrants since the 1980s and by a concentration on
female-specific work such as domestic helpers, nurses, entertainers, and so
on in the process of globalization.

Brain Drain- The loss of skilled intellectual and technical labor through the
movement of such labor to more favorable geographic, economic, or
professional environments.

Galleon Trade- an annual round trip (one vessel per year) across the Pacific
between Manila, in the Philippines, and Acapulco, in present Mexico, during
the period 1565–1815 to exchange trades. They were the sole means of
communication between Spain and its Philippine colony and served as an
economic lifeline for the Spaniards in Manila.
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Galleon- Spanish trading ships that sailed once or twice per year across the
Pacific Ocean between Manila in the Philippines, and Acapulco, New Spain
(present-day Mexico).

Diaspora- mass movement of a population sharing a common national or

ethnic identity

Dislocation of Non-belonging- a sense of constant discomfort that affects

their (migrant workers) behavior, attitudes and feelings in the community

Anomie- breakdown of values or formation of a sense of alienation and

dislocations in groups or individuals

Solidarity- shared modes of behavior in the community which includes

practices of sharing of information, providing assistance to newer migrants
and smiling at every single Filipino one sees in public etc.

Xenophobia- An exaggerated or abnormal fear of strangers or foreigners.

Liminal- being an intermediate state, phase, or condition

Interdependency -is a dynamic of being mutually and physically responsible

to, and sharing a common set of principles with, others.

Pockets of Gathering- a congregation of Filipina domestic helpers whether

in a private domain, at church centers and apartments, and in the public
domain, at bus stops and train stations.

Camaraderie- a spirit of friendly good-fellowship

Paluwagan- A rotating credit association. At the beginning of each month,

participants are required to deposit a specified monthly payment, which is
 11

then given to the participant who drew that specified month as their collection
date.

Sulutan- to undermine or betray for personal gain. Example of which are,

women who hoard jobs, those who charge a fee for job referrals and those
who do not share with other migrant workers jobs that they cannot maintain.
 CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Filipino women continue to leave the country in large numbers each year to work
mainly as domestic helpers, nurses, and entertainers in the Middle East, ASEAN
countries, Europe, the USA, Australia an Canada. Constituting more than half of all
overseas contract workers, they contribute significantly to the government’s foreign
exchange earnings, helping to ease the balance of payments deficit. They also alleviate
the unemployment pressures in the country. In consideration of the migrant worker’s
contribution to the nation, no less than former President Corazon Aquino called them
the “new heroes” of the Philippines. Moreover, since December 1994, that month was
regarded as “Month of the OCWs”.

The largest employers in Asia of Filipino women workers are Japan (most of the
Filipinas are entertainers), Hong Kong, Malaysia, Taiwan and Brunei (as domestic help
and production workers). On the other hand, the largest employers in the Middle East
are the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar, Bahrain
and Oman. In Europe, they are mostly in Greece and Italy, while in Africa; they are
Libya, Malawi and Nigeria.

These official figures do not reveal the actual number of workers accurately since
these do not include those who leave the country as “tourists” but end up working
illegally in the countries of destination, and other undocumented workers.

Approximately half a million leave the country every year, according to some
estimates. An overwhelming number seek work as domestic helpers. Between 1990-
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1991, land based overseas employment grew by 36% (compared to 13% of sea-based
contract migration). The women who leave are generally young: 66% are in the age
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group of 20-34 years old; median age is 29.6 years. A pre-departure profile of
Domestic Helpers (DH) showed that 80% were single. In comparison, men are slightly
older, with a median age of 35.9 years. At present, migrant workers are getting younger,
as the proportion of women gets larger.

From the above realties, the feminization of migration is particularly evident.

Participation of women in the labor market has been and still is controversial, because
of the dangers involved in the jobs and stories of abuse repeatedly reported by the
media, especially with regards to entertainers in Japan, and domestic workers helpers
in the Middle East and Southeast Asia (FABC, 1993)

Economic necessity is often cited as the main reason for seeking overseas work
i.e. they need more money for the family. A survey conducted on 1990-1991 of 3,009
women applicants for overseas domestic work underscored this motivation: 67.6%
claimed the higher pay abroad was the principal attraction.

Although the economic benefits are easily acknowledge both at the micro-and
macro-levels, overseas contract migration has had many attendant ill-effects. However,
compared to researches on the economic aspect of contract migration, there have been
fewer studies on the impact on family life. Moreover, most of these are case studies or
studies in small groups which, while indicating the nature and the detrimental or
beneficial effects, do not indicate the extent of these effects. It is important to know the
impact of the long periods of absence of female workers on their families and on their
marital relationships. The next paragraphs will talk about the experiences of Filipinos
who are working overseas. The next paragraphs will unfold the effects and implications
of these experiences on one’s self, family and the society.

No less than Pope John Paul II focused on the women migrants in his 1995
Message for World Migration Day: “One thinks first and foremost of the women who are
experiencing the heartbreak of having left their own family behind in their native
country… a large part of the burden of the family often falls on the women. They have to
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submit to a great pressure of work in order to provide for the family’s daily sustenance
so as to achieve the goals for which they left their country. Particular pastoral attention
must be given to unmarried women, who are increasingly more numerous within the
migratory phenomenon. Their condition demands from those in charge not only
solidarity and acceptance, but also protection and defense from abuse and exploitation.”
(PJP II, 1995).

Archbishop Giovanni Cheli, president of the Pontifical Council for the Pastoral
care of Migrants and Itinerant People, highlighted the problems typical of women
migrants, such as exploitation, alienation and loneliness which are manifested clearly in
women who are the weakest link in the phenomenon of migration (L’Osservatore
Romano, N.36, 7 September 1994)

The Final Statement of the Symposium on Filipino Migrant Workers in Asia,

September 11-18, 1993, speaks of great concern for the situation of Filipina migrant
workers:
The situation of Filipino women in migration is even more vulnerable. Employed
in large numbers in the domestic and entertainment sectors, they are frequently
submitted to harassment and sexual abuse. Subject to pregnancy controls and barred
from marrying citizens of some countries, they suffer serious offense of their human
rights

Eviota, in her book, The Political Econmoy of Gender: Women and the Sexual
Division of Labor in the Philippines echoes a similar concern fro the Filipino women
migrants:
But while the work abroad may be higher paying and fulfilling for some women, it
has been painful or violent for other. There has been documented evidence of Filipino
women who have lived in a world of fear, degradation, insanity and sexual abuse. Rape
has been a “common occurrence” in some areas. And murder has been the fate of a
few women.
 15

Workers coming home usually find themselves disoriented and dislocated:

“When I came back, I was already pregnant—the more difficult it was to return. It was a
shame—Japayuki na nga, buntis at disgrasyada pa! Before, I hated Japan… but now I
am eating my words…”(Entertainer in Japan). “My husband doubted me, but I
reassured him that he was still no. 1… my child became a problem. He seemed to be
distant, very distant, and very aloof. It was long before I was able to bridge the gap—
may be two years” (Entertainer in Japan)

The negative consequences of migration on Filipino women are fully symbolized

by the Flor Contemplacion-Delia Maga case which received national and international
attention and Sarah Balabagan case. It is like a Pandora’s Box which exposed the
causes and ill effects on Filipinas in migration. Their families for which Filipino women
sacrifice separation; loneliness and even maltreatment are also affected.

It is very appropriate to include the Flor Contemplacion’s and Sarah Balagan’s

case in this discussion of women’s predicaments overseas because they summarize the
hardships of the migrant workers.

Flor Contemplacion, scond to the youngest of 10 children, was born in January

1953 to a poor family in Masbate. Her father died when she was seven. Because life
was hard, it was decided that she live with her sister in Manila.

Because of frequent headaches and fever, Flor stopped schooling at the age of
12. To earn money, she worked as a housemaid. At age 19 she married Efren
Contemplacion; they settled down in Laguna, where they raised their four children—
Sandrex, Russell, and twins Jon-Jon and Joel.

Flor’s marriage went on the rocks, and her husband left the family to live with
another woman. Life was difficult, and Flor could make ends meet. She decided that
working as a domestic helper (DH) abroad was the best way out of her misery.
 16

She first went to Singapore in 1988, with her employment papers processed at
the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA). However, for some
reason, she was an undocumented worker when she returned there.

Tragedy struck on May 4, 1991.Two days later, Manila newspapers and the
Singapore media carried reports of the murders, two days earlier, of 35-yeear-old Delia
Maga, a Filipino domestic worker, and her five-year-old ward, Huan Haoren Nicholas.

The bodies were discovered by Delia’s employer, Wong Sin Keong, a

transportation firm executive, and his wife Oon Lay Khim, when they came home from
work. A plastic was tied around maga’s neck, and lying face up on the floor was
Nicholas, who was believed to have been drowned. The two year old daughter of the
employer was found crying in alocked bedroom.

In a matter of hours, the police tracked down and arrested the suspected
murderer—Flor Contemplacion, a fellow Filipina DH.

After 20 months in detention at the Changi Prison, in January 1993, Flor was
charged by a Singapore local court of double murder for the deaths of Maga and
Huang. A Singaporean-appointed lawyer, Sant Singh, supposed to be one of the best
criminal lawyers of the city state, appealed Flor’s first conviction and sought new trial.
The conviction was affirmed. The case was elevated to the Singapore High Court, which
also found her guilty and sentenced her to die by hanging on March 17, 1995.

Flor Contemplacion’s fate is the ultimate sacrifice, the pointed chastising, the
most painful argument against the deployment of domestic womanpower overseas. In
her story is written the lonely life of a poor woman and mother who must wash clothes,
cook and slave away in a household far from her homeland.

In its statement at the last and 15th day of its investigation of the Maga-
Contemplacion case, the commission pointed to the “sad victim of the international
 17

tragedy as Delia Maga, a poor Filipino domestic worker who was brutally murdered is
Singapore on May 4, 1991. Flor Contemplacion, her good friend, appears to have been
mistakenly blamed and hanged for her death. Apparently, she is the victim of a grave
injustice.”

It acknowledge its “modest contribution” in investigating the cases of

Contemplacion and Maga as well as the numerous cases involving legions of Filipino
overseas workers, especially those who work as domestic helpers and entertainers and
who, similarly placed in foreign shores, suffered the denial of their human rights,
indignities, oppression, torture, maltreatment, sexual harassment and the deprivation of
their of their right to due process.

We cannot resurrect Flor Contemplacion but she has become the symbol of the
liberation of our overseas contract workers from the trauma of poverty which forced
them into migration and slavery in the process. We cannot revive her anymore but even
then in her unjust execution she generated an emotional outrage and a popular clamor
that the sad date that befell Flor Contemplacion should never again happen to another
Filipino.

By the same token, Delia Maga did not die in vain. Her killer may be identified
and punished but this will depend heavily on the Government of Singapore and its
people to positively respond to the universal demand for truth and justice. We cannot
say anymore or hope any less

We echo the message we have been hearing from the Filipino overseas contract
workers employed as domestic helpers that their Singaporean employers treat them like
machines and not as fellow human beings. Apparently, Singapore has ceased to be a
caring and humane society because of its affluence. We hear them talk of economic
rights and not human rights. We hope that the martyrdom of Flor Contemplacion will
awaken from such insensitivity and lack of concern for others.
 18

Another unforgettable and eye-opener event was the case of Sarah Balabagan.
Hardly had Sarah settled down to her routine tasks in the household of her Emirate
employer when she was with the murder of her employer. On July 19, 1994, she was
taken to the Al-Ain Central Jail in Abu Dhabi—just two months after she arrived in that
part of the United Arab Emirates, on May 29, 1994. She was known as Case No. 1994-
49. On June 6, 1995, she was imprisoned for the slaying of Mohammad Al Baloushi and
ordered to pay his heirs the equivalent of USD 40,000. in the same verdict, the court
ruled that Sarah was a victim of rape by Baloushi and his estate was ordered by the
court to compensate her with an amount equivalent to USD 27,000.

As soon as the sentence was handed down, Sarah’s lonely baby face appeared
on the front pages of practically all newspapers in Metro Manila, so many thousands of
miles away from where Sarah sat in desolate imprisonment.

The reaction at home—in places reached by television, radio, and newspapers—

was instantaneous anger, pity, one of frantic demand that something be done to save
the poor child from death by musketry. The killing of yet another Filipino domestic
helper, a helpless girl child this time, could not be accepted by a nation that had not
very long before been shocked and unbelieving that the Singaporean government would
uphold the decision of one of its courts to hang Flor Contemplacion; the pain over her
death was still raw, fresh and stinging.
There was a flurry of demonstrations and rallies among feminist, human rights,
and Muslim-Filipino organizations. The media was mad at the injustice of the decision.

On July 29, 1995, President Zayed bun Sultan Al Nahyan issued an order for a
new trial. This was understood at home to be a response to President Ramos’ appeal,
sent on March 24, requesting pardon or clemency for Sarah. It was supposed to have
been positively influenced by the sending of Philippine Ambassador Roy Señeres to the
UAE, with a note to the UAE foreign ministry. The sultan’s order abrogated the lower
court’s verdict and cancelled the prosecution’s appeal.
 19

Sarah Balabagan’s case highlights the sad and deplorable poverty of thousands
of Filipinos who seek overseas employment to better their lives and those of their
families. In the UAE alone, there are 21,000 Filipino women working as domestic
helpers. But Sarah’s case is made more pungent by appalling reasons. One is that she
is a mere child driven to a harsh land to earn a living not only for herself but primarily for
her family. She was born in 1979 in Cotabato City. She was adopted by a childless
aunt, Imon Sumagayan, who runs a sari-sari store. Her brothers worked alternatively as
loaders at a gravel quarry, or as hollow block makers.

She defied the wishes of her parents (Karim and Bai Balabagan) when she
insisted on going to the UAE. She was 15 at the tome of her arrival at the UAE, but her
travel papers said she was 28; at the time of her trial, it was feared that she would face
further prosecution for falsifying her age. She arrived in the host country on May 29,
1994 and was endorsed to her sponsor, Baloushi, by UAE agent Mahnod Al Fahra of Al
Sahel general services. Four weeks before the killing of Baloushi, Sarah complained to
the agent of lack of food and sexual harassment, but the agent advised her to “remain
and be patient”.

Randy David, noted sociopolitical professor, writer and TV commentator, writes,

“Sarah Balabagan is only 16 years old. By the standards of the United Nations
Convention on the Rights of the Child she is just a child. by the norms of the majority in
the civilized world, the 150 countries that have ratified that Convention, she should not
be in a regular prison, let alone sentenced to death—even if found guilty” Another
appalling reason is the bizarre nature of the UAE justice, as viewed from our criminal
justice system. The retrial, ordered by UAE President AL Nahyan, found her guilty of
premeditated murder and sentenced her to death by musketry. The appeal that followed
resulted in imprisonment for the girl for one year (to begin on the day the judgment—
October 30—was passed, including the months that she had spent at the Al-Aim
prison), 100 lashes, and blood money for the family equivalent to P1 million, which the
Philippine government and private individuals raised.
 20

Sarah’s case demonstrates the helplessness of a Filipino woman litigant in a

foreign country’s judicial court which has its own set of rulings. It is not easy accepting
this difference from our own jurisprudence; even Filipino Muslim lawyers who have
studied the Shariah thoroughly questioned the way the wheels of justice turned against
a girl child who killed as she was defending her honor—an act that could probably have
been condoned by the court had Sarah ben an Emirate.

Justice Bidin, who had practiced law in Sulu, a prdeominanly Muslim community,
questioned the way Sarah’s case was treated in the Shariah court in Abu Dhabi. He told
this writer; “The trial court did not believe the defense of Sarah that she was raped,
although the Egyptian and Indian doctors who had examined her found lacerations in
her vagina. According to Sarah there was penetration”

The trial court of three judges emphasized instead the murder aspect of this
case, and had not listened to the testimony of Sarah that she had been raped.

Sarah said that in the evening (when she was raped), she was washing dishes
when the victim, 58 years old an a widower, approached her, wearing only a towel
around the lower half of his body, and nothing else. He said that if she wanted to call up
her friends, she could use the telephone in his bedroom. Sarah wanted to talk to her
friends, but before she could finish dialing a number, her employer entered the room
and locked the door. He was carrying a knife, and right away he forced himself on her.
Sarah resisted, and they wrestled on the floor.

“Sarah said she had been apprehensive about her employer, so she always
carried a kitchen knife, hiding it beneath her skirt, “said Justice Bidin. In the course of
the struggle, the knife the victim was released. Sarah picked it up and thrust it at his
body, that’s why most of the wounds on the victim were frontally situated. Sarah rushed
to the door, but the victim pulled her down and that’s when the fatal wounds were
inflicted.
 21

The Sarah Balabagan case is the ultimate in the exploitation of poor women from
a poor country. Sarah is only a girl who has not fully known the joys of growing up, she
was thrust into a hostile world to earn a living, and there she was raped by her employer
and for defending her honor, she is made to suffer jail and shuttle from one court
sentence to another. But she is a brave young woman who will not allow her poverty
and her being a female to be violated. She is a model of a true hero, to be emulated by
the young women of her country.

Randy David raises questions the government should take to heart. He writes in
his column “Public Lives” in the Philippine Daily Inquirer: “The impression we project
abroad is that the government profits too much from the continuous deployment of its
workers to seriously care about the problems they encounter in the receiving countries.
not a few nations that have granted us aid think we don’t try hard enough to solve the
problem of poverty and inequality in our country because we seem quite content with
dumping our unemployed millions into the rest of the world. The Philippines is not the
first country to send its labor force abroad. Japan and Korea, Spain and Italy had been
there before us. But the big difference is that these countries did not make a permanent
industry out of exporting the brains and brawn of their people. For them it was a stopgap
measure, lasting no more than 15 years on the average, just to hurdle a difficult phase
in their history; whereas we have been at it continuously and in growing numbers,
almost from the time we first began to imagine ourselves as a nation.”

“It’s unfortunate that the issue of migrant workers was not strongly pushed by the
Philippine delegation at the women’s conference in Beijing. The whole world knows
about the proliferation of Filipino domestic helpers abroad. We need not pretend that
this problem is not serious. While our government is trying to improve the economy to
attract these workers home, and to discourage others from leaving, there is the fact of
thousands of women working abroad, being exploited, raped, tortured, underpaid.”
(Torrevillas, 1995)
 22

The vulnerability of migrant workers was underscored by Narcisa Escaler, deputy

general of the International Organization for Migration (OIM) at a plenary session during
the Beijing conference. In a news story faxed to the Star from Beijing, Ms. Escaler said
that of an estimated 125 million migrants worldwide, 50 million are women. Despite their
numbers migrant women have been marginalized, resulting in their deprivation,
hardship, isolation, loss of status, and discrimination. Ms. Escaler urged governments to
introduce measures “for the empowerment of women migrants by easing stringent and
restrictive migration policies, recognizing the qualifications and skills of documented
immigrants, and ensuring their full integration into the labor force.
Although with these kinds of issues labor migration still perpetuates and migrants
move out of their homes under duress or under the economic compulsions. Though
there are significant numbers of migrants in the professional and technical sectors who
leave voluntarily and who represent the demands for highly skilled labor among
transnational network groups, the movement of labor is generally a forced one. Where it
is not forced, migration still reflects unequal relationships among nations in that they
represent “brain drain”—the movement of knowledge and skills from poor countries to
the rich countries. This could result and has resulted to varying extents in the
“deskilling” of some countries.

Labor migration must be seen in the context of historical factors that have led to
the creation of highly developed metropolitan centers of the world on one hand and vast
country sides of agricultural and underdeveloped countries on the other hand. It must be
seen in the context of industrial and agricultural economies. It must be seen in the
context of the Net Transfer of Resources from the poor countries to the rich countries
over a period of years. It must be seen in the context of unequal trade relationships
where poor countries are poor because they are victims of unequal terms of trade.

Women in many poor countries have increasingly become involved in the

economic sustenance of their families and communities. In many countries in Asia,
women work longer and harder in the fields and factories as well as in the informal
 23

sector than do their male counterparts. But because of general situations of poverty,
many women are unemployed just like men.

In industrialized countries, women gain higher education and rise up into the job
ladder. They become teachers, managers, supervisors, entrepreneurs and the like.
This creates a problem for their traditional roles as housekeeping and childrearing. As a
parallel development, as countries industrialize, provide more job opportunities for
women and as household incomes increase, women become more selective in job
hunting. This results in the deprivation of marginal industries of their usual supply of
women workers. The industrial countries then embark on a labor import policy for
entertainers and sex workers in the factories.

Women migrants are increasing in numbers and proportion to male migrant

workers. At present the gender composition of migrant workers is almost equally divided
among the sexes. But in some countries such as Indonesia and Sri Lanka, women
migrant workers are vastly dominant in proportion to their male counterparts.

There are basically three types of female migrant workers in Asia. The first is the
entertainment (and sex) worker, the second, the domestic worker or” maid”, and the
third the manufacturing worker. There are other service workers such as nurses and
other health workers, but the first three dominate the field

The sex workers are the most desperate of the women migrant workers. Criminal
syndicates who run brothels in the host countries recruit women under the guises as
“culture” workers, “students” or “trainees”. Or they come as “tourists”. They are the most
vulnerable to abuse not only by the criminal gangs but by the employers and the clients.
They are cloistered and often held prisoners in windowless houses. And sex workers
are the most vulnerable to sexually transmitted disease and HIV/AIDS.

Domestic helpers are very much in demand in Asia. They are hired primarily to
free local women from housework and in order for them to more actively participate in
 24

economic endeavors in the host country. Domestic helpers are generally oppressed by
the nature of their work. Their work involves taking care of babies, elderly, ailing
members of the family or disabled people. It involves cleaning the house and cooking
food; scrubbing toilets; laundry work and sometimes “massaging” their employers. They
are “on-call” twenty four hours a day. They have no specific work hours. The baby or
sick person may call her attention at midnight or dawn. Moreover the domestic helpers
do not have a “personal life”. They live and work in the same address. There is no
distance between personal life and work. This can be very stressful. This is exacerbated
by the lack of privacy and literally the lack of place to sleep. Often she has no room to
herself. She must share her room with someone else. Some maids have to share their
rooms with unrelated males (gardener or son of the employer). The maid had to brush
her teeth in full view of her employers. It is in this situation where sexual harassment
can take place.

Migrant worker are hired in the light manufacturing and labor intensive sections
of production. Here the prime skills of women for work involving meticulous and patient
attention to details are in much demand. This is again a skill which extends back to their
role as housekeeper, cloth-maker, and sewer of dresses in traditional society. As
migrants, they also face many problems especially if they are undocumented or
undeclared. They work in substandard working conditions. They live in subhuman
conditions. They are prone victims of industrial accidents because instructions for the
use of equipment are not in their language and there is no sufficient instruction given to
them. Thus, many migrant workers end up with less a hand or finger after their tour of
service. Others acquire work-related diseases and since most of them are not legal,
they are not entitled to any compensation for health damage while at work. Labor
migration for an increasing number of women and men has cost them their very lives.

Moreover, underpayment is also one of the issues faced by the migrant workers.
In Hong Kong the government stipulates a minimum wage of HKD 3270 for domestic
workers, regardless of nationality. A HKD 50 rise in the minimum wage is applicable to
all contracts signed on or after May 19, 2005. Despite this lowered minimum wage,
 25

reduced in 2001 from HKD 3670, underpayment remains common. In fact, forty six of
sixty nine respondents (67%) in the HK-I Survey indicated that they were paid only HKD
1700 to HKD 2200, while nineteen indicated being paid the full salary. This HKDW
Survey found that around 42% of the migrant workers are underpaid, with 26% reporting
that they received only HKD 2000 per month, and another 10% paid only HKD 1800.
Respondents reported receiving actual wages ranging from HKD 1000 to 4000 with the
largest group, or 32% receiving minimum wage of HKD 3270, 23% were paid HKD
3670. Around 84% of respondents were paid in cash, while 10% were paid by check
and 5% by bank transfer.

On average, respondents stated that hey signed contracts a few days before the
deployment. Others stated that they signed a second work contract with the agency and
the employer when they arrived in Hong Kong. However, three respondents stated that
they did not sign any contract whatsoever.

Typically, respondents stated that they knew the meaning and contents of
contracts and the types of duties required. However, they did not know if specific duties
were listed in contracts. Only a few respondents knew the legal limits on the type of
duties they should be expected to perform. Moreover, many respondents did not realize
that the contract also states the employer’s duties to provide proper accommodation
and food.

In general, respondents knew the amount of salary they should receive (HKD
3,270 per month) after working for several months and gaining information from friends
who had worked in Hong Kong longer. However, there were few respondents who
claimed not to know prior to taking up employment how much salary they should
receive.

69% of respondents in the HKDW Survey said that recruiters provided them with
information regarding salary, rest days, annual leave and placement fees. However,
information that was given to migrant workers was totally distorted in comparison to the
 26

existing Hong Kong Law on the Domestic Workers. Most respondents were given false
information on their salaries, being told to expect amounts ranging from HKD 1800 to
HKD 2500. They were also falsely informed that they would receive rest days twice a
week. In addition, they were informed that their salary would be deducted to pay for
placement fees to the employment agency, ranging from five to seven months of
deductions.

Though terms of work are clearly stated in the contract, these are commonly
broken. For example, although the contract clearly states that domestic workers should
have one continuous twenty-four-hour rest period per week, violations of this are
common. Most respondents in the HK-I research indicated that they received only two
rest periods per month and in fact these consisted only about half a day each. Other
respondents stated that they were only granted rest days after working for a period of
time, often in excess of eight months, and were told that if they wanted further rest days,
the time off would be deducted from their salaries at a rate of HKD 100 per day. A few
respondents revealed that in their entire contract period, they had received no rest days
whatsoever.

According to the HKDW Survey results, 48% of respondents reported they

received two days off per month, while 38% received four days, and 12% received only
one. As many as 40% reported that they always received extra pay if they worked on
their day, although another 40% said they were never paid for extra work. 82% reported
that Sunday was their usual day off, while 11% were given Saturdays off. The majority
were allowed to leave their employer’s house between 8:00 am and 9:00 am (40% left
at 8:00 am while 26.7% left at 9:00 am). All but 1% said they were allowed to leave their
employers’ house before noon. Most respondents reported they had to return to their
employers’ house between 8:00 pm and 9:00 pm and 22.7% returning around 8:00 pm.

In 2001 14% of workers responded that they received only one day off per
month, 39% received only two day and 6% received none. Only 39% reported that they
received the legally mandated 4 day-offs per month. Comparing these numbers in the
 27

past 4 years there has been no improvement in the numbers of domestic workers
receiving the required day-offs. This shows that despite Hong Kong’s progressive
legislation requiring that domestic workers get one day off per week, the lack of
enforcement by the Hong Kong government has produced no improvement. With 60%
of employers breaking the law enforcement, actions must be taken. The Hong Kong
government can no longer claim that just because they have this legislation they are
doing all they can for domestic workers.

Violations also occurred with regard to working hours. On average, respondents

stated that their work hours were from 6:00 am to 9:00 pm. However, others revealed
that they worked until 2 am the following morning. The HKDW Survey found similar
reports. The majority of the 1,017 respondents started their work day quite early, with
34% beginning work at 7 am, 26% starting at 6 am and 18.9% starting at 6:30 am. The
largest group, 26% ended their day at 11 pm, with another 23% ending work at
10:00pm, although as many as 14.6% did not finish their work day until midnight.
Another 4% said they did not finish until 1 am, with only a small group who had to work
(1.5%) who had to work until 2 am. One respondent said she worked until 3 am

Other types of work forced but not allowed under Hong Kong law, include the
following: working in two locations, working in a commercial enterprise or small shop,
working in a day-care center and working in an old-folks home. According to the KJDW
Survey, 14% of the respondents reported they were forced to perform work they
believed were outside of their contractual duties. Of these, 57.3% were forced to work in
another house, 13.3% had to work in an office, 0.7% in a restaurant and 16.8% in
shops.

31.4% of the respondents had experienced verbal abuse (shouting, abusive

language, or finger pointing). 25.2% reported some form of physical violence, such as
slapping, spitting, kicking, beating and similar violations. 10.1% reported sexual abuse
ranging from suggestive language to rape.
 28

Ill-treatment, either verbal or physical, was revealed, as stated by HK-I research

respondents. Ill treatment was mostly perpetrated by female employers; wither by
scolding or swearing at migrants. Moreover, ill-treatment was also by the employer’s
children.

Other than exploitation, physical and sexual abuse another issue that plagues
the lives of migrant domestic workers is the dislocation of non-belonging. The
dislocation of non-belonging defines the community life of Filipina domestic workers in
both Rome and Los Angeles. They feel a sense of constant discomfort that
characterizes their lived experiences in the migrant community. Non-belonging results
from two distinct sources of social exclusion for these two groups of women. For women
in Los Angeles, it stems from the Filipino migrant community, and for women in Rome,
from the dominant Italian society. Despite its different sources, non-belonging is a
shared localized dislocation for these two groups of female migrant workers. It is a
discomfort that constantly affects their behavior, attitudes and feelings in the
community.

In both Rome and Los Angeles, the migrant community maintains coexisting
cultures of collectivism and competition. In other words, migrant Filipina domestic
workers find not just support but also from the migrant community. Explained by the
state of non-belonging of the migrant subject, the coexistence of “anomie” and
“solidarity” for migrant Filipina domestic workers in Rome and Los Angeles summarizes
the depiction of their community life (Mahler,1995)

Despite arguments that European states accord “post national” membership to

guest workers through the provision of rights and protection grounded in the principles
of human rights (Soysal, 1994), the official policies of the newly emerged receiving state
of Italy allow only a quasi-membership that remains stunted by the restrictive
incorporation of its growing number of migrants. In Limits of Citizenship, Yasemin
Nuhoglu Soysal concludes that migrants in Europe have realized their rightful
membership in the host polity because of their experience of “a shared public social
 29

space; a set of abstract principles and responsibilities (such as human rights, respect
for justice…and a productive life); and the rationalized organization and routine of
everyday praxis” (1994:166). Though these experiences are technically applicable to
migrant Filipina domestic workers in Italy, they as “guest workers” would not agree with
Soysal, as they have yet to realize their right to membership in this state
Many societal constraints promote feelings of non membership among migrant
Filipina domestic workers. One factor is segregation in domestic service. In the
community, mobility from low-wage service work is understood as an unrealistic goal. In
fact employment in the formal service sector, for example a fast food clerk at
McDonald’s, is construed as mobility in the community. The segregation of Filipinos in
the domestic work is also reflected in the media, as shown by the case of the actress
Barbara Jane Ricassa, who finds herself cast only as a domestic worker. Though not an
actress in the Philippines, Barabara got her break in Italian cinema playing the lead role
in Comincia Tutto Per Caso (1993), a film partly about the interracial relationship
between a Filipina domestic worker and an Italian plumber. The fact that she only plays
domestic workers on the screen is not too surprising. What is most ironic about
Barbara’s situation is that she is employed as a domestic worker when not playing on
the screen. Because there is not a great demand for actresses to portray domestic
workers in film and television, Barbara cannot depend on acting as her only source of
income. Describing her dual life as a domestic worker, Barbara states:
To me, acting is just fun. After being stuck in housecleaning, I get to face the
camera, and it’s fun… Let’s say I have a cue all. I am told I have to be at some place, at
some time, at some day. I excuse myself from my work. they like it. My employers
encourage me, and they are proud of me. They get a kick out of the fact that their
domestic is an actress. It’s OK, but is also hard. What happens is they (the producers)
speak to my employers and ask what month I could be free, and they try to do my
scenes around that time.

More than signifying the segregation of migrant Filipinas in domestic work,

Barbara’s labor market activities- as a domestic worker and an actress- render a surreal
incorporation in the labor market. Barbara’s two roles as a domestic worker carry the
 30

highest and lowest levels of labor market prestige. Italians have even approached
Barbara for her autograph between her shifts from one domestic job to another.
Considering the “high status” that she has achieved as an actress, it is quite surprising
that Barbara, who has tried to find a job in retail, has not found other forms of
employment besides domestic work. Barbara’s dual position in labor market, as it
encompasses bipolar extremities of status, embodies the constriction that Filipinos face
in the labor market. This immobility is a central factor that instills feelings of curved
membership among them.

Sentiments of non-membership also result from the restricted social integration

allowed migrants in a xenophobic society such as that of Italy. This segregation is
reflected in Filipinos’ avoidance of public spaces of leisure. For example, of forty six
female interviewees, only two have ever gone to the movies on their own, that is,
without employers or young wards. (Salazar, 2003). “To my discomfort Italians often
vocalized their surprise or just stared at me when I entered higher-end clothing stores or
even neighborhood Italian restaurants. I was not accorded this treatment when
accompanied by my white friends, that is Italians or Americans, as their presence
established my identity as a “tourist” whose purchasing power abated my racial othering
as a Filipino. While interviewees explain that they restrict their leisure activities in public
social spaces so as to minimize their expenses, without the doubt the “self-imposed”
restriction of leisure space among Filipinos is also influenced by their construction as
perpetual foreigners in Italy (Salazar, 2003)”. Hence, it is not surprising that settlement
is driven by an intense desire to return to Philippines, where not only would they reunite
with the children whom they wish to attain a higher social status that they economically
garner in migration.

The practical consciousness of non-belonging generates two outlooks in the

community: the urgency to leave Italy and the urgency to create a local supportive niche
within the dominant society. Hence, the practical consciousness of non-belonging
translates to a liminal state of settlement, particularly one encompassing the
contradiction of settling to expedite one’s departure. In turn, this liminal state of
 31

settlement produces contradictory feelings in the community: migrant Filipina domestic

workers simultaneously experience solidarity and anomie.
The geography of the community helps make sense of how and why this
liminality produces anomie and solidarity. Non-belonging translates to the segregation
of migrant Filipina domestic workers from the dominant society. Segregation, in turn,
delimits their options of mobility to profiting from other members of the community
(Mahler, 1995). In light of the urgency of Filipinos to leave Italy, segregation instills
anomie with the rise of competition over the accumulation of capital among migrant
Filipina domestic workers. At the same time segregation creates interdependency. They
can turn only to each other for the support that they urgently need in settlement. Thus,
segregation also promotes solidarity, that is, the sense of personal segregation also
promotes solidarity, that is, the sense of personal responsibility of domestic workers to
one another. The practices of the community engender solidarity and anomie
simultaneously, as the dual urgencies promoted by non-belonging mean that they
depend on solidarity to create a supportive niche, and instill anomie in competition to
expedite their departure from Italy. The coexistence of solidarity and anomie, which is
explained by the state of non-belonging of the migrant subject, is the central
contradiction characterizing settlement for migrant Filipina domestic workers in Rome.

In Rome, the community is geographically situated in what is referred as isolated

pockets of gathering, pockets which are located in both public and private spaces.
Migrant Filipina domestic workers congregate on their day off in the private domain, at
church centers and apartments, and in the public domain, at bus stops and train
stations. The term pockets aptly describe the community’s geographic organization as it
captures the following central characteristics: the segregated social space of migrant
Filipina domestic workers; the enclosed interactions among Filipino migrants in these
spaces; and the proliferation of Filipinos into multiple geographic sites in the city.

Though migrant Filipina domestic workers congregate in public spaces, the

community’s geography are still isolated (Parreñas, 2003). The public spaces where
they gather are arguably not so public, if not removed from the view of the dominant
 32

society; these spaces have minimal impacts on the public domain. For example, one of
the main sites where Filipina domestic workers gather in public is located underneath an
overpass by the Tiber River and is not visible from the street level. Other main gathering
sites in the community are located in the periphery of the city, in places with not many
pedestrian activities. Thus, the community’s pockets of gathering, even in public
spaces, are arguably segregated from the public social space of the dominant society.

On their day off, migrant Filipina domestic workers gain access to the private
domain in church centers and apartments. In Rome, there are at least five churches
(four Catholic and one Baptist) that house centers established for the specific purpose
of providing shelter for migrant Filipina domestic workers. While the first center opened
its doors as early as 1985, the option of congregating in apartments did not come until
the early 1990s, when a sizable number of migrant Filipina domestic workers switched
from live-in to part time work. Church centers and apartments are valued in the
community. Prior to the opening of church centers, migrant Filipina domestic workers
often spent their day off at parks or train stations. Removed from the dominant society,
the private spaces of church centers and apartments give Filipina domestic workers
safe places to meet other migrants. Apartments provide migrant Filipina domestic
workers an intimate environment where they can spend many hours watching Filipino
movies, playing mah jong and card games, and cooking Filipino dishes.

Reflecting the growing number of migrant Filipinos, approximately twenty

Catholic churches in Rome hold at least one mass in the Tagalog language on
Sundays. Of all the migrant groups in the city, the Filipino community receives the most
formal assistance from the Catholic Diocese of Rome. For example, they are the only
migrant group officially recognized as a local constituent, and the diocese has not
granted other large migrant populations with the same religious background, for
example, Peruvians, church centers or an official parish. While the greater assistance to
the Filipino community is explained partially by its larger population, it is also due to the
efforts of the Filipino clergy stationed in Rome to formalize ties between the diocese and
Filipino migrant community.
 33

Coordinating activities for Filipino migrants throughout the city, the Filipino
Chaplaincy, established in 1991, represents a coalition of twenty-eight local churches
whose leaders include clergy and community members. It is the largest association in
the community and serves as the strongest advocate of migrant Filipino workers. The
local office of the Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA) is a less
prominent advocacy group than the chaplaincy. It mostly oversees services and
programs assisting with return migration. The formation of the chaplaincy, and ironically
not OWWA, institutionalized the presence of migrant Filipinos in Rome. The chaplaincy
is the official gateway to the community for various outsiders, such as academic and
government researchers, the media, and the city officials. For instance, the chaplaincy
(and not OWWA) publishes a directory of religious, government, and civic organizations
representing the community.

Large numbers of Filipinos seek shelter on their day off at Santa Prudenziana as
well as at other church centers. In these centers, domestic workers may choose not to
partake in spiritual activities. For example, one center mainly provides entertainment. It
is equipped with a wide-screen television set, stereo, and karaoke machine, all of which
were purchased using the annual dues of members. Another attraction drawing scores
of Filipinos into these centers is the meals, which they can purchase for extremely
reasonable prices (usually 5000 lira [US $3.30]). In at least two of the centers, there are
regular vendors who have made special arrangements with the church to sell meals to
domestic workers. In designated corners of the center’s dining area, vendors staff long
tables filled with the industrial-sized pots of home-cooked dishes and trays of assorted
desserts. Behind each table, menus written on cardboard boxes display a selection that
includes at least five dishes served with rice, pancit (noodles) and in the winter arroz
caldo (chicken rice soup)

Filipinos, the largest group of legal migrants in Rome (“Official Report” of the
Philippine Embassy in Rome, 1995), have an unavoidable impact on the city’s public
life, especially during the days that they leave the confinement of their employers’
 34

homes attend to their errands, meet social obligations, and fulfill their religious
obligations. On their way to a remittance agency, church, friend’s apartments, or back to
their employer’s home, they usually stop by one of the train stations and bus stops
where Filipinos are known to gather in Rome. The three largest pockets of gathering in
the public domain are Eur Fermi, Mancini, and Termini. Located in the southern
periphery of the city, Eur Fermi is a popular site of detour. Up the stairs from the Metro
station Eur Fermi, hundreds of Filipinos congregate on what could be described as a
wide sidewalk that extends to a length of about 100 yards. In the northeastern corner of
the city, Filipinos gather in even greater members near the bus stop Mancini. Situated in
the city center, Termini, the central train station and bus transfer point of the city, is an
ideal meeting place, as they can conveniently head to any destination from the station;
a friend’s house, a party, a church center, or a remittance center.

Termini is the only site in the city center where Filipinos gather in public and
where they impose on the public space of Italians. “It is an imposition I am sure that
Italians resent, as even I have been yelled at by bus drivers at Termini to get off the
public phones that they had wanted to use” said by Rhacel Parreñas. On any given day
off, the bus stops of Termini are never congested with Filipinos in the morning and
afternoon; they seem to congregate only in the evening. One can imagine that the
women crowding Termini at night are just delaying their return to their employer’s home,
staying a bit longer, hoping they might run into a friend whom they have not seen in
weeks. In general, most women do not spend an extended amount of time in pockets of
gathering in the public domain. Nevertheless, they do regularly extend their short visits
to these public pockets, especially in summer when most Roman’s escape the city’s
sweltering heat for the cooler areas by the beaches or mountains. Authorities
particularly discourage migrant Filipina domestic workers from gathering in the central
location of Termini. Sometimes they are literally shooed away. As it is made
uncomfortable for them to spend the day in the public domain, they understandably
minimize their time in these places.
 35

The preference for particular pockets of gathering among migrant Filipina

domestic workers is often determined by convenience to their place of work as well as
by the women’s regional background. Women from Northern Luzon congregate more
often at Termini. Their counterparts from the Southern Luzon dominate Eur Fermi.
Women from the Visayan province of Samar compose the majority of domestic workers
who spend their day off at the Redemptorist Church. Vendors also become magnets,
drawing their townsfolk to particular pockets. For example, a group of migrants from
Ilolilo, a province not very well represented in the community, are drawn to one
particular pocket by the presence of an Ilonggo vendor.

Demonstrating the removal of Filipinos from the dominant society, the

topography of the migrant community reflects and reinforces the practical
consciousness of non-belonging among Filipino migrants. The very constitution of
pockets of gathering reminds migrant Filipina domestic workers of their discomfort in the
social spaces of the dominant society and promotes the role of the community as a
base of both solidarity and anomie.

The concentration of Filipinos in pockets of gathering strengthens social

networks and the level of personal responsibility in the community. Various shared
modes of behavior in the community attest to the culture of solidarity, including the
practices of sharing information, providing assistance to newer migrants, and smiling at
every single Filipino one sees in public. In the community, migrant Filipina domestic
workers expect practices of mutual assistance, and those who do not accordingly
participate in these customs stand out. For instance, Filipinos who withhold information
about jobs are blacklisted as hindi matulungin (unhelpful), mayabang (boatful or
snobbish), or madamot (greedy). Filipinos who do not smile at other Filipinos are
considered mayabang.

An example of a practice of solidarity in the community is the use of pockets of

gathering as a base of support from the workplace. Conversations in pockets of
gathering often concern their problems at work. Women voice complains about
 36

demanding, inconsiderate, or pestering employers. While some wistfully sigh and wish
that they could tell their employer’s off, others brag about having fought back or tell
stories of how they ignored direct orders. Stories also relate verbal battles that they
have had in public social spaces, such as fights over a snide remark directed at them on
the bus. Pockets of gathering essentially function as their main site of support. It is
where women can find release from the stress of the work week and relief from their
discomfort in the social spaces of Italians. Thus, migrant Filipina domestic workers
create and use pockets of gathering not only to avoid Italians but also to create a base
support in Rome. Hence, the formation of pockets of gathering fulfills one of the
urgencies promoted by the practical consciousness of non-belonging, that is, the need
to create a supportive niche away from the dominant society.

Pockets of gathering function as the geographical base of the social networks

that migrants use to ease their settlement in the host society. Considering that
employers usually turn to their domestic workers for help with finding a potential
employee, job referrals circulate among migrants in pockets of gathering. Another
common practice instilling solidarity is Filipina domestic worker’s participation in rotating
credit associations, which are often place-based in a particular pocket of gathering.
“Every woman whom I interviewed had at one point been part of a rotating credit
association”(Parreñas, 2003). In the Philippines, rotating credit associations are referred
to as paluwagan, which derives from the word luwagan, meaning “to lossen” or “or to
ease”. One can infer that the term paluwagan signifies the purpose of rotating credits,
which is “to loosen” or “to ease” one’s financial difficulty. In the community, paluwagan
runs for a year. At the beginning of each month, participants are required to deposit a
specified monthly payment, which is then given to the participant who drew that
specified month as their collection date. Like Asian migrants in the United States,
migrant Filipina domestic workers in Rome turn to paluwagan to obtain a substantial
amount of money otherwise made inaccessible by their ineligibility for loans in the local
banks (Glenn, 1996). They might use the money for investment in small business, for
instance, to purchase a passenger jeepney in the Philippines.
 37

In pockets of gathering, solidarity among migrant Filipina domestic workers is

bolstered by other practices of mutual assistance, such as the sharing of information.
Older migrants familiarize newcomers with the bureaucratic process of extending
permits to stay (for example, having to show one’s libretto di lavoro [booklet of
employment] at two offices). They also offer financial assistance, including to those
whom they barley know. Because older migrants understand that securing one’s first job
can take as long as a month, they sometimes give newly arrived migrants a small
amount of money (usually no more than US $ 20) to hold them over until they secure
their first job. Because most migrants had to abandon all of their possessions when
crossing the border of Italy clandestinely, clothes (perhaps hand-me-downs from
employers) are also given to new migrants. More surprising is the practice in the
community of giving strangers a place to stay. Some women told that Filipinos whom
they had met at the train station upon their arrival (and after being abandoned by their
coyote) offered them assistance with finding a place to stay their first few days in Rome.

As demonstrated by these practices of mutual assistance, the solidarity among

migrant Filipinos is visible to anyone a pocket of gathering. This shared mode of
behavior and outlook is manifested in the expectation that assistance can be requested
from anyone in the community. “Though an “outsider”, I also received this particular
benefit of solidarity. In the field, I frequently relied on the help of strangers whom I met
in the streets. On buses, especially during the time I conducted preliminary fieldwork, I
often would ask Filipinos for directions. The knowledge that I was bound to run into
another Filipino on the bus eased my worries of getting lost. I also accompanied women
to various pockets of gathering for the purpose of asking any Filipino fro job referrals.
This was a common practice, as I often encountered jobless women who asked me I I
knew of any employment opportunities” (Parreñas, 2003).

The physical concentration of the community in pockets of gathering strengthens

the camaraderie among migrant Filipina domestic workers to the point that this
camaraderie extends to their interactions in the public spaces of the dominant society.
Though their position in the labor market as domestic workers isolates them from each
 38

other, they still manage to create social networks by utilizing the solidarity fostered by
the practical consciousness of non-belonging and the spatial politics of their community
formation. Two particular features of the geography of the community promote solidarity
First; isolation in domestic work promotes interdependency. Second, segregation from
the dominant society fosters the solidarity of domestic workers. Mutual assistance is a
practice collectively expected in the community. It consequently manifests itself as part
of the daily rituals of community life for Filipina domestic workers in Rome.

Although the previous spatial formation of the community only fosters the spirit of
camaraderie, yet not all of the activities in the community strengthen camaraderie.
Some women who were once assisted by strangers in their early stages of their
settlement also warned other new comers in trusting anyone in the community. Many of
the informants told that they have no friends in the community including Christina
Manansala, who states. “There is no such thing as a friend here. In Rome, Filipinos
cannot have friends.” An extremely high level of distrust plagues relationships among
Filipinos. Friends are considered dangerous, a source of pain, and consequently a
threat from whom one must protect oneself. Other Filipina domestic workers, who are
only concerned with their own advancement, do not care about the expense of their
actions to others in the community.

The segregation of Filipina domestic workers, while reminding them of their

temporary stay in Rome, accentuates the purpose of migration, that is, the accumulation
of capital. From their segregated position, the fulfillment of their goal of accumulating
capital can most conveniently be expedited through profits obtained in the community.
Thus, in the reiteration of non-belonging to dual outlook of migrant workers, the goal of
accumulated capital exceeds, though does not subsume, solidarity to impose anomie in
the community with the rise of competition and capitalist activities.

Competition over the accumulation of capital is an underlying feature of the

migrant community. Though most migrant Filipina domestic workers acknowledge the
existence of this competition, they also deny their active participation in it. Instead, as
 39

most of my interviewees did, they portray themselves as competitive domestic workers,

particularly those who are jealous of their success in the labor market. Workers describe
two types of “bad seeds” tainting the culture of solidarity in the community: women who
hoard jobs and women who practice sulutan, which means to undermine or betray for
personal gain. Women who hoard jobs are those who charge a fee for job referrals and
those who do not share with other domestic workers jobs that they cannot maintain. For
example, some domestic workers with a full schedule, when offered additional jobs that
they cannot accommodate, would rather not share their load with another domestic
worker but would prefer to reduce their hours in their other jobs so as to hoard the new
job.

Sulutan also refers to the practice of offering employers a lower rate than what
they are paying their current domestic worker. Four of forty-six interviewees told me
they were victims of sulutan. Usually, domestic workers with highly paid jobs are those
who are sinulutan (undermined), most often by their friends, as they are the ones likely
to know the salary rate and phone number of the employer. If the employer rejects their
offer, domestic workers who attempt sulutan do not usually concede the failure of
efforts. According to domestic workers, these women are more often overcome by such
an intense level of jealousy over the” success” of another domestic worker that they
resort to harassing the employer with repeated phone calls until the current employee is
let go. The practice of sulutan is, however, uncommon in the community. Like the
practice of hoarding jobs, it is for the most part adversely regarded by immigrant Filipina
domestic workers. Thus, no one would admit to doing it. Its threat, however,
unavoidably instills mistrust among migrant Filipina domestic workers. For example, no
one would admit to earning more than average salary of domestic workers in the
community.

Besides competition, the other feature of community life instilling anomie for
migrant Filipina domestic workers is the prevalence of micro businesses. This instills
anomie inadvertently commercializes the friendships of migrant Filipina domestic
workers. Compelled by the urgency to leave Rome, most migrant Filipina domestic
 40

workers engage in capitalist activities in the community in the hopes of expediently

meeting their goal of capital accumulation. Profits from the community are considered a
viable source of supplementary income. Consequently, financial transactions are an
extensive part of the daily rituals of community life. Most of the domestic workers
supplement their primary income as domestic workers with what they refer to as a
“sideline”, meaning an informal micro business. “Making money off the margins”
(Mahler, 1995) is a characteristic feature of migrant life not exclusive to the Filipino
community in Rome. It has also been identified among Mexican immigrants in San
Diego (Chavez, 1992), Latino refugees in Long Island (Mahler, 1995), and Haitians in
Miami (Portes and Stepick, 1993). Nonetheless, its extent among migrant Filipinos in
Rome seems to be unparalleled, since almost everyone in the community maintains a
sideline.

Mirroring those of other migrant communities, micro business in the informal

economy of the Filipinos in Rome provide, though not exclusively, ethnically demanded
services and goods that are not available in the local economy. The wide array of needs
to which informal micro business cater in the community include entertainment,
commodities, telecommunication, and personal services. Meeting the entertainment
needs of the community, some domestic workers supplement their income by producing
concerts, sponsored by remittance centers, by well-known entertainers in the
Philippines. Local rock bands cater to the community by providing entertainment at
weddings and christenings. Food vendors and retailers sell ethnic goods such as movie
videos, food products and magazines. Personal services available in the local economy
(such as beauty and tailoring services) are provided at a much lower rate in the
community. The use of an underground telecommunication system is available in the
informal economy. Finally, entrepreneurs in the community sell commodities that are
also available in the local community.

In contrast to other informal economies that compete with lower-level formal

economies (for example, the garment industry), the “isolated informal economy”) that
can be found among Haitians in Miami and Filipinos in Rome caters solely to the
 41

migrant community (Stepick, 1999). In an “isolated informal community”, profits are

obtained exclusively from other members of the migrant community. A sense of unease
arises, as profiting contradicts the solidarity that they expect from one another. Informal
micro business enterprises, which are remarkably prevalent in the community,
consequently engender anomie among migrant Filipina domestic workers. They alienate
domestic workers from one another with the reduction of the daily rituals of community
life to financial transactions.

Reflecting the unconscious negotiation of anomie and solidarity’s coexistence in the

community, migrant Filipina domestic workers distinguish their capitalist ventures into
two categories: they are either disdained or accepted. Disdained capitalist activities are
those that contradict solidarity, because the profits achieved are at the expense of
preventing the mobility of another member of the community. These activities are
primarily restricted to money lending and charging fees and job referrals. Accepted
activities are those that do not hinder mobility and include service-oriented micro
business (for example, “gypsy cabs”, informal beauty salons, and tailoring), informal
restaurants, housing rental enterprises, and retail-oriented business. While most
accepted activities generate little profit, some, in particular the subleasing of housing,
are extremely profitable. Though community members are aware of the large returns in
the housing rental system, this enterprise is still accepted in the community because, in
this system, profits from a single individual are fairly small and ,as such, do not hamper
the mobility of other migrants.

Much has been said on the condition of migrant workers in Rome, so let us now
look at the condition of other migrant workers in other countries. Let us see if their
experiences are somehow parallel or similar even if they are in different countries.
Filipino migration to The Netherlands began in 1964 when several groups of Filipino
nurses worked in Rotterdam and Leiden. From 1967 until about 1972 Filipino nurses
arrived in Amsterdam, Eindhoven, Bussum and Heerenveen. Since 1976, other Filipino
women workers arrived in Appeldorn, Utrecht and other cities. In 1964 and 1975, ywo
batches of about 100-150 Filipino factory workers arrived to work at the Berghaus textile
 42

company. When this closed down, most of the workers migrated to Canada. The nurses
who arrived also left and went home, except for a few who married Dutch nationals. The
contracts of all these workers were arranged by Dutch missionaries in the Philippines
(CIIR, 1990)

In a country with a population of 15 million, 5.8% of whom are minorities

(Mannen and Chin On, 1995), the Netherlands is home to 2,126 Philippine nationals,
1618 of whom are women. This figure does not include Filipinos who have opted for
Dutch citizenship and the undocumented workers, so that estimates can range up to
15,000 Filipinos in The Netherlands, 80% of whom are women (Ojeda 1995)
remittances by Filipinos living in the Netherlands amounted to USD 42 million in the
period of 1990-1994 (NSO, 1995)

More and more migrants in The Netherlands and Europe are feeling the
tightening effects of The Single European Act of 1987 and the Treaty on European
Union of 1992. These policy documents “aim to create a more flexible, deregulated, and
mobile European Union in the expectation that this will encourage economic growth and
greater prosperity (European Women’s Lobby,1995). This means the removal of internal
boundaries to allow the free movement of persons, goods and services. However, this
free movement of persons applies only to the constructed white “European identity” and
excludes blacks and migrants. The movement of goods and services is extended to
include Americans and Japanese.

Moreover three points served as a framework in determining how these women

interact with their new environment. Each individual is complex and made up of multiple
identities, some of which may run counter to her other identities, that with their agency,
the women activate some of these identities and negotiate from those subject positions,
and because humans are complex selves with multiple identities, we can try to
understand and marvel at people’s triumph in achieving any kind of behavior (Cohen,
1994). Three structures define parts of their identities, namely, gender, race/ ethnicity,
and class. As Nicholson and Seidman (1995) write, “… the framing of identities must be
 43

attentive to the historical context of which they are a part and articulated in relation to
the social forces, classes, institutions, status groups, social processes such as
globalization or co modification, which give coherence to questions of identity”
The following entries are from the narratives of four Filipina migrant workers from
The Netherlands based on the interviews of Marie Gonzales. Constructing their gender
identity, all four women have come to terms with the directions and limits that gender
has set on their lives, albeit in different ways. This is not to use gender in an essentialist
way; rather, that each woman experienced her gender differently, depending on her
historical and social circumstance and how she reacted and constructed (and
reconstructed) herself during and after such situations.

All three women; Maria, Elvira, and Ana are living a “normal” quiet heterosexual
married life with their elementary and high-school aged children. While all three seem to
share the same kind of a blissfully married existence, each has her own views of her
role in the marriage. Elvira and Ana who grew up having fist fights with boys in their
childhood, vow that their children and family come first before their careers. Although
Maria did not make any similar strong avowal to the same effect, her family certainly
does take center stage in her life. At the same time, Maria is also very much caught up
in her career, just as Ana is caught up in her migrant work and Elvira is caught up in her
Christian ministry work. While they grew up in families with strong father control, each
experienced her gender differently. Elvira grew up rejecting some limits imposed on her
gender such as not sending daughters to higher school or being a target of an
adolescent boy’s sexual mischief. Yet she allowed herself to be led through a sexual
encounter that she herself was not sure of. Ana was brought up by her father to think
that some men may harm her because she is a female and he taught her to box and to
fire a gun to protect herself. At the same time, Ana accepted and felt secure with the
authority and “protection” of first, her father, and later her husband. Maria grew up
aware of her father’s philandering ways and her mother’s silent suffering. It was only
when she was able to physically distance herself from the center of patriarchal control
i.e. when she moved to Manila to study, did she begin questioning and rejecting her
 44

father’s control and domineering ways, ranging from secretly learning to ride the bike to
out rightly confronting her father.

Meanwhile, Lisa grew up without any training whatsoever in how to protect

herself, nor does she recall any experience having rejected any form of male
domination in her younger years. In fact, for years she accepted unquestioningly her
husband’s authority and suffered at the hands of her in-laws because she felt this was a
part of her duty to her husband. It was only when her husband did not fulfill his
responsibility of adequately supporting his family, the accepted basis of male power in
the home, did Lisa start earning, and little by little recovered her autonomy as a person
in control of her own life. The extent to which Lisa recovered her autonomy reached a
high point such that she dared to move beyond the bounds of a “proper woman” and got
herself attached to a much younger and non-Filipino man.

All four women, while accepting their roles in the family as wives and mothers,
assert their right to an existence that is their own and apart from their right to an
existence that is their own and apart from their family life. This pattern of
accommodation-resistance is present in all four women. After giving up a challenging
career for her family, Elvira identifies the institution where she works as her own world
where she is neither a wife nor a mother. While taking pride in her way of bringing up
her children, Maria takes pride in her success in the Dutch institution which gives her a
sense of personal self-worth. In the same breath as Ana’s assertion of her prioritization
of her family, she gives her whole energy to her migrant work which allows her an
amount of self-identification that has been lost in her Dutch family. And Lisa’s bold
assertion of her sexuality (“I also have my physical needs”) which has led to her second
marriage to a much younger non-Filipino man stands side-by-side with her hold on the
identity of motherhood-her continuous support to her children.

It is in social class that the three middle-class women, i.e. Maria, Elvira, and Ana,
obviously differ from Lisa. None of these three middle-class women had a compelling
economic reason for migrating to The Netherlands, unlike Lisa. And in the narratives,
 45

there is a strong indication that three middle-class women set themselves apart from
their lower-class migrant counterparts such as Lisa. Maria considers herself “elitist” for
not having to “scrub other people’s houses”. Elvira’s compassion for them (the Filipino
domestic workers) was greatly diminished after witnessing their extravagant parties.
And Ana is ashamed and angered that some of them (the Filipino domestic workers) “lie
their way through dealing with their Dutch employers or with Dutch authorities”.

While awareness of one’s race/ ethnicity is very clear to Maria, Elvira, and Ana, it
seems like a vague concept for Lisa who finds difficulty in distinguishing her ethnicity
from her class. Rouse (1995), in his research, found the same phenomenon among
working class migrant Mexicans, very few of whom “construed the difficulties they
encountered in terms of prejudice and discrimination.” On the other hand, the three
middle-class women recognize discrimination when they are confronted by it and react
accordingly, whether by quietly proving themselves or outrightly confronting it. Their
responses were learned both experientially and formally through assertiveness
trainings. For Maria and Elvira, this sharp awareness of their race/ ethnicity is translated
to their constantly reminding them to excel in whatever they do if they want to
successfully compete with their white counterparts. Such awareness of one’s differing
color and ethnicity seems less for Ana whose “whiter” children and “whiter” circle
brought about by a white husband has somehow functioned as a buffer for personally
experienced discrimination. Ana is confronted with her color usually vicariously, when
she helps other women as she goes about her migrant work. For these women- Maria
and Elvira, more than Ana- Essed’s description of the aspirations of Surinamese women
apply. Looking back to the country of origin takes on a different meaning, nostalgia,
sadness, joy or solidarity, or for some people, becomes only a distant memory. The
constant comparisons between The Netherlands and the country of origin virtually stop.
In their place come the future of the children, career, and taking part in special interests
groups and representation in political parties. This second phase of looking to the future
in The Netherlands marks the start of awareness of discrimination and racism (Essed,
1996)]
 46

Lisa, on the other hand, does not see discrimination because, first, she has
deeply internalized her status as a domestic servant such that she considers her
employers’ dealing with her as within the “normal” bounds of accepted employer-
household worker relationship; and second, she cannot distinguish between any forms
of discrimination. This does not mean that Lisa is blind to all forms of discrimination;
rather has set up her own measure of whether or not she is being differentially treated,
e.g. when her African-American employer would scream at her decided to leave her
employer early. For Lisa, differential treatment, whether condescending, patronizing or
outrightly hostile, is due to the overlapping of her class, gender, and racial statuses.
Lisa fits into Aguilar’s (1996) finding that the personal and the national (cultural) have
intertwined in the overseas contract worker.

One more interesting point to note is hat despite the three women’s awareness of
their racial/ ethnic positions in Dutch society, they are unanimous in saying that the
Dutch government accords migrants so much favors and benefits that the white Dutch
population somehow justified in their sporadic display of hostility to migrants. It seems
that these women are caught in the migrant discourse of “colored-people-are-less-
capable-and-create-problems-for-white-Dutch-society (Essed, 1996). In addition to this
migrant discourse, the Filipino utang na loob (debt of gratitude) the overwhelmingly
positive vote. Together, these two thoughts translate to the thinking that the “Dutch
government has exerted so much effort to accommodate migrants, sometimes even at
the expense of the white Dutch population, and still many migrants are not grateful
enough and do not exert enough effort to be integrated and they cause problems so that
it is understandable why the ordinary white Dutch is hostile to them.” Whether this idea
is valid or not, this could explain Ana’s frustration and anger when the women she was
advising still resort to illegal means (such as running away and hiding) to resolve their
problem, or to Maria’s silence even after a Dutch a para-professional exposed their
boss’ initial doubts of Maria’s capability because of her being a Filipina, or to Elvira’s
explicit words about not blaming the “saturated” Dutch’s hostile reaction to migrants.
 47

Even Lisa, despite her undocumented status in The Netherlands, feels a certain
amount of gratitude to the Dutch government for not being too strict with undocumented
workers like her. While she felt more at home in Switzerland, having more friends there,
she did not dare to go back because of strictness of the Swiss police who would just
pick up aliens at a bus stop for not having their legal papers with them.

REVIEW OF RELATED STUDIES

The study Seasonal Orphans and Solo Parents: The impact of Overseas
Migration conducted by Victoria Paz-Cruz wanted to determine whether or not the
children of migrant parents had been adversely affected, and to what extent, by the
prolonged absence of either one or both parents.

Over the last twenty years, the manpower export policy of the Philippines came
to be regarded as a possible panacea to ease up social tensions (unemployment and
underemployment) and prop up national and single household economics with much
needed foreign currency. This was due to a gradually deteriorating economic
performance of the country, fuelled by quick industrialization programs, the ineptitude of
public servants, and alleged instances of gross corruption and graft. The specter of a
fast escalating foreign debt and a shrinking export market was an added cogent reason
for entertaining and promoting the export of manpower with the establishment of fairly
strict government controls.

Even if the Philippines has had an historical experience in migration, mostly from
Luzon and particularly from certain provinces like Ilocos, Pampanga, and Batangas, the
mass exodus of brain and brawn is a recent phenomenon of the 70s and 80s. For many
Filipinos, job placement overseas has become the fulfillment of many a dream. This tilts
the balance very much in favor of expected benefits. A much more balanced view is
expressed by demographers and sociologists. No matter how urgent or tempting the
economic push is “social-psychological effects on returning workers and their families,
impacts on domestic wage and price inflation, shortage of skilled workers in some
 48

industries, brain drain caused by the exodus of professionals, returning workers’

unemployment problems,” and, shall we add, seasonal orphans and solo parents, are
but some of the real costs met particularly by temporary labor migrants.

However, migrations throughout history have provided enough evidence to

support the statement that movement of peoples across national boundaries,
particularly if the right to migrate is matched by the duty of hospitality in receiving
countries, has been a powerful agent of social transformation in sending as well as
receiving countries.
People, most specifically migrants, posses and/or develop a tremendous ability
to adapt and to adjust to different environments and circumstances. In their task of
building understanding and brotherhood, conditions will either facilitate or impede their
gradual integration into the host society. And, costs and benefits will sooner or later
assume a human face, as the humanity of the migrant emerges from amidst the
framework of interests and concerns which may tend to cloud his/her true personality.

This surge of outward migration, particularly of overseas contract workers to the

Middle East, Asia, Europe and America, especially in the past few years has brought
about still another phenomenon—that of “solo parenting” where one spouse has to bring
up the children while the other is working abroad. In some cases, both parents are
abroad, the father a contact worker in the Middle East and the mother a domestic helper
in some Asian countries.

So many young parents are on the move that the government policies and
programs as well as the pastoral concern of the Church need to be directed
simultaneously to the migrants and to their families left behind. For its part, the
Commission on migration and Tourism of the Catholic Bishops Conference of the
Philippines “moves with urgency on this pressing national problem. Indeed, projected
against the present hierarchical arrangement of the Philippine Church, we are talking
here of enough people to constitute four to five midsized diocese—or one archdiocese!
 49

A neglect of this phenomenon foreshadows tragedies for those entrusted to the pastoral
care of the church.

For while overseas employment has visibly brought about new prosperity, the
socio-psychological impact on the children of the absence of one or both parents has
still to be determined. With the end in view of contributing toward the identification of
what may be termed “invisible costs” of migration, that is, socio-psychological, moral
and spiritual factors affecting the migrants and their families.

The study addressed the following questions: What is the profile of children of
migrant parents? Of children of non-migrant parents? Do children of migrant parents
manifest different social behavior and academic performance when children living with
their parents or those with non-migrant parents? How do the beliefs and values system
of these two groups of youth compare with each other? What adverse effects, if any,
does the absence of migrant parents have on their children? the absence of non-
migrant parents? Who act as parent substitutes for absent migrant/non-migrant
parents?

The study sites were limited to three Catholic colleges in Metro Manila, Batangas
(located south of Metro Manila), and Pampanga (located north of Metro Manila)

The choice of location, though heavily influenced by considerations of

accessibility (minimal costs of transportation and researcher’s time), was actually based
on an expectation and educated guess that families of migrant workers would abound
precisely in these three areas.

Recruitment and placement agencies for overseas work are predominantly

located in Metro Manila, attracting both Metro Manila residents and local migrants from
the rural areas now based in the city. Many overseas workers may also have
transferred their families to Metro Manila to enable their children to study here now that
they can afford it. Pampanga is a traditional abode of families of overseas residents and
 50

workers, due to their long-standing exposure of influences radiating from the U.S. base
facilities located at Clark Field in Pampanga. Batangas City is a new source of overseas
contract workers, and was included to provide the rural end of the continuum for the
present study.

The decision to identify respondents currently enrolled in private (Catholic)

colleges is related to the study objective and focus, as well as on the assumption that
children of migrant parents were more likely in school (rather than out-of-school) and
that the children’s performance in school would be one are to look at when determining
the impact of parents’ migration on youth.

Restricting the choice of schools to Catholic institutions served a double purpose

—providing a control in type of school, as well as facilitating arrangements for the initial
study which had to work within much time and budget constraints.

The targeted sample size per study site was as follows: 50 high school students
with migrant parents (25 in Year I/II and 25 in Year III/IV) and 25 high school students
with non-migrant parents (25 in Year I/II and 25 in Year III/IV/V) and 25 college students
with non-migrant solo parents or guardians.

For the sample of parents and guardians, the study targeted 50 migrant parents
and 50 non-migrant parents to be represented by a solo parent or guardian and equally
distributed between high school and college levels in the student sample.

Teachers/ guidance Counselors of the students actually interviewed were also

asked to rate the students.

The migrant group refers to those students whose parents (one or both) have
been overseas at least one year, but preferably three to five years. The non-migrant
group refers to those students whose parents are in the Philippines but may also be
absent from home for other reasons such as location of work in Metro Manila or in the
 51

province, separation of spouses, sickness; this group also includes those students who
are living in a dormitory or in their guardians’ home, not in the parental abode.

Once the cooperation of the school authorities was secured for the study, the
researcher requested the official contact persons to conduct a “snap survey” in their
respective high school and college departments, using a Snap Survey Questionnaire
designed for the purpose of identifying the migrant and non-migrant student population.
The snap survey results served as basis for selecting the sample of students.

The students answered a self-administered Questionnaire for Students. Upon

submission of the accomplished form, the researcher/ research assistant reviewed the
student’s responses and conducted a follow up interview to probe the student’s
experiences or meaning. In order to meet the sample size for parents/guardians, the
students were encouraged to invite their parents or guardians to a group session
scheduled for the purpose.

In response to an invitation by the school authorities (the College Dean or High

School Principal and/or High School Principal and/or Guidance Office), solo parents or
guardians came to attend group consultation sessions, the researcher and research
assistants interviewed the parent or guardian, using the Questionnaire for Solo Parents
and Questionnaire for guardians, respectively. In addition, the parents/ guardians held
an exchange of views among themselves on questions or topics posed by the
researcher. In effect, the session served as a peer consultation session, which was
much welcomed by the participants.

To complete and complement the data sources about the students in the sample,
the guidance counselor or homeroom advisers were also asked to rate the students’
academic performance or school participation. For this purpose, this group of
respondents used the Questions for Guidance Counselor/ Teacher.
The student respondents numbered 462 in all, distributed by locale as follows:
Batangas, 156; Pampanga, 162; and Metro Manila, 144.
 52

Although a quota of 100 students with migrant parents was targeted per study
site, Pampanga yielded more than its expected share, while Batangas barely reached
this quota and Metro Manila (specifically Pasig) reached three-fourths of the given
quota. Conversely, for the quota of 50 students with non-migrant parents per stuffy site,
Pampanga yielded less than its expected share, while both Batangas and Metro Manila
exceeded respective quotas. This distribution of respondents belonging to the migrant
(296) and non-migrant (166) groups gives fair representation of actual distribution of
youth in the high school and college levels of the schools included in the study, whose
parents are absent or elsewhere in the Philippines.

The total sample is almost equally divided between high school (242) and college
(220) youth. The freshmen and sophomores outnumber their junior and senior
counterparts. This observation is true for both secondary and tertiary level samples.

Regarding the distribution by gender, the sample yielded a 60:40 ratio in favor of
females. Pampanga had the fairest distribution by gender as the University of the
Assumption is coeducational in both high school and college levels. Batangas St.
Bridget’s College has an all-female college department, though its high school is
coeducational. Metro manila’s Pasig Catholic College, in contrast, has a coeducational
college department and a high school which is exclusive for boys.

The overall mean age is 16.08 years. While this roughly coincides with the mode
for Batangas and Metro Manila. Pampanga’s sample modal age is one year younger.

Less than 8% of the students in the sample were reported to have a behavior
problem that warranted attention by the guidance counselor or other school official.
These students with problems could have either migrant or non-migrant parents. The
overall teachers’ rating of students’ performance did not show any significant difference
between the migrant and non-migrant groups.
 53

Teachers reported similar patterns in academic performance of both groups of

youth. Cases of deterioration in academic performance were observed for 13% of the
migrant group, and 15% of the non-migrant group. These students had below average
marks, needed to be helped by their more active classmates, were not attending
classes regularly, or were given warnings for cutting classes. The reasons offered by
the teachers for these students’ poor performances may be directly or indirectly
attributed to a lack of guidance at home—playfulness in the classroom, evident lack of
interest in studying, frequent absence due to poor health, negligence due to the bad
influence of his “barkada” or peer group, and difficulty in adjusting to a new situation

Teachers found the students’ conduct or discipline in class largely satisfactory for
both groups of youth. Only 5% of the students in the migrant group and 3% of the non-
migrant received low ratings on conduct, due to frequent absence or tardiness, absent-
mindedness or attention-getting.

Students with migrant parents appeared to excel in the area of interaction with
classmates—teachers reported very good interaction for 17.2% of the migrant group,
compared to only 7.5% of the non-migrant group. The majority in both groups were
rated fair to very good. Teachers reported poor interaction for 5.3% of the migrant
group, and for 7.5% of the non-migrant group.

Students showing poor respect for teachers are a small minority (migrant 4.8%;
non-migrant, 6.5%). For almost 95% of both groups of youth, teachers reported
receiving fair to very good signs of respect.

In the area of aggressiveness and assertiveness (the terms are used

interchangeably by the respondents), students with migrant parents appeared to excel
—teachers reported good or very good assertiveness (or positive aggressiveness) for
31% of the migrant group, compared to only 16% of the non-migrant group. On the
negative end of the scale, 17% of the migrant group and 19% of the non-migrant group
rated low on assertiveness but high on aggressiveness on the negative variety—
 54

passivity, aloofness, shyness, lack of initiative, poor interaction with others, and uttering
bad words.

Teachers reported similar proportions of poor/very poor participation in school

co-curricular and extra-curricular activities (17%-18%) for both groups of youth.
However, 34% of the students with migrant parents showed good or very good
participation, compared to only 19% of students with non-migrant parents.

Based on the teachers’ observations, the overall pattern of students’

performance in school in similar for both migrant and non-migrant groups of youth—
generally satisfactory, with a minority showing poor performance in the following areas:
academic performance (13%-15%), conduct or discipline in class (3%-5%), interaction
with classmates (5%-8%), respect for teachers (5%-6%), aggressiveness/ assertiveness
(17%-18%) and participation in school activities/

In general, the high school and college youth who participated in the study
viewed their parents’ migration and/or absence from home as source of benefits rather
than disadvantages. This contention is based on the number of items that students
ticked off from a given checklist as “better now” than before their parents left home. It
can be said, therefore, that the scale is tipped in favor of benefits (92%) rather than
costs/disadvantages (8%). The ratio is even better among youth with migrant parents
(at 95:5) than among those with non-migrant parents (84:16)

Students’ ranking of benefits is as follows; Rank 1, tangible consumer items—

appliances, house, clothes; Rank 2, increased cash allowance; Rank 3, improved
participation in sports activities, entertainment or recreation, including “eating out”; Rank
4, spiritual activities; rank 5, increased popularity among neighbors; and Rank 6,
increased number of friends, getting along with siblings, getting along with classmates
and teachers, increased popularity in school, and improved school performance,
including grades.
 55

Significantly more students with migrant parents (about 85%) compared to

students with non-migrant parents (50%) perceived the major benefits as first, economic
ones, followed by the opportunity to continue one’s studies, and lastly, a feeling of
independence and a sense of responsibility.

Students who perceived economic benefits as the top benefit wee usually in high
school, one among several children of a production-related worker who finished at least
high school, stayed at home with some member of the family (not necessarily a parent) ,
did not experience any school transfers, reported very good communication with
parents despite the latter’s absence from home, and received financial support solely
from their parents.

Although only a minority of the items in the checklist were seen as “worse now”, it
is the migrant group that gave top rank to participation in sports and other recreation as
a disadvantage; with one or both parents missing, the family recreational activities are
considered incomplete. Also a disadvantage seen as due to the parents’ absence is a
setback in religious practices—erratic attendance at Mass or skipping the rosary. Two
percent of the group did not get along with their siblings. Less than 2% of the students
reported obtaining poor grades as another cost of parents’ migration and/ or absence
from home.

Overall, the students cited the real costs of parental migration/absence from
home as follows: loneliness (reported by 38%), lack of parental guidance (21%) and
other disadvantages (24%).

Only 17% of the students, or one out of every six students interviewed, saw no
disadvantages from their parents’ migration or absence from home.

Loneliness and lack of parental guidance affected larger proportions of students

from the more rural localities (for example, Batangas rather than Pampanga or Metro
Manila). High school freshmen and sophomores were especially vulnerable to
 56

loneliness, while college students expressed their need for parental guidance. More
females than males also cited the lack of parental guidance as a major cost of parents’
migration and/or absence from home.

Where migration and overseas employment involve family ties, the attitude
scores reflect significant differences between the migrant and non-migrant groups on 8
out of 13 statements. Whereas students with absentee, though non-migrant, parents
agree with the statement that “A child with absent parents is likely to have difficulties in
growing up”, their migrant counterparts are not convinced that they are problematic
children. Consistent with this, the non-migrant group is less undecided than the migrant
group that “Having a parent working abroad has more disadvantages than advantages.”
This being the case, another opinion held by the non-migrant group sounds almost like
a snide remark obviously targeting the migrant group—sour grapes, so to speak—“ A
good monthly allowance is a good substitute for a father or mother who is working
overseas.”

On three other statements involving family ties, the migrant group is just less
undecided than the non-migrant group; “Moving the family as immigrants in a foreign
country is a worthy ambition”; “it is prestigious to have a parent ir sibling who works
abroad”; and “Filipinas who pose as entertainers for their family’s economic benefit
should not be condemned by other Filipinos.”

Apparently, students with migrant parents believe that their parents are doing
their part for their country: “Overseas employment is a good solution to the country’s
unemployment problem.”

Whether for family or for country or simply to have more food on the table, the
migrant and non-migrant groups both agree that there is a time to set aside one’s pride
(those with one or both parents already abroad are better able to live with this opinion):
“A lowly job overseas with good pay is better than working as a professional with low
salary in the Philippines”
 57

On a wish level, an almost equal proportion of students (37%-40%) wish that

their parents were working abroad/ not working abroad. But an additional 23% wish that
their parents were not absent from home. If they could, three out of every five students
would, therefore, keep their parents at home. Yet when faced with the day-to-day
economic realities, these students would probably follow their won advice, as they gave
their own friends during the administration of the questionnaire: “Allow your parents to
work abroad” (82.2%) vs. “Don’t allow your parents to work abroad” (17.2%)

Parents’ migration is a significant factor affecting the student’s advice to a friend

regarding migration. It is also a significant factor affecting the student’s wishes as to his/
her parents’ presence or absence from home. In other areas of the student’s choice of
country of citizenship (40% among students with migrant parents, and 20% among
students with non-migrant parents wish to become American citizens). It also shapes
the student’s choice of country where to work: among students with migrant parents,
less than 25% would choose to work in the Philippines; among students with non-
migrant parents, at least 46% would remain in the Philippines and use their talents and
skills here. In the same area, less than 13% of students with migrant parents have no
plans to go overseas after graduation, but among students with non-migrant parents,
the figure is higher at 22% of the group.

Considering the ambivalence manifested by the youth in their attitudes toward

migration and overseas employment, as well as their stereotyped responses on basic
values, plus other findings regarding the student’s advice to a friend and wishes
regarding parent’s presence at home, we are confronted with the sad reality of a
prevalent lack of clear goals and directions among the youth.

Although there has been considerable research delving into the consequences of
migration on the left-behind families, the findings are far from conclusive. There are
several limitations which characterize existing studies. Most studies are limited to
communities that are known to be major areas of migration, mainly in Luzon. In other
 58

words, a national picture is sorely lacking. Very rarely do existing studies utilize
probability sampling. Most of the time, the sampling is purposive, which does not allow
for findings that can be extended or generalized to the larger population. Many studies
focus solely on respondents from OFW families or households. While this gives a good
picture of the experiences of OFW families or households, the lack of comparison with
respondents from non-OFW families or households is a problem. Almost all studies
have a cross-sectional design which does not capture changes or trends over time.
Aside from design issues, other questions call for further research. What will a
nationwide study reveal about the impact of international labor migration on young
children? How do children view their parents’ migration? What roles do children play, if
any, in the adjustment of families to the absence of one or both parents? What kinds of
values and socialization process are imparted to children in migrant and non-migrant
families? How children and families do left behind view the family in the context of
migration? These are concerns that prompted the need for a systemic study.

As part of efforts to understand the social consequences of large-scale labor

migration on Filipino society, the Scalabrini Migration Center (SMC), in partnership with
the Episcopal Commission for the Pastoral Care of Migrants and Itinerant People
(ECMI)/ Apostleship of the Sea-Manila (AOS-Manila) and the Overseas Workers
Welfare Administration (OWWA), conducted the 2003 children and families study, a
nationwide research project on the children and families left behind. The launching of
the study coincided with the declaration of 2003 as the Year of the OFW Family.

The general objective of the study was to assess how parental absence due to
migration affects the well-being of young children left behind. The specific objectives of
the study focused on the following areas: To determine children’s conceptions and
perceptions of overseas migration; To examine the impact of parental absence on
selected aspects of children’s well-being (physical development. Health status,
academic performance, values and spiritual formation, and social/ emotional well-
being); and To identify the factors which help the children cope with the difficulties and
opportunities posed by migration.
 59

The 2003 Children and Families Study attempted to overcome the limitations of
earlier studies. It had a nationwide coverage; it employed probability sampling in the
selection of respondents for the survey; it included the children of non-migrants; and it
included the children and families of seafarers. Furthermore, the study employed both
quantitative (survey) and qualitative (focus group discussions or FGDs) approaches in
the collection and analysis of data.

Young children in the ages 10-12 years were the target respondents for the
survey. The children included in the study belonged to families where the parents were
together (i.e. as a rough proxy of the parents; marital relationship- if the parents lived
together, presumably the marriage was fine), except when one or both parents were
working abroad in the case of the children migrants. This criterion was adopted in order
to control for variations in the family situation. The children respondents were
categorized into five groups: Children of non-migrants (NM), children of migrant mothers
(MM), children of land-based migrant fathers (FL), children of seafarer fathers (FS),
children with both parents working abroad (BP). The study focused on the 10-12 age
group because the conditions of young children are good indicators of the kind of care
and attention that they receive in the family. Also if the purpose were to examine how
children are affected by migration, it makes sense to target specific age groups rather
than to cover children of various ages. Pre-adolescents, for example, do not have the
same concerns as adolescents. Many factors are at work in adolescence—bodily and
psychological changes, expansion of the reference group to peers, etc.—whose
influences must be isolated from the effects of migration. Each of these groups
deserves specific research attention.

The selected areas were: Luzon: NCR (Manila, Taguig); Bulacan (Hagonoy,
Angat); Cavite (Cavite City, Imus); Laguna (San Pedro, Los Baños), Visayas: Negros
Occidental (Bacolod City, Binalbagan); Cebu (Cebu City, Liloan), Mindanao: Davao del
Sur (Davao City, Digos). Due to resource constraints, the study employed school based
rather than household based sampling. Within sampled provinces/ areas, public and
 60

private schools were randomly selected. A total of 132 schools were selected, but only
130 schools (76 public, 54 private) gave permission for the interviews to be conducted.
Once the schools were identified, the project carried out pre-screening activities in order
to identify the children of non-migrants and the children of migrants. Respondents were
then randomly selected with each of the five groups.

The study targeted to interview 1640 children, of whom 1443 children were
actually interviewed. More female children than male children (54% vs. 46 percent)
were in the ages 10-12 years (grade 4-6). There were a number of children who were
younger or older than the 10-12 age group. Overall, the mean age was 10.72 and
standard deviation was 1.15 years. The type of school the children attended shows a
clear difference between the children of migrants and the children of non-migrants:
10.9% of OFW children were in private schools compared with 14.9% among non-OFW
children. The children were distributed into the following grade levels: 35.6% were in
grade 4, 29.7% in grade 5, and 34.6% in grade 6. Most of the children belonged to
heterogeneous classes. A higher percentage of children of migrants belonged to middle
and upper sections than children of non-migrants (30.4% vs. 25.2%).

For the children who had parents working abroad at the time of the survey,
17.82% of the migrant parents were seafarers and the rest were land-based workers.
The latter were distributed as follows; Middle East, 48.59% (Saudi Arabia alone
accounted for 34.48%); Americas (11.89 in the US); East Asia, 19.38% (11.03 percent
were in Japan); and Southeast Asia, 7.25% (2.73% percent were in Brunei); Europe,
6.64% (2.92% were in Italy); and the rest were in Oceania and Africa.

It seems that the large scale migration of Filipinos is not widely known or
appreciated among children. Asked whether they had ever heard of Filipinos migrating
abroad, only a little more than half (55.9%) answered in the affirmative. The children of
migrants were more aware of this phenomenon than their counterparts in non-migrant
families. The most popular source of information on migration came from the media—
TV, radio, newspapers (62.5%)—and about a fifth said that migration was covered in
 61

their subjects in school. Much fewer (11.5%) reported that migration figured family
discussion on the issue than children in non-OFW families (7,1% vs. 11.7%). Children’s
view of migration is very economic—four out of five respondents attributed the migration
of Filipinos to economic reasons, primarily because of need, and secondarily in order to
better their lives.

Children of migrants were asked if their family had ever discussed why their
parents went abroad; only 51.7% said yes. Children with two parents abroad appear to
have been more involved in discussions about their parents’ departure than children
from other migrant families. A substantial number of children thus appear to have been
left out in the decision-making of their parents concerning migration. It may be recalled
that some children reprted that their parents had been migrating since they were babies
(or before they were even born in the case of some). Children also viewed their parents’
migration as rooted in economic reasons.

How do children regard their parents’ migration? Across all groups of children of
migrants, those who expressed that it was against their will is clearly a small minority,
less than three percent said so—a notable exception is the larger share of children of
migrant mothers, 6.5% who were against their mothers’ departure. More than half said
that they accepted their parents’ migration, while another 35% to 39% were more
ambivalent about it i.e. they found it difficult but they were coping with it.

The departure of a parent to work abroad has been both a welcome and dreaded
occasion in the life of Filipino families. For some adolescents, this experience can be
very trying. The period of adolescence is problematic enough as it is without having the
added burden of coping with the absence of a parent and the changes in the family
structure that goes with it. The reason behind a parent’s migration has been generally
perceived in a noble light, particularly n response to the economic need of the family.
“My father pursued a job abroad so that we can achieve what our parents did not
accomplish, like finishing school…and also so that he can provide for our needs. Missy,
15 y/o, from Manila (FS)
 62

However, for some adolescents, the departure of a parent for abroad can be a
welcome relief from some unpleasant situations.
“It’s not nice for children to see their parents quarrelling. I don’t know, sometimes
they quarrel over some very petty things…and my siblings get to witness it. It’s not
nice…they somehow seem to shallow. Issa, 19 y/o, from Bulacan (FS)
“When both of them are around, they often fight…because Papa is not abroad…
we can all see his vices like gambling and drinking. So my parents fight over that. But if
he does these things abroad, we don’t get to know about them…so there’s no fighting.
Ric, 19 y/o, from La Union (FL)

Aside from missing their parents, children also worry about the situation of their
parents abroad:
“ I pity my mother and fear for her safety because we are not sure about the
situation in the Middle East…war might erupt anytime. Amin, 20 y/o from Cotabato (MM)

Some children, however, take their parents’ departure in stride. Such reaction
may be understood in light of the children’s more pragmatic view:
“Me? I felt happy…because my parents had jobs abroad…so finally I can but
whatever I want. That’s all. Ana, 13 y/o from Baguio (BP)
“ I felt happy because my dream of finishing school will be fulfilled and our lives
would be in order” Hafiz, 19 y/o from Cotabato (MM)

Families have various ways of adjusting to the absence of a loved one who is
working abroad. The emotional burden is often eased when family members help each
other in coping with the situation in their homes.
“For me, I can only adjust to my father’s absence the moment things are ok with
mama…because whenever papa leaves, mama gets so upset that she even collapses.
It’s like…if we also cry, mama will have no one to turn to when she’s hurting. We know
that she’s ok when she is able to start doing her regular chores again.” Cara, 16 y/o
from Manila (FS)
 63

Children also seem to get strength from the thought that the parent’s absence is
for the family’s welfare
“Before, I used to be very sad whenever my mother leaves for abroad. I pity my
youngest sibling because he always pines for her. I ust bear in mid that it is for our own
good…to enable us to study in good schools. I realize that it’s really for our own benefit
because no mother would purposely leave her children behind.” Farid, 20 y/o from
Cotabato (MM)

As the family gets used to the absence of a parent after a couple of years, the
relationship with the migrant parent assumes a different dimension.
“As long as there’s financial support, I’m ok with that. If you have money, you can
find your own enjoyment. Migs, 19 y/o old, from La Union (FL)

For some, the long absence has affected the way the children relate to the
migrant parent.
“Life is more comfortable when father is not around, but at the same time sad,
because we never had the chance to get to know our father really well. The reason it’s
more comfortable is because there’s no one around to scold or nag us.” Honey, 13 y/o
from Cordillera (FL)
“Sometimes it’s hard for me…I fell ill with him. Although my daddy is really kind…
I don’t know…I feel there’s a stranger in our house. We also talk to each other but
somehow I couldn’t seem to bring myself closer to him.” Issa, 19 y/o from Bulacan (FS)

For others, there is a feeling of regret over past experiences they could have
shared together as a family had the parent been here and not abroad.
“It feels different without papa around. I remember when I was still in the
elementary level, I used to ask my Tito’s help with school projects that require a lot of
detailed work and some adult assistance…like making frames. I miss him when he’s not
around because when he’s here I’m so happy. We have such fun, especially the two of
 64

us, running around; throwing things at each other…I treat him like a close friend.” Don,
19 y/o from La Union.

Data on how OFW children and non-OFW compared their families and their
conditions reveal interesting contrasts. The comparisons of family indicators before their
parents’ migration and the present (at the time of the study) reveal both continuities and
changes. A little more than half noted no change in their economic status (56.3%);
about half (49.1%) said that their family ties (closeness) remained the same. Where
changes were reported, the less positive ones (decline in the family’s economic status,
the family being lonelier, the family being less united, or the family being close) were
only true for the minority of the children (ranging from 4% to 16%, or less than one-fifth
of the children). In general, the direction of the changes is for the better: improved
economic status, the family being happier, more complete and closer. The impact of the
parents’ migration on the children’s assessment of their traits followed the same
patterns. More than half said that they were not any less or more responsible at the time
of interview compared to when their parents were present. Children’s sense of
independence showed a three way split. Half of the children did feel that they had more
freedom and the majority said that they were happier than children of non-migrants.
Close to (42%) said that they faced fewer difficulties in life than non-OFW children.

Given the choice on which parent they prefer to leave for abroad, most
adolescents chose their father. Many regard the mother’s role as nurturer of the family
to be very important to the welfare of the children left behind.
“As they say…it’s better to lose 100 fathers than a single mother.” Anthony, 17
y/o from Cavite (FL)
“…When father is left behind, he is always mad at me. I couldn’t be open to him
about my feelings…but it’s different with my mother…we enjoy a good relationship. She
can understand me better since she had also gone through similar experiences. There
are some similarities between us.” Janet, 15 y/o from Cordillera (MM)
 65

Some adolescents also believe that mothers are more competent than fathers in
performing the dual role of being both mother and father to the family.
“…My mom can be both a father and mother. I sometimes see her go up our
roof. I can see her doing tasks that a father is supposed to be doing, but if my father
were here instead, maybe he wouldn’t be able to cook as well as mom. Don, 19 y/o
from La Union (FL)

Although the important role of the mother is generally accepted and recognized,
there are adolescents who seem to prefer mother-absent family arrangements.
“If mothers are left behind, the clothes are neater, the house is cleaner…
everything smells good because she’s much better in handling household chores.
However, when the situation is reversed…the house is not too clean…same with the
clothes…but the house is well maintained because all the things that need to be
repaired are repaired right away.
But for me I prefer my mother to go abroad because when she’s here she always
scolds me…whereas my father seems almost close to me. It’s enough for him to see
that I’m ok. As long as I get back to the house without any problem, it’s ok with him. But
it’s different with my mother. Whenever I come home late by few hours…she would
always question me…Where have you been? What did you do? That’s so like my
mother eh...Why don’t you tell me…blah, blah, blah.” Randy, 18 y/o from Baguio (MM)

It is not just the children who acknowledge the many roles that cast mothers as
critical to the well-being of the family. Mothers, too, recognize the many details that they
have to take care of.
“A mother has more roles than the father. Actually, the father just takes care of
the finances; he just gives that kind of assistance. But we, as a mother, you must be a
teacher, you must be a friend, you must be a maid, a nanny. The number one
responsibility, most of all, you need to raise a child with Jesus in his/her heart. That is
most important, a strong faith. Flor, seaman’s wife from Bacolod City
 66

In the discussion with the left-behind wives in Manila, the participants came up
with the following list of to-dos: “The canal is clogged, you do it. The drainage is
clogged, you do it. The light is not working, that’s a mother’s job. I have experienced
going up to the roof to apply a vulca-seal. It’s like that, everything, a woman has to do
everything. Me. There’s just two of us at home, wit the babies. My god, I wake up really
early, clean up, cook, wash clothes, I do these at the same time.

The husbands generally subscribe to the ideal of homebound wives. However,

due to the needs of the family, they had to reconfigure their wives’ roles as well as their
own. Some of them would rather be the ones to work abroad, but the ob opportunities
men are more limited.

Does migration really matters? And if it does, how do the young children of
migrant and non-migrant families compare? Comparisons between the children of
migrants and the children of non-migrants (and further comparisons of the children of
the different types of migrants) provide some measure of migration outcomes on
selected indicators of well-being. By limiting the respondents to children coming from
two-parent-families, the comparisons will not be affected by the extraneous factors. This
detail is important to keep in mind in the interpretation of the findings. We begin by
turning to dimensions which show marked differences in the conditions or perceptions of
the children of migrants relative to the children of non-migrants.

The family’s socio-economic status (SES) shows a very clear divide between the
children of migrants and the children of non-migrants. This came out whether the
measure was perceived social class or the more “objective” indicators, such as home
ownership and ownership of durable goods. The children’s perception of their family’s
class status was measured by the question: “Filipino families have different statuses in
life. Some are poor, some are not poor, and some are in the middle. In this card where
would you locate your family?”
 67

Most of the children, especially the children of migrants, put their families in the
middle. Compared with non-OFW children, fewer OFW children considered their
families as poor (31.2% percent among non-OFW children vs. 12% among OFW
children); conversely, more OFW children considered their families as not poor
compared with non-OFW children (28% vs. 19%).

The children’s perceptions about their families’ SES are also supported by the
children’s reports on home ownership and ownership of durable goods. Families of
migrants are more likely to own homes than non-migrant families. Also, migrant families
owned more appliances than non-migrant families (8.41 vs. 5.65). Ownership of major
appliances was distinctly higher among migrant families. The access of migrant families
to communication facilities is also very notable—OFW families are twice more likely to
have a landline telephone connection than non-OFW families (63% vs. 29%).
Ownership of cell phones is even more telling: some 94 percent of migrant families had
cell phones as opposed to 60% among non-migrant families. Children of migrants have
also become part of the proliferation of cell phones—more than third (35%) of OFW
children had their own cell phones compared with only 12% among non-OFW. This
access to communications technology plays an important part in linking family members
separated by borders.

The migration of one or both parents has definitely rearranged the division of
labor in the family during the time when fathers, mothers or both parents are abroad.
Among the children of non-migrants, gender roles in the family can be summarized as
follows: mothers were the ones largely responsible for care giving, preparing the food,
taking care of the house, helping with the children’s school work, attending programs
and meetings at school; disciplining the children; teaching the children about faith;
teaching them good manners; and teaching them about what is right or wrong. Fathers
were largely responsible for earning money, and sharing with mothers the tasks of
disciplining the children and teaching the, what is right and wrong.
 68

The arrangement described above holds true among OFW families where father
worked abroad. For these families, fathers brought home the bacon so to speak, but
mothers had to take care of everything else. In the absence of the fathers, it can be
seen that a higher percentage of mothers had to assume responsibilities that were
otherwise shared by the fathers in non-migrant families. The rearrangement of gender
roles is more evident among OFW families where mother or both parents are not
present. For these families, the provider-father and nurturer-mother roles have given
way to the following configurations.

Caregivers had shifted from mothers to fathers and other female family
members. Although some studies report the emerging role of fathers as full-time care
givers (e.g. Asis, Huang and Yeoh, Pingol, 2001). The data suggest that fathers receive
support from other female family members was also evident in families where both
parents worked abroad. The only areas where fathers were more prominent than other
female relatives are the discipline of children, helping the children with school work,
attending school meetings, teaching the children good manners and teaching them
about what is right and wrong.

The provider role is no longer the preserve of fathers. Although dual-earner

families are also sizable in non-migrant families, the percentage of such families among
OFW families is greater (33.6% vs. 43.4%). Mothers were mentioned as providers in
mother-absent families (30.8% mentioned mothers only; 49.3% mentioned both fathers
and mothers) and where both parents were aroad (77.9% mentioned both fathers and
mothers). When children were asked to identify who were responsible for taking care of
them, 85% named their mothers. However, when mothers and both parents were
abroad, fathers and other female relatives were mentioned as the primary caregivers.

To have a better gauge about the parents’ marriage, the study looked into the
children’s perception of their parents’ relationship. In general, the children viewed their
parents’ marriage as positive—less than three percent noted that heir parents were not
in good terms. Majority of the OFW and non-OFW children (59%) described their
 69

parents’ relationship as very good (magkasundong-magkasundo. More OFW children

described their parents’ relationship as very good compared with non-OFW children
(70% vs. 59%). However, among the children of migrants, the children of migrant
mothers were the least likely to describe their parents’ relationship in the same light.

The mean scores of the children’s assessment of their parents’ relationship and
their own relationship to various family members show interesting patterns. Mean
scores were computed using a four-point scale ranging from “1” (not very good) to “4”
(very good). The mean scores indicate that the children saw their parents’ relationship
as good to very good (mean of 3.57), with OFW children reporting a higher mean score
compared to non-OFW children (3.66 vs. 3.56). Among OFW children, however, the
children of migrant mothers had the lowest score compared to children from other
migrant and non-migrant families. The Battistella and Conaco study (1998, 1996) also
noted that their children in mother-absent families were more likely to describe their
parents’ relationship as problematic. The persistence of this finding over time suggests
that the cracks of marriage in mother-absent families may have prompted the mothers’
migration. Where divorce is not an option or legal separation is a long process,
migration is one of the few options available to women wanting a way out of a difficult
marriage.

On the whole, most of the children reported good to very good relationship with
other family members. Mothers figured as the family member the children were closest
to. In addition, mothers were also mentioned as the persons they wanted to be close to
(Liwag et al,. 1998). Other male family members were more likely to be mentioned as
persons in the family the children felt distant to.

The strength of family relationship, particularly the children’s closeness to their

parents, is reflected in the children’s choice of their parents as role models. Indeed,
despite the hype about celebrities and sports personalities, majority of the children
(64.1) chose their parents as the persons they would like to be. Similar findings were
tapped by other studies among young people (Abrera, 2002; Sandoval et al, 1998).
 70

Although the age group (15-21 years old) is different, a Social Weather Survey of young
people in 1996 found that young Filipinos were more likely to report a good relationship
with their parents compared with young Americans (Sandoval et al, 1998)

Most of the children—about three in four—said that they could talk to their
parents about anything. However, the frequency of communication between children
and parents is on the low die: majority of the children (58.3%) reported that they talk
with their parents only “sometimes.” For the children of migrants, the majority said hat
they had regular communication with their migrant parents. At most, some 10% (the
children of seafarers) reported that they had no regular communication with their
migrant parents. The importance of keeping in touch between those left behind and
those who migrated was particularly highlighted in the FGDs. Separated by migration,
participants, particularly the caregivers, related that communication not only kept family
members updated about what goes on in their daily life (for migrant parents, hearing the
voice of their family members was very important), but it has also made it possible for
fathers and mothers to continue their parenting role. Through phone calls, migrant
parents are consulted over decisions affecting the family, including discipline issues
concerning the children.

Letters, the traditional way of communicating between migrants and the left-
behind families, have definitely been replaced by the telephone and SMS (short
messaging services) or text messaging. As may be recalled, the children of migrants
had higher ownership of cell phones compared to the children of non-migrants; OFW
families also had higher ownership of landline telephones and cell phones. With
cheaper long-distance calls, the FGDs confirm the frequency of contacts and more
opportunities for family members, including children, to communicate with migrant family
members.

More children of migrants were enrolled in private schools than the children of
non-migrants. The investments OFW families make on education are not surprising
since providing for the education of children (and other family members) is one of the
 71

reasons motivating people to work abroad. Nine out of 10 children reported that they
were very happy with school. The children’s responses to the importance they attached
to high grades, gaining knowledge, learning good manners and seeing their friends in
school were quite similar across all groups. Getting high grades registered the highest
importance. At least during elementary, the children of migrants perform well in school.
In fact, they have fared slightly better than the children of non-migrants in several
indices of academic performance. As a measure of school performance, the study
looked into the child’s general weighted average (GWA) during the past school year
(2002-2003), awards received in the past three years, inclusion in the honor roll or top
10, participation in extra-curricular activities, and experience of failing or repeating a
grade level.

Although the children of OFWS had a higher general weighted average

compared to non-migrant children (83.7 vs. 82.3) last school year, the difference is not
so marked. In terms of awards received in school in the past three years, around 31% of
the children of migrants have received various awards in school, with 23% receiving
academic awards. The corresponding figures among children with both parents present
are much lower, at 20% and 13%, respectively. When the grades and awards of parent
absent children were compared, the mother- families did not do as well in school as
those who had fathers working abroad or both parents working abroad.

Many more children of migrants are included in the honor roll and are more
involved in extracurricular activities. The data on failing and repeating a grade level also
attest to OFW children’s good performance: fewer OFW children (3%) repeated a grade
level compared to children of non-migrants (11%). Turning to factors that could account
for these school outcomes, the study examined the number of hours the children spent
studying, the number of hours spent in school and number of absences. Around 60% of
children regardless of parents’ migration status spend 1 to 2 hours studying at home.
However, non-migrant children spend longer hours in school than the children of
migrants. About 65.5% of non-migrant children reported spending 9 hours or more in
school compard to 56.3% among children of migrants. The children of migrants have
 72

slightly fewer absences compared to those of non-migrants for both the present and the
previous school years. During the month preceding the interview, children of non-
migrants averaged 2.08 absences, while children of migrants had a mean of 1.93.
Sickness was the most common reason why the children missed school.

In general, thus, the children of migrants are doing well in school, registering
even better school outcomes than the children of non-migrants. Among the OFW
children, however, the children of migrant mothers tend to score a lower than the other
children. This finding also came out in the 1996 study and seems to suggest the
importance of mothers’ presence in the academic performance of the children.

The study tried to get some objective indicators of physical well being, like the
height and weight measurements of the children. However, such information was
patchy, except for those in Negros Occidental, which provided complete data. Because
of this, the analysis of the height and weight data would be limited to the Negros sub-
sample.

Based on the data, the children of migrants are generally taller and heavier than
the children of non-migrants. Among the females, the children of sea-based fathers re
the tallest (mean height of 145.32 cm) compared to the children of other migrant groups.
They are also the heaviest (mean weight of 42.25 kg). With the males, however, the
children with both parents absent are the tallest (mean height of 143.46 cm) and the
heaviest (mean weight 44 kg) compared to children of other migrant groups. Comparing
children across migrant categories, those with land-based fathers working abroad were
found to be shortest and lightest, regardless of gender. In the pre-teen age group (10-12
years) , the female children were also found to be taller and heavier than their male
counterparts, since most of the children have yet to experience physical changes due to
puberty.
 CHAPTER 3

SUMMARIES

Forty Thousand Women

Forty thousand women with wings

Descend on this land the whole world
Knows and does not know,
Where the cry of maidens
Echo in wells and rain forests,
In caves where stalactites and stalagmites
Of tears bear tales of dynasties,
Where feet are bound in tiny iron shoes,
Where child brides are less than dowries,
Where female fetuses are aborted,
Girls are sold as slaves
Or as piece of meat in the marketplace,
And daughters lose face
As they ply the streets at night,
Groan in bed or moan behind bars
In an hour darker than darkness.

• The stanza describes the things that are happening in the land during the time set
foot in the land. Based on the descriptions of the place it is probably in China
specifically Beijing during the 80’s-90’s period because this were the time where
one child policy is prevalent in their place. This idea could be deduced from the
line “were female fetuses are aborted”, since one child policy was implemented
male child is favored and preferred because it could preserve the family name
and their wealth.
 74

Forty thousand women are a fraction of a fraction

Of those who can’t cross sea or sky,
Who can’t walk the Great Wall
For they are busy sweating it out in factories,
Fetching water by treading bridges for miles and miles,
Planting seeds, cooking food,
Breaking their backs, feeding babies
Of sisters who are too young, old or weak,
Battered and bruised
In the crossfire of conflict areas
In prison and
In what is called their home
Colored black and blue,
Of women climbing mountains,
Crossing mountains,
Moving mountains.

• The “forty thousand women” are just a small part of the actual expansive number
of people who are experiencing mishap in China. These women are forced to do
manual labor jobs because they are left with no choice but to do these jobs. Their
condition there is very strenuous and it is exemplified in these lines “Of women
climbing mountains, crossing mountains, moving mountains”. The author used
this metaphor to describe how demanding their condition in China.

The women in Beijing and Huairou

Represent half the sky
And more beyond any wall
Or barrier or barbed wire,
Touch each other’s soul
And hope to turn moans and groans
 75

Into a song of a trillion doves.

• These women are just a minute representation of the immense people who are
experiencing the same predicament. Although battered and bruised they are still
looking forward that someday they will be free from misery.

Filipineza

If I became the brown woman mistaken

For a shadow, please tell your people I’m a tree.
Or its curling root above ground, like fingers without a rag,

• The stanza revealed the identity of the character in the poem. The character is
somewhat ashamed of her identity. She is a Filipina and works as a maid

Without the buckets of thirst to wipe clean your mirror like floors.
My mother warned me about the disappearance of Elena.
But I left her and told her it won’t happen to me.

• The mother of the Filipina warned her of what had happened to Elena which is
probably a maid also. She ignored her mother’s warning and still leave the
mother and said that she will not experience the thing that happened to Elena

The better to work here in a house full of faces I don’t recognize.

Shame is less a burden if spoken in the language of soap and stain.
My whole country cleans houses for food, so that

• She is working on a foreign household/land and claimed that her condition is not
that humiliating because most of her countrymen have a work just like hers in
order to provide food for their family

The cleaning ends with the mothers, and the daughters

 76

Will have someone clean for them, and never leave

My country to spend years of conversations with dirt.

• People like her sacrifice and work in other places/ country so that they can provide
the needs of their family members. Through this they spare the “mothers and
daughters”/ family members to leave Philippines and work as maids.

When I get up, I stand like a tree, feet steady, back firm.
From here, I can see Elena’s island, where she bore a child
By a married whose floors she washed for years,

• Her personality is strong and sturdy like a tree. She saw the place where Elena
had once worked as a maid and bore a child with her married employer.

Whose body stained her memory until she left in the thick
of rain, unseen yet now surviving in the uncertain tongues
of the newly arrived. Like the silence in the circling motions
of our hands, she becomes part myth, part mortal, part soap.

• Elena was abused by the married man and decided to breakaway from the
misfortune. Elena’s disappearance immortalized her because she now lives in
each of the Filipino who leaves the country and experiences her distress.

Singapore Sunday
We smooth the church courtyard
With a blanket of fried fish,
Salted eggs, rice flattened in
Tupperware.
No chopsticks, we say. Our mouths
Long for the feel of forks and spoons.
Paper plates swiftly tumble with the wind
But only our eyes chase after them.
We laugh at the thought
Of smelling like fish once again.
We all smell of newly washed plates.
Ants approached in hills of red.
I sweep them off with my fingers.
One woman looks at me, tells me,
My hands-as natural as brooms.
Suddenly, a shower of leaves.
Like rain, they escape from my fingers.
In our country, rain comes in the shape
of leaves.
How quickly rain disappears here
Through unclogged sewers.
The feel of week-old floods is unknown.
I edge away from the group and rest,
A month’s worth of letters on my lap.
Leaning against a tree, I read one.
The voice of my husband waits in my
ear.
A flood of breeze turns green.
Now , I don’t think of Mondays.
77
The poem talks about the experience of
an OFW one Sunday at Singapore. She
and other OFWs went to a church
courtyard to have a small gathering and
ate a meager meal. They are probably
off from a day’s work and this is the only
time for their relaxation. Then a woman
approached her and told that her hand’s
was as natural as brooms as if she was
destined to work as a maid. She
suddenly felt nostalgic and moved away
from the group and sat under a tree.
Upon sitting under it she grabbed and
read one from the month’s worth of
letters. A wave of loneliness and longing
struck her. She wants to preserve that
very moment in her mind and stop
thinking about the next day for they
might be loaded with work again.
 78

A night in Dubai

The moon is veiled again and I’m afraid. The stillness smells like oil, burning at night. I
sleep with the smell of my own fears, wrapped in white linen, as if he couldn’t see me
beyond this covering and the walls of this jail, from the walls of his grave. His eyes-
observant discontent, and aged by years of thirst-will always be open despite death. I
don’t remember killing him. But I remember his smell: the oil he rubbed on his body
everyday, the lamp he carried like jewelry at night, the burning incense as if everyday
he was preparing for his grave. The oil, the scent of oil, its approach as I scrubbed tile
after tile of intricate squares and circles, a garden of tiles, this garden of blood and
crime, even then, each tile was a memory of returning to leaves and air, pond water. In
the next five days, I will be lashed a hundred times. If it means that for every lash, I will
remember less, then let them do it. I will not ask for forgiveness: I will only ask for a
moment to hold my mother. She is around me somewhere, behind these walls, beyond
this city of cloth and eyes. She waits to take me home. She is showing my photographs
to strangers who have never heard of me. I know. She is telling them: My daughter, she
is innocent, see this picture, this is my Sarah, see her smiles, she is strong, they can
whip her all day, but she’d come back flying, like birds, like seasonal birds returning to
the south of our farm.

• The poem talks about the ordeal of Sarah when she was working as a maid at
Dubai. Every night, she sleeps with fear in her heart because she works for a
man who is waiting for a right time to abuse her. Until one night the man raped
her but she claimed justice in her hand by killing the man. Consequently she was
sentenced to have 100 lashes for her crime. On contrary she thought that if in
every lash she will remember less the things that the man had done to her she
will gladly accept the punishment but will not ask for forgiveness. Instead of
repenting she will only ask to hold her mother for believes that her mother’s
presence is there and hopes to take her home again.
Japayuki

Amid sand and broken shells lost around her feet,

The wait had begun. Fishing boats were pulled ashore,
Fathers inside, paddling, bodies as stiff as oars:
Their scent was a night’s catch of dead fish.
A collection of little boats, light as paper,
Heavy as water receding from shore.

• A young woman is watching the fishing boats recede from the shore. The wait for
the fathers to bring home fish had begun

She baptized them, with cupped hands-

Fe, Esperanza, Caridad- then wore them:
A necklace of three little boats on beads
Of seashells. Someday, a string of pearls.
Or a string of pearly combs, a gift
To the mother who did the perpetual combing

• Her mother blessed her and gave her three little boats on beads of seashells. She
hopes that someday a better awaits her.

Of her hair, who taught her about simplicity

with each strand that fell on her lap.
Don’t wish for more than fried fish on your plates
Or more than aluminum plates themselves.
Porcelain, she preferred; she could lick it off clean.
Chicken bones and pork never got caught in the throat.
 • Her mother told her that she should not ask only for fried fish or aluminum plates,
but she should demand for porcelain or chicken and pork. The mother is telling
the young woman not to settle for less and demand for more.

She was tired of fish and the litany of hours:

The daily wait for fathers with fish,
The endless counting of moons, the sewing of fishnets
On hot afternoons, the threading of seashells to sell
Only to witness a drowned catch of dead men.
So why not more?

The young woman is fed up of the routine in their place and thought that she could
probably break free from her condition if she would leave.

Because here,
Nothing is more.
A boat out to the sea at nineteen. Her mother waved goodbye,
Her skin felt like fish-scales, body sprinkled with salt:
How far are you going?
Isn’t it too far for you? From me?

• She decided to leave their town at nineteen years old because she thought there is
no progress in their town. Her mother is somewhat worried about the place
where she will be heading.

Yes. But that was a country where everything was hope.

Neon-lit country, yens of hope, eaters of raw fish.
Everybody was talking about it. All young women went there,
Sing, dance, they would do all that: “O genki desu ka?”
Little paper boats in a girl’s cupped palm…
A young woman floats in the cupped palm of a dead sea.
 • She went to Japan and become an entertainer hoping that her life would change
and become better. However her idea of working there is only sugar coated and
in the end she found herself drifting in the ocean of empty promises.
The Resident Alien as Acrobat

Seen upside down, my smile’s a frown.

How polite I am even as my heart pounds
A wolf paced beat. When I turn around,
I unclench my fist, releasing arrows
Of curses, silently. I walk in a crouch
Disguising kings in my blood and the wings
Fluttering beneath my thin coat.

• He/she conceals his/her true feelings when interacting with the people in that
country. He/she is probably doing that in order to please the people there but
deep inside he is disgusted and nauseated when interacting with them.

I have learnt to say “love”

Without wincing, hearing myself
Tossing cheap syllables
Clanging against fancied objects.
No longer will I stop to save
Each snowflake, a miracle
Melting into tears in my cupped hand.
When my throat rages dry,
I recall the dozen ways to say “rain.”
Now and then, I let my tongue swim
Against the tide of names: my brothers
And sisters leaping wordlessly
Out of my sight, our likeness
Blurring into a muted darkness.
 • His senses were eventually blunted because of his experiences in that country. He
is using reaction formation, a conscious behavior that is exact opposite of an
unconscious feeling, to escape the stressful events in his stay there. As the days
passed his identity of being a Filipino is gradually being washed off.

But, I survive, you see. Even thrive

Here in this jungle of damp noises.
I bare my teeth, twist my jaws
Like a well-trained chimp. Watch me
Blow cartoon bubbles, form frothy
Lace at the corners of my mouth

• He managed to survive the hardships in the country but in doing so he became a

hypocrite in order to adapt in the harsh environment there.

Luzviminda, or Filipinas Make Such Good Maids

They can call Lucy who call me

From the steamy kitchen to show
Their guests how I can, harmonica-
Like, whistle “Blue Moon” through
A folded leaf. The husband touches
My breasts with his eyes. My womb
Teems islands disappearing at high
Tide. Between my legs lie virgin
Forests where snakes still roam
Upright. His wife shows me how
To turn carrot curls into flowered
Appetizers. I teach her how to grow
Trees indoors. She makes dried-up
Balls out of the scented flowers
No bigger than her bitten nails.
When they cannot sleep, I scratch
The twin’s backs simultaneously,
Lulling them with the tales of women
Who fly from the waist up above
Church steeples. Their torsos
Tremble upon loose skirts, tapping
Thin slippers that peer beneath thorn
Bushes. Tomorrow, they will laugh,
Building a snowwoman whose coals
Are my eyes. Each snowflake I catch
Burns my tongue, burns away the words
To the prayer for warding off
The evil eye’s blueness.
In vain, I try to make angels in the melting
Snow but my wingless guardian waits
Where I left her at the customs,
Clutching a passport long expired.
What again is my real name? it rides
And vanishes with my short-lived
Breath. Even the dirty dwarf has given
Up on eating what’s left of a heart, mess
Of pale ashes. My thinning shadow
Crosses the snow bridge of burning
Coals, walking on bare feet home.

• The poem talks about the hardship of a Filipina who works abroad as a domestic
helper. How she adapts and copes with her new environment.
 CHAPTER 4

ANALYSIS

“Forty Thousand Women”

A. Meaning
The poem had a very detailed and striking depiction of China and
condition of the workers during that time. This depiction of the place is
probably during the 80’s-90’s period where there is a surge in the number of
migrant workers or what we call now Overseas Filipino Workers. Another
thing is that these years were the time when One Child policy in China is very
prevalent and male child is more preferred than female child, since male child
can continue to bear the name of the family and can preserve their wealth.
The theme of the poem is the predicament of OFWs. One of the motifs of the
poem is deception, the “forty thousand women’s” hope was represented by
their wings, before they went to China they were full of hope that they will
have better future and would help their families but this is just sugar coated
and in the end they were left with no choice but to perform strenuous manual
labor jobs. Another motif is suffering; these migrant workers are not treated
just, caught in the middle of conflict areas and participate on very demanding
workload. Hope is also another motif of the poem, they are still hoping that
one day their sufferings will be heard and will be relieved from their dreadful
condition.
B. Form
It is an example of a simple lyric.
Forty Thousand Women

Forty thousand women with wings A

Descend on this land the whole world B
Knows and does not know, C
Where the cry of maidens D
Echo in wells and rain forests, E
In caves where stalactites and stalagmites F
Of tears bear tales of dynasties, G
Where feet are bound in tiny iron shoes, H
Where child brides are less than dowries, G
Where female fetuses are aborted, I
Girls are sold as slaves J
Or as piece of meat in the marketplace, K
And daughters lose face K
As they ply the streets at night, L
Groan in bed or moan behind bars M
In an hour darker than darkness. N

Forty thousand women are a fraction of a fraction A

Of those who can’t cross sea or sky, B
Who can’t walk the Great Wall C
For they are busy sweating it out in factories, D
Fetching water by treading bridges for miles and miles, E
Planting seeds, cooking food, F
Breaking their backs, feeding babies D
Of sisters who are too young, old or weak, G
Battered and bruised F
In the crossfire of conflict areas H
In prison and I
In what is called their home J
Colored black and blue, K
Of women climbing mountains, L
Crossing mountains, L
Moving mountains. L
 The women in Beijing and Huairou A
Represent half the sky B
And more beyond any wall C
Or barrier or barbed wire, D
Touch each other’s soul E
And hope to turn moans and groans F
Into a song of a trillion doves. G

C. Voice
The speaker of the poem is a person concerned about the condition of
workers in China; he/she could be an advocate of women migrant workers’
rights. The main character of the poem is the “forty thousand women”,
wherein they are the representation of all the women migrant workers all over
the world. The speaker presented the reality in China with objectivity and
described the place and work as if he/she loathed the place because there
are no positive descriptions of the place. He/she probably used these
descriptions to call the attention of the readers and make an impression that
the condition of the workers there is not pleasant. The author is direct to the
point in depicting the condition of the workers. The author loathed the things
happening in China but he himself don’t have the enough influence/power to
change there condition. This could be seen in the line “the whole world knows
and does not know,” people know what is happening to them but are unable
to help the workers that is why they would just pretend that they don’t know
what is happening.
D. Tone
The speaker presented empathy to the women migrant workers. He/she
did not let his/her emotion get in the way in presenting the reality of their
condition but it is also seen that the speaker is concerned about the condition
of the workers. The author’s attitude towards the subject is pity, he/she feels a
sympathetic sorrow to the sufferings of the workers that is probably the
reason he/she only presented the dark side of working in China so that
 readers will also feel how hard it is to work there. The tone of the theme is
melancholic.
E. Character
The character of the poem is the “forty thousand women”. The characters
play as workers who are maltreated and who are crying for help.
F. Language
The author used figures of speech to somehow color the direct to the point
depiction of the situation of the workers. Some of the examples are
hyperbole: “forty thousand women with wings” and paradox: “In prison and in
what is called their home”. The author used simple yet striking words that can
be easily grasp by the readers. Vivid descriptions of the place helped the
readers to really understand what is happening there. His/her choice of words
also gave the readers the idea of the time period when this situation may be
happening.
G. Meaning in context
The words used in the poem are simple and very appropriate in describing
China in that time being. The choice of words tickled the imagination of the
readers and guided the mind of the readers on how to picture the situation of
the workers. Some of the words and phrases have connotative meaning, one
of which is “…moans and groans” this could mean their cry for help/
sufferings.

“Filipineza”

A. Meaning
Filipineza in the Modern Greek dictionary means maid. The poems talks
about a Filipina who left the Philippines in order to work in a foreign country
as a maid. Prior her departure her mother warned her about the
disappearance of Elena who once worked as a maid also, but she insisted to
lave and bear the brunt so that she could provide food/needs of her family.
From that place she saw the place where Elena once worked and bore a child
 with her married employer. Elena was abused by the man that is why she
decided to emancipate. Although she is not yet found she is living in each of
the Filipina who leaved the country and work abroad. The theme of the poem
is the predicament of migrant workers. One of the motifs of the poem is
sexual abuse, this could be seen in the lines “where she bore a child by a
married man whose floors she washed for years, whose body stained her
memory until she left in the thick of rain”, it could be deduced from these lines
that Elena was forced by the man to have intercourse and eventually bore a
child. “She left in the thick of rain” could also mean that she eventually
escaped from the miserable life she had during her stay with the employer.
Another motif is sacrifice, the speaker wanted to work outside the country so
that she could provide the food and the needs of her family. She is trying to
endure the hardships of working there so that her family members will not
leave the country, she bear the brunt in order to spare her family members.

B. Form
It is an example of a simple lyric.
“Filipineza”

If I became the brown woman mistaken A

For a shadow, please tell your people I’m a tree. B
Or its curling root above ground, like fingers without a rag, C

Without the buckets of thirst to wipe clean your mirror like floors. A
My mother warned me about the disappearance of Elena. B
But I left her and told her it won’t happen to me. C

The better to work here in a house full of faces I don’t recognize. A

Shame is less a burden if spoken in the language of soap and stain. B
My whole country cleans houses for food, so that C

The cleaning ends with the mothers, and the daughters A

 Will have someone clean for them, and never leave B
My country to spend years of conversations with dirt. C

When I get up, I stand like a tree, feet steady, back firm. A
From here, I can see Elena’s island, where she bore a child B
By a married whose floors she washed for years, C

Whose body stained her memory until she left in the thick A
of rain, unseen yet now surviving in the uncertain tongues B
of the newly arrived. Like the silence in the circling motions C
of our hands, she becomes part myth, part mortal, part soap. D

C. Voice
The speaker of the poem is a Filipina woman who works as a maid in a
foreign land. This could be seen in the description of the color of the woman
which is brown and this color is the typical color of skin of our race. Another
thing is that the title of the poem gave us a hint of the speaker’s identity. A
dictionary in Greece was reported to have defined a Filipina (or 'Filipineza') as
a "domestic worker from the Philippines or a person who performs non-
essential auxiliary tasks". The attitude of the speaker is enduring this could be
seen in the line “when I get up, I stand like a tree, feet steady, back firm”,
which means that despite the hardships she could still stand proud and sturdy
as a tree. The attitude of the author is concerned of the things that are
happening when you are working in a foreign country.
D. Tone
The speaker pitied Elena’s condition it could be seen in the manner she
delivered what happened to Elena after she worked at the house of her
employer. She also has a strong conviction that Elena’s mishap will not
happen to her that is why she projects herself as strong and cannot be
abused. The author showed sympathy to Elena but in the end redeemed her
 by immortalizing her personality into each of the Filipina workers who works in
foreign land. The tone of the theme is melancholic.
E. Character
The main character is a OFW, specifically a domestic helper who is
working at a foreign household.
F. Language
The poem was colored with figures of speech some of which were: metaphor,
exemplified in the line”… I’m a tree”, simile was also used by the author and
can be seen in the line “…, I stand like a tree…”. The author used some
symbolisms which could be readily identified if you really concentrate on
reading the poem. One of which is “conversations with dirt” which symbolizes
working as a maid.
G. Meaning in context
The words used by the author are simple but when he combined these
words it gave life to the poem and you will really feel the emotions he is trying
to express. There are also connotative meaning of some of the phrases in the
poem, an example of which is “she becomes part myth, part mortal, part
soap” which means that her experience will be forever remembered and
continue to live in each of the Filipina who leaves the country and works as a
maid in other country.

“Singapore Sunday”

A. Meaning
The poem talks about a migrant worker, specifically a domestic helper.
It can be deduced from the poem that she and other domestic helper are
spending their day-off gathering in a church courtyard and eating Filipino
delicacies. Just like in any other countries where there are Filipino migrant
workers, they have the so-called pockets of gathering wherein they spend
there day-offs or free time congregating in a place where they can spend the
rest of the day chatting, doing some activities such as eating with other
 Filipino migrant worker. The main character in the poem is a Filipina “dh” that
is longing for her husband and very tired of the week’s workload. The theme
of the poem is the predicament of migrant worker. Some motifs of the poem
are longing of the loved ones, reminiscing the homeland.

B. Form
It is an example of a simple lyric. It is a Free verse

Singapore Sunday

We smooth the church courtyard A

With a blanket of fried fish, B
Salted eggs, rice flattened in Tupperware. C
No chopsticks, we say. Our mouths D
Long for the feel of forks and spoons. E
Paper plates swiftly tumble with the wind F
But only our eyes chase after them. G
We laugh at the thought H
Of smelling like fish once again. I
We all smell of newly washed plates. J
Ants approached in hills of red. K
I sweep them off with my fingers. L
One woman looks at me, tells me, M
My hands-as natural as brooms. N
Suddenly, a shower of leaves. O
Like rain, they escape from my fingers. L
In our country, rain comes in the shape of leaves. O
How quickly rain disappears here P
Through unclogged sewers. Q
The feel of week-old floods is unknown. R
I edge away from the group and rest, S
 A month’s worth of letters on my lap. T
Leaning against a tree, I read one. U
The voice of my husband waits in my ear. P
A flood of breeze turns green. V
Now , I don’t think of Mondays W

C. Voice
The speaker of the poem is an OFW, particularly a domestic helper. This
could be seen in the line, “We all smell of newly washed plates” which means
that they just finished one of their works that is washing the dishes which is a
very typical work of a domestic helper. Moreover, a woman approached her
and told her that she have hands as natural as brooms. This supported the
idea that she is indeed a domestic helper. The main character is a Filipina
domestic helper longing for her husband. The speaker is somehow fed up of
the things that she is doing. It could be seen that she is very tired of what she
is doing. The author wants to convey the longing and routine life of a migrant
worker.
D. Tone
The speaker’s attitude toward the subject is melancholic/ sad. The
authors’ attitude toward the subject is also melancholic/ sad as if the author
wants the reader to feel the longing and sadness of the subject. The tone of
the theme is sad. The main character talks about her experience in the
foreign land as a domestic helper. They probably have only one day-off
during the week and usually during the Sundays. It could be seen in the poem
that she wanted to relax during that day and don’t want to think about the
work she will have the next day. The general atmosphere of the poem is
serious.
E. Character
The main character is a Filipina domestic helper. She plays a role of a
longing hero. It could be seen that she is really fed up of her work and is
 longing for her husband and the warmth of her mother land. But she can’t do
anything but to stay because she probably needs to support her family.
F. Language
The author used some figures of speech to add substance and emotions
to the poem. Some of which are simile “We laugh at the thought of smelling
like fish once again”, “my hands—as natural as brooms”, and personification
“The voice of my husband waits in my ear”. The diction of the author is simple
yet very full of emotion and substance; a reader could really feel the longing
and sadness of the main character through the words of the author.
G. Meaning in context
The denotative meaning of the words can be easily understood because
they are simple words. On the other hand some of the phrases/ lines carry a
connotative meaning with them. An example of which is “as natural as
brooms” which means that her features/ skills are really meant for cleaning
households. “Suddenly, a shower of leaves. Like rain, they escape from my
fingers…How quickly rain disappears here.” it could mean hope/ promises
that the working overseas could bring. It could be something that is very
temporary that it is like fluid, you could only have “seconds” to grasp it.

“A night in Dubai”

A. Meaning
The poem talks about the abuse and injustice migrant workers experience
when they are working on foreign countries such us in the Middle East. Sarah
was raped by her old employer while she was working as a domestic helper in
the employer’s household. As a form of self-defense she killed the employer
and was charged of murder and sentenced to be lashed 100 times as her
punishment. The injustice of the judicial system in Dubai is clearly depicted in
the poem. The theme of the poem is the suffering of migrant workers. Some
of he motifs presented in the poem are abuse, sexual and physical abuse in
particular and injustice.
 B. Form
It is an example of a simple lyric. It is a Free verse

“A night in Dubai”

The moon is veiled again and I’m afraid. The stillness smells like oil, burning A
at night. I sleep with the smell of my own fears, wrapped in white linen, as B
if he couldn’t see me beyond this covering and the walls of this jail, from C
the walls of his grave. His eyes-observant discontent, and aged by years D
of thirst-will always be open despite death. I don’t remember killing him. E
But I remember his smell: the oil he rubbed on his body everyday, the F
lamp he carried like jewelry at night, the burning incense as if everyday he F
was preparing for his grave. The oil, the scent of oil, its approach as I G
scrubbed tile after tile of intricate squares and circles, a garden of tiles, this H
garden of blood and crime, even then, each tile was a memory of returning A
to leaves and air, pond water. In the next five days, I will be lashed a hundred I
times. If it means that for every lash, I will remember less, then let them do J
it. I will not ask for forgiveness: I will only ask for a moment to hold my G
mother. She is around me somewhere, behind these walls, beyond this H
city of cloth and eyes. She waits to take me home. She is showing my photographs K
to strangers who have never heard of me. I know. She is telling them: My G
daughter, she is innocent, see this picture, this is my Sarah, see her smiles, L
she is strong, they can whip her all day, but she’d come back flying, like birds, M
like seasonal birds returning A
to the south of our farm. N

C. Voice
The speaker is a domestic helper in Dubai (Sarah). The main character is
Sarah. The attitude of the speaker is very strong. It could be seen that she is
not repenting for the death of the employer because she believes that what
she did was right. She claimed justice in her hands because the judicial
 system in Dubai did not serve her well. She is willing to take the lashes if it
means that she will forget the suffering that she had gone through. The
attitude of the poet is somewhat disgusted and angry of the judicial system
and the people there. The author’s description of the employer clearly depicts
how he disgusted that “animal”. He portrayed the employer as a flesh-hungry
creature and has a fetid smell of oil in his body.
D. Tone
The speaker is unrepentant of what she did to the employer. She is
somehow justifying what she did to the employer and had the idea, that if the
lashing could make her remember less of what had happened to her then she
would gladly accept it. The author conveyed his attitude toward the subject by
making the personality of the subject very strong. It could be seen that the
author wanted the subject to be seen as a strong and very determined
woman, a person who can stand for herself and fight for rights. The author
used very powerful words and adjectives to heighten the emotion of the
poem. The author is well versed in combining and arranging words to elevate
the emotion and feelings of the character. The character expresses her
disgust and non-remorseful attitude toward the employer. It could be seen in
how she describes the man. Although she admitted that she feared the man,
it could also be seen that she is ready to fight when the time comes. The
general atmosphere of the poem is dark and full of anger.
E. Character
The main character is Sarah; a domestic helper who was abused by her
employer. The role of the main character is an oppressed hero. The main
character is a very strong woman; a woman who believes what she did was
right and a woman who can stand for her rights.
F. Language
The author used some figures of speech to add up to the emotions and
substance of the poem. Some of which are simile “…but she’d come back
flying, like birds, like seasonal birds returning to the south of our farm”. “…the
lamp he carry like jewelry at night.” And hyperbole “…garden of blood”
 G. Meaning in context
The author used simple words and the denotative meaning of which are
easily understood. Some phrases/ lines carried connotative meanings with
them some of which is “…beyond this city of cloth and eyes” which means
that she is in a Muslim country because in their tradition the only anatomical
part exposed in women is their eyes and most of the body is covered with
cloth.

“Japayuki”

A. Meaning

The poem talks about the mentality of some of our countrymen about the
financial freedom and socioeconomic gain of working overseas. However,
most of the time it is already late when they realized that this idea is only
sugar-coated. Sugar-coated in a sense that working abroad promises great
opportunities such as earning more money and greener pastures, however
not all who hoped to work overseas succeeded, others are deceived and
ended up miserable. The poem presented a typical scenario of a rural area,
where poverty and simple life is prevalent. A girl of this area felt a surge of
discontentment and had the notion that she could have “more” when she will
go outside their place. However, her hopes of having “more” left her drifting in
a dead sea. The theme of the poem is the struggle of a person’s life. The
struggle against poverty and the monotony of such a simple rustic life and the
notion that going abroad is the only way to break the chains of poverty. Some
motifs of the poem are deception, poverty and rural life.

B. Form
It is an example of a simple lyric.
Japayuki

Amid sand and broken shells lost around her feet, A

The wait had begun. Fishing boats were pulled ashore, B
Fathers inside, paddling, bodies as stiff as oars: B
Their scent was a night’s catch of dead fish. C
A collection of little boats, light as paper, D
Heavy as water receding from shore. B

She baptized them, with cupped hands- A

Fe, Esperanza, Caridad- then wore them: B
A necklace of three little boats on beads C
Of seashells. Someday, a string of pearls. D
Or a string of pearly combs, a gift E
To the mother who did the perpetual combing F

Of her hair, who taught her about simplicity A

with each strand that fell on her lap. B
Don’t wish for more than fried fish on your plates C
Or more than aluminum plates themselves. D
Porcelain, she preferred; she could lick it off clean. E
Chicken bones and pork never got caught in the throat. F
She was tired of fish and the litany of hours: A
The daily wait for fathers with fish, B
The endless counting of moons, the sewing of fishnets C
On hot afternoons, the threading of seashells to sell D
Only to witness a drowned catch of dead men. E
So why not more? F

Because here, A
Nothing is more. B
A boat out to the sea at nineteen. Her mother waved goodbye, C
Her skin felt like fish-scales, body sprinkled with salt: D
How far are you going? E
Isn’t it too far for you? From me? F
Yes. But that was a country where everything was hope. A
Neon-lit country, yens of hope, eaters of raw fish. B
Everybody was talking about it. All young women went there, C
Sing, dance, they would do all that: “O genki desu ka?” D
Little paper boats in a girl’s cupped palm… E
A young woman floats in the cupped palm of a dead sea. F

C. Voice

The persona is a woman living in a fishing village who wants to be

financially well-off by working in Japan as an entertainer. The main character
is the same. The attitude of the speaker is discontentment and unhappiness
of her situation. She believed that there is more to life than waiting for their
father’s catch of fish every day. She believed that by working in another
country she will be financially well-off and can taste the things she doesn’t
have when she was in their town. The author highlights the helplessness of
people in poverty and the deplorable fact that too are many thinking to work
abroad, in this case to Japan. They think that the only solution to poverty is by
working overseas.

D. Tone

The persona wants to get out of poverty and she is resolute in going to
Japan to alleviate that poverty. She is fed-up of the routine life that she had
and thought that she could break free from this life if she will go to Japan. The
author’s attitude toward the subject is pity, pity in sense that the author is
trying to tell the main character that she is just being deceived. However, the
main character is very determined and full of hope that working in Japan will
bring her good life. The tone of the theme is discontentment and the grim trust
of financial deliverance in going to another country.
 E. Character

The main character is a rural-based woman who wants to go to Japan to

become an entertainer. She was full of hope that working there would change
her simple life in their town. The role that the main character plays is a
deceived hero. The attitude of the main character is that her life is basically
hard and is a routine, revolving around fishing. She wants out and she wants
a better life and therefore she will go to the land of promise, Japan

F. Language
The author used some figures of speech an example of which is simile “…
bodies as stiff as oars”, “…her skin felt like fishscales”

G. Meaning in context
The author used simple words and the denotative meaning of which are
easily understood. However, there are some connotative meanings that could
be seen in some phrases/ lines in the poem. An example of which is “Neon-lit
country, yens of hope, eaters of raw fish” which clearly pertains to Japan.
Another example is “Little paper boats in a girl’s cupped palm…” paper boats
pertain to the hope and aspiration of the girl.

“The Resident Alien as Acrobat”

A. Meaning

The life of a foreigner in a foreign land (in this poem, one can go as far as
saying that this is a Filipino expatriate but it is not clear in the poem, it is very
subtly hinted). The theme of the poem is how one adjusts to a foreign land and
the internal struggles that happen in the mind of such kind of a person.
 B. Form
It is an example of a simple lyric.
The Resident Alien as Acrobat

Seen upside down, my smile’s a frown. A

How polite I am even as my heart pounds B
A wolf paced beat. When I turn around, A
I unclench my fist, releasing arrows C
Of curses, silently. I walk in a crouch D
Disguising kings in my blood and the wings E
Fluttering beneath my thin coat. F

I have learnt to say “love” A

Without wincing, hearing myself B
Tossing cheap syllables C
Clanging against fancied objects. D
No longer will I stop to save E
Each snowflake, a miracle F
Melting into tears in my cupped hand. G
When my throat rages dry, H
I recall the dozen ways to say “rain.” I
Now and then, I let my tongue swim J
Against the tide of names: my brothers K
And sisters leaping wordlessly L
Out of my sight, our likeness M
Blurring into a muted darkness. M

But, I survive, you see. Even thrive A

Here in this jungle of damp noises. B
I bare my teeth, twist my jaws C
Like a well-trained chimp. Watch me D
Blow cartoon bubbles, form frothy E
Lace at the corners of my mouth F

C. Voice

The main character/speaker is an expatriate who is trying to adapt to his

new environment by being a hypocrite. The attitude of the speaker is one of
loneliness and resignation to his life as an ex-pat. He is lonely inside because
he has to put up an act in front of his neighbors and resignation because he
knows he has to keep up with this act. The attitude of the poet is one of veiled
anger towards the circumstance of the character.

D. Tone

All in all, one can say that the persona in the poem is frustrated with the
hypocrisy of his life. He has to conform and put up a façade of geniality when
inside he is truly fed up. And he has a sense of resignation to all of these
because he knows that this will go on for a longer time and that he has to
continue on with the act. The tone of the theme is one of sarcasm towards
how an ex-pat shows himself towards the native of the foreign country he is
in. The main character sees his life as a circus, which he compares himself
to a performer who has to act in order to be accepted and to fit in. The author
is very good in juggling words in order to portray a character that is fed-up of
his environment and has to be a hypocrite in order to fit in. The general
atmospheres of the poem are contempt, resignation.

E. Character
The main character is an expatriate; the gender is not specified in the
poem. The role that the character plays is an emotionally strained hero. The
persona has a sarcastic tone brought about by his circumstances. He has
learned to adapt but that adaptation leads him to a life of hypocrisy. The
 persona has a tinge of homesickness, however, his attributes of being a
Filipino is being gradually washed of as he adapts to his new environment.
F. Language
The author used simple yet striking words in order to convey the sarcastic
and hypocrite tone of the speaker. The author also used figures of speech to
the emotion and feelings of the speaker an example of which is simile “I bare
my teeth, twist my jaws like a well-trained chimp”

G. Meaning in context
The words used by the author are simple and their denotative meanings
are easily understood. However some connotative meaning could also be seen
in the phrases/ lines of the poem, one example is “here in this jungle of damp
noises” which means a place that is chaotic and non-accepting.

“Luzvimida, or Filipinas Make Such Good Maids ”

A. Meaning

The poem talks about hardship and life of Filipinas abroad as OFWs,
specifically as domestic helpers. The theme of the poem is the hard life of a
domestic helper. One of the motifs of the poem is the recurring image of the
stereotypical OFW.

B. Form
It is an example of a simple lyric.
Luzviminda, or Filipinas Make Such Good Maids

They can call Lucy who call me A

From the steamy kitchen to show B
Their guests how I can, harmonica- C
Like, whistle “Blue Moon” through D
A folded leaf. The husband touches E
My breasts with his eyes. My womb F
Teems islands disappearing at high G
Tide. Between my legs lie virgin H
Forests where snakes still roam I
Upright. His wife shows me how J
To turn carrot curls into flowered K
Appetizers. I teach her how to grow L
Trees indoors. She makes dried-up M
Balls out of the scented flowers N
No bigger than her bitten nails. O
When they cannot sleep, I scratch P
The twin’s backs simultaneously, Q
Lulling them with the tales of women R
Who fly from the waist up above S
Church steeples. Their torsos T
Tremble upon loose skirts, tapping U
Thin slippers that peer beneath thorn V
Bushes. Tomorrow, they will laugh, W
Building a snowwoman whose coals X
Are my eyes. Each snowflake I catch P
Burns my tongue, burns away the words Y
To the prayer for warding off Z
The evil eye’s blueness. E
In vain, I try to make angels in the melting U
Snow but my wingless guardian waits A1
Where I left her at the customs, B1
Clutching a passport long expired. C1
What again is my real name? it rides D1
And vanishes with my short-lived E1
Breath. Even the dirty dwarf has given R
Up on eating what’s left of a heart, mess E
 Of pale ashes. My thinning shadow B
Crosses the snow bridge of burning U
Coals, walking on bare feet home. F1

C. Voice

The main character is an OFW, specifically a domestic helper. She sees

her life as sad and she has a melancholic attitude towards her life in a foreign
land. One can surmise that the poet want to convey the pain and the attitude of
a DH in a foreign land.

D. Tone

The speaker’s attitude is pain and melancholy. The tone of the theme is
somehow dark. The character, a Filipina DH, talks about her experiences as a
maid abroad. Examples: her interaction with her masters (the lady teaches her
foreign ways of cooking, the man lusts over her), her charges (apparently the
twins she is taking care of), the reminiscing of her native land (shown in the
story of the manananggal), and her problems with the immigration (expired
passport). The general atmosphere of the poem is melancholy.

E. Character
The main character is a Filipina domestic helper. The role that the
character plays is an oppressed hero.

F. Language
The author used some figures of speech to put substance and do deeper
the meaning of the poem. Some of which is personification “Each snowflake I
catch burns my tongue, burns away the words...”

G. Meaning in context
Although the author used simple words, I really find it hard to understand the poem in 2-
3 readings. I had to read the poem several times to get the meaning of the words that
the author used. Some of the phrases/ lines carry connotative meaning with them, an
example of which is “…tales of women who fly from the waist up above church
steeples.” This clearly describes one of the Filipino mythical creature manananggal.
 CHAPTER 5

SUMMARY, FINDINGS, CONCLUSION, RECOMMENDATION

A. SUMMARY

Chapter 1 presented the introduction of the study wherein it focused on the brief
history of labor migration in the Philippines. Philippine labor migration can trace its roots
400 years ago during the Spanish era. Then this was followed by the first wave of
migration wherein expansive number of Filipino farmers moved to the California, Alaska
and other American territories in the Pacific to work in plantations and canneries. This
was followed by the second wave which was characterized by a period of the so-called
“brain drain”. Although this second wave was short-lived and the number of migrants
was small, it made a definite impact in the country’s labor force as professionals,
academics, doctors and engineers left the Philippines. The movement of migrants
rebounded on the third wave when thousands of Filipinos left the country in the 1970s
bound for jobs as construction workers and other blue-collar professionals in the Middle
East. Moreover, the third wave continues until this time but many women take on jobs
as domestic helpers and entertainers, but a substantial number are professionals, such
as nurses and other caregivers. A major concern of advocacy groups is that these
women, especially domestic workers and entertainers working in Hong Kong, Japan,
Singapore and the Middle East, are vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. Chapter 1
also presented the major problems that need to be addressed in this paper such as the
condition of migrant workers overseas, the effect of labor migration on one’s self, family
and society and the profile of migrant workers in terms of age, gender, work and
socioeconomic status. The migrant workers, government, family members of migrant
workers and non-government organizations are the expected beneficiaries of the study.
 Chapter 2 was the review of related literature and related studies. Different
relevant articles and books were used to support the answers presented in the study.
The case of Sarah Balabagan and Flor Contemplacion was also reviewed in the said
chapter. Various conditions of migrant workers around the globe were also mentioned in
the review. Studies conducted by the Scalabrini migration center offered great help in
answering the problems presented in the study.

Chapter 3 summarizes the different contemporary poems collected by the

researcher. The meaning of each stanza was summarized into 1-2 sentences to
facilitate in-depth analyses of the poems.

Chapter 4 presented the analyses of the selected contemporary poems that mostly
tackle on the experiences of migrant workers abroad. Each poem was analyzed using 7
different categories which are meaning, form, voice, tone, character, use of language
and meaning in context.

Chapter 5 discussed thoroughly the findings of the paper. Each statement of the
problem was elaborately answered on the findings. Moreover, some recommendations
were also presented in this chapter.

B. FINDINGS

How do the authors portray the experiences of the migrant workers? Is this
an accurate portrayal of what is really happening to them?

The authors portrayed the experiences of the migrant workers as somehow

abusive and oppressive. Migrant workers are portrayed as physically and emotionally
scarred and spiritually near-drained individuals who are hoping that someone might help
them or alleviate their condition.

6 out of the 7 poems that were analyzed clearly portrayed the experiences of
migrant Filipina workers, the remaining one did not gave a clue on the gender of the
main character. They are usually the recipient of abuse, discrimination, underpayment
and the likes. Women in migration is neither a new subject of study nor a new
phenomenon. Women have indeed taken their place in the world of human mobility. An
increasing number of women, either single or married, have decided to migrate on
account of the fact that the local economy does not need them any longer, or because
they themselves seek a way out from structures which are at times oppressive.

Women migrants are increasing in numbers and proportion to male migrant

workers. At present the gender composition of migrant workers is almost equally divided
among the sexes. But in some countries such as Indonesia and Sri Lanka, women
migrant workers are vastly dominant in proportion to their male counterparts.This
phenomenon proves the so-called feminization of migration labor as stated earlier in the
introduction. However, because of this surge in the number of women migrants, their
value is often undermined.
In the book entitled Underpayment: Systematic Extortion of Migrant workers in
Hong Kong (IRTHKR, 2005). There are basically three types of female migrant workers
in Asia. The first is the entertainment (and sex) worker, the second, the domestic worker
or” maid”, and the third the manufacturing worker. There are other service workers such
as nurses and other health workers, but the first three dominate the field

The sex workers are the most desperate of the women migrant workers. Criminal
syndicates who run brothels in the host countries recruit women under the guises as
“culture” workers, “students” or “trainees”. Or they come as “tourists”. They are the most
vulnerable to abuse not only by the criminal gangs but by the employers and the clients.
They are cloistered and often held prisoners in windowless houses. And sex workers
are the most vulnerable to sexually transmitted disease and HIV/AIDS.

Domestic helpers are very much in demand in Asia. They are hired primarily to
free local women from housework and in order for them to more actively participate in
economic endeavors in the host country. Domestic helpers are generally oppressed by
the nature of their work. Their work involves taking care of babies, elderly, ailing
members of the family or disabled people. It involves cleaning the house and cooking
food; scrubbing toilets; laundry work and sometimes “massaging” their employers. They
are “on-call” twenty four hours a day. They have no specific work hours. The baby or
sick person may call her attention at midnight or dawn. Moreover the domestic helpers
do not have a “personal life”. They live and work in the same address. There is no
distance between personal life and work. This can be very stressful. This is exacerbated
by the lack of privacy and literally the lack of place to sleep. Often she has no room to
herself. She must share her room with someone else. Some maids have to share their
rooms with unrelated males (gardener or son of the employer). The maid had to brush
her teeth in full view of her employers. It is in this situation where sexual harassment
can take place.

Eviota, in her book, The Political Economy of Gender: Women and the Sexual
Division of Labor in the Philippines echoes a similar concern fro the Filipino women
migrants:
But while the work abroad may be higher paying and fulfilling for some women, it
has been painful or violent for other. There has been documented evidence of Filipino
women who have lived in a world of fear, degradation, insanity and sexual abuse. Rape
has been a “common occurrence” in some areas. And murder has been the fate of a
few women.

Workers coming home usually find themselves disoriented and dislocated:

“When I came back, I was already pregnant—the more difficult it was to return. It was a
shame—Japayuki na nga, buntis at disgrasyada pa! Before, I hated Japan… but now I
am eating my words…”(Entertainer in Japan). “My husband doubted me, but I
reassured him that he was still no. 1… my child became a problem. He seemed to be
distant, very distant, and very aloof. It was long before I was able to bridge the gap—
may be two years” (Entertainer in Japan)

“It’s unfortunate that the issue of migrant workers was not strongly pushed by the
Philippine delegation at the women’s conference in Beijing. The whole world knows
about the proliferation of Filipino domestic helpers abroad. We need not pretend that
this problem is not serious. While our government is trying to improve the economy to
attract these workers home, and to discourage others from leaving, there is the fact of
thousands of women working abroad, being exploited, raped, tortured, underpaid.”
(Torrevillas, 1995)

Migrant worker are hired in the light manufacturing and labor intensive sections
of production. Here the prime skills of women for work involving meticulous and patient
attention to details are in much demand. This is again a skill which extends back to their
role as housekeeper, cloth-maker, and sewer of dresses in traditional society. As
migrants, they also face many problems especially if they are undocumented or
undeclared. They work in substandard working conditions. They live in subhuman
conditions. They are prone victims of industrial accidents because instructions for the
use of equipment are not in their language and there is no sufficient instruction given to
them. Thus, many migrant workers end up with less a hand or finger after their tour of
service. Others acquire work-related diseases and since most of them are not legal,
they are not entitled to any compensation for health damage while at work. Labor
migration for an increasing number of women and men has cost them their very lives.

Moreover, underpayment is also one of the issues faced by the migrant workers.
In Hong Kong the government stipulates a minimum wage of HKD 3270 for domestic
workers, regardless of nationality. A HKD 50 rise in the minimum wage is applicable to
all contracts signed on or after May 19, 2005. Despite this lowered minimum wage,
reduced in 2001 from HKD 3670, underpayment remains common. In fact, forty six of
sixty nine respondents (67%) in the HK-I Survey indicated that they were paid only HKD
1700 to HKD 2200, while nineteen indicated being paid the full salary. This HKDW
Survey found that around 42% of the migrant workers are underpaid, with 26% reporting
that they received only HKD 2000 per month, and another 10% paid only HKD 1800.
Respondents reported receiving actual wages ranging from HKD 1000 to 4000 with the
largest group, or 32% receiving minimum wage of HKD 3270, 23% were paid HKD
3670. Around 84% of respondents were paid in cash, while 10% were paid by check
and 5% by bank transfer.
 The negative consequences of migration on Filipino women are fully symbolized
by the Flor Contemplacion-Delia Maga case which received national and international
attention and Sarah Balabagan case. It is like a Pandora’s Box which exposed the
causes and ill effects on Filipinas in migration. Their families for which Filipino women
sacrifice separation; loneliness and even maltreatment are also affected.

Other than exploitation, physical and sexual abuse another issue that plagues
the lives of migrant domestic workers is the dislocation of non-belonging. The
dislocation of non-belonging defines the community life of Filipina domestic workers in
both Rome and Los Angeles. They feel a sense of constant discomfort that
characterizes their lived experiences in the migrant community. Non-belonging results
from two distinct sources of social exclusion for these two groups of women. For women
in Los Angeles, it stems from the Filipino migrant community, and for women in Rome,
from the dominant Italian society. Despite its different sources, non-belonging is a
shared localized dislocation for these two groups of female migrant workers. It is a
discomfort that constantly affects their behavior, attitudes and feelings in the
community.

In both Rome and Los Angeles, the migrant community maintains coexisting
cultures of collectivism and competition. In other words, migrant Filipina domestic
workers find not just support but also from the migrant community. Explained by the
state of non-belonging of the migrant subject, the coexistence of “anomie” and
“solidarity” for migrant Filipina domestic workers in Rome and Los Angeles summarizes
the depiction of their community life (Mahler,1995)

Sentiments of non-membership also result from the restricted social integration allowed
migrants in a xenophobic society such as that of Italy. This segregation is reflected in
Filipinos’ avoidance of public spaces of leisure. For example, of forty six female
interviewees, only two have ever gone to the movies on their own, that is, without
employers or young wards. (Salazar, 2003). “To my discomfort Italians often vocalized
their surprise or just stared at me when I entered higher-end clothing stores or even
neighborhood Italian restaurants. I was not accorded this treatment when accompanied
by my white friends, that is Italians or Americans, as their presence established my
identity as a “tourist” whose purchasing power abated my racial othering as a Filipino.
While interviewees explain that they restrict their leisure activities in public social spaces
so as to minimize their expenses, without the doubt the “self-imposed” restriction of
leisure space among Filipinos is also influenced by their construction as perpetual
foreigners in Italy (Salazar, 2003)”. Hence, it is not surprising that settlement is driven
by an intense desire to return to Philippines, where not only would they reunite with the
children whom they wish to attain a higher social status that they economically garner in
migration.
An example of a practice of solidarity in the community is the use of pockets of
gathering as a base of support from the workplace. Conversations in pockets of
gathering often concern their problems at work. Women voice complains about
demanding, inconsiderate, or pestering employers. While some wistfully sigh and wish
that they could tell their employer’s off, others brag about having fought back or tell
stories of how they ignored direct orders. Stories also relate verbal battles that they
have had in public social spaces, such as fights over a snide remark directed at them on
the bus. Pockets of gathering essentially function as their main site of support. It is
where women can find release from the stress of the work week and relief from their
discomfort in the social spaces of Italians. Thus, migrant Filipina domestic workers
create and use pockets of gathering not only to avoid Italians but also to create a base
support in Rome. Hence, the formation of pockets of gathering fulfills one of the
urgencies promoted by the practical consciousness of non-belonging, that is, the need
to create a supportive niche away from the dominant society.

Although the previous spatial formation of the community only fosters the spirit of
camaraderie, yet not all of the activities in the community strengthen camaraderie.
Some women who were once assisted by strangers in their early stages of their
settlement also warned other new comers in trusting anyone in the community. Many of
the informants told that they have no friends in the community including Christina
Manansala, who states. “There is no such thing as a friend here. In Rome, Filipinos
cannot have friends.” An extremely high level of distrust plagues relationships among
Filipinos. Friends are considered dangerous, a source of pain, and consequently a
threat from whom one must protect oneself. Other Filipina domestic workers, who are
only concerned with their own advancement, do not care about the expense of their
actions to others in the community.

Competition over the accumulation of capital is an underlying feature of the migrant

community. Though most migrant Filipina domestic workers acknowledge the existence
of this competition, they also deny their active participation in it. Instead, as most of my
interviewees did, they portray themselves as competitive domestic workers, particularly
those who are jealous of their success in the labor market. Workers describe two types
of “bad seeds” tainting the culture of solidarity in the community: women who hoard jobs
and women who practice sulutan, which means to undermine or betray for personal
gain. Women who hoard jobs are those who charge a fee for job referrals and those
who do not share with other domestic workers jobs that they cannot maintain. For
example, some domestic workers with a full schedule, when offered additional jobs that
they cannot accommodate, would rather not share their load with another domestic
worker but would prefer to reduce their hours in their other jobs so as to hoard the new
job.

One can clearly see that the authors’ portrayal of labor migration is almost
accurate and got almost all of the details of what is really happening to them. We can
conclude that aside from physical aberration, they are also suffering from the emotional
aspect as well.
 What are the effects of labor migration on one’s self, family and society?

One thinks and foremost of the women who are experiencing the heartbreak of
having left their own family behind in their native country…a large part of the burden of
the family often falls on the women. They have to submit to a great pressure of work in
order to provide for the family’s daily sustenance so as to achieve the goals for which
they left their country. (PJP II, 1995)

Archbishop Giovanni Cheli, a president of the pontifical Council for the Pastoral
Care of Migrants and Itinerant People, highlighted the problems typical of women
migrants, such as exploitation, alienation and loneliness which are manifested clearly in
women who are the weakest link in the phenomenon of migration (L, Osservatore
Romano, N. 36, 7 September 1994).

The situation of Filipino women in migration is even more vulnerable. Employed in

large numbers in the domestic and entertainment sectors, they are frequently submitted
to harassment and sexual abuse. Subject to pregnancy controls and barred from
marrying citizens of some countries, they suffer serious offense of their human rights.

Although the previous spatial formation of the community only fosters the spirit of
camaraderie, yet not all of the activities in the community strengthen camaraderie.
Some women who were once assisted by strangers in their early stages of their
settlement also warned other new comers in trusting anyone in the community. Many of
the informants told that they have no friends in the community including Christina
Manansala, who states. “There is no such thing as a friend here. In Rome, Filipinos
cannot have friends.” An extremely high level of distrust plagues relationships among
Filipinos. Friends are considered dangerous, a source of pain, and consequently a
threat from whom one must protect oneself. Other Filipina domestic workers, who are
only concerned with their own advancement, do not care about the expense of their
actions to others in the community.
 Labor migration also brought about anomie among the migrant workers. In order
to gain more money in order to sustain their families overseas, most migrant Filipina
domestic workers engage in capitalist activities in the community in the hopes of
expediently meeting their goal of capital accumulation. Profits from the community are
considered a viable source of supplementary income. Consequently, financial
transactions are an extensive part of the daily rituals of community life. Most of the
domestic workers supplement their primary income as domestic workers with what they
refer to as a “sideline”, meaning an informal micro business. “Making money off the
margins” (Mahler, 1995) is a characteristic feature of migrant life not exclusive to the
Filipino community in Rome. It has also been identified among Mexican immigrants in
San Diego (Chavez, 1992), Latino refugees in Long Island (Mahler, 1995), and Haitians
in Miami (Portes and Stepick, 1993). Nonetheless, its extent among migrant Filipinos in
Rome seems to be unparalleled, since almost everyone in the community maintains a
sideline.

The migration of Filipinos to work in other countries has been a source of mixed
blessings to the country/ on the one hand, the economic benefits of migration have
enabled ordinary Filipinos to attain a better life. Remittances mean revenues and a
major source of foreign exchange. On the other hand, the social costs are more difficult
to measure. The very act of migration itself raises serious questions. What does it mean
that many Filipinos are leaving the country to find work elsewhere? Are people losing
hope in carving a future in the country to find work elsewhere? Since migration is not
always safe, there are also concerns about the safety and protection of Filipino
nationals abroad. Most of all, there are anxieties about the consequences of separation
for families. How can families weather the strains brought about by separation? What
kinds of adults will result from children who will be growing up without fathers, mothers
or both?

These questions have assumed more importance and have also been laced with
greater alarm with the increasing participation of women in international labor migration.
In the 1970s and 1980s, the departure of fathers, mainly to the Middle East, already
caused apprehension. Somehow this was assuaged by the thought that mothers were
around to pull the family together. Also, fathers leaving the home to find work elsewhere
were part of their role as providers. In the 1980s, women started to take up jobs abroad
and the trend has become irreversible. With women’s migration, more questions came
up and more unease was felt. Given the role of women as primary caregiver in the
family, their departure has put the well-being of the family on the line. Can fathers or
other caregivers take the place of mothers? How will the family adjust to the absence of
mothers? How will children be raised without the “light of the home” (ilaw ng tahanan)?
The migration of women, thus posed more concerns about the family, and by extension,
Filipino society. Considered by Filipinos as central to their sense of wellbeing (SyCip,
Asis and Luna, 2000), the family is also widely regarded as the source of strength of
Filipino society. Former President Corazon Aquino (2002:19) has remarked:
Much of our national traits both good and bad spring from our sense of family. On
the negative side, this has tended to breed nepotism, overdependence and
parochialism, stunting the growth of a dynamic, entrepreneurial culture. On the positive
side, this strong sense of family has made us rather sensitive—what we might call a
“feeling” (more than a “thinking”) people. When pulling together, we can be a caring,
hospitable, closely-knit community founded on a strong sense of kinship.

A joint research project undertaken by conducted by Episcopal Commission for

the Pastoral Care of Migrants and Itinerant People/ Apostleship of the Sea-Manila,
Scalabrini Migration Center and Overseas Workers Welfare Administration revealed
these conclusions regarding the impact of international labor migration on the young
children and families left behind.

On the question of parental absence, based on the survey, the study finds that
parental absence creates displacements, disruptions and changes in care giving
arrangements. The departure of one or two parents leaves an emotional mark on the
young children left behind, the children long for the presence of the migrant parent(s),
especially when the mothers are away. But the study also suggests that the children are
attended to by the family—mostly the mothers when it is the fathers who migrate, other
female relatives and/or the fathers when it is the women who leave, and other female
relatives and the extended family when both parents are out. Despite the emotional
displacement, the children of migrants are not disadvantaged vis-à-vis the children of
non-migrants in many dimensions of well-being. Thus, when the family is stable, it can
withstand the separation imposed by migration.

In terms of socio-economic variables, the children of migrants are markedly

better off compared to the children of non-migrants. Aside from objective indicators of
SES, such as home ownership and ownership of durable goods, the children of
migrants also perceived their families as doing well as far as economic status is
concerned. This economic advantage appears to provide the children of migrants with
other advantages. More OFW children are enrolled in private schools. The study has
also documented that OFW children are more likely to participate in extracurricular
activities, such as camping, field trip, school programs, and so forth. Their exposure to
these programs not only broadens their learning, which may have contributed to their
overall academic performance relative to non-OFW children, the present study found
the opposite. At least during the elementary years, various school/ academic indicators
point to OFW children belonging to higher sections, earning higher grades and receiving
school awards. However, consistent with the 1996 study, the children f migrant mothers
tend to lag somewhat behind compared to other children. it is also possible that the
better economic status of migrant families has contributed to the better health outcomes
observed among OFW children/

The cradle of the extended family system provides the children of migrants with
care and socialization which are not that different from what the children of non-
migrants receive. Children, both from OFW and non-OFW families alike, are given
chores at home, which forms part of their responsibility training. The values transmitted
to children—basically an emphasis on traits and characteristics to promote smooth
interpersonal relationship—are similar in both migrant and non-migrant families.
Children in both groups also receive spiritual formation from their families. Interestingly,
the present study finds higher church/ mosque attendance and praying among children
of migrants than non-OFW children.

Due to the migration of one or both parents, children in OFW families experience
a reconfiguration of gender roles in the family as well as different ways of maintaining
family relationship. The departure of mothers and both parents has clearly rearranged
care giving and provider roles. Thus, in migrant families, the distribution of gender roles
is different from the traditional stay-at-home mothers and “working” fathers or the
emerging dual-earner families. The changing roles of mothers, fathers, and the
extended family (particularly, other female relatives) are evident in migrant families.
Family relationships remain close, but in migrant families, these are maintained not by
presence by constant communication. The popularity of cell phones and the use of
phone calls and texting have displaced other modes of communication. Particularly in
the FGDs, it was apparent that the access to instant communication has helped bring
members together despite the distance.

In terms of physical health and socio-psychological measures, the children of

OFWs are as well-adjusted or they even fare better compared to non-OFW children.
Among OFW children, however, the children of migrant mothers do not do as well
(although the differences are not as always marked).

Thus, data from the survey indicate that in general terms, the children of OFWs
in tow-parent families are managing well. The challenge is the future. For now, the
children are fine. However, the FGDs (focus group discussions) with the adolescents
indicate trouble spots ahead since they have to deal with issues other than family and
school. The challenge, thus, is how families and other institutions can shepherd and
support children as they tread the transition into adolescence.

It should be mentioned that when we consider the data from the FGDs with left-
behind care givers and adolescents, we also get a different picture: the lingering
emotional costs of the separation of family members. For the most part, families
(according to left-behind caregivers and adolescents in the FGDs) manage their
problems within the family and through prayers.

The children’s responses indicate that overseas migration will continue. This
early, the children are already entertaining thoughts of migrating and working abroad,
and their career plans are very much shaped by what would be marketable abroad. This
has implications not just for the family but for the country as a whole.

One major effect of labor migration is the so-called “brain drain” and it resultant
“diseconomy”. In their book International Economy, Kindelberger and Lindert explain: “If
a scientist leaves Britain, he takes his production with him, but he also takes his income
representing a claim on goods equal to his marginal product…If there were no external
effects of any kind, it could be argued that what a man did was entirely his business.”

However, they added: “The external factors cannot be overlooked. Abundant and
therefore cheap scientists, engineers, doctors or even economists are an external
benefit for other factors in the nation, a scarcity of technical and professional personnel
is a diseconomy.”

According to the discussion paper entitled “The Social and Economic Impact of
Philippine Labor Migration and Remittances” written by Victorina Zosa and Aniceto
Orbeta, Jr., social impacts of labor migration covers a gamut of areas from education,
health, family cohesion, fertility and demographic distribution. “Migration and education
are closely intertwined,” the paper reads. “Just as education is an important determinant
of labor migration, labor migration in turn, influences the demand for education of those
left behind,” it added.

Management Association of the Philippines president Eusebio B. Tan noted in an

earlier interview that education is the key to honing the talents and skills of Filipinos.
“Since many talents in the Philippines are considering working for other countries in
search for greener pasture, the challenge for the government is to produce
replacements,” Mr. Tan said. “Students should be trained very well in order to fill the
shoes of those who left in the country,” he added.

Good education increases the chance of finding a job in the global market. The
skills, knowledge, credentials and second language gained in school increases the
competency of Filipinos.

Labor migration, meanwhile, also has an impact on health issues in the country.
“The literature on migration-health interaction covers the economic dimension of the
migration of health professionals, as well as the health dimensions of labor migration,”
Ms. Zosa and Mr. Orbeta wrote in their paper. The issue on the nursing brain drain has
been evident since 1960’s when it consisted of permanent migration towards the United
States. From the 1970’s onwards, the demand for Filipino nurses as temporary contract
workers expanded numerically and geographically. Data from the POEA show that a
total of 117,954 Filipino nurses were deployed all over the world from 1993 to 2007.
Bulk of the nurses serviced Saudi Arabia followed by the United Kingdom and Ireland.

Former president of the Philippine Nurses Association, Inc. Leah Primitiva G.

Samaco-Paquiz said in an interview that deterioration of health services in the country
could be evident eventually if the nursing brain drain continues. “Population of other
countries is inverted, meaning elders dominate their population, whereas in the
Philippines it’s the reverse,” Ms. Samaco-Paquiz said. “This means that other countries
are really in need of the services that Filipinos could offer, especially nurses,” she
added.

Aside from the first two social impacts of labor migration in the Philippines, it
inevitably affects the family. “Permanent migrants confront the issue of family migration,
while temporary migrants contend with the family left-behind,” the paper reads.
According to the study, there are three separate concerns related to the type of
migration: permanent migrants, marriage to foreigners, and temporary migrants.
“Permanent migrants are considered better off because their families are usually with
them while the most often cited problematic group are temporary migrants whose
families are left behind.”

In addition, labor migration, especially of parents, resulted in adverse effects on

children left behind. “They obtain lower academic ratings, are predisposed to common
illness, and are prone to loneliness and anxiety,” the paper noted. Higher probability of
occurrence of the scenario is when a mother is the one working abroad. According to a
study presented in the discussion paper, 709 children from Metro Manila, Bulacan and
Rizal revealed that children with the mother abroad tend to be more angry, confused,
apathetic, and more afraid than other children.

Needless to say, the Philippines’ economic development has been boosted by

labor migration.

Many economists and analysts believe that remittances from workers abroad
helped the country during the recent global economic turmoil.

Money sent home by overseas Filipino workers reached a new record high as of
end of 2009. Remittances have reached $17 billion data from the central bank show.
This was 4% higher than the $16.4 billion recorded in 2008. Aside from helping the
country remain afloat from the recent crisis, remittances from Filipinos abroad have
definitely increased household income. This income, in the meantime, could be
consumed or invested through different investment vehicles. “On the aspect of
consumption, the effect is not only limited to the total consumption expenditure but is
also expected to affect the distribution to the different expenditure items as well,” the
paper noted. The basic expectation from economic theory is that remittances increase
income, and is thus expected to increase the demand for normal goods because there
is more money for spending.

Furthermore, the paper also noted that remittances, as indicated by exchange

rate shocks, reduce poverty incidence but not poverty depth as measured by the
poverty gap. In addition as poverty incidence declines among migrant households with
favorable exchange rate changes, there is evidence of spillovers to non-migrant
households. This is channeled through a rise in gifts from migrant households to non-
migrant households and a general increase in economic activity arising from
remittances. Effects of labor migration in the Philippines are not just about development,
eventually, when the government failed to provide proper training to the younger
generation, deterioration of the labor market in the country may occur. In the meantime,
the Philippines has that bragging right to say that Filipinos are really outstanding
workers. “Labor migration is a reflection of the recognition of competency of Filipinos
globally,” Mr. Tan said.

Dr. Tan said the Philippines has enough professionals, from caregivers to
engineers, to supply both the international and domestic labor markets without hurting
the domestic economy. “We are supplying enough (migrant workers). It’s not really a
brain drain but a skimming of the better quality nurses, for instance. That’s the kind of
drain that we have. She recommends an overhaul of the entire educational system to
remedy this problem.

One of the revolutionary developments in the third wave of labor is the rise of
migrant civil society groups. Whether or not there is a brain drain or high unemployment
in the country, such groups have found enough reasons to establish their migrant-
oriented non-government organizations.

Migrante, for instance, was originally a self-help organization defending the rights
of Filipino migrant workers in Saudi Arabia and other countries. “That was the nature of
our organizing job back then. But in 1986, we convened all these groups to become an
international organization,” Mr. Gratela relates.

According to Mr. de Guzman who organized Kaibigan ng OCWs, Inc. in 1980,

migrant-oriented NGOs are a response to needs of Filipino migrants such as welfare,
legal assistance and advocacy for and against Philippine government’s policies, among
others.
 The brisk movement of Filipino workers abroad spawned an entire industry
around the business opportunities arising from labor migration. Such economic
opportunities are found in every step of the aspiring migrant’s quest for a job abroad
from application to processing of papers, to travel arrangements, to remitting money
home, until his return when enterprising businessmen target his saving for possible
investments.

Government too, has realized revenues from the labor migration. The Overseas
Workers Welfare Administration, for one, has imposed a compulsory fee on migrant
workers, aside from its other requirements that are viewed as major sources of revenue.
For their part, many NGOs have been conducting compulsory pre-departure orientation
seminars for government, for a fee.

Most of the older civil society groups working for migrant workers such as
Kaibigan ng OCWs, Kapisanan ng mga Kamag-anak ng Migranteng Manggagawang
Pilipino (Kakammpi), Kanlungan Centre Foundation, and Migrante hold that a change in
the system, the export of labor, is the solution to the problems of the Philippines.
However, says Mr. de Guzman, “We do recognize the rights of migrants. It is hard to
stop them from going out since there is no decent job in the Philippines with decent
pay.”

In spite of its utterances to the contrary, government has not succeeded in

convincing civil society and the general public that it does not regard labor migration as
a permanent solution to the country’s economic woes. As it steps up to seize the
opportunities for Filipino workers in every global crisis, the Philippine government is
communicating the inescapable conclusion that labor migration is here to stay.

What is the profile of the migrant workers in terms of age, gender, work and
socioeconomic status?
 The number of overseas workers, based on the 2000 Census of Population and
Housing was 992,397. This accounted for 1.3 percent of the population and an increase
of 210,100 persons over the 1995 census results. From only 417,301 in 1990, the
number of overseas workers more than doubled after 10 years.

Overseas deployment by sex was almost even with the males (50.27 percent) at
a little advantage over the females (49.73 percent). This translated to a sex ratio of 101
males for every 100 females. Also, there was a male overseas worker for every 77
males in the Philippine population. The same was true for the females.

Southern Tagalog (Region IV) contributed 177,155 overseas workers or 17.85

percent of all overseas workers. This was followed by the National Capital Region
(NCR) with 165,575 persons and Central Luzon (Region III) with 135,802 persons.
Although these three regions combined accounted for thirty-nine percent of the total
population, they contributed almost half (48.2 percent) of the overseas workers. This
could be attributed to the relatively high unemployment in these areas. Another possible
reason is that many employers and recruitment agencies were based in NCR and the
other two neighboring regions. Caraga region contributed the smallest number of
overseas workers, with 10,279 persons (1.04 percent).

A cursory look at the proportion of male and female overseas workers by region
revealed that males dominated among the overseas worker in NCR, Regions III, IV, VII,
VIII, X and Caraga. However, women overseas workers outnumbered their male
counterparts in Regions I, II, V, IX, XI, XII, and ARMM. Eight regions in the country
registered a proportion of overseas workers higher than the national level (1.30
percent). These regions were Ilocos Region, (2.24 percent); ARMM, (1.78 percent);
Central Luzon, (1.69 percent); NCR, (1.67 percent); Cagayan Valley, (1.59 percent);
Southern Tagalog, (1.50 percent); CAR, (1.50 percent); and Western Visayas, (1.32
percent). On the other hand, Caraga (0.49 percent) had the lowest percentage to the
regional population.
 Overseas workers recorded a median age of 32 years. This means that half of
our overseas workers were below 32 years old. Even at an almost equal number of
male and female workers, the distribution showed disparities by region. Male overseas
workers had a higher median age of 35 years than that of the female overseas workers
(29 years). Across regions, median age of overseas workers was higher than the
national average in Southern Tagalog and National Capital Region (34 years);
Cordillera Administrative Region, Ilocos, Central Luzon (33 years); and the lowest in
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (25 years).

There were also a high proportion of overseas workers in the 10 to 14 age group
(10.04 percent). This implies that young people who are not allowed to work under
Philippine laws go into overseas work notwithstanding possible child abuse and
exploitation in the receiving countries. This indicates possible misreporting of the age of
these overseas workers to recruitment agencies and to host countries. Six out of every
ten overseas workers in the age group 29 years and below were female. The disparity
was even greater in the 10 to 14 year age group, where two out of every three overseas
workers were female. On the other hand, males outnumbered women in the older age
groups with the highest proportion of males in the 50 to 54 year age group (65.25
percent).

Slightly more than half of overseas workers (55.8 percent) were married. This
can be partially attributed to the fact that married individuals have greater economic
responsibility and hence, an option is to have either of the couple go abroad to earn
money. On the other hand, 35.10 percent of the overseas workers were never married.
The rest were widowed, separated/ divorced, common-law spouses, or did not report
their marital status. A higher proportion of married over single individuals can be
observed in all regions, except in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM)
where there were more single (48.60 percent) than married overseas workers (44.43
percent). This can be attributed to the observation that ARMM had a young median age
for migrants. Six out of every ten single overseas workers, were women. In contrast,
only four out of every married overseas worker were women.
 Household heads constituted 30.83 percent of all overseas workers. This maybe
attributed to the fact that census respondents regarded these overseas workers as
household heads even if they were absent from the household since they had bigger
incomes than the other members of the household. Nine out of every ten overseas
workers who were household heads were males. Among male overseas workers, 54.7
percent were considered household heads. On the other hand, 52.2 percent of female
overseas workers were daughters of the household heads.

Eight out of every ten overseas workers were Roman Catholics (79.77
percent).Other major religious affiliations were Islam (6.09 percent), Iglesia ni Cristo
members (2.36 percent) and Aglipayans (2.09 percent). Across regions, majority of the
Filipino overseas workers were reported as Roman Catholics except for Autonomous
Region in Muslim Mindanao, where Islam comprised 94.43 percent of the total overseas
workers. Roman Catholics accounted for only 2.28 percent in that region.

Filipino overseas workers had a very high rate of literacy at 96.1percent. This
was much higher than the 92.28 percent national literacy rate. Literacy rate of female
overseas workers was almost the same as that of the males.At the regional level, the 7
highest literacy rate was observed in the National Capital Region (98.7 percent) and
Ilocos Region (98.6 percent).

It was noted earlier that Regions III, IV and NCR had sent the highest number of
Filipino overseas workers. People in these regions classified themselves as Tagalog.
This is the predominant ethnic group of the overseas workers with 34.11 percent of the
total overseas workers. The other major ethnic groups were Ilocano (14.81 percent),
Cebuano (8.24 percent), Hiligaynon/Ilongo (7.23 percent), Kolibugan/Kalibugan (5.57
percent), Bisaya/Binisaya (4.72 percent), Bikol/Bicol (4.43 percent).

The median educational attainment of overseas workers was high school level.
About 29.24 percent had attended/finished high school, 19.20 percent, elementary
education, and 18.93 percent were college undergraduates. Overseas workers with
academic degree and with post baccalaureate courses constituted 12.28 percent and
0.88 percent, respectively. Education by sex revealed that up to high school level, there
were more females than males. On the other hand, majority of the overseas workers
who had reached post secondary education and higher were males. This shows that
among overseas workers, males are better educated than females. This pattern is the
reverse of that of the population left behind, where females dominated the higher levels
of education. This implies that males would seek overseas work which requires higher
education, while women who work abroad would have less academic qualifications.

The number of households with Filipino overseas workers in the country was
placed at 800,051 households in 2000, constituting 5.24 percent of the total households
in the country. This implies that there were households with more than one overseas
worker among their household members. The average household size of households
with overseas workers was 5.86 persons, higher than that of the national average (five
persons). On the other hand, the average household size of households without
overseas workers was 4.95 percent. Across regions, the NCR recorded the smallest
average household size of 5.44 persons. Other regions with less than 5.86 persons per
household were Southern Tagalog (Region IV) with 5.63 persons and Central Luzon
(Region III) with 5.75 persons. The largest average household size of 6.89 persons was
recorded in ARMM. The same trend was observed for the average household size
without overseas workers. NCR (4.58 percent) recorded the smallest average
household size while ARMM (6.08 percent) had the largest.

A larger proportion of households with overseas workers owned of major

amenities than households without overseas workers. For example, while only half of
the households without overseas workers had television sets, three out of every four
households with overseas workers had television sets. As Table 5 below shows,
majority of households with overseas workers had radio/radio cassettes, television sets,
and refrigerators/freezers. Four out of every ten such households had labor-saving
appliances such as washing machines. One-third of such households also had
telephones/ cell phones. Moreover, one out of every five households with overseas
workers had motor vehicles, in contrast with only 11.6 percent of households without
overseas workers.

Households of Filipino overseas workers resided in 795,264 housing units, about

5.34 percent of the Philippine housing units. This translates to a ratio of 1.01 household
per occupied housing unit or a ratio of 5.90 persons per occupied housing unit. On the
other hand, housing units without overseas workers had an almost equal ratio of 1.03
household per occupied housing unit but a lesser ratio of 5.08 persons per occupied
housing unit.

Four out of every five occupied housing units of overseas workers had roofs
made of galvanized iron/aluminum (80.98 percent). The rest lived in houses with
cogon/nipa/anahaw (9.19 percent), half galvanized (5.04 percent) and wood (1.39
percent). On the other hand, only two out of every three housing units of households
without overseas workers had roofs made of galvanized iron/aluminum (66.88 percent)
while 22.97 percent had roofs made of cogon/nipa/anahaw. More than half (51 percent)
of the housing units of overseas workers had concrete/brick/stone as construction
materials used for walls. Moreover, 21.43 percent had walls made of half
concrete/brick/stone and 13.26 percent, made of wood. On the other hand, a lower
proportion of housing units of households without overseas workers were made of
strong materials. Housing units with walls made of concrete/brick/stone walls accounted
for 29.7 percent, while those with walls made of and half concrete/brick/stone
were18.79 percent. The proportion of housing units of non-overseas workers with walls
made of wood was23.23 percent, while that of bamboo/sawali/cogon/nipa was 23.49
percent.

The National Statistics Office Survey on Overseas Filipinos (2007) is a nationwide

survey that seeks to gather information on Filipino citizens, including overseas workers,
who left abroad during the five years preceding the survey, that is, from October 2002 to
September 2007. However, all statistics presented in this report pertain only to those
Filipinos who worked or have worked abroad anytime during the last six months
preceding the survey period (April to September 2007). Data on their remittances, for
example, are gathered using the past six months as reference period.

The number of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) who worked abroad at anytime
during the period April to September 2007 was estimated at 1.75 million. This is larger
by 15.3 percent over the 1.52 million OFWs estimated for April to September 2006. out
of the total OFWs during the period April to September 2007, 92.4 percent were
Overseas Contract Workers (OCWs) or those with existing work-contract abroad. The
estimated number of OCWs in April to September 2007 is higher by 16.6% over the
1.38 million OCWs estimated for the same months in 2006.

Of the total number of OFWs as of April to Septmeber 2007 almost half (48.0%)
were from CALABARZON (17.7% of the total OFWs), National Capital Region (NCR)
(16.0%) and Central Luzon (14.3%). During the period April to September 2006, these
three regions likewise contributed the largest number of OFWs, comprising 47.7 percent
of the total number of OFWs. On the other hand, CARAGA reported the smallest share
of OFWs at 1.1% and 1.0% in April to September of 2006 and of 2007, respectively.

There were more male OFWs (890 thousands) than females (857 thousands)
during the period April to September 2007. more than half (55.2%) of the OFWs were
below 35 years old, the largest number was recorded in the age group 25 to 29 years
old. This age group composed a quarter (24.5%) of the total OFWs.

Female OFWs were generally younger compared to male OFWs. Of the total
number of female OFWs, 28.8% belonged to the age group 25 to 29 years and 21.3%
were in the age group 30 to 34 years. Meanwhile, male OFWs were almost evenly
distributed among the age groups 25 to 29 (20.3%), 30 to 34 (20.0%) and 45 years and
over (22.8%).
 Saudi Arabia remained to be the favorite destination of OFWs comprising 19.8% of
the total OFWs who worked abroad in April to September 2007. More than one in ten
(12.1%) OFWs were in the United Arab Emirates. Those who worked in Europe
accounted for 9.2%, slightly lower than those in North and South America at 9.3%. other
popular destinations included Hong Kong (6.7%), Singapore (6.0%), Japan (5.6%) and
Taiwan (5.5%).

One out of three (35.0%) OFWs in April to September 2007 were a laborer or an
unskilled worker who may be a domestic helper, cleaner or manufacturing laborer.
During the same months in 2007, those who worked as service workers and shop and
market sales workers made up 14.3%; trades and related workers, 13.8%; and plant
and machine operators and assemblers, 13.4%.

On a survey conducted by the Scalabrini Migration Center on the year 2000, they
recorded 11,230 professional technical and related workers for men and 67,464 women.
1,063 men choreographers and dancers, and 34, 475 are women. 919 men composers,
musicians and singers and 23,048 are women. Professional nurses (Male: 1,273;
Female: 6,410). Administrative and Managerial Workers (M:208; F:76). Clerical and
related workers (M:1,000;F: 1,367). Sales Workers (M:1,134; F:949) Service workers
(M:7,412; F:83,780) Domestic Helpers (M:1,367; F:66,890) Agricultural (M:520; F:6)
Production and related workers (M: 41,377; F: 16,430) Others (M:4,576 ; F: 3,086).
Based from the figures presented, it can be deduced that the feminization of migration is
really happening for the past few years. Women dominated almost all the categories of
work except the administrative, managerial, sales, and agricultural and production
related work.
A study conducted by the Scalabrini Migration Center entitled Filipinas in
Migration: Big Bills and Small Change revealed some data regarding the profile of
Filipina migrant workers overseas.

The women interviewed for the study fall into four sub-groupings: domestic helpers
(167), entertainers (100), hospital personnel (125) and other workers including
seafarers (74). Urban and rural women were equally represented. Looking at civil
status, unmarried women workers predominated, at 61.8%, while the married
counterparts comprised 38.2%.

Domestic helpers were typically unmarried and came from the rural areas of the
country. Entertainers, hospital personnel and other workers who were interviewed were
also unmarried, but hailed from urban areas. Fifty percent of the migrant women
workers included in the study sample cone from Luzon, and an additional 24 percent
are from the Metro Manila area. Visayas is represented by 23 percent, and Mindanao,
by three percent. The typical respondent is thirty years old (mean 30.2; median 29-30;
mode 28-29). The age range is between 17 and 58 years.

Fifty-one percent of the migrant women workers included in the study sample are
college graduates and an additional one percent is in the graduate school. Twenty-five
percent had at least some college education, while 21 percent are high school and/or
vocational graduates. Less than three percent had no high school diploma.

Seventy-five percent of the respondents had been employed locally before they
went overseas. The majority were holding professional or technical jobs (38.0%) or
were sales/ service workers (21.5%). The rest (16.5%) were distributed among five
other occupational groupings. Fifteen percent were unemployed, 6.9% were
housewives and 2.4 were students.

The typical migrant women worker belonged to a family of six members (6 is both
median and mode). Family size ranged from single-member households to fourteen
members. Usually, the entire family depended on one or two breadwinners (mean 1.93).
While 13.7% of the respondents reported no breadwinner at all, there were 17.6% who
had three members pooling their income to support the family. Five percent could
depend on four to seven members.
 Respondents reporting number of children included the 178 married respondents
and seven unmarried ones. The number of children ranged from one to eight, with mean
number computed at 2.64. The modal number of children is one or two (at 24% each),
and there are 13 percent of married respondents had no children.

Domestic helpers, popularly termed “dh”, also included babysitters and a few
workers appointed as governess, housekeeping supervisor, cook, or seamstress.
Represented in the sample are domestic helpers working in Hong Kong, Singapore and
Saudi Arabia; these made up three-fourths of the respondents in this category. In
addition, one-fourth of the sample came from thirteen other countries, in the Middle
East, Europe, the Americas, and the Asia-Pacific region.

Almost all the entertainers who were interviewed had worked in Japan. A handful
had returned from the U.S.A, Europe, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates. Two-thirds
of these entertainers were dancers (including “cultural” and “folk” dancers. The rest
were singers, bar waitresses and receptionists.

Of the hospital personnel interviewed, three out of every four were nurses. A
handful held higher ranks—doctor or nurse supervisor/ head nurse. The rest were
hospital technicians or aides or service staff. Over 80% of them had worked in the
Middle East, mainly in the K.S.A. The rest reported working in the U.S.A., with the
handful sharing experiences in Singapore, Japan and Switzerland.

Classified as other workers were production workers, clerical staff or food service
staff. Less than 20% had a managerial or professional/ technical rank. Again, almost
80% had worked in the Middle East, particularly in the K.S.A. The rest had worked
either in the USA, Canada or some Asian or Pacific country. The three seafarers
included in this sub-grouping had been on board ships on an international route.
C. CONCLUSIONS

The seven contemporary poems accurately portrayed the situation of migrant

workers overseas. The poems presented different faces of abuse, injustice and
emotional aberrations. Different studies and articles supported the portrayal of the
migrant workers. In fact, some of the articles were also written during the time the
poems were written. A good example is the Forty Thousand Women by Marra Lanot,
the poem depicted the sufferings of Filipina migrant workers on China. The situation
depicted was probably written during the 90s period wherein this is the same time the
Migration Forum in Asia addressed the issue of exploitation and abuse of the migrant
workers. Moreover, the work conditions and remuneration of the migrant workers were
also portrayed as unfair and somehow inhumane. A survey conducted by the Hong
Kong Research Team showed that only a portion of migrant workers in Hong Kong
receive their “right” salary while the rest of them are underpaid. In fact, forty six of sixty
nine respondents (67%) in the HK-I Survey indicated that they were paid only HKD
1700 to HKD 2200, while nineteen indicated being paid the full salary. This HKDW
Survey found that around 42% of the migrant workers are underpaid, with 26% reporting
that they received only HKD 2000 per month, and another 10% paid only HKD 1800. In
addition to these there are reported cases of sexual and verbal abuse amongst their
employers. One good example of this is the Sarah Balabagan case. Aside from the
physical level of affectation, migrant workers also suffer emotionally because of the
“harsh” environment that they are into. Hypocrisy, homesickness dislocation of non-
belonging, discrimination and anomie are common in these groups of people.

Family members of the migrant workers also suffer from the Labor Diaspora.
More and more families are raising their child and molding their families apart from each
other. Parental absence creates displacements, disruptions and changes in care-giving
arrangements. The departure of one or two parents leaves an emotional mark on the
young children left behind, the children long for the presence of the migrant parent(s)
especially when their mother are away. Despite the emotional displacement, the
children of migrants are not disadvantaged vis-à-vis the children of non-migrants in
many dimensions of well-being. Thus, when the family is stable, it can withstand the
separation imposed by migration. Some recommendations are presented on the next
section in order to lessen the negative effects of labor migration.

As the labor migration continues the number of female migrant workers is

continuously escalating. On a survey conducted by the Scalabrini Migration Center on
the year 2000, they recorded 11,230 professional technical and related workers for men
and 67,464 women. 1,063 men choreographers and dancers, and 34, 475 are women.
919 men composers, musicians and singers and 23,048 are women. Professional
nurses (Male: 1,273; Female: 6,410). Administrative and Managerial Workers (M:208;
F:76). Clerical and related workers (M:1,000;F: 1,367). Sales Workers (M:1,134; F:949)
Service workers (M:7,412; F:83,780) Domestic Helpers (M:1,367; F:66,890) Agricultural
(M:520; F:6) Production and related workers (M: 41,377; F: 16,430) Others (M:4,576 ; F:
3,086). Based from the figures presented, it can be deduced that the feminization of
migration is really happening for the past few years. Women dominated almost all the
categories of work except the administrative, managerial, sales, and agricultural and
production related work. In addition a survey conducted by the National Statistics Office
there were (890 thousands) male OFWs and (857 thousands) females during the
period April to September 2007. More than half (55.2%) of the OFWs were below 35
years old, the largest number was recorded in the age group 25 to 29 years old. This
age group composed a quarter (24.5%) of the total OFWs. Female OFWs were
generally younger compared to male OFWs. Of the total number of female OFWs,
28.8% belonged to the age group 25 to 29 years and 21.3% were in the age group 30 to
34 years. Meanwhile, male OFWs were almost evenly distributed among the age
groups 25 to 29 (20.3%), 30 to 34 (20.0%) and 45 years and over (22.8%). These
women are concentrated on the domestic helper, entertainers and hospital personnel
jobs.
D. RECOMMENDATIONS

How do the authors portray the experiences of the migrant workers? Is this an
accurate portrayal of what is really happening to them?

By governments:
o Ensure the full realizations of the human rights of all women migrant workers, and
their protection against violence and exploitation; introduce measures for the
empowerment of documented women migrants, including women migrant
workers, and facilitate the productive employment of documented migrant women
through greater recognition of their skills, foreign education and credentials and
facilitate their full integration into the labor force.

o Create, improve or develop, and fund the training programs for judicial, legal,
medical, social, educational and police and immigrant personnel, in order to
avoid abuse of power leading to violence against women and sensitize such
personnel to the nature of gender-based acts and threats of violence so that fair
treatment of female victims can be assumed.

o Establish linguistically and culturally accessible services for migrant women and
girls, including women migrant workers, who are victims of gender-based
violence.

o Take special measures to eliminate violence against women, particularly those in

vulnerable situations, such as young women, refugee, displaced and internally
displaced women, women with disabilities and women migrant workers, including
enforcing any existing legislation and developing, as appropriate, new legislation
for women migrant workers in both sending and receiving countries.
What are the effects of labor migration on one’s self, family and society?

o Although there are existing programs targeted at families of OFWs there is a

need to review and fine-tune these programs. A regular assessment of existing
programs is necessary to review objectives, approaches, and developing plans of
action to carry out these programs. Most of the programs or projects targeting
families are economic assistance programs. Very few are specifically targeted at
young children; or if children were the focus, these were special programs which
were offered on a short-term basis (drama or art workshops). The FGDs (focus
group discussions) with the community development workers and NGO/ Church
personnel revealed useful insights of “on-the-ground” realities which would be
helpful in reviewing existing programs. They mentioned, for example, the need
for training (particularly in counseling, approaches in community organizing),
financial resources to carry out programs, and awareness about good practices
and strategies based on the experiences of other organizations and institutions.

o The mass media can be harnessed to provide education and information to OFW
families (e.g. parenting tips, child rearing, the role of fathers, changing gender
roles), particularly inaccessible groups such as husbands.

o The school has an important role to play in delivering programs to OFW families.
It is a “natural” venue in reaching out to children, parents and caregivers. The
school could be a venue for offering programs on parenting/ care-giving, gender
sensitivity, constructive coping mechanisms and programs for children.

o The importance of communication between family members should also be

emphasized. Training migrants and their families on the use of the Internet and
 E-mail (as an alternative to cell phone) and exploring possibilities for employers/
workplaces to provide more communication facilities could also be explored.

o Promote more awareness of migration issues, particularly the social impacts, the
involvement of the Department of Education and the Department of Interior and
Local Government can be harnessed in the celebration of migration-related
events, such as International Migrants Day (December 18), Migrants Day (June
7) and National Migrants Sunday (first Sunday of Lent)

What is the profile of the migrant workers in terms of age, gender, work and
socioeconomic status?

o Despite strenuous government efforts to expand local labor pool, the number of
Filipinos working abroad further increased. Government, NGOs, and private
sector agencies need to work together to redesign or expand policies to meet this
burgeoning number of Filipino overseas workers. Local expansion should be
done so that low paying overseas workers need not work out of the country,
since workers in low paying companies abroad are susceptible to abuses.
Moreover, there must be effective labor policies and programs to address most of
the problems of overseas migrants and to facilitate the reintegration of the
returning overseas workers.

o The data showed the presence of overseas workers below the legal age for
employment. The evolution of overseas employment policy has been a product of
incidents involving Filipino workers at the worksite. An example of the latter is the
imprisonment of Sarah Balabagan, a minor, in Saudi Arabia. This and other
similar incidents caused national outrage in the Philippines and the government
was forced to enact legislation to give greater protection to Filipino overseas
workers. As a preventive measure, the government must tighten its laws to a
certain extent and exercise some degree of control by watch-listing recruitment
 agencies with dubious records, and disqualifying them from participation in the
overseas employment program. Stricter procedures for screening applicants
should be instituted so that deployment of minors below 18 years old will not be
repeated.

o The data showed an increasing trend in the number of overseas workers.

Perhaps the worst case scenario that could happen to our overseas workers is, if
it has reached a level that is over than the ability of our government to manage,
in terms of providing services and guarantees, not to mention the huge social
costs to migrant families as a result of prolonged separation, the breakdown of
families, the deterioration and underdevelopment of the psychosocial growth of
their children. Life would not be half as bad if the Filipino overseas workers who
are called the unsung heroes enjoyed a measure of genuine protection on their
rights and provide services and guarantees in mitigating the social cost of
migration to the families left behind. Researchers and advocates must make sure
that policymakers have a realistic understanding of the behavioral situation and
an appreciation of the dynamics of Filipino overseas workers. They must also
convince policymakers to sustain these focused efforts and expand long-term
support for broader absorption of the programs. The Philippines has an
unprecedented opportunity to avert a disaster by acting before it is too late. Let
us not evaluate the overseas workers contribution only in terms of the incomes
remitted. Rather, we should help our Filipino migrants by conducting studies,
investigations and policy formulations that could immediately and efficiently
resolve the issues and problems confronting the Filipino overseas workers. The
paper has modestly contributed to the understanding of the Filipino overseas
workers’ characteristics so that government and private sectors support
programs can be better geared to maximize and optimize the overseas workers’
contribution to our nation’s growth.
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Zosa, Victorina and Orbeta, Aniceto (2009) “The Social and Economic Impact of
Philippine International Labor Migration and Remittances,” Philippine Institute for
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 BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHORS

Marra Pl. Lanot obtained her A.B. in English from the University of
the Philippines in 1965. She is a founding member of the Women
Writers in Media Now (WOMEN), and has worked at the Women's
Desk of the Concerned Artists of the Philippines. She has also been
a member of the Movie and Television Review and Classification
Board (MTRCB) and literary editor of the Mirror Weekly. A feminist
writer, Ms. Lanot has produced poems and articles that deal with
images of women in the home as well as their portrayal on film and television.
For her work as a journalist, essayist and poet, she has garnered several awards like
the Catholic Mass Media Award (CMMA), Palanca, Talaang Ginto, and the Gawad
Collantes. Her poetry collections include Sheaves of Things Burning (1967), Flowers of
the Sun (1970), Passion and Compassion (1988) and Witch's Dance at Iba Pang Tula
sa Filipino at Español (2000). She also has collections of essays, such as Dream
Sketches (1991) and The Trouble with Nick Joaquin and Other Profiles (1999). She was
co-writer of the documentaries Katawan Ko'y Akin: From Priestess to President and
Warriors for Peace, and wrote other teleplays such as Misis. Also a translator and
lecturer, Ms. Lanot is a resident fellow of the U.P. Institute of Creative Writing.

Fatima Lim-Wilson. Dr. Lim-Wilson received her BA in English

degree (cum laude) from the Jesuit-run institution, Ateneo de
Manila University, her MA in English from the State University of
New York at Buffalo, and her PhD in English from the University of
Denver.

She is the author of two award-winning collections of poetry,

Wandering Roots/From the Hothouse and Crossing the Snow
Bridge. Her short stories, plays, and book reviews have been
published in scholarly and literary journals. She has studied in
several countries as the recipient of scholarships from Oxford University, University of
Vienna, University of Oslo, University College-Dublin, International Christian University
(Japan), Yeats International Summer School (Ireland, Uppsala University (Sweden),
Breadloaf Writers Conference (Middlebury College, Vermont), and Duke University's
Writers Workshop (NorthCarolina).

Her poetry has won several awards such as the Pushcart Prize, the Philippine National
Book Award, the Colorado Book Authors Prize, the Ohio State University Press Award,
the Montalvo Poetry Prize, and the Seattle Arts Commission Grant for Resident Artists.
She recently received a grant from APUS for research work in the Philippines.

She served as a Confidential Assistant in the Office of the President of the Philippines in
the administration of Corazon Aquino. Professor Lim-Wilson has taught a variety of
courses specializing in English Literature and Composition, Creative Writing, World
Literature, Professional Writing, and Business Communication in several universities
and colleges, both on campus and online, for over a decade.

Bino A. Realuyo is a Filipino-American novelist, poet, community

organizer and adult educator. He was born and raised in Manila,
Philippines but spent most of his adult life in New York City. His
acclaimed novel, The Umbrella Country published in 1999 by Ballantine
Reader's Circle, Random House was included in Booklist's Top Ten
First Novels of 1999. Upon release, the novel reached the #2 spot in the
Philippines. The Umbrella Country was also a nominee for the Barnes &
Noble Discover Great Writers Award 1999 and a recipient of the first
Asian American "Members' Choice" Literary Award in the year 2000.
Realuyo's first poetry collection, The Gods We Worship Live Next Door won the 2005
Agha Shahid Ali Prize in Poetry, selected by Grace Schulman, distinguished professor
of English at Baruch College, City University of New York and poetry editor of The
Nation. It was released by the University of Utah Press in March 2006. The Philippine
edition of The Gods We Worship Live Next Door was released by Anvil Press in the
Philippines in March, 2008, marking his very first book publication in his birth country.
The Gods We Worship Live Next Door received a 2009 Philippine National Book
Award.
He is a regular contributor to The Literary Review and guest edited its special issue on
contemporary Filipino and Filipino-American literature in Spring 2000, titled "Am Here:
Contemporary Filipino Writings in English". He is also the editor of The NuyorAsian
Anthology: Asian American writings about New York City, a collection commemorating
100 years of Asian American presence in New York City. The anthology was published
by the Asian American Writers' Workshop and Temple University Press in 1999, and
awarded a PEN Open Book Award 2000.
Realuyo began his writing through his plays and poetry in elementary school. He wrote
in Pilipino/Tagalog, his native language but later on shifted to English when his family
immigrated to the United States when he was a teenager. Since co-founding Asian
American Writers' Workshop] after college, he has been published in major literary
journals, magazines and anthologies in the United States including The Nation, Manoa,
Mid-American Review, Puerto del Sol, New Letters, and The Kenyon Review. His work
is widely anthologized and reviewed internationally. Most recently, he (Filipineza,
poem)is included in the Norton Anthology Language for a New Century and Fire in the
Soul: 100 Poems for Human Rights.
 CURRICULUM VITAE

A. Personal Information

Name: Darwin Ken T. Dela Cruz

Sex: Male

Age: 19

Nationality: Filipino

Religion: Roman Catholic

Date of Birth: October 11, 1990 Place of Birth: Manila City

Address: Blk 2, Lot 3, Mahogany St. Bernardo Subdivision, Sauyo, Novaliches,

Quezon City

B. Family Background

Father: Roberto E. Dela Cruz Occupation: Accountant

Mother: Rosario T. Dela Cruz Occupation: Teacher

Siblings: Gene Euclid T. Dela Cruz

C. Educational Background

Preschool: NFWC

Elementary: Notre Dame of Greater Manila

Secondary: Caloocan City Science High School

Tertiary: University of Santo Tomas – BS Nursing

D. Clubs/Affiliations
 • UST Medical Missions Incorporated- Member (2009-2010)

E. Seminars Attended

• Basic Life Support (2009)

F. Achievements and Awards

• 1st Semester SY 2008-2009 UST College of Nursing Dean’s List (12th rank)

• 1st Semester SY 2009-2010 UST College of Nursing Dean’s List (2nd rank)

• Dean Bacala Award (2010)- nominee