An Analysis On Patronage Politics and Its Relationship To The Issue of Cavite Provincial Capitol S Employment Rate (2001 2010)

AN ANALYSIS ON PATRONAGE POLITICS
AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO THE ISSUE OF CAVITE
PROVINCIAL CAPITOL’S EMPLOYMENT RATE (2001 – 2010)
An Undergraduate Thesis Presented to
The Faculty of the Social Sciences Department
College of Liberal Arts
De La Salle University – Dasmarinas
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the
Degree Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Antiojo, Oman Paul G.
Salamatin, Rose Khristine D.
March 2011
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ABSTRACT
This study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics and its
Relationship to the Issue of the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment
Rate (2001 – 2010)” projects a deeper understanding of what has been an
issue regarding the record set forth by the provincial government with respect
to its employment rate. In lieu with this issue, this study was able to set its
delicate discussions on several relevant matters including the idea of
patronage politics in relation to the local provincial level of governance in the
country by means of the consideration of referrals. Another substantial
subject that this study had was the legal bases by which the issue set forth
by the provincial government’s employment rate roots out on the records that
the Provincial Human Resource Management Office and the Provincial
Department of Labor and Employment Office had presented. The third
important point that this study had was the manner by which patronage
politics specifically exists in the Cavite Provincial level through the
categorical label of political accommodation that the Provincial Human
Resource Management Office had towards patronage politics. Fourth key
point of this study focused on the professional qualification of the employees
into their respective posts wherein indeed, based on the provisions of the
Civil Service Law, positions requiring civil service qualifications were in fact
considered. Lastly, this study set its way on the effects that patronage politics
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had in relation to the efficiency of the Cavite Provincial Capitol as a
governmental institution.
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APPROVAL SHEET
The Thesis titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its Relation
to the Issue of Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate (2001-
2010)” prepared and submitted by Oman Paul G. Antiojo and Rose
Khristine D. Salamatin in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
degree of Bachelor of Arts in Political Science has been examined and is
recommended for acceptance and approval for oral defense.
Mr. LORETO CAMILOZA

Adviser
THESIS REVIEW PANEL
Approved by the committee on Oral Examination with a grade of ________
Mr. JOSE AIMS ROCINA

Chair
Accepted and approved in partial fulfillment for the requirements for the
degree of Bachelor of Arts in Political Science.
Dr. EMMANUEL CALAIRO, Ph.D.

Dean, College of Liberal Arts
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CERTIFICATION
This is to certify that Oman Paul G. Antiojo and Rose Khristine D.
Salamatin have submitted their research titled An Analysis on Patronage
Politics and its Relationship to the Issue of Cavite Provincial Capitol’s
Employment Rate (2001-2010) to the Languages and Literature Department
for language editing.
REMEDIOS SAPALASAN, M.A.

Faculty, Languages and Literature Department
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
First and foremost, the researchers would like to thank the Almighty
God for giving them the knowledge, guidance, love, care, strength, and
courage to successfully accomplish the research material.
Next, the researchers would like to thank their respective families.
Oman Paul, on his side, would like to thank his parents, Mr. and Mrs.
Rolando and Fidela Antiojo, for the moral and financial support as he
conducted the study. Also, he would like to thank his sibling, Carrie May, for
the enduring support and upliftment in times the researcher feels so down
and exhausted.
Rose Khristine, for her part, would like to thank her parents Mr.and
Mrs. Miguel and Ester Salamatin, for the unconditional moral support in the
entire study. She would like to thank her siblings, Janet, Gigi, Hubert Ian,
Nenette, Maricel, Jonjon and April, for the financial assistance and words of
encouragement.
The researchers would also like to thank their friends who have
supported them and cheered them up in times of failures and mishaps not to
mention the whole Political Science 2011 most especially to Mr. Axel Adaya,
Mr. Jaymart Baltazar, Ms. Regine Carino, Ms. Jowan Gonzales, Mr. Joel
Makalintal, Ms. Nina Inting, Ms. Pamela Cuenca, Ms. Andrea Rosales and,
last but not the least, Mr. Deanson Mabalot.
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Deepest gratitude is also extended to the following individuals inside
the University, Mr. Loreto Camiloza, for serving as the adviser of this study;
Mr. Jose Aims Rocina for the good commentaries which yielded better
outcome of this study; to Mr. Gerry Espiritu, for the commentaries and
suggestions; Ms. Adelina of the College of Liberal Arts Dean’s Office for the
assistance in having the venue of the final defense of the study; and most
specially, to the one who has been the “nanay” of the researcher for four
years who never failed to give pieces of advice and suggestions, Ms.
Josephine Cruz.
This study would not also be possible without the help of certain
agencies and offices such as the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Human
Resource Office, Cavite Provincial Planning and Development Office,
Department of Labor and Employment – Cavite and most specially to the
respondents of the study who willingly submitted themselves to share their
views and opinions.
To all of those who were not mentioned here and yet has been one of
the keys for the success of this study, words are not enough to express how
thankful the researchers are for all the things you have done for the success
of this study.
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Table of Contents
Cover Page…………………………………………………………………………1
Abstract………………………………………………………………..………….…2
Approval Sheet…………………………………………………………………..... 4
Certification………………………………………………………...…………….....5
Acknowledgement…………………………………………………....……..……..6
List of Tables………………………………………………………………………10
List of Figures……………………………………………………………………..10
CHAPTER I : THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND
Introduction…………………………………………………………….….12
Statement of the Problem………………………………………………..16
Assumptions………………………………………………………………17
Conceptual Framework…………………………………………………..20
Significance of the Study………………………………………………...21
Scope and Delimitations………………………………………………....22
Definition of Terms………………………………………………………..23
CHAPTER II : REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
Local Literature…………………………………………………………....27
Foreign Literature…………………………………………………………32
Local Studies……………………………………………………………...39
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Foreign Studies………………………………………………………….41
Relevance of the Study…………………………………………………48
CHAPTER III : METHODOLOGY
Methods of Research…………………………………………………...50
Respondents of the Study……………………………………………...50
Research Instruments…………………………………………………..51
CHAPTER IV : PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF
DATA……………………………………………………………52
CHAPTER V : SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
Findings……………………………………………………………………74
Conclusions………………………………………………………………76
Recommendations……………………………………………………….77
REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………...80
APPENDICES……………………………………………………………………83
CURRICULUM VITAE…………………………………………………………..84
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 4.1………………………………………………………………………….55
Table 4.2………………………………………………………………………….56
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1. …………………………………………………………………….....19
Figure 4.1. ……………………………………………………………………….57
Figure 4.2. ……………………………………………………………………….57
Figure 4.3. ……………………………………………………………………….58
Figure 4.4. ……………………………………………………………………….59
Figure 4.5………………………………………………………………………...59
Figure 4.6. ……………………………………………………………………….60
Figure 4.7. ……………………………………………………………………….60
Figure 4.8. ……………………………………………………………………….61
Figure 4.9. ……………………………………………………………………….61
Figure 4.10. ……………………………………………………………………...62
Figure 4.11………………………………………………………………………..62
Figure 4.12. ………………………………………………………………………63
Figure 4.13. ………………………………………………………………………63
Figure 4.14. ………………………………………………………………………64
Figure 4.15. ………………………………………………………………………64
Figure 4.16. ………………………………………………………………………65
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Figure 4.17. …………………………………………………………………….65
Figure 4.18. …………………………………………………………………….66
Figure 4.19. …………………………………………………………………….66
Figure 4.20. …………………………………………………………………….67
Figure 4.21. …………………………………………………………………….67
Figure 4.22. …………………………………………………………………….68
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CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND
Introduction
“I don’t know how the people will respond to a call to action and we shouldn’t
care. What they will do is none of our concern. Our role is to fight for the
people. Whether they will show gratitude or not – immediately, later, or never
– should not enter into our calculations. That is our fate; to fight for what is
right.”
-Sen. Benigno S. Aquino Jr.
Philippine Politics as viewed and believed by many, is so much
incorporated with so many things aside from the fundamental idea of electing
an individual for a certain post through an election. Such things with which it
is associated include conflicts on political parties and political views, the
electoral process itself, and even the processes and events before and after
the election. Of all the aforementioned things, the last one could have the
long lasting effect and the greatest challenge in governance of the state. The
manner by which such matter exists would be by means of rent seeking or
patronage politics.
Theoretically speaking, patronage politics has many definitions based
on how it is practiced and observed which may be viewed according to
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benefits, establishment of stronger allegiance, assurance of winning an
election, and out of “utang na loob” or “padrino” system. Such definitions
would focus on collective patronage, pork – barrel patronage, and traditional
patronage (Kopecky, Scherlis, and Spirova, 2007). In reality, all kinds of
patronage politics do exist in the Philippine Political System though some are
not that visible to the members of the society. The kinds exist in such a way
that in reality, they happen but not visible to the naked eye to many of the
people.
Again, looking at the theoretical aspects of the subject matter of this
study, patronage politics is a contributor to the detriment of democracy in the
country as this matter could be both seen as a cause and as an effect of
political dynasty – a more drastic and destructive thing in democracy. Aside
from the fact that political dynasty might as well delimit the assurance of
efficient and trusted government service or even those of private institutions,
it may also result into an abuse of power not only for those who were
appointed out of patronage politics but also those who appointed them. In
government agencies, like for example the municipal governments, there is,
every time there is a change on the administration of the municipal
government, also a change on the set of employees. The clear reason for
this, based on studies made, could have been patronage politics as the
winning candidates for municipal posts try to put into position their supporters
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and their relatives so as to grant “utang na loob” , a very nice cultural idea of
the Filipinos yet has been abused and given a bad name as time goes by.
Another proof of existence of patronage politics in the Philippine
Political System to be specific, in the province of Cavite, would have been
the debate which happened sometime in November 2009 between the
aspiring Governors of the Province of Cavite, former Vice Governor Juan
Victor “Johnvic” Remulla and incumbent Trece Martirez City Mayor Jun
Sagun. The former raised the issue at hand when they were asked to give
their opinion on patronage politics. Remulla, without any hesitations, made
mention of patronage politics as the reason behind the fact of the Cavite
Provincial Government as the second largest work – provider in the province.
As to further clarifications from the administration of Governor Irineo Maliksi
regarding the said issue, there is not yet any given statement from them. This
point raised by Remulla is also the root cause of the existence of this study.
The Local Government Code of 1991 of the Philippines set forth
specific offices by which a provincial government must operate with. There
are at least thirty three offices mentioned each of which has its respective
specialization in services for the continuous efficiency of the provincial
government. Along side with these offices are the heads of each office and
the employees thereof. Approximately, there are at least three hundred thirty
employees including the respective heads of each department. In the Cavite
Provincial Capitol, the most noticeable factor in the existence of the issue at
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hand is the dramatic increase of cooperatives funded for by the provincial
government. Therefore, because it is funded by the provincial government,
the employees in these cooperatives are also considered part of the
provincial capitol thus can be accounted for the status of provincial capitol as
the largest employer in the province. Another matter to consider on the
matter of employment in the provincial government is the existence of
specialized departments created for so as to cope up with the present needs
of the whole province not to name those in line with the health, and economic
aspects. The basis of the issue at hand could have been the comparison of
employees in the previous administrations and the present administration,
obviously, there could have been a lot of employees today because the
province’s population and the economic status continuously develop and
thus need to be acted upon based on its needs. The issue at this point would
have been the validity of the employed personnel in these offices considering
their civil service qualifications as well as their inclination on the nature of
work of these offices.
Since 2008, the Provincial Planning and Development Office has
indeed, presented that the Province of Cavite has a favorable employment
ambiance as the province has been a hub to foreign investors due to the
certain economic zones established in the province. In relation to this, there
have been approximately 120, 000 jobs provided for the Cavitenos on the
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aspect of production and labor force alone excluding the related posts of
professionals.
This fact by which the administration of Governor Maliksi remains
silent on the issue sets this study to aim to clarify the issue raised by Remulla
on the issue of patronage politics. This material would also set grounds for
both parties – the present provincial administration and root of the issue to
cite concrete explanations regarding the matter at hand. This one would also
set focus on the following:
a.) was the issue raised out of politization or out of observable
condition in the said institution?;
b.) if patronage politics really exists in the Cavite Provincial Capitol,
what kind is it based on the mentioned types of patronage
politics?;
c.) why does patronage politics exist?
d.) the pros and cons of patronage politics in the present political
system based on the idea of democracy.
Statement of the Problem
Generally, this study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics and
its Relationship to the Issue of Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment
Rate (2001-2010)” aims to give justice on whether the issue on the Cavite
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Provincial Capitol as the second largest work provider in the province roots
out on the idea of idea patronage politics.
Specifically, aside from a possible broad source of discussion, this
material sought to answer the following questions:
1. What is patronage politics in relation to local provincial level of
governance in the country?
2. What could have been the legal bases on the declaration that the
Cavite Provincial Capitol is the second largest employer in the
province?
3. In what way does patronage politics exists both in general
perspective and in the Cavite Provincial Government level as well?
4. Are the employees of the Cavite Provincial Capitol qualified when it
comes to their qualification background on their respective jobs?
5. What is the effect of patronage politics on the efficiency of the
Cavite Provincial Capitol as a governmental institution?
Assumptions
The proponents of this study predict that yes, in as much as the issue
on the Cavite Provincial Capitol as the second largest work provider in the
province is concerned, patronage politics is one, yet not the absolute root
cause of the issue at hand because there are still many more of reasons and
factors to consider in taking the said matter the proponents have in focus.
The researchers of this study also assumed that:
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1. Patronage Politics is a mere act of doing a favor for a person or group
of people in return of political support over a specific politician;
2. Sudden increase in employment rate in the provincial capitol could
have been the legal bases on the declaration that the Provincial
Capitol is the second largest work provider in the province;
3. Patronage politics in this case of the issue at hand exists by means of
providing certain favors or projects to certain districts of the province
in return for their support for specific politicians and through the act of
providing positions or job titles to certain persons in lieu of their efforts
and contributions of making certain politicians take seats in the
Provincial Capitol;
4. Most of the employees do not have enough qualification background
on their respective jobs due to the prevalent patronage politics in the
said institution; and
5. The effect of patronage politics would be an insufficient Cavite
Provincial Capitol in terms of governmental services.
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Figure 1.1. Flow of the Study.
Gathering of Literatures That Concerns

Theoretical View of Patronage Politics and the
Actual Employment Rate of the Cavite
Provincial Capitol for the
Administration Year 2001 - 2010
Descriptive Analysis of the Gathered

Literatures
Synthesis, Analysis and Formulation of

Recommendations with Regards to the Effect of
Patronage Politics on the Current Employment
Rate of the Cavite Provincial Capitol
Figure 1.1. shows the possible effect or relationship that Patronage
Politics has over the current employment rate of the Cavite Provincial
Capitol.
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Conceptual Framework
Figure 1.1 shows the flow of the study – on how it would be conducted
and the possible outcomes in the process. First parts of the process focused
on gathering possible literatures that dealt with patronage politics (that would
also came from both local and foreign sources) and the employment rate,
standards and status on the Cavite Provincial Capitol. By this, the
researchers meant not only the present employment but also the set trend of
employment, if there are, on a specific period of time.
Gathered data were then analyzed on the issue of whether or not,
patronage politics really existed on the said institution. In doing so, things to
consider included the comparative analysis of employment rate for a specific
period of time and its relevance on the issue of compliance with the local
government code. If by chance, analysis led to a result showing existence of
patronage politics, that was the time the study focused on its effect on the
efficiency and performance of the provincial capitol as a governmental
institution. On the other hand, if analyses led to a fact of non – existence of
patronage politics, focus of the study led to identifying the root cause of the
issue at hand. Synthesis, analysis and recommendations regarding the said
issue were provided for in the long run of the study so as to give possible
credible literatures for studies of same nature or even of similar study in a
definite period of time from the creation this study.
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Significance of the Study
This study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics and its
Relationship to the Issue of Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment
Rate (2001-2010)” would serve its importance on the following:
 Electorate and People of Cavite. The electorate and the people of
Cavite would be benefited in such a way that this study would provide
them with the whereabouts on the happenings inside the Provincial
Capitol. It would also give them some light on the issue at hand raised
by former Vice Governor Remulla and thus, could provide both sides
of the issue.
 The Present Provincial Administration. As this study aimed to
determine whether patronage politics affects the efficiency of the
provincial capitol as a governmental institution or not, this would also
signify on the side of the provincial administration, if really, its
performance is affected by the main subject of the study. Thus, upon
knowing it, this would possibly lead them on the prescribed rules of
their operation as a governmental institution.
 The Civil Service Commission. In as much as the study is
concerned, one of the things to be considered is the civil service
qualifications of the employees. If by any chance, there would be
findings in which there are employees who are not qualified on the
aspect of civil service, yet continue to perform governmental functions,
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actions may be made by proper authorities from the commission as
this act is a clear violation of the laws.
 Future Aspiring Proponents. This material would also provide
possible resources to the future proponents of the studies that are
similar to this study or even its continuation. This could give them
useful literatures that might help them in exploring their studies that
would still depend on the outcome of this study.
 Academe and Socio – Political Citizen’s Arm. This study would
provide enough knowledge for these institutions and yet could be a
clearer ground for vigilance and awareness and strict monitoring of the
provincial government. This might as well, provide room for the
academes to conduct further studies that would tackle the same or
relevant issue.
Scope and Delimitations
This study set its limits on the area of the Provincial Government of
Cavite and did not tackle further on the National Government. No other
issues concerning the provincial government were set into record aside from
patronage politics, civil service qualifications of the employees of the said
institution and the effect of patronage on the performance of the provincial
capitol as governmental institution. On the matter of possible literatures of
this study, it considered both local and foreign ones that are on the same or
similar scope of concentration on the subject matter. Readings available at
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the school library were be the best primary resources of this study and yet,
still, when necessary, considered those which were not available in the
university library.
Definition of Terms
Several terminologies were used in this study that are most likely
technical in nature and thus are listed below for proper definition based on
their usage in this study:
 Academe. This is an institution in the society which concerns the
further enhancement of the academic matters of the society either
through traditional education or the contemporary ways of education
as it may be vaguely called.
 Authority. It is an individual or group of individual with the dominancy
over another individual or group of individual by means of the former’s
power, money or influence.
 Bureaucracy. It is an institution usually in line with governmental
functions and services.
 Collective Patronage. It is usually observed within political parties
wherein individuals who would campaign for or support a specific
political party would be able to receive favors or even special
treatments in case such political party gains dominancy in an election.
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 Civil Service Qualifications. These are standards set forth by
Philippine laws on government employees before they formally be
considered and employed on any governmental institution.
 Civil Service Commission. Constitutional Commission of the
Philippines is primarily concerned with assuring civil service
qualifications of government employees.
 Compadre. It is a Spanish term for the system of close – tie
relationship in the matter of consideration of giving favor to an
individual or groups of individual.
 Cronyism. It refers to partiality in favor of friends or associates.
 Employment Rate. Economically speaking, this deals with the trend
number of employed or hired personnel over a considerable period of
time and working conditions.
 Favoritism. It is the way by which special favors are given exclusively
to those who have established a close – tie relationship on authorities.
 Influence. It is the manner by which an authority has the capacity to
manipulate or affect certain decisions of individuals or group of
individuals.
 Kinship. It deals with the matter of relationship that primarily concerns
affinity or marriage, by blood, and compadre connections.
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 Local Government Code. It is part of Philippine laws which primarily
deals witht the operational and bureaucratic matters of local
governments such as provinces, cities and municipalities.
 Nepotism. It specifically deals with the manner by which favors are
given strictly and usually on family members or relatives in
government.
 Patronage Politics. It is an idea in the political arena by which a
powerful individual uses his authority, power or even wealth in giving
back a favor that was done by a subordinate.
 Pork – Barrel Patronage. It is a condition in politics in which a
politician uses his pork barrel or Priority Development Assistance
Fund (PDAF) to give favor or please his or her respective electorate to
patronize him elections.
 Power. It is the capacity of an individual to modify the conduct of other
individuals in the manner he desires.
 Provincial Government. It is a governmental institution liable of
assuring administrative affairs over provinces and is composed of
several provinces as provided for by the laws.
 Reciprocity. It is an aspect in socialization in which an obligation to
repay a person from whom one has received a favor is done.
 Socio - Political Citizen’s Arm. It refers to those societal institutions
usually out of bound of government jurisdictions intended for
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protecting the general welfare of the people as to whatever their
needs may be.
 Traditional Patronage. The said traditional patronage would focus on
giving a position on a governmental or private institution to an
individual in exchange of his support into a specific politician who is in
office of the said governmental or private institution.
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CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
In the previous chapter, the fundamental bases of the idea of this
research study were enumerated together with their relevance to the conduct
of the said study. In this chapter, the study focused on different literatures
available which supported the ideologies and principles of the study. Sources
would then focused on both foreign and local readings that presented
significant or related ideas on the key subject of these studies.
LOCAL LITERATURE
Many authors have said that patronage politics is part of Philippine
political culture. It is manifested during the time of Spanish colonizers, when
the power is only given to the Illustrados or the Principalias. These elite
people were provided the power to monopolize not only economic and
material goods but also opportunities of access to power resources (Panopio
and Rolda, 1988). In effect, elites then were the Padrinos of the commoners,
thus, giving incentives to their allies. Moreover, this political culture had
emerged, though sometimes invisible to the public, through different
contributing factors such as follows:
According to Panopio and Rolda (1988), pakikisama is the folk
concept of good human relations and implies giving in or yielding to the wish
of the majority even if it contradicts one’s own ideas. In terms of public
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behavior, this gives rise to the institutionalization of the lakad system in many
government and private officers (Jacano, 1966). It is through this that when
one needs the approval of his promotion or even to follow up a loan, he
approaches someone he knows who is influential for the fast and positive
results.
A kind of reciprocity commonly observed is utang na loob, whereby, it
is an obligation to repay a person from whom one has received a favor
(Panopio and Rolda,1988). Payment could be in form of token gifts or
services. However, if a person is given a guaranteed job by another, that
person has utang na loob to the latter. Speaking with the officials, employees
shall give their full support and loyalty to them.
Furthermore, kinship also plays a role in patronage politics. The basic
element of Filipino social structure is the kinship group. This is a system of
social relations based on blood, marriage or affinal and ritual or kumpadre
connection (Jocano:1966). In observation, all employees of the government,
may not be all related by blood, but allies of the administration. This system
serves an invisible string that connects each and everyone in the institution.
Indeed, power and influence are the key points in this patronage
politics. One must be influential in order to manipulate the system. In Renato
Constantino’s The Filipino Politician, he said that Political leadership in the
Philippines has lost its prestige. Many politicians are not respected, they are
looked upon merely as good connections. He also stated that the pervasive
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influence of politics in all phases of national life is the result of the power of
government over many sectors. This situation helps the politician because
reliance on mere government opportunities would not be enough to satisfy all
his protégés. Employment of his followers in the different private businesses
becomes a part of the politician’s job. Some private enterprises are only too
willing to accommodate certain strategically- placed politicians for favors they
received or may anticipate. Thus, through his letters of recommendation,
qualifications are no longer needed, setting aside the standards on hiring
government employees, and hiring unqualified and undeserving people to the
public service in the government. He further explained that, granting of jobs
by the officials is to preserve his position, adding supporters and stabilizing
his administration. One of the concessions and perhaps rewards that voters
receive from winning candidates is the assurance of a job. In the case of
campaign managers and those who have contributed not only financial
support but also moral support, a key position in the government is the
reward (Panopio and Rolda, 1988).
In “The Corrupt Society” of Constantino, he considered government as
the biggest employer resulting to another form of corruption. The pressure on
politicians to provide jobs for their men is so great that merit and seniority in
the civil service are set aside. These employees, instead of improving their
skills in providing good public service, just rely on “padrinos”. Thus, the
government provides poor, slow and inadequate public service. He also
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stated that with the destruction of the merit system, the worst type of
bureaucrat is developed, interested only in personal advancement, doing the
minimum amount of work, obsequious and servile to superiors, and eager to
use the resources of government for private benefit.
On the other hand, Manuel L. Quezon III, in his “Corruption,
Bureaucracy and Philippines 2000”, established his thought about
bureaucracy in the country.
An old expat once grumbled to me (expats do a lot of

grumbling) that the problem with the Philippines (expats love listing
problems) isn't that our bureaucrats are corrupt; the problem is that
there's no method to their corruption. "You see," he griped, "when a
foreigner does business in another country, he immediately knows
how much to set aside for bribes; everything has a fixed rate. In the
Philippines, you never know who -or when- is suddenly going to pop
up, demanding grease-money… I have never believed that we -us
Filipinos- are more corrupt than our neighbors. They are just as
corrupt as we are. They simply have gotten over our strictly small-
time, greedily myopic version of corruption; furthermore they are far
more clever than us in justifying -or dissimulating to evade the
question of - their corruption… Anyway, let us set aside what
Tammany Hall referred to as "honest graft," since our officials may not
be particularly noteworthy in the manner by which they enriched
themselves (and their friends), corruption-wise; our government does
compare unfavorably, with even the most unabashedly crooked of
regimes elsewhere, in our slothful civil service. The descent of our civil
service into the realm of the incompetent and inefficient is one thing
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not usually attributed to our colonial masters -particularly the United
States.(http://www,tribo.org/history/corrupt.html)
In this object, Quezon pointed out the influence of colonizers with what
Philippine bureaucracy turned out. The culture of lakad system and its
implication to the flow of government service to public. The prevalent grease-
money for express result of every appointment in the government. He also
gave emphasis to the importance of country’s civil service “...we must make
the civil service the champion and guardian of reform ".
On the other hand, Civil service is a branch of the government service
in which individuals are employed through professional merit as proven by
competitive examination. While according to Code of Conduct and Ethical
Standards for Public Official and Employees of the Republic of the
Philippines, once a person is employed in the government, he must practice
professionalism, by which, in the performance of his duties shall give his
highest degree of excellence and skill. It also discourages the wrong
perception of their roles as peddlers of undue patronage. It is connected in
the view of impersonalistic relationship in the government. Acceptance of
gifts by the officials and employees, as a return for their favors done, is
prohibited. Hence, what are prohibited is rampantly exercised in the country.
Meanwhile, in personalism, major importance is attached to the
personal factor which ensures intimacy, warmth and friendship in getting
things done. Kinship and friendship play a crucial role in the reciprocal
relationship between interacting parties (Panopio and Rolda, 1988).
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Bonifacio(1975,p.4) points out that personalism is rooted in the basic and
moral commitment to family and kin which extends to compadres, neighbors
and friends. Much of the relationship of the Filipino is still personalistic, in
spite of the gradual rise of impersonalism in the urban areas. It has affected
Philippine politics. The bases of political support and fellowship are often
loyalty to personality and gratitude to friends. Carino (1979,p.232) points out
that the demand of personalism is incongruent to the bureaucratic- legal
norms. By which the bureaucracy requires universalistic and collectivity
oriented decisions, which are in contrast to the particularistic and self-
orientation demands of personalism. Santos- Cuyugan (1961) gives a
general picture of personalism thus:
The extent of its “infiltration” is evident in the frequent charges

of nepotism, favoritism, paternalism. Graft and corruption have been
analyzed to be products of kinship reciprocity relations. The secrecy of
their occurrence together with the hue and cry attending their
discovery show the operation here of a double set of values. The
Filipino family is obviously caught in a dilemma between exclusive
adherence to “ideal” legalistic norms, and to the equally inescapable,
non-legal is permissible. Legal codes are imposed from the outside;
the common law of kinship is built into one’s personality, into role in
the group or in the society.
FOREIGN LITERATURE
Different writings explain the connection of power, authority and
influence to political patronage. Generally, this political culture is exercised
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by powerful, in authority and influential persons to manipulate the system,
particularly in the government.
R.H Tawney (1961) defines power as “the capacity of an individual, or
group of individuals, to modify the conduct of other individuals or groups in
the manner in which he desires”. He also stated that power in a social
context is not something seen or touched but is a “form of social relationship
between individuals and groups”. While, J. Massie(1964) defines power as
the potential force that others perceive a person to possess that gives the
capacity to influence actions of others. For him, power, then, is a
psychological force that identifies the potential of a person as perceived by
others. Basically, from the definitions, power is a force of a person to
influence others. And power can be acquired from “votes, wealth, prestige
and physical coercion among others” (Hawley and Wirt, 1974, p.230). A
powerful person therefore is one who, by virtue of his status, utilizes an
institution’s power resources.
Power, to be more stable and credible, must be legitimate. Legitimate
power is otherwise known as authority the emphasis of which is on
compliance, because many people believe that obedience is the proper way
of behaving. The most important element of authority is not only recognition
but also acceptance by others (Panopio and Rolda, 1988). J. Massie (1964)
also defined it as the right to act as indicated in the organizational hierarchy.
Max Weber pointed out different types of authority such as, 1.) Charismatic
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authority, exists when one’s control of others is based on the individual’s
personal characteristics; 2.) Traditional authority- legitimacy of leaders was
based on customs; 3.) Rational- legal authority is considered to be the basis
of most of the nation states. Because this kind of a power is based on the
offices they control therefore specific rules and procedures serve as the
basis for determining the rights and responsibilities of the incumbents. In
effect, rational- legal authority is vested on statuses rather than on individual;
thus, power is lost when one loses his status. Rational- legal authority
therefore has set the limit on the power of most government officials in
modern nation- states (Cassirer, 1951). In fact, this kind of authority also
curtails some of the abuses of the officials in a nation- state.
Influence implies a voluntary and even unconscious manner affecting
the actions of others through persuasion, suggestion and other methods and
also, it is the effect of one person on the behavior of others (J. Massie,
1964). On the political scope, influence is considered necessary for the
officials in administering his people. However, it is sometimes abused by
many of the politicians.
There are also terms that are closely related to the political culture of
patronage politics. These are favoritism, cronyism and nepotism. From
Nadler and Schulman who discusses the three, favoritism can be
demonstrated in hiring, honoring or awarding contracts which is a related
idea to patronage, giving public service jobs to those who may have helped
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elect the person who has the power of appointment. Favoritism has been a
complaint of many in government service. Cronyism, on the other hand is
more specific kind of favoritism, referring to partiality towards friends and
associates. Cronyism occurs within a network of insiders- the “good ‘ol boys”,
who confer favors on one another. Nepotism is an even narrower than
favoritism, because it covers favoritism within the family. Both nepotism and
cronyism are often at work, and political parties recruit candidates for public
offices. To connect the three in ethics, it all interferes with fairness because
they give undue advantages to someone who does not necessarily merit this
treatment. In public behavior, it also weakens the common good. When one
is hired in the position, he automatically becomes a connection for the clients
in the said office. The practice also undermines transparency in the
government, because it must hide that officials are great and effective
patrons. The problem of the existence of these three in the government is
the question of competence. Because of the prevailing spoil system, the
hiring is based on letter of recommendations rather than on the qualification
and civil service requirements of the applicant. The appearance of favoritism
weakens morale in government service, not to mention public faith in the
integrity of government.
Scrutinizing further political patronage as delineated by other
countries, Jay M. Shafrizt (1988), in The Dorsey Dictionary of American
Government and Politics, defines patronage as “the power of elected and
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appointed officials to make partisan appointments to office or to confer
contracts, honors and other benefits on their political supporters”.
Further, in “Patronage Ethics Gone: Amok,” J. Christine Altenburger
(n.d.) describes the historical and legal foundations of the practice of
patronage as she exposes the many inherent negative ethical ramification of
it. Altenburger (n.d.) affirmed that politics of patronage subverts any merit
system that might form the basis of a civil service. And such culture in politics
spoils the system of government. She further explains that, Civil Service
Commissions, for the most part, are political appointments. In principle, once
appointed, the commissions are to function independently. A politician,
determined to influence hiring, promotions and disciplinary actions, however,
can attempt through appointments, to have commission members who will be
sensitive to political “requests”. Her summary observations gave emphasis
to: 1.) Provide supervision for all employees, patronage can cast this
command into disarray. When an employee is politically well- connected, with
a political patron, a supervisor attempting to hold such employee to
performance standards, or take disciplinary action may himself be the subject
of recrimination; 2.) Maintain high morale. High morale and productivity go
hand in hand. Patronage is often viewed as bringing into the organization
individuals who did not have to prove themselves for their appointments.
Altenburger (n.d.) concluded that such patronage in politics is in need for
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reform. Civil Service Commissions must be empowered and be detached
from personalistic system.
Meanwhile, it must also be elucidated how bureaucracy plays a role in
the political patronage. From the well-known Max Weber, who first wrote the
efficiency of bureaucracy as a type of organization, noted the most important
characteristics of such type of organization as follows:1.) An organization
emphasizing division of labor predicated on the principle of specialization; 2.)
The presence of hierarchy of authority; 3.) Activities are based on definite set
of rules and procedures; 4.) Activities are well documented and recorded; 5.)
Statues in the organization particularly those of the managers are full- time
jobs; 6.) Impersonal relationship characterizes the interpersonal relationship
in a bureaucratic organization. He highly recommends the avoidance of
personalism into an organization. Personalism, as viewed, causes the
inefficiency of government works especially in government transactions. The
employees tend to do first the requests of their relatives, friends and patrons
rather than accomplishing things that must be done first. As of James Scott ‘s
Corruption: A General View, he incorporated loyalty as one of the reason
why a politician must secure his people (supporters), according to him,
“loyalty to the nation- state is still tenuous, the individual feels little
compunction to avoid acts that promote his personal or small- group interests
at the expense of the state. A crucial question, then, is which institutions or
groups command the effective loyalty of a citizen or public servant. It is not
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rare to find, for example, a civil servant who is at the same time an official of
his tribe association. As a civil servant he may take unwarranted liberties with
state funds and place his incompetent friends in office”. Ergo, Weber’s
characterization of bureaucracy falls into the “ideal- type” method. It
emphasizes the pure type, and since real life is “seldom as pure as the
theoretical description (Gerth and Mills, 1958, p.136), some of the
characteristics cited may not be present in all organizations (Panopio and
Rolda, 1988).
Another issue that is present in patronage politics is the competence
of Civil Service Commission in employment. The civil service of a political
unit includes the persons employed to administer the civil (nonmilitary)
programs of a legal unit of government, except for those elected or appointed
to political- executive offices. A more popular but restricted use of the term
applies it only to those persons who have been appointed to civil-
government positions after some nonpolitical test of fitness. This is
sometimes also called the merit system and is widely employed on federal,
state and local levels of governmental employment (John Gaus, Collier’s
Encyclopedia). Taking such definition, the question of its competency arises
due to the prevailing appointments of the officials outside its parameter, ergo,
overlooking the standards and qualifications in hiring employees.
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LOCAL STUDIES
To warrant better glimpse on various local studies conducted relative
to the patronage politics in its relation on the issue of employment, this part
discusses different studies of Rocamora et al (2005), Caballero-Anthony
(2004) and Civil Service Study (2004).
Rocamora et. Al. (2005) on their study entitled: “Strong Demands and
Weak Institutions: Addressing the Democratic Deficit in the Philippines”
tackled various styles of political leadership from the end of Marcos regime
up to the Arroyo Administration. The study focused on the differences of
each administration and how each dealt with the different Philippine culture,
such politics of personalities and patronage and their centrality to Philippine
politics. Also, the and the corresponding weakness of political institutions,
most importantly political parties, which remain weak, ill defined, and poorly
institutionalized. The weakness of political institutions has two notable
disadvantages for Philippine democracy. Rocamora and his co- author
concluded that there is a need for political reforms that would strengthen
policies at the expense of personalities and promote programmatic politics
over patronage politics, in particular reforms that are specifically aimed at
creating stronger and more programmatic parties.
Caballero - Anthony (2004) in her study entitled: “Where on the Road
of Democracy is the Philippines?”, tackled how democracy is being practiced
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in the country. Examining what democratic consolidation entails, the study
highlighted two points: 1.) instilling respect for political institution, discusses
the need for these institution to command respect and trust, and not merely
just creating and establishing such institution (executive, legislative and
judiciary). The importance of these departments must be considered to
facilitate regulatory framework that would best seek the interest of the polity;
2.) ensuring that the institutions are credible, discusses the importance of
good governance including transparency in political decisions, accountability,
participation, observance of the rule of law, equity and inclusiveness, and last
but not the least, effectiveness and efficiency. Ergo, the study concluded
that democracy can be exercised in a give-and-take process by the people
and its government. In which, the government shall ensure the welfare of its
people, offering good governmental services while the people shall render
their trust to the authority. In both cases, democracy is directly exercised,
important components in a country both participate in the society. Moreover,
the study also suggested the need for the elimination of patron- client
relationship to make the institution credible for its people.
Civil Service Study (2004) tackled the relevant efforts of civil service in
the Philippines in promoting efficient civil servants. It reported that 50% of
government expenditures were wasted due to corruption. The empirical
literature suggests that economic development cannot proceed unless a
rational, merit based, effective and efficient bureaucracy is achieved.
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Because of the crucial role that bureaucracy plays in the day to day running
of the government, any campaign to transform society must, indeed, involve
the effective governance of the bureaucracy.
Scrutinizing the studies mentioned shows how this politics of
patronage affects the system. Rocamora et al (2005) focused on the need for
political reforms and eliminating patron- client relationship. While Caballero-
Antnony (2004) gave emphasis on the need for the government to well
examine the exercise of democracy in the country. And to make sure of
establishing credible institutions for the people that can render good civil
services. Finally, Civil Service Study (2004) reported on how they were being
challenge to strengthen civil servants and rejecting mere recommendations
in hiring employees to secure professionalism and impersonalism in the
system.
FOREIGN STUDIES
It is also important to view foreign studies that are relative to this study
on patronage politics and its role to job employment. It consists of Kopecky et
al (2007), Golden (2000) and Un (2005). Pert Kopecky et al (2007)
associated the study of patronage politics with the study of particularistic
exchanges in political setting. Generally, the literature on political
particularism draws a distinction between a traditional and a modern variety
of patron- client relationships. Thus, a particular individual (local notable)
offers protection or access to certain goods and services that he controls to
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other individuals or groups in exchange for their collective political allegiance.
At this time, the role or the patron in the relationship is performed by the
political party, which acts as a ‘collective patron’ through the distribution of
public resources. The study also suggested the following definitions which
allow for a clearer distinction between the different types of political
patronage. 1.) Party clientelism refers to exchanges between a political party
and individuals in which the former releases a benefit that the latter desires in
order to secure their political support. 2.) Pork barrel politics implies tactical
allocation of government funds, usually in the form of public works projects,
to favor specific constituencies. Comparing it with the previous, clientelism
necessitates a benefit for particular individuals while pork barrel implies that
a whole constituency is favored by a public policy. 3.) Party patronage as the
power of a party or parties to appoint people to positions in public and semi-
public life. The main feature of this definition is that it limits patronage to its
most widespread form: appointments. The study also gave theories
regarding Patronage in Contemporary Setting such as follows : 1.) It is clear
that the classic literature on patronage often assumes that parties use
appointments as the means to reward their loyal members, however, that
party patronage in contemporary democracies, both old and new, is, to a
larger extent, motivated by the need of parties to control the policy- making
process and to ensure the flow of communication within the fragmented
governance structures that characterize the contemporary state. Kopecky et
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al (2007) believes that there may be elements of both reward and control at
one and at the same time, and that political systems will differ in terms of a
dominant motivation for patronage appointments. 2.) Party patronage will be
a supply driven, instead of demand driven. To take the ‘opportunity’ to be the
area where party political appointments can happen, as outlined by and
embodied in the formal rules of the state. This also allows everyone to view
patronage partially as part of “normal politics”, ergo, as something relatively
easy to reckon. 3.) The semi- public sector is likely to be more politicized
through party appointments than the traditional state bureaucracy. As the
study defines party patronage, it expands the area where the patronage
appointments are carried out to include not only the core of civil service- as
commonly done, but also institutions that are not part of the civil service, but
are under some form of state control. Therefore, if parties are to retain their
grip on policy- making, even implicitly, then it is likely that they will need to
induce influence on the form and composition of these bodies through their
appointments policies. 4.) Patronage will predominantly be the activity of the
party in the public office. Rather than being a means by which networks of
support are sustained or rewarded, patronage will be a mode of governing, a
process by which the party acquires a voice in the various policy- making
institution of the modern multi- level governance systems. On the other hand,
the study also viewed some implications of understanding patronage by
different countries in different situation. Using different approaches, the study
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found out that speaking of patronage in other states is only bounded in
employment. The basis of existence of such patronage is the ability of the
people in authority to recommend and appoint employees. Also, such
appointments were prevalently done in the government. Hence, Kopecky et
al (2007) concluded that, with those approaches presented about measuring
and explaining party patronage allows everybody to carry out comparative
analysis into the opportunity, practice, motivations and mechanisms of party
patronage. The approaches broaden the scope of patronage by including
ministries, agencies and executing institutions alike as potential arenas of
patronage appointments. Further, by using in- depth expert interviews by
country specialists, first hand insights are provided, ergo, rather than positing
certain assumptions into the motivations and uses of patronage
contemporary democracy, it can be investigated by getting into the heart of
the matter in each setting.
Miriam Golden (2000) used the setting of Postwar Italy in studying
patronage politics and how did it play a great role in employment especially
in government institution, as well as its implications to Italy. Golden illustrated
a model of a bad government and the bad government in Italy. She
mentioned two mechanisms on how could the politicians, once elected,
actually provide specific services to their districts and how could they get
credit from voters for having done so. First, the pork barrel legislation, in
which, legislators could take advantage of the Italian parliament’s unusually
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strong committee system to elaborate district- specific allocative legislation.
Second, the patronage politics, this is considered as principal mechanism
used by the politicians. Thus, patronage politics was developed over the post
war period to provide specific services to their districts, through prevalent
appointments in public administration. Further, the study made mentioned
that patronage appointment and jobs as constituency service, the provision
of job in an economy in which employment opportunities were inadequate
was a direct service to their constituents and their (extended) family. Then,
Golden also tackled civil service regulations guide the appointment process
for positions in public administration.
However, in contrary, she also exposed specific ways by which civil
service laws were routinely violated in Italy: 1.) limiting the scope of merit, by
use of a spoil system, civil service were not required and appointments were
directly made by the government; 2.) appointing the “right guys”, by
effectively appointing people to nominally elected positions, for instance in
the local or national administrative councils responsible for overseeing public
agencies; 3.) manipulating the selection process, within the ordinary
ministerial departments by fixing examination results; 4.) manipulating the
movement and promotion of personnel, within the ordinary ministerial
departments by promoting persons on the basis of political, not professional,
merits. By then, Golden also stated that patronage politics and political
corruption is distinct interactions. The widespread corruption also involves
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business, which pays the bribes and kickbacks and that exchange receive
the contracts for public works. Ergo, Golden concluded that Italian political
patronage has long been interpreted as a scum of backwardness and
underdevelopment, or as part of the process of modernization. She also
argued that there were typically Italian characteristics that promoted the
construction of patronage politics, rather than the more neutral kinds of
constituency services used to allure voters. Some of these characteristics
were undoubtedly historically derived. The South of the country was
vulnerable to the construction of patronage machines precisely because of a
history of government that had prevented the appearance of the Catholic and
Communist political subcultures seen in the center and northeast of the
country. In that sense, history contributed the existence of patronage politics
in postwar Italy. Furthermore, the underlying inducement was the promotion
of the widespread adoption of patronage politics and partisan use of the
public administration as to retain one’s seat.
Kheang Un (2005) conducted a study of patronage politics in
Cambodia, under the administration of Hun Sen and CPP as popular party in
the country. In Cambodia, popular participation is limited given the
hierarchical linkages between voters and politicians in which elites attempt to
attract the masses into “elite dominated trajectories” that inhibit grassroots
representation and participation. On the other hand, CPP has used
patronage and surveillance to keep rural people under their protection.
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Further, Hun Sen was said to be power hungry, but then, his defense is that
the people gave it to him. Power was generated through development
projects and other material inducements whose sources of funding were
patronage politics backed by corruption that involved the party and
government officials, business people and rural voters. Meanwhile, to sustain
the politics of patronage, government bureaucracies are required to
contribute to the party assets for election campaign, which is allegedly known
as “black box”. It was suspected that the need for the officials to contribute in
the said black box has increased corruption, ergo, the officials have to divide
his earnings into three: for themselves, for their superiors and for the black
box. K. Un concluded that, Cambodian political elites and other foreign
observers have positively stated that Cambodia is in a transitional stage.
After a traumatic past, the country has to jump up from that experience,
giving the way to hybrid democracy, as the springboard. However, it was not
noted that such hybrid democratization has its flaws in the government
system. The continuing domination of CPP offers coercive mechanisms in
preventing formation of bonds within the opposing parties. Moreover, CPP
and Hun Sen use their domination to the state machinery to nurture
patronage politics, though transformed to fit with democratic rhetoric. Instead
of competing for votes through a policy agenda, the CPP as a party and Hun
Sen as an individual patron use material inducements to attract voters, a
practice that prevents genuine popular participation. Also, patronage politics
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not only links the government to the voters, as well as government officials to
business tycoons, a web that breeds corruption and breeches the rule of law.
To analyze the aforementioned studies, it brought to the conclusion
that politics of patronage is interconnected with inducements by the officials
to their supporters, and the best form of it is job employment; also the
underlying basis of it – corruption. Scrutinizing Golden (2000) and Un (2005)
studies, in order for the official to attract voters they have to lay down their
incentives through job assurance. Further, patronage politics is also
intertwined with corruption. Government offices and hiring are the best
resources that the official could give to his constituents, unfortunately,
disregarding the merit system and professionalism. Meanwhile, Kopecky et al
(2007) gave different definitions of patronage politics, based on how it was
exercised and practiced by the involved people.
Relevance of the Study
The given readings and discussions were helpful in the development
of the thesis and in bringing substantial information to the readers and ably to
well analyzing and comparing the articles taken from local and foreign
literature.
The studies and the articles pointed out that patronage politics is
included in country’s political culture. It was traced that this culture already
existed in the Philippines way back in the Spanish era. Furthermore,
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pakikisama, reciprocity, kinship, nepotism, power, authority and influence,
are associated to the said political culture.
Also, many authors related patronage politics to the issue of
bureaucracy, which they believed also played a role in the existence of such
culture. Merit system was closely eliminated thus hiring unqualified
employees in the government. Likewise, corruptions, inefficiency in
government service and alike were believed to be the results.
On the other hand, the related studies gave benefits to research,
especially those studies which conferred patronage politics and its relation to
the government as it provides job employment. It was relevant to discuss that
this culture also exists in other countries and how they cope up to the culture.
American Political Science Association studied the topic and gave pertinent
definitions of patronage politics and how politicians deal with it. Moreover, it
is also essential to view the study of civil service and to find out how these
institutions cope up with the issue of ineffective civil servants.
CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
This chapter presents the different processes used in conducting the
study. Included in this chapter are the methods of research, respondents of
the study and research tools or instruments that were relevant to the study.
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Methods of Research.
The study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics and its
Relationship to the Issue of the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment
Rate (2001 – 2010)” facilitated the descriptive analysis method of study.
Such method of study is employed in areas of concentration which aims to
emphasize the relevance of the available resources to the subject matter of
the study. This would basically apply strict gathering, analysis, interpretation,
and syntheses of justifiable recommendations of readily – available data
considering both the theoretical and relative resources (Campbell, Ballou and
Slade, 1990). Specifically speaking, descriptive analysis of study was used in
this study through gathering and analysis of theoretical and relative facts that
deals with patronage politics and the employment rate of the Cavite
Provincial Capitol from the year 2001 – 2010.
Respondents of the Study.
The main respondent of this study was the Provincial Capitol’s Human
Resource Management Office which documents the employment rate and
status of the employees from the specific span of time set by this study.
Aside from the mentioned respondent, the study also well considered the
Department of Labor and Employment for the determination of the largest
work providers in the province of Cavite. Also, the study considered a
number of Cavitenos from the different sectors of the society as respondents
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in order to gather relevant sources from their personal capacity and
knowledge.
Research Instruments
To fulfill the goals of this study, the following research instruments
were utilized:
Documents. The specific type of document used in this study were
the employment records and the civil service records of the employees of the
provincial capitol from the year 2001 – 2010.
Interviews. A dialogue between the specific concerned personalities
was conducted for the verification and documentation of resources that might
as well be gathered.
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CHAPTER IV
PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA
This part of the research study focused on how the researchers
presented, analyzed and interpreted the data gathered to answer the specific
questions posed in this study.
1. What is patronage politics in relation to local provincial level of
governance in the country?
Generally speaking, and as affirmed by Shafrizt (1988), patronage
politics would mean the power of appointed officials to make partisan
appointments to office or to confer contracts, honors, and other benefits on
their political supporters. It may also mean or talk about the direct or indirect
ways on how an authority uses his position to give advantage to certain
individuals or group of individuals in return for their patronage of certain
individual. In a bird’s eye view, patronage politics is a detriment on the
governance system as it does not only confer favoritism but also abuse of
power of the authorities exercising such.
In the Philippines, most specifically in the provincial level of
governance, the idea of patronage politics exist due to the prevalent Filipino
culture of pakikisama, compadre, utang na loob, and kinship system
(Panopio and Rolda, 1988). Such existence of patronage politics can also
account for local autonomy of these provincial governments as they are not
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being monitored directly by the national government or agencies of the
national government concerned in assuring the prohibitions of the existence
of such idea in politics thus allowing the act of the authorities in the higher
positions in the provincial level to pay back the favors done by their allies to
fulfill their political aspirations and success. In relation to this, Renato
Constantino in his work The Filipino Politician, said that the authority that are
supposed to be exercised and sustained by the individuals who are in the
higher posts of the provincial government loses its prestige and purpose as
the individuals hired by the provincial government tend to be disrespectful
towards the higher individuals as they seem to see these individuals as mere
connections and not as people in authority.
Furthermore, the best implication of patronage politics in the provincial
level of government would be the insufficient means on how the civil service
must be brought directly by the provincial government (Civil Service Study,
2004). The reason behind would be, appointments or acceptance of the
employees out of the idea of recommendation and not merely on the basis
that the provincial government must operate and accept its employees.
Furthermore, such existence of patronage politics in the provincial
government implicitly violates the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for
Public Officials and Employees, which prohibits political accommodations
especially in hiring employees who are intended to render government
service to the public.
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Focusing on the specific area of what patronage politics is in terms of
provincial level of governance in Cavite, it is the way by which the provincial
capitol in the period of 2001 – 2010 provided favors and accommodations
which are both political in nature into certain individuals in terms of the offices
created which are termed as “junior offices with their junior officers”. The
salary of these offices is obtained from the funds of the legal offices in the
Provincial Capitol which are not subject to the auditing of authorities. The
best example of a legal office whose fund is not subject to auditing as
mentioned by a credible source is the Intelligence Fund of the Provincial
Government.
2. What could have been the legal bases on the declaration that the
Cavite Provincial Capitol is the second largest employer in the
province?
The legality of the declaration that the Cavite Provincial Capitol is the
second largest employer in the province could have been based on the data
provided for by the Department of Labor and Employment Cavite Field
Office, the following are the top ten companies in the province of Cavite in
terms of the average employment size from the year 2008 up to the year
2010. The data provided herein are only based on the list of companies who
submits themselves on self – assessment of their employee size on annual
basis from the year 2008 up to the year 2010.
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It can be drawn from Table 4.1. that indeed, the Cavite Provincial
Capitol has a huge amount of employees based on its average inventory as
of March 31, 2010 if it is to be compared with the other companies in the
province of Cavite. With a total of 4, 716 employees, it has far gone the
difference against the number one company in terms of employment size
which is the ROHM Electronics Philippines Incorporated with the average
employee size of 2, 969. This data allows a room for a conclusion that the
Cavite Provincial Capitol has been the largest employer and not the second
largest employer in the province of Cavite.
Graphical Representation of the Average Employment

Rate of the Top Ten Companies in Terms of Employee
Size from the Year 2008 - 2009 Including the Personnel
inventory of the Cavite Provincial Capitol as of March 31,
2010
5000 4716
4500
4000
3500
3000
2969
2500
2000
1604
1556
1500
1405
1313
1129
1059
1026
988
1000
778
500
0
ROHM Electronics Phils . Inc. Scad Services (s ) Pte. Ltd.
Farem o Int'l Inc. NT Phils . Inc.
Cypress Mfg. Ltd. Dae Young Apparel
Euro-Med Lab Phil. Inc. Hous e Tech. Indus tries Pte. Ltd.
HRD(s) Pte. Ltd. Yum ex Philippines Corporation
Cavite Provincial Capitol
*The figure above shows the top ten employers in the province of Cavite in terms of
average employee size for the year 2008 up to 2010 including the inventory of the
employees of the Cavite Provincial Capitol as of March 31, 2010.
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Employer Employment Rate
people's technology complex 5343
golden mile business park 1757
first cavite industrial estate 14982
gateway business park 15553
emi special economic zone 6249
cavite economic zone (phase 1) 68954
daiichi special economic zone 1004
cavite provincial capitol 4716
people's technology complex 5343

*Table 4.2. List of Economic Zones in the Province of Cavite Including
the Provincial Capitol with their Respective Employment Rate.
In addition to the data provided by the Department of Labor and
Employment Cavite Field Office, the Provincial Planning and Development
Office provided data that helped the researchers in interpreting the reason
behind the Provincial Capitol’s employment rate. If data are to be considered
in terms of the employment generated by the economic zones in the province
as a whole with respect to each economic zone, the provincial government
would nevertheless, be ranked second to the last. As the data show in Table
4.2 and Figure 4.1., the provincial capitol even over ranked the Daichi
Special Economic Zone in Silang, Cavite in terms of the total number
individuals employed. This could have been one of the basis to conclude that
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nevertheless, the Provincial Capitol has issues on its employment rate.
Considering the fact that this data in this part speaks off the collective
employment rate of the economic zones in Cavite, it can still be drawn that
the Provincial Capitol has indeed a large number of employees.

Figure 4.1. Rate of Employment of Respective
Economic Zones in the Province of Cavite Including
the Provincial Capitol of Cavite
68954, 58%
1004, 1%
4716, 4%
6249, 5%
15553, 13% 5343, 5%
1757, 1%
14982, 13%
people's technology complex golden mile business park

first cavite industrial estate gateway business park
emi special economic zone cavite economic zone (phase 1)
daiichi special economic zone cavite provincial capitol
Another possible basis on the issue of the Provincial Capitol’s
employment rate could have been the actual breakdown of personnel
inventory of the provincial capitol as of March 31, 2010.
Figur e 4.2. Pe r s onne l Inve ntor y of the Pr ovincial

Gove r nm e nt of Cavite as of M ar ch 31, 2010
23, 0%
85, 2%
945, 20%
30, 1%
1539, 33%
12, 0% 2082, 44%
perm anent tem porary co-term inus

contractual cas ual job order
elected
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Figure 4.2. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial
government of Cavite with respect to its status of appointment. It could be
clearly drawn from the illustration that the combined numbers of the
contractual, casual, co – terminus and the job - order employees constitute a
great percentage of the total number of employees in the provincial capitol.
As mentioned earlier, such posts mentioned need not consider their civil
service requirement. As assumed and put into practiced, such political
accommodation or patronage politics might happen within these posts as the
law may not be so strict with these posts and thus, has the least possibility of
being questioned on the employment of such individual.
Figures 4.3 – 4.22 further show the specific breakdown of inventory of
employees in each office in the Provincial Capitol with respect to the status of
employment of all the employees in the respective offices.
Figure 4.3. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial

Accounting Office w ith Respect to the Status of
Em ploym ent as of March 31, 2010
15, 39% permanent

casual
23, 61%
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accounting office with respect to their status of appointment in which 61% of
the employees are classified as permanent while 39% are under the casual
category.
Figure 4.4. Pe rs onne l Inve ntory on the

Provincial Adm inis trator Office w ith
Re s pe ct to the Status of Em ploym e nt as of
M arch 31, 2010
permanent
11, 50% 11, 50%
casual
administrator’s office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 50%
of the employees are deemed as permanent while the remaining 50% is set
as casual employees.

Provincial Agriculturis t Office w ith Re s pe ct
to the Status of Em ploym e nt as of March
31, 2010
20, 20%
permanent
casual
80, 80%
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agriculturist office with respect to their status of appointment in which 80 out
of 100 of its employees are under the permanent category while the
remaining 20 are under the casual level.
Figure 4.6. Pers onne l Inve ntory on the

Provincial Budge t Office w ith Re s pe ct to
the Status of their Em ploym e nt as of
M arch 31, 2010
3, 17%
15, 8 3% permanent
casual
Figure 4.6. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial budget
office with respect to their status of appointment which shows that 83% of the
total employees are under the permanent posts while 17% are under the
casual positions.
Figure 4.7. Pe rs onne l Inve ntor y on the

Provincial Ge nral Se rvice s Office w ith
Re s pe ct to the Status of the ir Em ploym e nt as
of M arch 31, 2010
1, 1%
permanent
temporary
casual
29, 26%
81, 73%
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Figure 4.7. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial general
services office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 73% of all
the employees are under the permanent positions, 26% are under the casual
positions and 1% belongs to the temporary position.

F i g ur e 4 . 8 . Per so nnel I nvent o r y o f t he
Pr o vi nci al Leg al O f f i ce w i t h R esp ect t o t hei r
St aus o f E mp l o yment as o f M ar ch 3 1, 2 0 10
3, 21%
per manent
co-ter mi nus
1, 7%
casual
10, 72%
Figure 4.8. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial legal
office with respect to their status of appointment in which 72% belong to the
permanent level, 21% to the casual level and 7% to the co – terminus level.
Figure 4.9. Personnel Inventory of the Provincial

Cooperatives Office w ith Res pect to their Status
of Em plym ent as of March 31, 2010
9, 41%
permanent
1, 5%
temporary
co-terminus
1, 5% casual
11, 49%
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cooperatives office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 49%
of the total employees belong to the permanent posts, 41% to the casual
positions, and both 5% for the temporary and co – terminus positions.

Figure 4.10. Personnel Inventory of the Provincial
Engineer's Office with Respect to their Staus of
Emplyment as of March 31, 2010
36, 11%
permanent
casual
305, 89%
engineer’s office with respect to their status of appointment where 89% of all
the employees are categorized as permanent employees while the remaining
11% are under the casual level.

Provincial Gove rnor's Office w ith Re s pe ct to
the Status of Em ploym e nt Status as of M arch
31, 2010
379, 66%
142, 24%
permanent
temporary
co-terminus
37, 6% 25, 4% casual
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governor’s office with respect to their status of appointment in which 66% of
the total employees belong to the casual positions, 24% belongs to the
permanent positions, 6% belongs to the co – terminus posts and 4% under
the temporary posts.

Environm ent and Natural Resources Office w ith
Respect to the Status of Em ploym ent as of M arch 31,
2010
permanent
14, 100%
environment and natural resources office with respect to their status of
appointment wherein 100% of its employees are deemed under the
permanent post.

Provincial Inform ation Office w ith Re s pe ct to
the Status of Em ploym e nt as of M arch 31, 201
permanent
18, 67% 2, 7%
1, 4% temporary
co-terminus
6, 22%
casual
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information office with respect to their status of appointment in which 67% of
the total employees are under the permanent category, 22% under the
casual posts, 7% under the temporary level and 4% under the co – terminus
positions.

Population Office with Respect to the Status of
Emplyment as of March 31, 2010
permanent
20, 100%
population office with respect to their status of appointment in which all of its
employee are under the permanent level.
Figure 4.15. Personne l Inve ntory on the

Provincial Social Welfare and Deve lopm ent
Office w ith Re spe ct to the Status of
18, 43% permanent

24, 57% casual
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Figure 4.15. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial social
welfare and development office with respect to their status of appointment
wherein 57% of its employees are under the casual posts while 43% are
under the permanent level of occupancy.

Provincial Ve te rinarian Office w ith Re s pe ct to
the Status of Em ploym e nt as of M arch 31, 2010
11, 32%
permanent
casual
23, 68%
veterinarian office with respect to their status of appointment in which 68% of
all the employees belong to the permanent classification while 32% is under
the casual posts.
Figure 4.17. Personne l Inve ntory on the

Provincial Vice Governonr's Office w ith
Re spe ct to the Status of Em plym ent as of
M arch 31, 2010
1, 14% 1, 14%
temporary
co-terminus
elected
5, 72%
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Figure 4.17. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial vice
governor’s office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 72% of
its employees are under the co – terminus post, and 14% for both the
temporary positions and elected positions.

Sanggunian w ith Respect to the Staus of
11, 14%
28, 35% permanent
co-terminus
elected
40, 51%
sanggunian office with respect to their status of appointment in which 51%
belongs to the co – terminus posts, 35% to the permanent posts and 14% to
the elected posts.
Figure 4.19. Personnel inventory on the Provincial

Planning and Developm e nt Office w ith Respect to
the Status of Em ploym ent as of March 31, 2010
4, 12%
permanent
casual
29, 88%
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planning and development office with respect to their status of appointment
wherein 88% belong to the permanent positions and 12% to the casual
position.

Provincial Tre as ure r Office w ith Re s pe ct to
the Status of Em ploym e nt as of March 31,
2010
12, 22%
permanent
casual
43, 78%
treasurer’s office with respect to their status of appointment in which 78% of
the employees are classified as permanent ones while the remaining 22%
are under the casual posts.

Figure 4.21. Pe r s onne l Inve ntory on the
Provincial As s e s s or Office w ith Re s pe ct to
the Status of Em ploym e nt as of M arch 31,
2010
11, 19%
permanent
casual
47, 81%
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assessor’s office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 81% are
under the permanent posts while the remaining 19% are classified under the
casual posts.

Health Office Including the District, Provincial and
Mental Hospital with Respect to the Status of
Employment as of March 31, 2010
356, 38%
permanent
contractual
casual
23, 2% 547, 60%
Figure 4.22. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial health
office including the district, provincial, and mental hospital with respect to
their status of appointment in which 60% of the total employees are classified
as permanent, 28% as casual and 2% as contractual.
Looking at the presented data regarding the status of employment in
various offices in the Cavite Provincial Capitol, it can be seen that still, the
casual and contractual including the job orders in which, by special reasons
seems to be “under a special office” aside from the mentioned offices above,
employees have prevalent numbers among other employees though some
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offices exhibited high percentage of employees with permanent positions.
Thus, it is really a presumable fact that in each office, existence of non – civil
service required employees is evident and as mentioned earlier, could be
accounted for the idea that political accommodation is practiced in each
office. Unless otherwise that other offices had greater number of permanent
employees, then it can be presumed that those offices actually have lesser
number of political accommodations since such posts require strict civil
service qualification on the said employment status.
3. In what way does patronage politics exists both in general
perspective and in the Cavite Provincial Government level as well?
Patronage Politics is exercised in a usual practice by means of giving
favor to certain individuals or group of individuals in exchange of the political
support that they have rendered to a politician during the election period
(Shafrizt, 1988). Such favor may be given in terms of granting positions into
offices in the local government units or by means of granting projects that
could help these individuals based on their basic needs. Patronage politics
may also be exercised by giving special treatments to individuals in
transacting or performing certain public transactions with the respective local
government units.
Having the statement given by the Provincial Human Resource
Management Office, patronage politics actually exists in the Cavite Provincial
Capitol but they do not call it as patronage politics but political

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accommodation. They further added that such practice cannot be prevented
most especially when there is a change of administration in the provincial
seat. As a new administration comes in, it is expected that there would also
be new employees to be considered in certain posts and at times, a
reshuffling among the employees who are already posted in specific
positions. In addition to this, the Human Resource Management Office
further reiterated that such political accommodations happens by mere
suggestion of list of possible employees of certain elective officials in the
provincial government.
4. Are the employees of the Cavite Provincial Capitol qualified when
it comes to their qualification background on their respective jobs?
Though the Provincial Human Resource Management Office admitted
that indeed, political patronage or political accommodation as they call it
exists, they gave a statement that not all recommendations are
accommodated as their office must follow a protocol on hiring employees and
that is, the consideration of the Civil Service Law as well as they capacity
and knowledge on the possible posts to be granted to them. From this
statement, it can be assumed that the Provincial Capitol has the employees
that are really qualified when it comes to their qualification background on
their respective jobs. Yet, as stated in the Employment Handbook of
Tagaytay City authored by Ms. Ester D. Salamatin, she made mention of the
fact that in the mode of employment of these individuals, there are certain
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posts that need not to have Civil Service Eligibility like in the case of the
Casual, Contractual, Co – Terminus or Emergency. Thus, from this fact, we
can say that not all employees of the Cavite Provincial Government are Civil
Service Requirement qualified as by nature, there are posts that need not to
have civil service eligibility. Likewise, as a governmental institution, it is
expected that employees to be admitted in the said posts must be qualified in
terms not only of law requirements but as well as their skills and knowledge
as basic idea since they are to perform certain governmental functions that
would concern the welfare of the majority of the people under their respective
local government units (Altenburger,n.d.).
5. What is the effect of Patronage Politics on the efficiency of the
Cavite Provincial Capitol as a government institution?
Upon conducting an informal interview to different people within
Cavite, reveals different point of view on how efficient Cavite Provincial
Government in rendering services in different sect especially for the last
nine (9) years. Some says that, in a way the Provincial Government is
efficient in providing good infrastructures. Most of them made mentioned
the improvement in Capitol compound brought by the previous
administration. The Provincial Gymnasium was provided with an air
condition, buildings were renovated and sidewalks better made. An
interviewee, a former SK Chairman and a nurse at present, stated that during
her incumbency, Provincial Government had been supportive in their projects

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and programs. The roads and bridges on their place was reconstructed and
replaced to concrete ones. The administration also gave assistance for the
farmers in their place, since the municipality is an agricultural. On the other
hand, drivers were still looking for some improvements on the road
infrastructures; they revealed that there were still roads that are in need to
undergo widening for better flow of transportation. As far as education is
concerned, the Provincial government had been good in providing
assistance to the public schools. Through scholarship grants and the famous
Maliksi- type building of public schools funded by the Province. On health
services being provided, some stated that it is fairly carry out to the people
but not satisfying. It was revealed that, mostly on the month of January,
Provincial Hospital lacks equipments and facilities due to insufficient fund,
causing implications in the execution of appropriate health services.
However, still, the interview revealed that the Provincial Government
lack its efficiency and effectiveness for the last nine (9) years. Most of the
interviewees still believed that the services are not enough and worst, that
the government had been interpreting the problems for the people and
providing services that are not parallel to address the needs of the people.
For them, it is hard to rate the effectiveness of the previous administration,
provided that they did not even felt the improvement thoroughly.
Furthermore, they were also aware of the anomalies inside the government,
which they think is affecting the proper implementation of the government’s
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goals and objectives. Like the loads of debt left by the previous
administration, the rice scam issue and the ghost employees in Capitol. From
then, the people believed that the Provincial Government for the last nine (9)
years brought improvement to the province, however, not satisfying.
As far as the evident sustainable growth and development exhibited
by the Cavite Provincial Capitol is concerned (Socio – Economic Profile of
the Province of Cavite, 2008), it can be drawn that the Cavite Government as
a government institution has been effective despite the existence of the idea
of patronage politics. This just only proves that patronage politics do not have
any detrimental effect on the performance of the provincial capitol as a
governmental institution despite its evident existence. In addition to this,
laying out the projects that the provincial government has over the years
2001 – 2010 like for example the compensation given to the Barangay Health
Workers, cooperative and livelihood assistance given to the small and
medium Caviteno entrepreneurs, upgraded public development programs,
agricultural and aquatic livelihood assistance, scholarship assistance and
stable economic status of the province, it can also be a proof that indeed, it
has been an efficient institution.
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CHAPTER V
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This part of the study focuses on summarizing the ideas raised as well
as the conclusion of the facts and paradigms that deal with the main focus of
the study which is patronage politics and the employment rate of the Cavite
Provincial Capitol from the year 2001 – 2010. Furthermore, this point of this
study also lays down certain suggestions regarding the findings this research
study had.
Findings
Based on the data gathered, the following facts are established by the
researchers of this study:
1. In the Philippines, as a whole, patronage politics in relation to
local provincial level of governance would speak of the idea of
pakikisama, compadre, utang na loob and kinship system. Furthermore,
in the area of the Cavite Provincial government, patronage politics is the
way by which the provincial capitol in the period of 2001 – 2010 had
provided favors and accommodations which are both political in nature
into certain individuals in terms of the offices created which are termed
as “junior offices with its junior officers”. The salary of these offices are
obtained from the funds of the legal offices in the Provincial Capitol
which are not subject to auditing of authorities. The best example of a
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legal office whose fund is not subject to auditing as mentioned by a
credible source is the Intelligence Fund of the Provincial Government.
2. Based on the comparison made between the top ten employers in the
province of Cavite in terms of employment size and the Cavite Provincial
Capitol, the latter has a huge amount of employees based on its average
inventory as of March 31, 2010 if it is to be compared with the other
companies in the province of Cavite. With a total of 4, 716 employees, it has
far gone the difference against the number one company in terms of
employment size which is the ROHM Electronics Philippines Incorporated
with the average employee size of 2, 969. This data allows a room for a
conclusion that the Cavite Provincial Capitol has been the largest employer
and not the second largest employer in the province of Cavite.
3. Having the statement given by the Provincial Human Resource
Management Office, patronage politics actually exists in the Cavite Provincial
Capitol but they do not call it as patronage politics but political
accommodation.
4. Though the Provincial Human Resource Management Office admitted
that indeed, political patronage or political accommodation as they call it
exists, they gave a statement that not all recommendations are
accommodated as their office must follow a protocol on hiring employees and
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that is, the consideration of the Civil Service Law as well as their capacity
and knowledge on the possible posts to be granted to them.
5. Based on the interview conducted to different people residing within
Cavite revealed that Cavite Provincial government had been efficient in some
public services; however, it does not satisfy the people for the last nine (9)
years. For the reason of their belief that there were anomalies and flaws
within the Capitol, which hinders the proper delivery of services.
Conclusions
1. Patronage politics is the common idea of referral system in the
government offices. In Cavite Provincial Capitol, such system has
been the cause of high employment rate from year 2001- 2009.
2. The legal bases on the declaration that the Cavite Provincial Capitol is
the second largest employer are the records of both the HRMO of Cavite
Provincial Capitol and Department of Labor and Employment Cavite Field
Office. (Table 4.1)
3. Patronage politics rampantly exists in the Cavite Provincial Capitol in
terms of political accommodations. Wherein they hire employees through
recommendations from the superiors.
4. Though most of the employees are qualified when it comes to their
qualification background on their respective jobs in relation to the provision of
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the Civil Service law, there are still employees who are not qualified for their
respective posts do not require civil service qualifications.
5. In a way, Cavite Provincial Capitol is an efficient governmental agency
in terms of the delivery of services to the people, though there are criticisms
based on the issues and controversies particularly on the employment
standards and project implementation, of the said institution on the year
2001- 2009.
Recommendations
After thorough analysis and synthesis of the data gathered in this
study, the researchers were able to formulate the following
recommendations:
 Electorate and the People of Cavite. Based on the findings of this
study, the researchers would recommend for the people to be more vigilant
on the issues that deals with the local provincial government unit. An issue
such as those that deals with the efficiency of the delivery of services of the
provincial government is a subject that must be taken seriously. This study
further recommends that these people, as much as possible, refrain from the
incentives brought about by patronage politics as this a detriment to the
democratic idea of Philippine governance.
 The Present Provincial Administration. As the Human Resources
Management Office said, the provincial capitol assures that all their
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employees are qualified to their posts as per mandated by the laws, the
researchers of this study moves that the present provincial administration
continue observing such practice as this would delimit the idea of patronage
politics in the provincial government. Such practice may also assure the
efficient delivery and performance of services in the provincial government.
 The Civil Service Commission. The proponents of this study
recommend to the Civil Service Commission to counter check on whether the
employees of the provincial capitol are really qualified into their respective
posts as determined by the Civil Service qualifications.
 Future Aspiring Proponents. As there may be individuals who might
have the interest to pursue this study or have a similar framework of the
study, the proponents of this study recommend that they set focus on other
possible factors for the high employment rate of the provincial capitol aside
from patronage politics. It is also hereby recommended that attention be paid
of on other possible effect of high employment rate aside on the matter of
efficiency of the delivery of services of the Cavite Provincial Capitol.
 Academe and Socio – Political Citizen’s Arm. Upon analyzing the
data gathered from this study, the researchers recommend to the academe
and socio – political arms to set similar studies that might have other local
government units aside from the Cavite Provincial Capitol as the subject of
the study. It is also moved that these institutions be more vigilant of the
issues that deals with the aspect of local governance. Aside from this, it is
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further recommended that seminars, workshops and dialogues be conducted
by certain student groups in order to educate the majority of the people about
the must – knows inside the Provincial Capitol most especially issues that
deals with similar nature of controversy.
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REFERENCES
Books
Aquilino, Pimentel. (1991). Local Government Code of 1991. Quezon City:
Rex Publishing House.
Collier’s Encyclopedia. (1984). New York: Mcmillan Educational Company.
Ethics in Public Office Readings.(1898). S.I.:s.n
Gerth, Hans and C. Wright Mills. (1954). Character and Social Structure, the
Psychology of Social Institution. New York: Harcourt, Brace &
Company.
Hawley, Willis and Wirt, Frederick. (1974). The Search for Community
Power. New Jersey: Prentice- Hall.
Massie, Joseph L. (1964). Essentials of Management. Quezon City: JMC
Press, Inc.
Panopio, Isabel and Rolda, Realidad. (1988). Sociology and Anthropology
(An Introduction). Quezon City: JMC Press.
Salamatin, Ester D. (2002). Employees’ Handbook- City Government of
Tagaytay.
Shepard, Jon M. (1981). Sociology. West Publishing Co.
Shafritz, Jay. (1988). The Dorsey Dictionary of American Government and
Politics. Chicago, Illinois: The Dorsey Press.
Tawney, Richard Henry. (1961). Equality. New York: Capricorn Books.
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Journal Articles
Auyero, Javier. (2001). Poor People’s Politics. University of the Philippines
National College for Public Administration and Governance
Bonifacio, Manual. (1975). “A Revised Version of paper read at the
symposium on the Filipino Personality. Psychological Association of
the Philippines.
Carino, Ledivina V. (1971). “The definition of Graft and Corruption and the
conflict of ethics and law”. Philippine Journal of the Public
Administration.
Cassirer, Ernest. (1951). “The Philosophy of the Enlightenment”. Boston:
Beacon Press.
David, Rodolf. (1977). The Absence of National Consciousness defines
Contemporary Philippine Culture. Manila.
Jocano, Landa F. (1966). “Filipino Social Structure and Value System”.
Filipino Cultural Heritage. The Philippine Women’s University.
Carlos, Clarita. (2004). “Towards Bureaucratic Reform: Issues and
Challenges.
Online Sources
http://www.tribo.org/history/corrupt.html. Retrieved on February 23, 2010.
Other documents
Golden, Miriam A. (2000). “Political Patronage, Bureaucracy and Corruption
in Postwar Italy.
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Kopecky, Petr., Gerardo, Schelis and Spirova, Maria. (2007). “Party
Patronage in New Democracies: Concepts, Measures and the Design
of Empirical Inquiry.
Rocamora, Joel and Hutchcroft, Paul. (2005). “Strong Demands and Weak
Institutions: Addressing the Democracies Deficit in the Philippines”.
Un, Kheang. (2005). “Patronage Politics and Hybrid Democracy: Political
Change in Cambodia, 1993- 2003”.
Human Resource Management Office- Cavite Provincial Capitol
Province of Cavite: Socio- Economic Profile for 2008- Provincial Planning
and Development Office, Cavite Provincial Capitol
Department of Labor and Employment- Cavite Field Office
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Appendices
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Curriculum Vitae
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OMAN PAUL G. ANTIOJO
GT. 047 Nia Road St., Labac, Naic, Cavite
09054534285 (M) / (046) 4120 – 695 (T)
omanpaulantiojo@gmail.com (email)
Educational Background :
2007 – 2011 De La Salle University – Dasmarinas

Dasmarinas City, Cavite
Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
College Education
2003 – 2007 Cavite National Science High School

(Regional Science High School, Region
IV – A, CALABARZON)
Maragondon, Cavite
Secondary Education
Licensures :
December 11, 2010 Test of English for International
Communication (TOEIC)
General Professional Proficiency
rating: 915
October 17, 2010 Philippine Civil Service Commision

Professional Level
*actual rating still to be released by CSC
Extra Curricular Activities (Seminars/Awards/Organizations) :
Organizations:
June 2010 & Nov. 2007 AB Political Science 2011
Class President (June 2010 – present)
Class President (Nov. 2007 – April 2008)
October 2009 - present Vox La Salle Debate Society
Vice Chancellor (Oct. 2009 – May 2010)
Member
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June 2007 – DLSU – Dasmarinas’ Pre-Law Society
October 2010 Legislative Board Member (2009 – 2010)
V.President for Finance (June – Oct. 2010)
June 01, 2007 – Political Science Program Council

April 30, 2009 De La Salle University – Dasmarinas
Jr Publicity Information Officer (2008-2009)
Legislative Board Member (2007 – 2008)
Activities / Honors / Awards / Citations Received:

July 28, 2010 SONA: So Ano Na?
Forum on President Aquino’s First
State of the Nation Address
Political Science Program Council
Resource Speaker
December 02, 2009 1st Compact Inter – School Debate

DLSU – D Communication Arts Dept
Best Debater;
2nd Place, Team Debate
September 04, 2009 USAPAN SERIES 2: Mainit, Maselan na

Talik-Kayan Tungkol sa RH Bill
DLSU – Health Sciences Institute /
College of Medicine/Psychiatry Dept.
Resource Speaker
Sept. 03, 2009 2nd St. Vicente Liem de la Paz Manila –

wide Invitational Debate Cup
Colegio de San Juan de Letran,
Intramuros, Manila
Debater, DLSU- Dasmarinas
March 2007 Division Intel Philippines Science Fair

Champion, Individual Category – Applied
Science Division
December 07, 2006 Regional Intel Philippines Science Fair

Participant
held at Dasmarinas Nat’l. High School
Dasmarinas, Cavite
Unpublished Research:
pdfMachine
March 2007 Fuel Additive Out of Thirteen Common
Plants ~ Premma odorata, Musa sp.,
Cocos nucifera, Psidium guajava,
Pterocarpus indicus, Moring oleifera,
Blumea balsamifera, Terminalia
catappa, Tamarindus indica,
Andropogan citratus, Bixa orellana,
Pithecellobium dulce and Azadirachta
indica
(A Research Paper Presented to Cavite
National Science High School)
Main Proponent of the Study
_____________________________________________________________
Personal Information:
Nickname : Opee
Civil Stat. : Single
Height : 168 cm
Nationality: Filipino
pdfMachine
ROSE KHRISTINE D. SALAMATIN
131 Neogan, Tagaytay City, Cavite
09173889338
rk_salamatin@yahoo.com
Educational Background :
2007 – 2011 De La Salle University – Dasmarinas

Dasmarinas City, Cavite
Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
College Education
2003 – 2007 Mater Dei Academy

Kaybagal South, Tagaytay City, Cavite
Secondary Education
Extra Curricular Activities (Seminars/Awards/Organizations) :

Organizations:
June 2010 & Nov. 2008 PoliticalScience Program Council
General Secretary (June 2010 – present)
Senior Public Information Officer
(November 2009 – April 2010)
Level Representative (June 2008- April
2009)
October 2010 - present Vox La Salle Debate Society

Member
June 2007 – DLSU – Dasmarinas’ Pre-Law Society

October 2010 Member
Activities / Honors / Awards / Citations Received:

August 2010 Extempulitika 2010
Project Head
pdfMachine
December 2010 Pre- Law and Vox La Salle Showdown
DLSU- Dasmarinas
Best Debater
Team Debate
January 21, 2011 Best History Film Review Essay

History Film Review Essay
Bicentenary of Independence of the
Republic of Chile
February 19, 2011 Ang Paglalayag: Strengthening Youth

Leadership
Project Head
_____________________________________________________________
Personal Information:
Nickname : RK
Civil Stat. : Single
Height : 168 cm
Nationality: Filipino
pdfMachine

An Analysis On Patronage Politics and Its Relationship To The Issue of Cavite Provincial Capitol S Employment Rate (2001 2010)

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An Analysis On Patronage Politics and Its Relationship To The Issue of Cavite Provincial Capitol S Employment Rate (2001 2010)

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AN ANALYSIS ON PATRONAGE POLITICS

AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO THE ISSUE OF CAVITE

PROVINCIAL CAPITOL’S EMPLOYMENT RATE (2001 – 2010)

An Undergraduate Thesis Presented to

The Faculty of the Social Sciences Department

College of Liberal Arts

De La Salle University – Dasmarinas

of the Requirements for the

Degree Bachelor of Arts in Political Science

Antiojo, Oman Paul G.

Salamatin, Rose Khristine D.

This study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics and its

Relationship to the Issue of the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment

Rate (2001 – 2010)” projects a deeper understanding of what has been an

delicate discussions on several relevant matters including the idea of

patronage politics in relation to the local provincial level of governance in the

country by means of the consideration of referrals. Another substantial

the Provincial Human Resource Management Office and the Provincial

Department of Labor and Employment Office had presented. The third

politics specifically exists in the Cavite Provincial level through the

categorical label of political accommodation that the Provincial Human

Resource Management Office had towards patronage politics. Fourth key

point of this study focused on the professional qualification of the employees

The Thesis titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its Relation

to the Issue of Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate (2001-

2010)” prepared and submitted by Oman Paul G. Antiojo and Rose

Khristine D. Salamatin in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the

degree of Bachelor of Arts in Political Science has been examined and is

recommended for acceptance and approval for oral defense.

Mr. LORETO CAMILOZA

THESIS REVIEW PANEL

Approved by the committee on Oral Examination with a grade of ________

Mr. JOSE AIMS ROCINA

degree of Bachelor of Arts in Political Science.

Dr. EMMANUEL CALAIRO, Ph.D.

This is to certify that Oman Paul G. Antiojo and Rose Khristine D.

Salamatin have submitted their research titled An Analysis on Patronage

Politics and its Relationship to the Issue of Cavite Provincial Capitol’s

Employment Rate (2001-2010) to the Languages and Literature Department

for language editing.

REMEDIOS SAPALASAN, M.A.

courage to successfully accomplish the research material.

Next, the researchers would like to thank their respective families.

last but not the least, Mr. Deanson Mabalot.

agencies and offices such as the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Human

Resource Office, Cavite Provincial Planning and Development Office,

Department of Labor and Employment – Cavite and most specially to the

respondents of the study who willingly submitted themselves to share their

views and opinions.

CHAPTER I : THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND

Statement of the Problem………………………………………………..16

Significance of the Study………………………………………………...21

Scope and Delimitations………………………………………………....22

CHAPTER II : REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Relevance of the Study…………………………………………………48

CHAPTER III : METHODOLOGY

Respondents of the Study……………………………………………...50

CHAPTER IV : PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF

CHAPTER V : SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND

Figure 1.1. …………………………………………………………………….....19

Figure 4.1. ……………………………………………………………………….57

Figure 4.2. ……………………………………………………………………….57

Figure 4.3. ……………………………………………………………………….58