The American Negro's Impact

Author(s): Robert S. Browne and John Henrik Clarke

Source: Africa Today, Vol. 14, No. 1, Africa in American Politics (1967), pp. 16-18
Published by: Indiana University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4184741 .
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grouping. Furthermore, it represents an attempt to
mute the long-standing intenal differences be-
tween the Lovestone and Reuther aproaches to in-
ternational trade union activities. The success of
this attempt can be attributed at least in part, to
the change in tactics dictated by the particular
character of the African situation. Though rem-
nants of the Lovestone strategy persist in the
AALC, there are indications that Brown is seeking
different ways of operation on the African con-
tinent. Part of the difficulty in assessing AALC is
due to Brown's inordinate concern with secrecy:
very few public details have ever emerged about
his operations anywhere and Africa is no excep-
tion. There is, however, reason to believe that the
phase of AALC's program oriented to constructing
local institutions concerned with transmitting
technical skills is a useful one, especially consider-
ing the delicate situation of Africa's trade unions.
On the other hand, there remain several as-
The American
By Robert S. Browne and John Henrik Clarke
Robert Browne is a member of the Economics Dept.
Fairleigh-DickensonUniversity. John Clarke is As-
sociate Editor of Freedomways.
With something in excess of 10% of its popu-
lation having its ancestral roots in Africa, is it
possible for America to formulate and execute
its African policy without some regard for the
wishes of this sizeable black minority of her citi-
zens? Despite the fact that ties between the dis-
placed African community resident in America
and its motherland have never been entirely
severed, until recent years these ties have for
the most part been scanty, unorganized, primarily
sentimental and cultural rather than economic or
political, and have in any case involved only a
minute fraction of either the displaced or the
homeland population. Indeed, the gradual decay
in lines of communication between the two groups
after the slave trade was ended, and perhaps even
more so after the subjection of most of Africa to
European colonial domination, led to virtual isola-
tion of the two groups from one another. With
encouragement by the mores of the dominant cul-
ture, an ever-widening gap in understanding and
sympathy gradually developed between Africans
and American blacks. During the past decade,
however, this gap has begun to close itself.
EARLY EXCEPTIONS
There were rare exceptions to the pattern of
mutual isolation, of course, and the renowned
American Negro scholar, Dr. W. E. B. Dubois,
comes to mind as the foremost exponent of the
importance of the retention and expansion of
communications between black Americans and Af-
ricans, as well as amongst the fractionated Afri-
16
pects of the AALC approach which could serve to
limit its efectiveness in spreading and strengthen-
ing unionism more broadly on the continent. Many
of the concepts of free trade unionism which are
utilized as criteria to evaluate continuing assist-
ance are totally unrealistic; for swift economic
development in fact requires more collaboration
between unions and government than American
labor leaders would like to countenance. More-
over, gearing projects to unions with unimpeach-
able anti-Communist records serves to attenuate
the potential impact of such projects; for any
external approach to Africa, if it is to be success-
ful, must minimize political expediency. Equipped
with a number of specialists and with Irving
Brown's broad range of contacts on the continent,
the AALC possesses significant opportunities to
develop successful programs if its perceptions of
reality are not veiled by archaic ideological posi-
tions.
Negro's Impact
cans themselves. Indeed, to his concept of Pan-
Africanism is due much of the impetus for the
African independence movements which ultimate-
ly erased the colonial system from much of Africa.
The back-to-Africa philosophy of Marcus Garvey,
which attracted wide support among American
Negroes in the mid-twenties, probably represents
the zenith of American Negro interest in Africa
prior to the present decade. In the latter 30's
Paul Robeson and his wife, through their African
travels, writings, and tireless educa.tional efforts,
succeeded in bringing to a limited number of
middle class Negroes an awareness that Africa
was inhabited by dignified and intelligent human
beings, many of whom were looking toward their
black brothers in America for aid in breaking
them free from colonial subjection. Robeson's
Council on African Affairs was, at that time, the
lone U.S. voice being raised on behalf of the poli-
tical and economic integrity of the black Africans.
There was, however, little of substance that the
black American could offer to his African counter-
part, for the Negro in America was himself still
virtually without power, organization, or economic
resources.
Although the American Negro made no signi-
ficant contribution in an organized way toward
the winning of independence for the African na-
tions, he did provide the movement with consider-
able spiritual support. Kwame Nkrumah, a leading
architect of African independence and himself a
product of a Negro college in America, made
reference to the role of the American Negro in a
speech to the All-African People's Conference in
1958. He said: "Many of them have made no small
contribution to the cause of African freedom . . .
Long before many of us were even conscious of
our own degradation, these men fought for Afri-
AFRICA TODAY
can national and racial equality. Long may the
links between African and peoples of African de-
scent continue to hold us together in fraternity."
POST WORLD WAR II
From the Negro press, which was particularly
vocal in this regard, and from the growing num-
bers of African-American Negro contacts which
developed with the influx of larger numbers of
African students in the U.S. following World War
II, an awareness of Africa's political and social
evolvement became a part of the active conscious-
ness of an expanding segment of the black intelli-
gentsia. As the parallels between the restrictive
measures imposed upon Africans in their home-
lands and the legal and extra-legal discrimination
practiced against Negroes here in the U.S. be-
came better understood, the feeling spread that
the two struggles were inextricably tied together,
and during the mid-fifties the Negro's indifference
toward the African began rather swiftly to trans-
form itself into sympathetic concern. With the
coming into independence of much of black Africa
commencing in 1957, this concern became mixed
with admiration as a procession of black, eloquent
statesmen began to be received at the United Na-
tions and the White House with full diplomatic
honors. For the middle-class Negro it became
fasionable to boast of some identification with
Africa and such attitudes were institutionalized
through groups such as the American Society for
African Culture, an artistic and literary associa-
tion of black intellectuals which devotes itself to
the exchanging of ideas and artistic endeavors
between continental and New World Africans.
The growing pressures on post-war America
to afford her Negro citizens a greater measure of
participation and visibility in the nation's affairs
had led to the unofficial designation of the Lib-
erian ministership (later raised to the rank of
Ambassador) as a "Negro" position, and as early
as the later Truman era it had become rather
standard policy to include a Negro in the U.S.'
annual delegation to the United Nations. Quite
naturally, these black delegates had unfailingly
been representatives of the Negro upper class and
were wedded in varying degrees to the adminis-
tration in power. Despite this, however, these black
diplomats had, on more than one occasion, resisted
America's timid policy with respect to African
freedom, though they found themselves in the
uncomfortable position of being asked to serve
as spokesmen for U.S. policy positions which were
mere apologias for the colonial powers and which
were contrary to the best interests of all black
people. Thus, criticism and counsel by Negro
leadership with regard to U.S. policy in Africa did
have a hearing in Washington but it is unclear
to what extent it had an impact because the name
of Africa was not being heard in the Negro's
increasingly strident demand for redress of griev-
ances.
GROWING MILITANCY
Black American grass-roots idenltification with
African problems burst upon the international
DECEMBER 1966
scene during the first Congo crisis when a group
of black nationalists created a disturbance in the
galleries of the United Nations in protest against
alleged UN connivence in the murder of Patrice
Lumumba. This unprecedented public demonstra-
tion of American Negro concern with the African
political scene symbolized the entry of a new
factor in Washington's political calculations vis-
a-vis Africa and revealed that the treatment of
Africa was indeed being carefully observed by
some elements in the black community, elements
which were prepared to speak their minds un-
hampered by middle class inhibitions and hypo-
crisy. The principal effect which the UN demon-
stration had was probably felt, not in Washington,
but rather in the black ghettos, where the mysti-
que of Africa was slowly beginning to take a hold,
in alliance with the developing black nationalism
and self-pride which the civil rights movement
had aroused.
This identification with African political af-
fairs amongst the black masses perhaps reached
a zenith with the visit to Africa of Malcolm X
and his effort to enlist the suport fo the Organiza-
tion of African Unity for the Negro's efforts to
achieve justice in America. Malcolm's untimely
assassination abruptly ended this efort and no one
has yet attempted to revive it. In 1964 a team of
the younger, more activist civil rights workers,
mainly from the Student Non-Violent Coordinat-
ing Committee (SNCC) and the Mississippi Free'
dom.Democratic Party, made a good-will trip to
Africa to demonstrate their interest in that con-
tinent and their belief that the two peoples have
much in common; several other prominent young
activists in the civil rights movement have subse-
quently paid Africa a visit. Thus far these visits
have not produced spectacular organizational re-
sults but they have served to further the all-
important quest for clarification of the Afro-
American's identity and the role for which he
must prepare himself. Africa continues to be a
major focus of attention amongst the brain trust
of the more militant civil rights groups and this
tie is likely to expand as time goes by.
The old line civil rights organizations, on the
other hand, have demonstrated only nominal in-
terest in Africa. Probably the major civil rights
leader to make an extensive tour through Africa
in recent times was James Farmer, former direc-
tor of CORE. However, there was little follow-up
to his trip nor has Farmer emerged as a vocal
spokesman on African questions.
AMERICAN NEGRO LEADERSHIP
CONFERENCE IN AFRICA
The most notable modern effort which has
been made to organize American Negroes into
some sort of action group in behalf of African
interests is that of the American Negro Leadership
Conference on Africa, a loose confederation of
organizations having colmpletely or strongly Negro
memberships. The Conference is under the titular
leadership of several prominent civil rights lead-
ers: Roy Wilkins of the NAACP, Whitney Young
of the Urban League, Dr. Martin Luther King,
17
Mrs. Dorothy Height of the National Council of apartheid practices in South Africa, urging of the
Negro Women, James Farmer, and A Philip Ran- return of Southwest Africa to the indigenous
dolph. The accomplishments of the Leadership population, opposition to independence for South-
Conference have ben pretty much limited to two ern Rhodesia under a minority government, termi-
national conferences, in 1962 and 1964. The 1964 nation of U.S. assistance to and dependence on
conference, in particular, attracted considerable Portugal and positive efforts to achieve indepen-
attention in Washington. Excellent papers were dence for Portugal's African colonies, and recom-
presented dealing with the foremost African poli- mendations that the Congo problem be turned
tical problems in which the U.S. had a direct stake. over to the Organization for African Unity for
Secretary of State Rusk addressed the conference resolution. An aid program was requested for
and other high government officials, including Africa of a magnitude comparable to that provid-
Adlai Stevenson, attended various sessions of the ed to Europe after World War II, and revisions
conference as spectators. The conference was held in aid policies and in trade policies toward Africa
at the height of one of the Congo crises and its were urged.
final resolutions and statement hardly constituted Taken altogether, the conference resolutions
a resounding endorsement of U.S. policies in Af- plotted out a dramatic new course for U.S. policy
rica. Indeed, it led the New York Times to editor- in Africa. Some of it was probably not practiable,
ialize that civil rights leaders, and presumably at least in 1964; other portions, however, if
Negroes generally, should confine themselves to heeded would probably have avoided or minimiz-
expressing opinions on domestic matters and leave ed some of the conflict and instability which
international affairs to the so-called experts. characterizes much of Africa today. Unfortunately,
The final document of the conference reiter- there was no significant follow-through on these
ated the statement which had underlain the found- recommendations beyond a proforma meeting
ing spirit of the first conference: with President Kennedy, and the leadership Con-
ference has continud to exist primarily as a
"The American Negro community in the United phantom organization.
States has a special responsibility to urge a
dynamic African policy upon our government. IMPACT SLIGHT
Although we have a serious civil rights problem
which exhausts much of our energy we cannot The extent of the American Negro's direct
separate this, struggle at home fro,mthat abroad. impact on U.S. policy in Africa thus does not ap-
If the United States cannot take vigorous action pear to have been noticeable. Certainly it has
to help win freedom in Africa, we cannot expect fallen far short of its potential, a fact which may
to maintain the trust and friendship of the newly bie most easily attributable to the recency of the
independent and soon-to-be independent peoples Negro's emergence from total political and econo-
of Africa and Asia. mic ineffectiveness. The American dream, focus-
"Further, the American Negro community has a ing on the melting pot ideal which for the Negro
responsibility in simple terms of historical con- has been interpreted as full integration into the
tinuity. Since the turn of the century Negro lead- white society, is a further obstacle to Negro-
ers and scholars have expressed the concern of African identification. So long as the integration
Negro Americans for the elimination of colonial- ideal remains dominant, though unachieved, the
ism and its evils. While our conference will not Negro's psyche is subjected to a dual and con-
initiate a new interest on the part of Americ.an flicting loyalty. Even today, the search for iden-
Negroies,it will launch a more aggressive determi- tity persists as the number one problem of the
nation to make our influence felt on the policies black man in America. Clearly, however, to the
of our government in these critical areas of the extent that the Negro comes to believe that inte-
vast continent." gration will elude him in perpetuity in America,
he is likely to broaden his identification with his
The political positions adopted by the Lead- national community. The outcome which such a
ership Conference were essentially those which shift in outlook might ultimately have on U.S.
independent African nations had been urging for policy in Africa only the most foolhardy would
some time. They include condemnation of dare to predict.
MARTYRS
They are lying there along the captured roads, along the roads of disaster
Slender poplars, statues of the sombre gods wrapped in long golden cloaks
The prisoners from Senegal lie like lengthened shadows across the soil of France.
In vain they have cut down your laughter, and the darker flower of your flesh
You are the flower of the foremost beauty in stark absence of flowers
Black flower and solemn smile, diamond time out of mind.
You are the clay and the plasma ofthe world's virid spring
Fresh you are of the first couple, the fertile belly, milt and sperm
You are the sacred fecundity of the bright paradise gardens
And the incoercible forest, victor over fire and thunder.
The immense song of your blood will conquer machines and mortars
The pulse of your speech, lies and sophistry
No hate your heart without hate, no guile your guileless heart.
Black martyres 0 undying race, give me leave to say the words which will forgive.
Leopold Sedar Senghor (Senegal)

18 AFRICA TODAY