Castro and Religion

Fidel Castro’s view on Religion in Communist Cuba

Michele Taylor

History 510

4127633

July 11, 2010

1
 In 1959, Fidel Castro made a five hour television appearance during which

he commented that “revolution and religion are not contradictory but coincide,

Christianity sprung from humble people and was opposed by privileged classes.”1

From the beginning of the revolution Castro’s position on the role of religion has

remained consistent; the conflicts that would occur began with the institution of

the Roman Catholic Church rather than belief itself. Fidel Castro himself may be

a Marxist but it is difficult to name him a true Leninist. As Frei Betto states in

Fidel and Religion: “it was Lenin, not Marx, who made atheism into a

metaphysical tenet rather than a political issue.”2 Castro felt that the Church

should be ministering to the poor rather than the privileged; his sense of justice in

this respect led to interference from the Church.

Fidel Castro is a self avowed communist, yet his views on religious freedom

seem to stem from a background of tolerance for and understanding of religious

beliefs. Castro’s views on religion and the role of the church within Cuban

society have remained consistent throughout the 1960s and into the 21st Century.

However, how his administration has approached dealing with the Church has

changed within those time frames. The reasons for these changes are simple,

the 1960s were tumultuous, the revolution still in its infancy felt threatened by the

church; by the 1990s the revolution had solidified its power base and could afford

to allow the church more freedom, while the church had by then softened its

approach to the revolution.

1
“Five hour television appearance, 12/21/1959,” Castro Speech Database, University of Texas at Austin;
Http://lanic.utexas.edu/la/cb/cuba/castro.html .
2
Frei Betto, Fidel and Religion (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987), 18.

2
 The purpose in addressing Fidel Castro’s views and dealings on the subject

of religion and the Church, is that hopefully an insight will be provided that will

increase not only an understanding of Castro himself but of the evolution of the

Roman Catholic Church in revolutionary Cuba. It should be noted that due to the

inability to access the records of the Cuban Catholic Church; a clear view of the

Church’s stance on this subject is unavailable.

To understand Castro’s views we must explore his background. In a 1985

interview with Frei Betto, Fidel Castro states “first I come from a religious nation

and, second, that I come from a religious family.”3 His family’s faith was passed

down, not taught by church doctrine; Castro claims that there were no Roman

Catholic Churches in the countryside: “There was not a single church in our

country's entire countryside, not a single Catholic Church. There were some

local churches of other religious denominations but there was not a single

Catholic Church.”4 The population was so small that a priest only came once a

year to baptize children. There was no official religious training for these people.

As a boy Castro was enrolled in the La Salle School, where he was taught

catechism, religion, and biblical history. He treated the religious training as any

small child; it was like any other class, just something that was required. It was in

this school that he saw how money played a role in favoritism. Because Castro’s

father was a large landowner he received special treatment quite often.5 His

education would continue at the Colegio de Dolores of Santiago de Cuba which

was run by Catholic Priests of the Jesuit order. Castro stated that these “were

3
Ibid,. 90.
4
“Comments on Relations with Brazil 3/19/1990” Castro Speech Database.
5
Betto, Fidel and Religion, 118.

3
very rigorous, demanding people, who were interested in their student’s

character and behavior. In other words, I acquired ethics and norms that weren’t

just religious. I got a human influence from the teacher’s authority and the values

they attached to things.”6 So he was to gain his ethics and sense of justice from

these schools, yet he disagreed with the way religion was taught; he viewed it as

dogma, something that was subject to unconditional belief. This outlook

contained no reasoning in the mind of Castro: “It seems to me that religious faith,

like political belief, should be based on reasoning, on the development of thought

and feelings. The two things are inseparable.”7 Castro was never to gain a

religious vocation because his religious training was too mechanical and

dogmatic for him to embrace. Castro believes that the ideals of personal dignity

of the Jesuits greatly influenced him. They taught him discipline and

organization; this gave him the basis on which to view abuse and injustice as

inconceivable. It was the Jesuits who introduced him to Marx, and from there he

learned the necessity of understanding the process of historical change and the

development of a socialist consciousness.

For all the religious background and Castro’s failure to embrace religion

himself, he still acquired a deep understanding of men’s need for religious belief.

He explains his connection between the revolutionary and the religious martyr in

a manner that has spoken throughout his life.

Political ideas are worthless if they aren’t inspired by noble, selfless

feelings. Likewise, noble feelings are worthless if they aren’t based on
correct fair ideas. I’m sure that the same pillars that sustain the sacrifices
a revolutionary makes today sustained the sacrifices made in the past by

6
Ibid,. 122.
7
Ibid,. 123.

4
 a martyr who died for his religious faith. I think that religious martyrs were
generous, selfless men: they were made of the same stuff of which
revolutionary heroes are made. Without those qualities, there can be no
religious or political heroes.8

This background leads to a greater understanding of how Fidel Castro views

religion but also the manner in which he addresses the beliefs of the Cuban

people.

Castro’s’ views on religion have not wavered from the time of the revolution

to present day. This may be in part because, although he himself does not claim

a religious faith, he does claim Christian principles and a sense of justice. He

stated in 1960 that “the revolution has no reason to prevent any priest from

practicing his religion, be he Catholic, Moslem, Protestant.”9 Throughout his

speeches in the 1960s, Castro stated his belief in freedom of religion. In a 1961

speech he stated “The respect for religion is an unchangeable principle of the

revolution.” 10 In fact Castro tends to often wax philosophical in reference to

religion. Many of his speeches referred to his belief that Christianity is socialist in

nature, that its origins were among the poor, and that the masses must be served

by religion and socialism alike. He seems to sincerely believe in an individual’s

right to their own beliefs:

The republic practices freedom of religion: it represents believers and non-

believers. But one thing is true, that within the country we know all who
love the country. Those who do not fit within the revolution are those who
hate the poor, those who hate the people. Those who cannot serve God
or country are those who serve the interests of the selfish, those who serve
the interest of the privileged.11

8
Ibid,. 141.
9
“Clergy and Judges attacked by Castro 12/19/1960” Castro Speech Database.
10
“Meeting of Technical Advisors 02/12/1961” Castro Speech Database.
11
“Clergy and Judges attacked by Castro 12/19/1960” Castro Speech Database.

5
 Throughout the 1960s, speech after speech details the same beliefs and

principles: the right of the people to their own religious beliefs. His belief that the

revolution and religion can work side by side is repeated in this 1960 speech:

“We believe firmly that there is no contradiction between aspirations for material

improvement and the spiritual side. We respect all religious creeds.”12 The

consistency of his statements would lend to my theory that this reveals belief

rather than propaganda. “Everyone’s sincere beliefs, religious and political,

should be respected”13 In looking back to the early years of the revolution Castro

worked with many men and women of faith. “I don’t think that there is any

incompatibility between being a Catholic and being loyal to the Revolution. Take

the case of Father Sardinas, a major in the rebel army, pastor in Havana and a

member of the army staff…a priest who chose the path of revolution as the only

way open to liberate his people.”14 It was only when the Church openly spoke

against the revolution that those of faith were barred from government positions.

Though this effectively excluded the Church from political participation it did not

change Castro’s views on religion itself.

Castro’s speeches in the 1990s again spoke to religious freedom and

quite often spoke more to dealings with the Church hierarchy than to basic

religion itself. At this point it is obvious that Castro believes that freedom of

religion is a basic right and says that “Not a single church was closed. No

repressive measures were taken against religious groups. Many churches have

always maintained a relationship of respect toward the revolution in our country

12
“Castro bypasses “US controlled OAS 07/19/1960” Castro Speech Database.
13
“Clergy and Judges attacked by Castro 12/19/1960” Castro Speech Database.
14
“Interview Mexican Magazine has exclusive with Castro 9/10/1966” Castro Speech Database.

6
and can attest to this.”15 Castro’s main points were always that he believed in the

right to religion yet has issue with the Church hierarchy:

Unfortunately, it is not that there are no Christians, and good

Christians. There, the problems have been of another kind. We have not
had a church of the poor. In the majority church, which was the Catholic
Church, we have not had that, and we have felt the lack of it so much! We
could even have multiplied the influence of our revolution if it had been
like that. Many religious people work with the revolution.16

Before the visit of Pope John Paul II to Cuba; Castro was unsure not because of

who this man was but because of the turmoil that might arise from the proposed

visit. Castro spoke of the brilliance of the man and his respect for him, yet his

dispute lay not with the religion but the Church hierarchy.

There are some political issues associated with our relations with the
Cuban Catholic hierarchy that has influenced the visit one way or another.
We do not want the Pope's visit to be transformed into an instrument of
friction, contradiction, or conflict between the Catholic church -- the
hierarchy not the church -- and the revolution.17

Castro also begins to debate allowing people of faith into the party: “We had a

long time to think and meditate on this and we reached the conclusion that it was

not fair for a person to be denied membership to the party because of his

religious beliefs”.18 Fidel Castro’s acceptance of the rights of the people to their

faith is something that he has spoken of time and again this did not differ

throughout the 1990s. In an interview given to Brazilian Bandeirantes T.V. he

reiterates “Religion must be respected. Man’s feelings must be respected”19 The

consistencies of his views have not wavered in 30 years.

15
“ Interview with Ted Turner 06/29/1990” Castro Speech Database.
16
“Comments on Relations with Brazil 3/19/1990” Castro Speech Database.
17
“Fidel Castro’s visit to New York 10/23/1995” Castro Speech Database.
18
“Castro views political, economic situation 10/25/1991” Castro Speech Database.
19
“Castro Interview for Brazilian Bandeirantes T.V. 3/26/1990” Castro Speech Database.

7
 Castro tends to separate religion from the Church; you do not hear anger

when he speaks of religion, yet the church is another matter altogether. Fidel

Castro’s views on the role of the church in the 1960s also remained consistent.

He believed the church had its place, to minister to the souls of the people, yet it

did not have the right to interfere within the material province of the government:

The revolution has no reason to try to deny the right of any citizen to
practice his beliefs or the right of any religious body to preach it. But we can
ask the priests if they consider they have the right to forbid the revolutionary
government to pass revolutionary laws or to act within the social and civil
order in the form it considers in the interests of the people.20

In the same speech Castro continued to explain that anything that divides the

people is counterrevolutionary, “to be anti-Catholic, anti-Protestant, to be anti-

anything that tends to divide the Cubans.”21 The division of the Cuban people,

whether brought on by the church or any other party, was not to be accepted.

Castro was trying to build a cohesive society here; his problem was not with

religious belief but with the Church hierarchy itself. The Church of the 1960s was

strong in counterrevolutionary propaganda. Castro lashed out against the

church:

And now they attack the revolution. They use communism as a pretext.
Christ was a communist, too. Would they be against Christ? Why, in the
name of religion, do they attack political views when no one attacks religion
in the name of political ideas?22

According to Castro the stance of the Church in espousing counterrevolutionary

ideas would become a divisive point between him and the Church hierarchy.

Castro reiterates time and again that the revolution has shown great forbearance

20
“Clergy and Judges attacked by Castro 12/19/1960” Castro Speech Database.
21
“Clergy and Judges attacked by Castro 12/19/1960” Castro Speech Database.
22
“Castro says CIA leads Cuba Rebels 03/04/1961” Castro Speech Database.

8
at the continued provocation of Church officials speaking out against communism

and the revolution itself. In 1960 he spoke out against these officials:

That is why some of these cassocked, far from the true preaching’s of
Christ, began giving counterrevolutionary sermons in the churches and
writing parochial pamphlets that the very Catholics, the very faithful,
received with the national anthem on their lips.23

He espoused toleration for the church but in the same breath claimed that “the

revolution will fight against the false individuals who want to turn religion into an

anti-national and antisocial institution”24 It is obvious that Castro believes that the

church is corrupt and uncaring for the Cuban people and accuses material and

economic interests in the use of religion in counterrevolution.

The revolution went against privilege, against the privileged classes but
since it was not a matter of religion but a problem of material interests, of
economic problems, all the rest—faith, religion and other things have
served as a pretext to cry out about the wound, not of religion or faith, but
the wound of particular interests, the economic interest.25

In a 1961 speech Castro again criticized the church: “We have not done

anything against the priests. What quarrel do the priests have with us? They are

provoking a series of incidents. After they provoke problems they issued

pastorals blaming the government for lack of guarantees.”26 Castro spoke of the

actions of the church rather than against the religious faith of the people. His

anger was not at religion but rather at those who were fighting the revolutionary

changes using religion as their excuse. In 1966 in an interview with a Mexican

magazine, Castro brought up that things have settled between the Church and

state and Cuba was working for a future of happiness, only those who oppose
23
“Speech: Anniversary of the student martyrs of 187111/28/1960” Castro Speech Database.
24
“ Meeting of Technical Advisors 02/12/61” Castro Speech Database.
25
“Speech: Anniversary of the student martyrs of 1871 11/28/1960” Castro Speech Database.
26
“Castro says CIA leads Cuba Rebel 03/04/1961” Castro Speech Database.

9
the revolution will have problems. So as long as the church stayed out of politics

things would be fine. In a 1968 speech closing the Cultural Congress he talked

about a delegation of Catholic priests who had submitted a paper stating that

they are

convinced that imperialism currently, and particularly in the third world,

is a dehumanizing factor that destroys the foundations of the individual
dignity, opposes the free expression of culture, blocks the authentic
forms of human development, and promotes ever worsening and
oppressive conditions of underdevelopment.27

This progression of the church to the doctrine of the revolution brings the church

into the fold by supporting the tenets of Christianity in protecting the masses. “A

true Christian loves his neighbor. A real Christian complies with the doctrine of

faith and gives what he has to the poor.”28 Is this not also a socialist ideal? The

church and the state are realizing common ground.

Castro’s views on the Church have not changed in 30 years. As he

continued with his viewpoint that the church had the right to minister to the

people as long as it stayed out of politics. He has always believed that problems

arose within the church hierarchy because it catered to the most affluent sectors

of the population. Economics, not ministry, stirred the counter- revolutionary

views of the church at that time.29 “In reality, religious groups have had complete

freedom of expression in our country. Certain conflicts came up during the initial

years of the revolution with the Catholic Church’s hierarchy.” 30 In 1991 he

spoke of the requirements to be a good communist and maintains that many

27
“Castro speech closing Cultural Congress 01/13/1968”Castro Speech Database.
28
“Castro bypasses “US controlled OAS 07/19/1960” Castro Speech Database.
29
“Castro says CIA leads Cuba Rebels 03/04/1961” Castro Speech Database.
30
“Interview with Ted Turner 06/29/1990” Castro Speech Database.

10
churches in Cuba had “excellent” relations with the revolution. 31 This further

shows his acceptance of the church within the framework of his views of what the

church should contribute to Cuba. Throughout his speeches in the 1990s the

Church is mentioned less often than in the early years of the revolution,

apparently because there is less dissension between the two. Yet he reiterates

his stance on the Churches freedom to worship. “We gave the Catholic Church

and all churches in our country absolute guarantees to practice religion.”32

Church and State seemed of one mind in 1959 both Catholic and Protestant

churches had given official support to the revolutionary government. Many

Christians were appointed to government positions. Yet Church support would

erode as their interests were threatened.

The approach of Fidel Castro’s regime in the 1960s to the Church was much

more harsh and unbending than the same approach in the 1990s. In January

1959 the Catholic Church had rejoiced that Fidel Castro was at the forefront of

the liberating forces. Yet within two years a break between Castro and the

Church seemed imminent. The Church had issues with many of the

socioeconomic reforms that the revolution was enacting, ranging from urban to

educational reform, from agrarian reform to the nationalization of foreign and

large businesses. A second issue was the diplomatic ties that were being built

between Cuba and the U.S.S.R, godless communism which created the fear that

these reforms had suddenly gone from “beneficial” and “Christian” to

31
“Castro views political economic situation 10/25/1991” Castro Speech Database.
32
“Comments on Relations with Brazil 3/19/1990” Castro Speech Database.

11
“communist” and “atheist”.33 This fear of communism stemmed from a 1949

decree made by Pope Pius XII forbidding Catholics from supporting communism.

The Church would stand against these reforms and thereby refute the rights

of the revolutionary government to impose them. They pushed for religion being

taught in public schools and the right of Christians to private education. This

would become the first major challenge to the young government and the church

would not emerge as the victor. The reforms that would most divide the

revolutionary government from the church would come in the form of agrarian

laws. These reforms went by the basic principle that the land should be given to

those who till it. Large Sugar plantations were nationalized and private estates

larger than 402 hectares were broken up and distributed to landless peasants.

Compensation was paid to companies and individuals, often this compensation

was refused. These reforms would set the church hierarchy firmly against the

government. This opposition would serve to further the distrust of the

government towards the church. Catholic groups began to organize protests and

marches. The church united in its fight over communism; masses were said for

“victims of religious persecution” in communist societies.34 The Church took a

stance opposite of Castro’s views on communism and Christianity being able to

coexist; “Catholicism and communism correspond to two understandings of man

and of the world that are totally opposed to each other, and which it will never be

possible to reconcile”35 The revolutionary government at this point had their back

to the wall, the church is overstepping its role. In December of 1960 the break

33
John M. Kirk. Between God and the Party ( Tampa: University of South Florida Press, 1989) pgs 65-66
34
Kirk, Between God and the Party. pg 81
35
Kirk. Between God and the Party. pg 82

12
between church and government was complete. Speaking on television, Fidel

Castro blasts church leaders:

“What right do they have to meddle with political problems? One of the
things they stress most is communism. In the first place we should tell
them that the government does not have to make any accounting to the
archbishops as to their conduct. One of the writings that they most like
to repeat, is that officials of the government have said that to be anti-
communist is to be a counterrevolutionary and that the government has
not uttered a word. Who told the archbishops that the government must
say what they want the government to say? They want us to reply to
them. Well, simply, we believe to be anticommunist is to be
counterrevolutionary just as it is counterrevolutionary to be anti-Catholic,
anti-Protestant, and to be anti-anything that tends to divide Cubans.”36

By the end of 1960 the Church’s demise as a political force was realized.

Though Castro had hoped to continue forward with his reforms and still be able

to maintain relations with the Church it was not to be. By 1962 the militants

within the church had only two options left to them, exile or confrontation. The

final straw for the revolutionary government was the supposed role played by

Catholics in the Bay of Pigs invasion. Which was purportedly launched by the

United States because the new policies threatened the profits and land holdings

of U.S. businesses. Castro would interpret this as proof of Catholic conspiracy

against the government. The government’s policy toward the church would

noticeably change.37 The communists within the revolutionary government did

not necessarily agree with Castro’s views of religion. Harassment of Catholics

was occurring with greater frequency, the mass exodus of Catholics and church

leaders was noticeable. Even though Castro’s views on the church’s role in

Cuba were articulated by him often over the years, the stance of his revolutionary

36
“Clergy and Judges attacked by Castro 12/19/1960” Castro Speech Database.
37
Kirk. Between God and the Party. pg 96

13
government was very different. Any threat to the unity of the revolution would not

be tolerated.

“The respect for religion is an unchangeable principle of the revolution which

the people understand perfectly well. But the revolution will fight against
the false individuals who want to turn religion into an anti-national and
antisocial institution.”38

The more liberal Catholics would claim that the church’s mission was to

minister to its people, not to run from its responsibility. The church was

confirming Castro’s belief that church leaders were only interested in power and

ministry to the elite. In an attempt to curb church influence after the Bay of Pigs

invasion, the government took control of church schools nationalizing the

educational system of Cuba. At this point the Cuban government expelled all

foreign priests, with the exclusion of those that had not been fighting for the

counterrevolutionaries. By 1961, 136 priests were deported. From 1960 to 1965

the number of priests in Cuba fell from 723 to 220.39 Under threats from within

and without the country, as the preceding incidences demonstrate, the

revolutionary government became suspicious of church officials who they

believed held an allegiance to western capitalism. A stalemate progressed

through the 1960 as the “churches turned in upon themselves in response to a

desire for refuge from turmoil.”40 The church would keep an official silence for six

years, until 1969 they would use this period for self evaluation.

By the 1990s the revolutionary government had relaxed much of its distrust

of the church. In his speeches, Castro admitted that it has been a discriminatory
38
“Meeting of Technical Advisors 2/12/1961” Castro Speech Database.
39
Margaret Short. Law and Religion in Marxist Cuba (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1993) pg
146
40
Margaret E. Crahan. Salvation through Christ or Marx: Religion in Revolutionary Cub. in Churches and
Politics in Latin America, ed. Daniel H. Levine. (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1979) pg 261

14
practice not to allow Christians within the communist party. The difference in the

government’s view is clear in a 1991 speech: “As the years went by we were able

to see that there were many believers who were magnificent revolutionaries,

internationalists, and hard-working patriots. They met all the requirements

needed to be good communists.”41 The reasons for this softening were in large

part due to the church’s attempts at diplomacy with the revolutionary

government. In 1998, ”while on the island, Pope John Paul II spoke of

broadening the space and freedom of action of the Catholic church and asked

Fidel Castro to grant a prisoner amnesty. The Cuban Government responded by

freeing at least 300 prisoners”42 Other factors included the fact that the

government no longer felt threatened by the church. The revolutionary

government consolidated their power and were confident of their control. The

1990s would become an era of fence mending, the tension surrounding the

religious question slowly disappeared, and government leaders looked on church

initiatives with more tolerance.43 The combination of the church’s soft approach

and the revolutionary government’s renewed tolerance leaves an opening for

discourse between the two.

The reasons behind the break of church and state are quite simple, yet

filled with complex understandings and misunderstandings. In 1959 the young

revolutionary government’s rapid reforms served to strain church- state relations.

Adding to this was the diplomatic ties being solidified with the Soviet Union. Too

much drastic change, too quickly and then the addition of godless communism
41
“Castro views political, economic situation 10/25/1991” Castro Speech Database.
42
Bureau of Public Affairs, Cuba, Profile. U.S. Department of State. 9/01/2001
www.state.gov/outofdate/bgn/c/13238.htm.
43
Kirk, Between God and the Party. pg 111

15
(forbidden by Pope Pius) was too much for the plodding church. Used to being

involved in the political arena, sure of their power, and with the support of

imperialist ideals, they stood up against the revolution. They did not receive the

response that they expected; rather than backing down the government removed

the Church’s political clout by removing Christians from governmental positions.

Their schools became nationalized to help with educational reforms. Castro

believed that the Church’s opposition was merely manipulation by the

bourgeoisie and the extremely conservative members of the clergy. “These

gentlemen have departed from serving the interests of the masses. They have

prostituted the essence of Christianity…They represented the interests of the

dominate class.”44 Whatever the reasoning behind the actions, it would take

years to close the gap between the two.

In the 1990s the talks between the two had progressed to the point that it

can be viewed as dialogue. The Catholic hierarchy had remembered its

obligation to the Cuban people and realized that to minister to the people they

must work within the reality of the revolution. “The Catholic leadership’s maturity

in seeking fresh dialogue has been more or less matched by its government

counterpart.”45 With Fidel Castro spurring the government towards ever more

loosening of controls, the Church is emerging as a positive force in Cuban

society. The prevailing feel of church-state relations during this time period is

one of hope.

The struggle between the Church and the revolutionary government was at

44
“Castro says CIA leads Cuba rebels 3/04/1961” Castro Speech Database.
45
Kirk, Between God and the Party. pg 170

16
the beginning a power struggle which the Church found they could not win.

Castro would say that the Church had lost sight of its mission among the Cuban

people. In catering to the rich and the bourgeoisie, they had placed themselves

in the position of becoming obsolete or reinventing themselves within the

framework of the emerging society. In the end they decided on reinvention.

Fidel Castro’s background played a large part in the way that religion was to

be viewed under the new revolutionary government. Even though he had

declared himself a Marxist/Leninist, he left religion to the Cuban people.

Throughout the forty years that he has been in power, he has always claimed

that freedom of religion was a right of the people and that he fervently believed

that Christianity and communism could coexist.

Through the early years of the revolution the issues that would separate

Church and State caused a deep mistrust. It would take decades before even

rudimentary dialogue would be held between the two. Even so Castro’s views on

religion and the Church remained consistent throughout the last forty years.

The problems of the Church in Cuba are also the same debates that have

affected Christianity around the world, the changes brought on by “modernization

of faith in the context of the modern era and of disparate traditions and

histories.”46 Whether fundamentalist interpretation or liberation theology the

world is in the throes of the same theological question asked in Cuba for the last

forty years. What place does religion hold? Throughout his speeches Fidel

Castro felt he had answered that question.

46
Kirk. Between God and the Party. Pg 175.

17
Bibliography

Castro Speech Database. University of Texas at Austin

Http://lanic.utexas.edu/la/cb/cuba/castro.html.

Frei Betto, Fidel and Religion. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987.

Crahan, Margaret E. “Salvation through Christ or Marx: Religion in Revolutionary

Cuba.” In Churches and Politics in Latin America, ed. Daniel H. Levine.
Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1979.

Hageman, Alice L., Philip E. Wheaton. Religion in Cuba Today, New York:
Association Press, 1971.

Kirk, John M. Between God and the Party. Tampa: University of South Florida
Press, 1989.

18
Short, Margaret I. Law and Religion in Marxist Cuba. New Brunswick:
Transaction publishers, 1993.

19