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This volume isdesigned to render to a wider circle, alike of clergy and
of laity, the service which, as is generally admitted, has been rendered to

the learned v.'orld by The Dictionary of Christian Biography. Literature,

Sects, and Doctrines, published under the editorship of Dr. Wace and the
late Dr. Wm. Smith, about twenty years ago, in four large volumes. That
work covered the whole of the first eight centuries of the Christian era, and
was planned on a very comprehensive scale. It aimed at giving an account,
not merely of names of importance, but of all names, however small, con-
cerned in the Christian literature of those eight centuries and to illustrate its

extent and minuteness, it may be enough to mention that no fewer than 596
Johns are recorded in due order in its columns. The surviving Editor may
be pardoned for expressing his satisfaction that the work is now recognized,
abroad as well as at home, as a valuable work of reference, being constantly
quoted alike in the great Protestant Cyclopaedia of Herzog, in its third edition
now happily complete, and in the Patrology of the learned Roman Catholic
Professor at Munich, Dr. Bardenhewer. To the generous band of great
English scholars to whose unstinted labours the chief excellences of that
work are due, and too many of whom have now passed away, it is, or it would
have been, a welcome satisfaction to find it described in the Patrology of
that scholar as "very useful, relatively complete and generally reliable." *
But that work was mainly adapted to the use of men of learning, and
was unsuited, both by its size and expense, and by the very wideness of
its range, for the use of ordinary readers, or even for the clergy in general.
In the first place, the last two centuries of the period which it covered,
although of immense interest in the history of the Church, as including
the origins of the Teutonic civilization of Europe, have not an equal
interest with the first six as exhibiting primitive Christianity in its purer
forms. With the one important exception of John of Damascus, the
Fathers of the Church, so called, alike in East and West, fall within the
first six centuries, and in the West the series is closed by St. Gregory

the Great, who died in the year 604. English divines accordingly, since the
days of Bp. Jewel, have, like Bp. Cosin, appealed to the first six centuries
of the Church as exhibiting, in doctrine as well as in practice, subject to
Holy Scripture, the standards of primitive Christianity. Those six centuries,
consequently, have a special interest for all Christian students, and part-
• Edition of 1908, published in English at Freiburg im Breisgau,
and at St. Louis, Mo.,
U.S.A., translated from the second German edition by Dr. T.
J. Shahan, Professor of
Church History in the Catholic University of America, p. ir.

icularly for those of our own Church, and deserve accordingly some special
treatment. was thought, therefore, that a Dictionary of Christian
Biography which confined itself to this formative and authoritative period
of the Church's history would be of special interest and service, not only
to the clergy, but also to the Christian laity and to students for Holy Orders.
But the limitation of such a work to this period at once disembarrassed
our pages of the mass of Teutonic, and sometimes almost pagan, names
with which, after the settlement of the barbarians in Europe, we were over-
whelmed and thus of itself rendered it possible to bring the work into

much narrower compass. Moreover, a mass of insignificant names, which the

principles of scholarly completeness obliged us to introduce into the larger
Dictionary, were not needed for the wider circle now in contemplation.
They were useful and necessary for purposes of learned reference, but they
cast no on the course and meaning of Church history for ordinary
readers. have had to exercise a discretion (which may sometimes seem
to have been arbitrary) in selecting, for instance, from the 596 Johns just
mentioned those which were the most valuable for such readers as we had
in view and for the manner in which we have exercised that discretion

we must trust ourselves to the indulgent judgment of our readers. The

publisher gave us generous limits ; but it seemed to him and to ourselves
indispensable for the general usefulness of the Dictionary that it should be
restricted to one volume and we were thus, with respect to the minor

names, obliged to omit many which, though of some interest, seemed to be

such as could be best dispensed with.
By omissions of this nature we have secured an object Avhich will, we
are sure, be felt to be of inestimable value. We have been able to retain,
with no material abbreviation, the admirable articles on the great characters
of early Church history and literature which were contributed, with an
unselfish devotion which can never be sufficiently acknowledged, by the
great scholars who have been the glory of the last generation or two of
English Church scholarship, and some of whom are happily still among us.
To mention only some of the great contributors who have passed away, such
articles as those of Bp. Westcott on Clement of Alexandria and Origen,
Bp. Lightfoot on Eusebius, Archbp. Benson on St. Cyprian, Dr. Bright
on St. Athanasius and kindred subjects. Dr. Salmon on varied subjects
of the first importance, Bp. Stubbs on early English history, and some by
the learned Professor Lipsius of Jena, have a permanent value, as the ap-
preciations of great characters and moments of Church history and literature
by scholars and divines who have never been surpassed, and will hardly be
equalled again, in English sacred learning. We deemed it one of the greatest
services which such a work as this could render that it should make ac-
cessible to the wide circle in question these unique masterpieces of patristic
and historical study. It has therefore been one of our first objects to avoid,
as far as possible, any abbreviation of the body of these articles. We have
occasionally ventured on slight verbal condensation in secondary passages,
and we have omitted some purely technical discussions of textual points
and of editions. But in the main the reader is here placed in possession,
within the compass of a moderate volume, of what will probably be allowed
to be at once the most valuable and the most interesting series of monographs.

on the chief characters and incidents of early Church history, ever con-
tributed to a single undertaking by a band of Christian scholars. We
feel it no more than a duty to pay this tribute of gratitude and admira-
tion to the great divines, to whose devotion and learning all that is per-
manently valuable in these pages is due. and we are confident that their
monographs, thus rendered generally available, will prove a permanent
possession of the highest value to English students of Church history.
We must further offer the expression of our cordial gratitude to several
living scholars, who have contributed new articles of similar importance
to the present volume, in place of some in the original edition which the
lapse of time or other circumstances had rendered less valuable than
the rest. In particular, our warmest thanks are due to Dr. Robertson, the
present Bp. of Exeter, who has substituted for the sketch of St. Augustine
contributed to the original edition by an eminent French scholar, M. de
Pressense, a study of that great Father, similar in its thoroughness to the
other great monographs just mentioned. W^e arc also deeply indebted
to the generosity of Chancellor Lias for fresh studies of such important
subjects as Arius and Monophysitism and a valuable account of the Nes-

torian Church has been very kindly contributed by the Rev. W. A. Wigram,
who, as head of the Archbishop of Canterbury's Assyrian Mission, possesses
unique qualifications for dealing with the subject. We have to thank also
the eminent learning of Dr. A. J. Mason for an article on Gaudentius of
Brescia, who was unaccountably omitted from the larger work, and whose
name has of late acquired new interest. The gratitude of the Editors, is
also specially due to Dr. Knowling and Dr. Gee, of Durham University, for
their assistance in some cases in which articles required to be supplemented
or corrected by the most recent learning.
In all cases where the writers of the original articles are still living
they were afforded the opportunity, if they desired it, of revising their
work and bringing it up to date, and of checking the condensations :

though the Editors and not the writers must take the responsibility for
the latter and also, in most cases, for bibliographical additions. The
Editors desire gratefully to record their appreciation of the assistance
thus readily and kindly rendered by most of the original writers who are
still spared to us. and, as an example, we are glad to thank the Rev.
E. B. Birks for his very thorough revision of his article on the Epistle to
Cross-references are inserted, where needed, on the principle adopted
in Murray's Illustrated Bible Dictionary (to which this is intended to be

a companion volume in size, appearance, and price) namely, the name
of the article to which a cross-reference is intended is printed in capitals
within brackets, but without the brackets when it occurs in the ordinary
course of the text.
In the headings of articles the numbers in brackets after names which
are common to more than one person are retained as in the large edition,
to facilitate referenceto that edition when desired, and also to indicate
that there were other persons of the same name.
It was not consistent with the limits of the work to retain in all cases
the minute bibliography sometimes furnished in the larger edition. But,
on the other hand, an endeavour has been made to give references, at the
end of articles, to recent publications of importance on each subject ; and
in this endeavour the Editors must express their great indebtedness to the
valuable Patrology of Professor Bardenhewer, already referred to, and to
the admirable third edition of Herzog and Hauck's Protestant Cyclopaedia,
and occasionally to the parallel Roman Catholic Cyclopaedia of Wetzer and
Welte, edited by Cardinal Hergenrother. It may be permissible, in referring
to these auxiliary sources, to express a deep satisfaction at the increasing
co-operation, in friendly learning, of Protestant and Roman Catholic scholars,
and to indulge the hope that it is an earnest of the gradual growth of a
better understanding between those two great schools of thought and life.
The Editors cannot conclude without paying a final tribute of honour
and gratitude to the generous and devoted scholar whose accurate labours
were indispensable to the original work, as is acknowledged often in its Pre-
faces, and who rendered invaluable assistance in the first stage of the pre-

paration of the present volume the Rev. Charles Hole, late Lecturer for
many years in Ecclesiastical History in King's College, London. Dr. Wace
hoped to have had the happiness of having his own name associated with
that of his old teacher, friend, and colleague on the title-page of this volume,
and he laments that death has deprived him of this privilege. He cannot,
however, sufficiently express his sense of obligation to his colleague, Mr.
Piercy, for the ability, skill, and generous labour without which the pro-
duction of the work would have been impossible.
A.H.D.A. The Right Hon. A. H. Dyke Acland. LL.D.
Hon. Fellow of Balliol College, 0.\ford.
M.F.A. The late Ri:v. M. F. .\rgles, M.A.
Formerly Principal of St. Stephen's House, O.xford.
C.J.B. Rev. C. J. Ball, M..\.
Lecturer in Assyriology, Oxford; Rector of Blechingdon.
J.B—y. The late Rev. J. Barmbv, B.D.
Formerly Principal of Bishop Hatfield's Hall, Durham, and Rector of
S.A.B. S. A. Bennett, Esq., B..\.
Of Lincoln's Inn.
E.W.B. The late Most Rev. E. W. Benson, D.D.
Formerly .Archbishop of Canterbury.
E.B.B. Rev. E. B. Birks, M..\..
Vicar of Kellington formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.

C.W.B. The late Rev. C. W. Boase, ^LA.

Formerly Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford.
W.B. The late Rev. Canon W. Bright, D.D.
Formerly Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History, Oxford.
T.R.B. The late Right Hon. T. R. Buchanan, M.A., M.P.
Fellow of .A.11 Souls' College, Oxford.
D.B. The late Rev. D. Butler, U.A.
Formerly Rector of Thwing, Yorkshire.
J.G.C. The lite Rev. ]. G. Cazenove, D.D.
Formerly Provost of Cumbrae College, N.B.
M.B.C. Rev. M. B. Cowell, M.A.
Vicar of Ash Bocking.
F.D. F. H. Blackburne Daniel, Esq.
Of Lincoln's Inn.
G.W.D. The Ven. G. W. Daniell, M.A.
.'Vrchdeacon of Kiugston-on-Thamcs.
T.W.D. The late Rev. T. W. Davids.
L.D. Rev. L. Davidson, M..A.
Rector of Stanton St. John, Oxford.
J.LL.D. Rev. J. Ll. Davies, D.Litt.
Formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
CD. Rev. C. Deedes, M.A.
Prebendary of Chichester.
W.P.D, The late Rev. W. P. Dickson, D.D.
Formerly Professor of Divinity, Glasgow.
E.S.Ff. The late Rev. E. S. Ffoulkes, M..\.
Formerly Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford, and Vicar of St. Mary's.
A.P.F. The late Right Rev. A. P. Forbes, D.C.L.
Formerly Bishop of Brechin.
W.H.F. The Very Rev. and Hon. W. H. Fremantle, D.D.
Dean of Ripon.
J.M.F. The late Rev. J. M. Fuller, M.A.
Formerly Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge.
J.G. Rev. J. Gammack. M.A.
Rector of St. James's, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A.
H.G. Rev. H. Gee, D.D.
Master of University College, Durham.
C.G. The Right Rev. C. Gore, D.D.
Bishop of Birmingham.
J.Gw. Rev. J. Gwvnn, D.D., D.C.L.
Regius Professor of Divinity, T.C.D.
A.W.H. The late Rev. A. W. Haddan, B.D.
Formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford.
T.R.H. The late Rev. T. R. Halcomb, .M.A.
Formerly Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford.
C.H. The late Rev. C. Hole, B.A.
Formerly Rector of Loxbear, and Lecturer in Ecclesiastical History
in King's College, London.
H.S.H. Rev. Canon H. ScoTr Holland, D.D.
Regius Professor of Divinity, Oxford.
H. The late Rev. F. J. A. Hort, D.D.
Formerly Fellow of Emmanuel College, Cambridge.
D.R.J. The late Rev. D. R. Jo.-es.
R.J.K. Rev. Canon R. J. Knowling, D.D.
Professor of Divinity, Durham.
j.j.L. Rev. Chancellor J. J. Lias, M.A.
Chancellor of Llandafi Cathedral.
L. The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D.
Formerly Bishop of Durham.
R.A.L. The late R. A. Lipsius, D.D.
Formerly Professor of Divinity, University of Jena.
W.L. Rev. W. Lock, D.D.
Ireland Professor of Exegesis, Oxford Warden of Keble College.

J.H.L. The late Rev. J. H. Lupton, M.A.

Formerly Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge.
G.F.M. The late Rev. G. F. Maclear, D.D.
Formerly Warden of St. Augustine's College, Canterbury.
A.C.M. A. C. Madam, Esq., M.A.
Senior Student of Christ Church, Oxford.
S.M. The late Rev. S. Mansel, M.A.
Formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
A.J.M. Rev. A. J. Mason, D.D.
Master of Pembro'ice College, Cambridge, and Canon of Canterbury.
W.M. The late Rev. W. Milligan, D.D.
Formerly Professor of Divinity, Aberdeen.
G.H.M. The late Rev. G. H. Moberly, M.A.
Formerly Fellow of Corpus Christi College, Oxford.
T.D.C.M. The late Rev. T. D. C. Morse.
Formerly Rector of Drayton, Nuneaton.
H.G.C.M. The Right Rev. H. G. C. Moule, D.D.
Bishop of Durham.
J.R.M. J. R. Mozley, Esq., M.A.
Formerly Fellow of King's College, Cambridge.
F.P. The Right Rev. F, Paget, D.D.
Bishop of Oxford.
H.W.P. The late Rev. H. W. Phillott, M.A.
Formerly Rector of Staunton-on-Wye.
W.C.P. Rev. W. C. Piercy, M.A.
Dean and Chaplain of Whitelands College, S.W.
E.H.P. The late Rev. E. H. Plujiftre, D.D.
Formerly Dean of Wells.
P.O. The late Rev. P. Onslow, B.A.
Formerly Rector of Upper Sapey.
J.R. The late Rev. Canon J. Raine, M.A.
Formerly Fellow of Durham University.
H.R.R. The Rev. H. R. Reynolds, I>.D.
Formerly Principal of Cheshunt College.
A.R. The Right Rev. A. Robertson, D.D.
Bishop of Exeter.
G.S. The late Rev. G. Salmon, D.D.
Formerlv Regius Professor of Divinitv and Provost of Trinity College,
P.S. The late Rev. P. Schaff.
Bible House, New York.
W.M.S. The Ven. W. M. Sinclair, D.D.
Formerly Archdeacon of London.
I.G.S. Rev. I. G. Smith, LL.D.
Formerly Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford.
R.P.S. The late Verv Rev. R. P. Smith, D.D.
Formerly Dean of Canterbury.
G.T.S. The late Rev. G. T. Stokes, .M.A.
Formerly Professor of Ecclesiastical History, Trinity College, Dublin.
S. The late Right Rev. W. Stubbs, D.D.
Formerly Bishop of Oxford.
E.S.T. The Right Rev. E. S. Talbot, D.D.
Bishop of Winchester.
R.St.J.T. The late Rev. R. St. J. Tyrvvhitt.
Formerly Student of Christchurch, Oxford.
E.V. The late Rev. Canon E. Venables.
Formerly Precentor of Lincoln Cathedral.
K.W. The Very Rev. H. Wage, D.D.
Dean of Canterbury.
M..\.\V. Mrs. Humfrhy Ward.
Stocks House, Tring.
H.W.W. The Ven. H. W. Watkins, D.D.
Prof, of Hebrew, Durham University, and Archdeacon of Durham.
W. or B.F.W. The late Right Rev. B. F. Westcott, D.D.
Formerly Bishop of Durham.
W..\.W. Rev. W. A. Wigram, M.A.
Archbishop of Canterbury's Mission to Assyria.
H.A.W. Rev. H. A. Wilson, M.A.
Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford.
J.W. The Right Rev. J. Wordsworth, D.D.
Bishop of Salisbury.
E.M.Y. The late Rev. E. M. Young, M.A.
Formerly Headmaster of Sherborne School.
the anonymous writer against Montanus are
Abercius ('AifV*'"'- Wov^pKio^, dedicated. We cannot be sure as to the date of
etc. Avircius, or Avercius on the form
; I. at. ;
these extracts, but there is reason to place them
and Ramsay, Expositor, ix. (3rd
origin, see towards the close of the reign of Commodus,
-r.i, pp. 26S, 3Q4, and Zahn, art. " Aver- 180-192, and the epitaph of Abercius must at
-." Rcalencvclopddie fiir protest. Theol. und least have been earlier than 216, the date of
.'che. Hauck). The Life of the saint, de- the epitaph of Alexander. But the writer of
ibed as bp. of Hierapolis in Phrygia in tlie
the extracts addresses the person to whom he
u-ae of M. Aurelius and L. Verus, as given by dedicates his work as a person of authority,
Svmeon Metaphrastes and in the Bollandist although he does not style him a bishop (but
Ada Sanctorum, Oct. 22. is full of worthless see Lightfoot, u.s. p. 483), who had urged
fantastic tales.
1 But the epitaph which him a very long time ago to write on the
.\cts incorporate, placed, according to the subject. Avircius Marcellus might therefore
: ly, on the altar brought from Rome by the have well flourished in the reign of M. Aurelius,
ueiiion whom the saint had driven out of and might have visited Rome at the time men-
the emperor's daughter, is of great value, and tioned in the legend, a.d. 163. Further, in
the discovery of some of the actual fragments the extracts mention is made by the writer
of the inscription may well be called " a of one Zoticus of Otrous, his " fellow-presby-
romance of archaeology." For this redis- ter," and Otrous was in the neighbourhood of
covery our thanks are due to the rich labours this Hieropolis (for the identification, see
of Prof. Ramsay. The fact that Abercius further Lightfoot and Zahn, u.s. ; Headlam,
was described as bp. of Hierapolis at the U.S.; Ramsay, Expositor, ix. (3rd ser.), p.
time mentioned above had contributed to 394). Against the attempt of Ficker to prove
hesitation as to the genuineness of the epitaph. that the epitaph was heathen, Sitzungsberichte
But Ramsay (Bulletin de correspondance hel- d. Bert. Akad. 1895, pp. 87-112, and that of
lenique, Juillet 1882) pointed out that Hiera- Harnack, Texte und Untersuchungen, xii. 4b,
polis had been frequently confounded with p. 21, to class it as partly heathen and partly
Hieropolis and he also published in the same
Christian, see Zahn, u.s., and further in Neue
journal a metrical and early Christian epitaph Kirchliche Zeilschrift, 1895, pp. 863-886 ;also
of a certain Alexander (.\.d. 216), discovered the criticism of Ramsay, quoted by Headlam,
at Hieropolis, and evidently copied from the U.S. Both external and internal evidence are
epitaph of Abercius, as given in his Life. As in favour of a Christian origin, and we have
to the copying, there can be no doubt, for the in this epitaph what Ramsay describes,
third line of the epitaph of Alexander, son of C. R. E. pp. 437 ff., as " a testimony, brief,
Antonius, will not scan, owing to the substi- clear, emphatic, of the truth for which Avir-
tution of his name for that of Abercius (Light- cius had contended — the one great figure on
foot, Apost. Fathers^, i. p. 479 Headlam in
the Catholic side produced by the Phrygian
Authority and Archaeology, pp. 307 ff., 1899). church during this period," a man whose
Ramsay's attention being drawn to the earlier wide experience of men and cities might in
epitaph, he collected various topographical itself have well marked him out as such
notices in the Life of the saint, which pointed a champion. The faithful, i.e. the sacred
to Hieropolis, near Synnada (not Hierapolis writings, the Sacraments of Holy Baptism
on the Maeander), and he further established and Holy Communion, the miraculous birth
the case for the former by finding, in 1883, of our Lord (the most probable reference of
in the bath-room at some hot springs near irapOifos d7»'7;). His omnipresent and omni-
Hieropolis, a small portion of the epitaph of scient energy, the fellowship of the members
Abercius himself on the fragment of an altar- of the church, not only in Rome but else-
shaped tomb ;

the hot springs in their posi- where all these (together with the mixed
the prayer for the
tion near the city exactly correspond with cup, wine and water ;

the position of the hot springs described in departed the symbolic IX9TIS, one of its

the Life. We have thus fortunately a three- earliest instances) have a place in the picture
fold help in reconstructing the text of the of early Christian usage and belief gained

whole epitaph (i) the text in the Life; (2) from this one epitaph however widely Aber-

the rediscovered fragments in the stone (3)

; cius travelled, to the far East or West, the
the epitaph on the tomb of Alexander. same picture, he assures us, met his gaze.
There is much to be said for the identifica- We thus recover an instructive and enduring
tion of Abercius with the Avircius Marcellus monument of Christian life in the 2nd cent.,
(Eua. H. E. V. 16) to whom the extracts of all the more remarkable because it is pre-
sented to us, not in any systematic form, but by Greg. Naz. {Orat. xxi. 21) " the tongue of
as the natural and simple expression of a the Arians," George of Cappadocia being " the
pure and devout soul. For full literature, see hand." He assisted in consecrating Cyril, a.d.
Zahn, M.S. ; for the development of the legend 351, and in accordance with the 7th Nicene
from the facts mentioned in the epitaph, and Canon claimed a right of priority for the metro-
for the reconstruction of the text by Light- political see of Caesarea over that of Jeru-
foot and Ramsay, see three articles by the salem. This Cyril refused to yield. Acacius^
latter in Expositor, ix. (3rd ser.), also Ram- supported by the Palestinian bishops, deposed
say's Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, ii. 722. Cyril on frivolous grounds, and expelled him
In addition to literature above, cf. art. by from Jerusalem, a.d. 358. [Cyril of Jeru-
Lightfoot in Expositor, i. (3rd ser.), pp. 3 ff. ;
salem.] (Soz. iv. 23 ; Theod. ii. 26.)
and Farrar, Lives of the Fathers, i. pp. 10 ff. Acacius attended the council of Antioch,
Prof. V. Bartlet discusses Harnack's hypo- A.D. 341 (Soz. iii. 5), when in the presence of
thesis in the Critical Review, April 1896, and the emperor Cons'tantius " the Golden Basil-
regards it as at present holding the field ;
ica " was dedicated by a band of ninety
though he finds Harnack's elimination of any bishops, and he subscribed the ambiguous
reference to Paul the Apostle in the inscrip- creeds then drawn up from which the term
tion quite unintelhgible. Even Schmiedel Homoousion and all mention of " substance "
(Encycl. Bibl. ii. 1778) refers unhesitatingly to were carefully excluded. With other bishops
the inscription as Christian. See further Dr. of the Eusebian party he was deposed at the
Swete's art. /. T. S. July 1907, p. 502, on council of Sardica, a.d. 347. They refused to
Avircius and prayers for the departed. submit to the sentence, and withdrew to
Philippopolis, where they held a council of
The following is a translation of the epitaph :
their own, deposing their deposers, including
" Citizen of a chosen city I have made this (tomb) in
Pope and Hosius of Cordova (Theod.
my lifetime, that I may have here before the eyes of ii. 26 Julius Socr. ii. 16 Soz. iii. 14 Labb. Cone.
men (ijjai'epux; v. I. xaipo.) a resting-place for my ; ; ;

body Avircius by name, a disciple of the pure ii. 625-699). According to Jerome {Vir. III.
Shepherd, who on the mountains and plains feedeth 98), his influence with the emperor Constan-
the flocks of His sheep, who hath eyes large and be- tius was considerable enough to nominate
holding all things. For He was my Teacher, teaching Felix (the antipope) to the see of Rome at the
me {SLSa.(jK(oi>, so Ramsay, omitted by Zahn) the fall of Liberius, a.d. 357. Acacius took a
faithful writings who sent me to Rome to behold the
King Oao-iAJjai', so Ramsay, but I,ightfoot /3a(riA»)ai', leading place among the intriguing prelates,

Zahn, 0j.(TiAii di'a^pijTai), and to see the Qvieen in who succeeded in spHtting into two the
golden robes and golden sandals, and there, too, I saw oecumenical council which Constantius had
a people bearing a shining seal (a reference to Bap- proposed to summon, and thus nullifying its
tism). And I saw the plain of Syria and all its cities, authority. While the Western bishops were
even Nisibis, having crossed the Euphrates, and assembling at Rimini, a.d.
everywhere I had fellow-worshippers (rrwoixiieti.^ so 359, he and his
Ivightfoot and Ramsay

cmi'oSiiTjr, Zahn, referring

brethren of the East gathered at Seleucia,

to Paul). With Paul in my hands / followed (i.e. the where he headed a tiurbulent party, called
writings of Paul, Ramsay ;but I,ightfoot and Di after him Acacians. After the majority had
Rossi apparently '
with Paul as my comrade '
confirmed the semi-Arian creed of Antioch
whilst Zahn conjectures cVoxor, or rather en' 6xco>' (" Creed of the Dedication "), Acacius brought
instead of ctto^dji'), while Faith everywhere led the forward a Confession (preserved
way, and everywhere placed before me food, the Fish
by Athan-
from the fountain, mighty, pure, which a spotless asius, de Synod, § 29 ; Socr. ii. 40; Soz. iv.
Virgin grasped (Ramsay refers to the Virgin Mary, 22) rejecting the terms Homoousion and Ho-
but see also Lightfoot and Farrar). And this she moiousion " as aUen from Scripture," and
{i.e. Faith) gave to the friends to eat continually, anathematizing the term " Anomoeon," but
having excellent wine, giving the mixed cup with distinctly confessing the " likeness " of the
bread. These words, I, Avircius, standing by, bade Son to the Father. This formula the semi-
to be thus written I was in fact in my seventy-
second year. On seeing this let every one who thinks Arian majority rejected, and becoming ex-

with him {i.e. who is also an anti-Montanist, so asperated by the disingenuousness of Acacius,
Ramsay ; I,ightfoot and Farrar simply '
fellow- who interpreted the " likeness of the Son to
Christian ') pray for him {i.e. Avircius). But no one the Father " as " likeness in will alone,"
shall place another in my tomb, but if so, he shall ofioiov Kara ttjv ^ov\-r)<nv ^bvov, and refused
pay 2000 gold pieces to the Romans, and 1000 gold
to be judged by his own published writings
pieces to my excellent fatherland Hierapolis " (so
Ramsay, vide Expositor, ix. 3rd ser. p. 271, for a (Socr. and Soz. I.e.), they proceeded to de-
justification of this reading). [r.j.k.] pose him and his adherents. Acacius and
the other deposed prelates flew to Con-
Abgar. [Thaddaeus.] stantinople and laid their complaints before
Acacius (2), bp. of Caesarea, from a personal the emperor. The adroit Acacius soon
defect known as 6 fj.oi'6(pda\fios. the pupil and gained the ear of the weak Constantius, and
biographer of Eusebius the church historian. finding that the favour he had shown to the
He succeeded his master as bishop, a.d. 340 bold blasphemies of Aetius had to some de-
(Socr. H. E. ii. 4 ; Soz. H. E. iii. 2). He is gree compromised him with his royal patron,
chiefly known to us as the bitter and uncom- he had no scruple in throwing over his former
promising adversary of Cyril of Jerusalem, friend. A new council was speedily called at
and as the leader of an intriguing band of Constantinople, of which Acacius was the
ambitious prelates. The events of his life soul (Philostorg. iv. 12). Mainly through his
show Acacius to have been a man of great intrigues the Council was brought to accept
intellectual abiHty but unscrupulous. After the Confession of Rimini, by which, in Jerome's
the death of Eusebius of Nicomedia, c. 342, strong words, " the whole world groaned and
he became the head of the courtly Arian party, wondered to find itself Arian " {Dial. adv.
and is thought by some to be the person styled Luc. 19). To complete their triumph, he and

Eudoxius of Antioch. then bp. of Con- 9 ;Labb. Cone. ii. 1072) while Flavian him-

stantinople, put forth tluir whole influence to self, through the exertions of .Xcacius, received
bring the edicts of the Nici-iie council, and all letters of communion not only from Rome,
mention of the Honioousioa, into disuse and but also from Theophilus of Alexandria and
oblivion (Soz. iv. 26). On his return to the the Egyptian bishops. The whole merit of
East in 361 Acacius and his party consecrated this success was ascribed by the bishops of the
new bishops to the vacant sees, iMeletius East to " their father " Acacius (Socr. vi. ;

being placed in the see of Antioch. When Soz. viii. 3 Theod. v. 23

; Labb. Cone. iii.

the imperial throne was filled by the orthodox p. 391 ; Tallad. p. 39). Acacius was one of
Jovian, Acacius with his friends found it con- the most implacable of the enemies of Chry-
venient to change their views, and in 363 sosTOM. He bore part in the infamous
they voluntarily accepted the Nicene Symbol " Synod of the Oak," a.d. 403 took the lead ;

(Socr. iii. 25). On the accession of the Arian in the Synod of 404, after Chrysostom's return
Valens in 364 Acacius once more went over from exile and joined in urging Arcadius to

to the more powerful side, making common depose him (Pallad. p. 82). He added acts of
cause with the Arian Eudoxius (Socr. iv. 2). open violence to his urgency with the timid
But he found no favour with the council of emperor, until he had gained his end in the
Macedonian bishops at Lampsacus, and his final expulsion of the saint, June 20, 404.
deposition at Selcucia was confirmed. Accord- Nor was his hostility even now satiated.
ing to Baronius, he died a.d. 366. .\cacius sent to Rome one Patronus, with
Acacius enriched with parchments the letters accusing Chrysostom of being the
library at Caesarea founded by Pamphilus author of the conflagration of his own church.
(Hieron. Ep. ad. Marcellam, 141). He wrote The pope treated the accusation with deserved
on Ecclesiastes, six books of (^^V/"^•ra contempt, and Acacius was a second time sus-
(ifTi'inaTa and other treatises a considerable pended from communion with Rome (Pallad.

fragment of his 'AvriXoyia against Marccllus (). 35), which he did not regain till 414, and
chiefly through Alexander of Antioch.
of Ancyra is preserved by Epiphanius (Haer. then
72, 6-9). His Life of Eusebius Pamphili has The letter sent to the pope by Acacius, with
unhappily perished. See Fabricius, H. G. those of Alexander, was received with haughty
vii. p. 336, ix. pp. 254, 256 (ed. Harless) condescension, and an answer was returned re-

Tillemont, Mem. eccl. vi. {passim) Rivington admitting the aged prelate on his complying

(Luke), Dublin Review, 1894, i. 358-380; with certain conditions

[Cone. ii. 1266-8). His
Hefele, Konz. Gesch. Bd. i. [e.v.] communion with Alexander was fully restored,
Acacius (4), bp. of Beroea, in Syria, c. a.d. and we find the two prelates uniting in ordain-
" "
379-436. He was apparently a Syrian by ing Diogenes, a bigamus (Theod. Ep. no).
birth, and in his early youth adopted the
Acacius's enmity to Chrysostom's memory
ascetic life in the monastery of (lindarus near seems however to have been imquenched ;

Antioch, then governed by Asterius (Theod. and on the succession of Theodotus of Antioch,
Vit. Patr. c. 2). Not much is known with a.d. 421, he took the opportunity of writing
certainty of this period of his life. He ap- to .'Mticus of Constantinople to apologize for
pears, however, to have been prominent as a the new bishop's having, in defiance of his
champion of the orthodox faith against the better judgment, yielded to popular clamour
Arians, from whom he suffered (Baluz. Nov. and placed Chrysostom's name on the diptychs
Collect. Cone. p. 746), and it is specially men- (Theod. V. 34 ; Niceph. xiv. 26, 27). On the
tioned that he did great service in bringing of the Ncstorian controversy Acacius
the hermit Julianus Sabbas from his retire- endeavoured to act the part of a peacemaker,
ment to Antioch to confront this party, who for which his age of more than 100 years, and
had falsely claimed his support (Theod. Vil. the popular reverence which had gained for
We find him in Rome, him the title of the father and master of all

Patr. 2, H. E. iv. 24). '

probably as a deputy from the churches of bishops," well qualified him. With the view
Syria when the Apolliiiarian heresy was treated of healing the breach between Cyril of Alex-
before pope Uamasus (Baluz. Cone. 763). andria and Nestorius, he wrote a pacificatory
After the return of Eusebius of Saraosata from reply to a violent letter of the former (a.d.
exile, A.D. 378, Acacius was consecrated to the 430). In the general council which followed
see of Beroea (the modern Aleppo) by that at Ephesus, a.d. 431, he entrusted his proxy
prelate (Theod. H. E. v. 4). As bishop he to Paul of Emesa. The influence of the aged
did not relax the strictness of his asceticism, Acacius was powerful at court. Theodosius
and like Ambrose (August. Confess, vi. 3), wrote to him in most reverential terms be-
throwing the doors of his house open to every seeching him to give his endeavours and
comer, he invited all the world to witness the prayers for the restoration of unity to the
purity and simplicity of his life (Soz. H. E. distracted church. Acacius was also ap-
vii. 28). He attended the council of Con- pealed to by Pope Sixtus III. for the same
stantinople in 381 (Theod. v. 8). The same object (Baluz. Cone. pp. 721, 754, 757 Labb. ;

year, on the death of Meletius, taking a pro- Cone. iii. 1087).

minent part in the consecration of Flavian to Acacius disapproved of Cyril's anathemas
the bishopric of Antioch [Flavianus], thus of Nestorius, which appeared to him to
perpetuating the Eustathian schism, he in- savour of ApoUinarianism but he spent his ;

curred displeasure both in East and West, last days in promoting peace between the
and was cut off from communion with the rival parties, taking part in the synod held at
church of Rome (Soz. vii. 11). The council the emperor's instance in his own city of
of Capua at the close of 391 or 392 received Beroea, a.d. 432, by John of Antioch, and
Acacius again into communion, together with doing all in his power, both by personal in-
the prelates of Flavian's party (Ambros. Ep. fluence and by letters to Cyril and to the
Roman bp. Coelestinus to bring about an the appointment on the plea of necessity,
agreement. He ultimately succeeded in while he protested against the precedent
establishing friendly communion between (Simplic. Epp. 14, 15). Three years later
John and Cyril. He saw the peace of the (482), on the death of the patriarch of Ale.x-
church re-established, and died full of days andria, the appointment of his successor gave
and honour, aged, it is said, more than no occasion to a graver dispute. The Mono-
years, a.d. 436. physites chose Petrus Mongus as patriarch,
Three letters are still extant out of the large who had already been conspicuous among
number that he wrote, especially on the them ;on the other side the Catholics put
Nestorian controversy two to Alexander of forward Johannes Talaia. Both aspirants

Hierapolis, Baluzius, Nov. Collect. Concil. lay open to grave objections. Mongus was,
c. xli. p. 746, c. Iv. p. 757 and one to Cyril, or at least had been, unorthodox Talaia was
; ;

ib. c. xxii. p. 440

; Labbe, Cone. vol. iii. p. 382 bound by a solemn promise to the Emperor
(Cave, Hist. Lit. i. 417 ; Tillemont, Metn. eccl. not to seek or (as it appears) accept the
vol.-xiv. Hefele, Konz. Gesch. Bd. ii.)- [e.v.]
; patriarchate (Liberat. c. 17 ; Evagr. H. E.
AcaciUS (7), patriarch of Constantinople, iii. 12). Talaia at once sought and obtained
A.D. 471-489. Acacius was originally at the the support of Simplicius, and slighted
head of an orphanage at Constantinople, Acacius. Mongus represented to Acacius
which he administered with conspicuous suc- that he was able, if confirmed in his post, to
cess (Suidas, s.v. 'AvdKios). His abihties at- heal the divisions by which the Alexandrine
tracted the notice of the emperor Leo, over church was rent. Acacius and Zeno readily
whom he obtained great influence by the arts listened to the promises of Mongus, and in
of an accomplished courtier (Suidas, I.e.). On spite of the vehement opposition of Simplicius,
the death of Gennadius (471) he was chosen received the envoys whom he sent to discuss
bp. of Constantinople, and soon found him- the terms of reunion. Shortly afterwards the
self involved in controversies, which lasted Henoticon (An Instrument of Union) was
throughout his patriarchate, and ended in drawn up, in which the creed of Nicaea, as
a schism of thirty-five years' duration be- completed at Constantinople, was affirmed to
tween the churches of the East and West. be the one necessary and final definition of
On the one side he laboured to restore unity faith ; and though an anathema was pro-
to Eastern Christendom, which was distracted nounced against Eutyches, no express judg-
by the varieties of opinion to which the Euty- ment was pronounced upon the doctrine of the
chian debates had given rise and on the other two Natures (Evagr. H. E. iii. 14). Mongus

to aggrandize the authority of his see by accepted the Henoticon, and was confirmed in
asserting its independence of Rome, and his see. Talaia retired to Rome (482-483), and
extending its influence over Alexandria and Simplicius wrote again to Acacius, charging
Antioch. In both respects he appears to him in the strongest language to check the
have acted more in the spirit of a statesman progress of heresy elsewhere and at Alexandria
than of a theologian ; and in this relation the (Simplic. Epp. 18, 19). The letters were
personal traits of liberaUty, courtliness, and without effect, and Simplicius died soon after-
ostentation, noticed by Suidas [I.e.), are not wards. His successor, Felix III. (II.), es-
without importance. poused the cause of Talaia with zeal, and
The first important measures of Acacius despatched two bishops, Vitalis and Misenus,
carried with them enthusiastic popular support to Constantinople with letters to Zeno and
and earned for him the praise of pope Sim- Acacius, demanding that the latter should
plicius. In conjunction with a Stylite monk, repair to Rome to answer the charges brought
Daniel, he placed himself at the head of the against him by Talaia (Felix, Epp. i, 2). The
opposition to the emperor Basiliscus, who, mission utterly failed. Vitalis and Misenus
after usurping the empire of the East, had were induced to communicate publicly with
issued an encyclic letter in condemnation of Acacius and the representatives of Mongus,
the council of Chalcedon, and taken Timo- and returned dishonoured to Italy (484). On
theus Aelurus, the Monophysite patriarch of their arrival at Rome a synod was held.
Alexandria, under his protection, a.d. 476. They were themselves deposed and excom-
The resistance was completely successful. In municated ; a new anathema was issued
the meantime Zeno, the fugitive emperor, against Mongus, and Acacius was irrevocably
reclaimed the throne which he had lost ;and excommunicated for his connexion with
Basiliscus, after abject and vain concessions to Mongus, for exceeding the limits of his juris-
the ecclesiastical power, was given up to him diction, and for refusing to answer at Rome
(as it is said) by Acacius, after he had taken the accusations of Talaia (Evagr. H. E. iii.
sanctuary in his church, a.d. 477 (Evagr. H. E. 21 ; Felix, Ep. 6); but no direct heretical
iii. 4 ff.
; Theod. Lect. i. 30 ff. Theophan. opinion was proved or urged against him.

Chron. pp. 104 ff. ; Procop. B. V. i. 7, p. 195). Felix communicated the sentence to Acacius,
At this period the relations between Zeno, and at the same time wrote to Zeno, and to
Acacius, and Simplicius appear to have been the church at Constantinople, charging every
amicable, if not cordial. They were agreed one, under pain of excommunication, to
on the necessity of taking vigorous measures separate from the deposed patriarch {Epp. 9,
to affirm the decrees of the council of Chalce- 10, 12). Once again the envoy of the pope
don, and for a time acted in concert (Simplic. was seduced from his allegiance, and on his
Epp. 5, 6). Before long a serious difference return to Rome fell under ecclesiastical cen-
arose, when Acacius, in 479, consecrated a sure (Felix, Ep. n). For the rest, the threats
bishop of Antioch (Theophan. Chron. p. no), of Felix produced no practical effect. The
and thus exceeded the proper limits of his Eastern Christians, with very few exceptions,
jurisdiction. However, Simplicius admitted remained in communion with Acacius Talaia ;

.-irkiiowlcdged the hopelessness of his cause they were living an ascetic life together, the
bv accepting the bishopric of Nola and;
bishopric of Sebaste became vacant. Each
Z<-no and Acacius took active measures to of the friends was a candidate for the office.
obtain the general acceptance of the Henoti- The choice fell on Eustathius. This was
( >ii. Under these circumstances the con- never forgiven by .\erius. l-.ustathius endea-
demnation of Acacius, which had been made voured to soften' his friend's disappointment
III the name of the Pope, was repeated
in the by at once ordaining .-Verius presbyter, and
name of the council of Chalcedon, and the setting him over the hospital established at
s. hism was complete * (485)- Acacius took Sebaste (^(voSox^^on, or TrTwxorpo^fi'oi'). Hut
11 heed of the sentence up to his death in 480,
' all his attempts were fruitless. Aerius threw
which was followed by that of Mongus in up his charge, deserted the hospital, and
i->. and of Zeno in 401-
Fravitas (Flavitas, openly published grave accusations against
I Livianus), his successor, during a very short his bishop. The rupture with Eustathius
patriarchate, entered on negotiations with widened into a rupture with the church.
1-. lix, which led to no result. The policy of Aerius and his numerous followers openly
Ai acius broke down when he was no longer separated from their fellow-Christians, and
al'lc to animate it. In the course of a few professed dnoTa^ia, or the renimciation of
\ ,ars all for which he had laboured was un- all worldlv goods. They were consequently
d 'uc. The Henoticon failed to restore unity denied not only admission to the churches,
tthe Fast, and in 519 the emperor Justin
but even access to the towns and villages, and
-ubinitted to pope Hormisdas, and the con- they were compelled to sojourn in the fields,
il.nination of Acacius was recognized by the or in caves and ravines, and hold their re-
"ustantinopolitan church.
(. ligious assemblies in the open air exposed to
Tillemont has given a detailed history of the severity of Armenian winters.
the whole controversy, up to the death of Our knowledge of Aerius is from Epiphanius
Fravitas, in his Memoires, vol. xvi., but with {Haer. 75). Augustine, de Haeresibus, c. 53,
a natural bias towards the Roman side. The merelv epitomises Epiphanius. Aerius went
original documents, exclusive of the histories so fearlessly to the root of much that the
of Evagrius, Theophanes, and Liberatus, are church was beginning to cling to, that we
for the most part collected in the 58th volume cannot feel much surprise at the vehemence of
of Migne's Palrologia. See also Hefele, Koiiz. Epiphanius with regard to his teaching.
Gesch. Bd. ii. ["'.] Epiphanius asserts that he went beyond
Acephali (from d and K€(pa\ri, those without Arius in his impieties, specifying four counts,
a head or leader) is a term applied (i) To
— (i) The first, with which the name of Aerius
the bishops of the oecumenical council of has been chiefly identified in modern times,
Ephesus in 431, who refused to follow either is the assertion of the equality of bishops
St. Cvril or John of Antioch— the leaders of and presbyters, fiia rd^is, fx-a Tifiri. tii> d^iu>fj.a.
the two parties in the Nestorian controversy. (2) Aerius also ridiculed the observance of
(2) To a radical branch of Monophysites, who Easter as a relic of Jewish superstition. (3)
rejected not only the oecumenical council of Prayers and offerings for the dead he regarded
Chalcedon in 451, but also the Henoticon of as pernicious. If they availed for the de-
the emperor Zeno, issued in 482 to the Chris- parted, no one need trouble himself to live
tians of Egypt, to unite the orthodox and the holily :he would only have to provide, by
Monophvsites. Peter Mongus, the Monophy- bribes or otherwise, a multitude of prayers and
site patriarch of Alexandria, subscribed this offerings for him, and his salvation was secure.
compromise [Ac.\cius (7)] for this reason
(4) All set fasts he condemned.
A Christian
many of his party, especially among the man should fast when he felt it to be for his
monks, separated from him, and were called soul'sgood appointed days of fasting were

Acephali. They were condemned, under Jus- relics ofJewish bondage. Philaster, whose
tinian, by a synod of Constantinople, 536, as unconfirmed authority is very small, con-
schismatics, who sinned against the churches, founds the Aerians with the Encratites, and
the pope, and the emperor. Cf. Mansi, Cone. asserts that thev practised abstinence from
torn. viii. p. 891 sqq. Harduin, Cone. torn,
; food and rejected marriage (Philast. Haer.
ii. 1203 sqq. W'alch, Ketzerhistorie, vol. vii.
; 72). Consult Schrockh, Christliche Kirch.
Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, vol. ii. pp. 549. Gesch. vol. vi. pp. 226-234 Walch, Ketzerhist.

744. (3) To the clerici vagi, i.e. clergy- vol. iii. pp. 221 seq. Neander, Ch. Hist. vol.

men belonging to no diocese (as in Isid. iii. pp. 461-563 (Clark's trans.) Herzog. Real-

Hispal. de Offic. Eccl., the so-called Egbert's encycl. vol. i. 165 Tillemont, Hist. eccl. vol.

Excerpts, 160, and repeatedly in Carlovingian ix. pp. 87 seq. [e. v.]
Councils: see Du Cange) \D. C. A. art. AetiUS ('AMos), the founder and head of
Vagi Clerici]. (4) It is said to be used the strictest sect of Arianism, upon whom,
sometimes for avroKicpaXoi. [D. C. A. art. on account of the boldness of his reasonings
on the nature of (iod, was affixed the surname
Adamantius (1). [Origen.] of " the ungodly," d^fos (Soz. iii. 15)- He
AeriUS, 'Ae>05, founder of the heretical sect was the first to carry out the doctrines of
of the Aerians, c. 355, still living when Arius to their legitimate issue, and in opposi-
Epiphanius wrote against heresies, 374-376. tion both to Homoousians and Homoiousians
He was the early friend and fellow-disciple of maintained that the Son was unlike, dvdpLoios,
EusTATHiis OF Sebaste in Pontus. While
the Father, from which his followers took the
• This appears to be the best explanation of
name of Anomoeans. They were also known
as Eunomians, from his amanuensis Euno-
the "double excommunication" of Acacius. Cf.
Tillemont, .Memoires, xvi. n. sj, pp. 764 f Mius, the principal apologist of the party ;
as Heterusiasts and Exukontians, as affirming adversary by vanquishing the Manichean
that the Son was e^ erepas ovaias from the leader Aphthonius. Aphthonius, according to
Father, and created e^ ovk 6vtuv. Philostorgius {H. E. iii. 15), only survived his
The events of his singularly vagrant and defeat seven days. Here Aetius took up his
chequered career are related from very differ- former professions, studying medicine and
ent points of view by the Eunomian Philos- working as a goldsmith.
torgius, and the orthodox writers Socrates, On the return of St. Athanasius to Alex-
Sozomen, Theodoret, and Gregory Nyssen. andria in 349, Aetius retired to Antioch, of
We must regard Aetius as a bold and unprin- which his former teacher Leontius was now
cipled adventurer, endowed with an indomit- bishop. By him Aetius was ordained deacon,
able love of disputation, which led him into c. 350 (Philost. iii. 17 Socr. H. E. ii. 35

incessant arguments on the nature of the God- Athan. de Synod. § 38, Oxf. trans, p. 137 ;

head, the person of our Lord, and other trans- Suidas, S.V.). His ordination was protested
cendental subjects, not only with the orthodox against by Flavian and Diodorus, and he was
but with the less pronounced Arians. He was inhibited from the exercise of his ministry
born at Antioch. His father, dying insolvent, (Theod. H. E. ii. 24). Epiphanius errone-
left Aetius, then a child, and his mother in ously asserts that he was admitted to the
extreme destitution (Philost. H. E. iii. 15 diaconate by George of Cappadocia, the in-

cf. Valesius's notes; Suidas, sub. voc. "AeVios). truding bp. of Alexandria (Epiph. Haeres.
According to Gregory Nyssen, he became the Ixxvi. i).Aetius now developed more fully
slave of a woman named Ampelis and having
his Anomoean tenets, and he exerted all his
obtained his freedom in some disgraceful influence to induce the Arian party to refuse
manner, became a travelling tinker, and after- communion with the orthodox. He also be-
wards a goldsmith. Having been convicted gan to withdraw himself from the less pro-
of substituting copper for gold in an ornament nounced Arians (Socr. H. E. ii. 359). This
entrusted to him for repair, he gave up his schism in the .\rian party was still further
trade, and attaching himself to an itinerant developed at the first council of Sirmium,
quack, picked up some knowledge of medicine. A.D. 351, where he attacked the respectable
He met with a ready dupe in an Armenian, semi-Arian (Homoiousian) bishops, Basil of
whose large fees placed Aetius above the reach Ancyra and Eustathius of Sebaste (Philost.
of want. He now began to take rank as a H. E. iii. 16), reducing them to silence. Exas-
regular and recognized practitioner at Antioch perated by his discomfiture, Basil denounced
(Greg. Nys. adv. Etinom. lib. i. vol. ii. p. 293). Aetius to Gallus. His hfe was spared at
Philostorgius merely tells us that he devoted the intercession of bp. Leontius ; and being
himself to the study of philosophy and dia- subsequently introduced to Gallus by Theo-
lectics, and became the pupil of Paulinus the philus Blemmys, he was sent by him to his
Arian bishop, recently removed from Tyre to brother JuUan to win him back from the
Antioch, c. 323 (Philost. iii. 15). Aetius at- paganism into which he was lapsing. Gallus
tached himself to the Aristotelian form of also appointed him his religious teacher
philosophy, and with him, Milman remarks (Philost. H. E. iii. 27 Greg. Nys. u.s. p. 294).

{Hist, of Christianity, vol. ii. p. 443), the strife The fall of Gallus in 354 caused a change in
between Aristotelianism and Platonism among the fortunes of Aetius, who returned to Alex-
theologians seems to have begun. His chief andria in 356 to support the waning cause of
study was the Categories of Aristotle, the scope Arianism. The see of Athanasius was then
of \yhich, according to Socrates {H. E. ii. 33), he occupied by George of Cappadocia, under
entirely misconceived, dra\\-ing from them soph- whom Aetius served as a deacon, and when
istical arguments repudiating the prevailing nominated to the episcopate by two Arian
Platonic mode of argument used by Origen and bishops, Serras and Secundus, he refused to be
Clemens Alex. On the death of Paulinus his consecrated by them on the ground that they
protector, c. 324, he was banished to Anazar- had held communion with the Homoousian
bus in Cilicia, where he gained his livelihood by party (Philost. iii. 19). Here he was joined
his trade. Here his dialectic skill charmed a by his renowned pupil and secretary Eunomius
grammarian, who instructed him more fully, (Greg. Nys. u.s. p. 299 Socr. H. E. ii. 22

receiving repayment by his menial services. Philost. H. E. iii. 20). Greater troubles were
Aetius tried his polemic powers against his now hand for Aetius. Basil of AncvTa de-
benefactor, whom he put to public shame by nounced him to the civil power for his supposed
complicity in the treasonable designs of Gallus,
the confutation of his interpretation of Scrip-
ture. On the ignominious dismissal which natu-and he was banished to Pepuza in Phrygia.
rally followed, Athanasius, the Arian bishop of The
influence of Ursacius and Valens procured
the place, opened his doors to the outcast, and
his recall but he was soon driven again into

read the Gospels with him. Aetius also read exile. The hard irreverence of Aetius, and
St. Paul's Epistles at Tarsus with Antonius, the determination with which he pushed con-
who, like Athanasius, was a disciple of Lucian,
clusions from the principles of Arius, shocked
Arius's master. On Antonius's elevation to the more religious among the Arian party, and
the episcopate, Aetius returned to Antioch, forced the bishops to use all measures to crush
where he studied the prophets, particularly him. His doctrines were also becoming alarm-
Ezekiel, with Leontius, afterwards bishop ingly prevalent. " Nearly the whole of
of that see, also a pupil of Lucian. A Antioch had suffered from the shipwreck of
storm of unpopularity soon drove him from Aetius, and there was danger lest the whole
Antioch to Cilicia but having been defeated (once more) should be submerged " (Letter

in argument by one of the Borborian Gnostics, of George, bp. of Laodicea, ap. Soz. H. E. vL
he betook himself to Alexandria, where he 13). A synod was therefore appointed for
soon recovered his character as an invincible Nicomedia in Bithynia. A violent earthquake

and the intrigues of tlie court brouglit about a comparatt\e view of sacred and profane his-
its division into two synods. Tlie West met tory from the creation of the world, demanded
at Ariminum the East at Seleucia in Isauria,
; extensive reading and the fragments that

A.D. 359. The hitter separated without any remain refer to the works of a considerable
definite conchision. "The Arians, senii-Arians, number of historical writers. His only work
and Anomoeans, mingled in tumultuous strife, now extant in a cotniilete state is his letter
and hurled anathemas at one another " (Mil- to Origen referred to by many authors (Eus.
man, Hist. Christ, iii. c. 8). Whatever triumph H. E. vi. 31 Hieron. de Vir. III. c. 63 Photius,
; ;

was gained rested with the opponents of the Cod. 34 Suidas, s.v. 'A</>ptvoi'6t Niceph. Call.
; ;

Aetians, who appealed to the emperor and the H. E. V. 21, and others). The correspondence
court, and a second general council was sum- originated in a discussion between Origen and
moned to meet at Constantinople (Athan. lie a certain Bassus, at which .\fricanus was pre-
Synod. § 10, 12). Of this council Acacius sent, and in which Origen appealed to the au-
was the leading spirit, but a spUt occurred thority of that part of the Book of Daniel which
among the Anomoean followers of Aetius. The contains the story of Susanna. Africanus
party triumphed, but its founder was sent into afterwards wrote a short letter to Origen urg-
banishment, first to Mopsuestia, then to Am- ing several objections to the authenticity of
blada in Pisidia. Here he gained the good- this part of the book ;among others, that the
will of the savage inhabitants by his prayers style is different from that of the genuine book,
having, as they supposed, averted a pestilence that this section is not in the book as received
(Theod. ii. 23 Soz. iv. 23, 24 ; Philost. iv. 12
; ; by the Jews, and that it contains a play on
Greg. Nys. u.s. p. 301). Gk. words which shews that, unlike other
The death of Constantius, a.d. 361, put an O.T. books, it was originally written in Gk.
end to Aetius's exile. Julian recalled all the and not in Heb. Origen replied at greater
banished bishops and invited Aetius to his length. That Africanus had any intimate
court {Ep. Juliani, 31, p. 52, ed. Boisson Soz. ; knowledge of Heb. must not be regarded as
V. 5), and at the instance of Eudoxius (Philost. proved by this letter. The date of the corre-
iz. 4) presented him with an estate in the is- spondence is limited by the facts that Origen
land of Lesbos. The ecclesiastical censure was writes from Nicomedia, having previously
taken ofif Aetius by Euzoius, the Arian bp. of visited Palestine, and refers to his labours in
Antioch (ib. vii. 5), who, with the bishop of a comparison of the Gk. and Heb. text, indi-
his party, compiled a defence of his doctrines cating that he had already published the
(ib. viii.'2). According to Epiphanius (Haer. Hexapla. These conditions are best satisfied
U.S.), he was consecrated bishop at Constanti- by a date c. 238.
nople, though not to any particular see and ;
Not less celebrated is the letter of Africanus
he and Eunomius consecrated bishops for his to Aristides on the discrepancy in our Saviour's
own party (Philost. viii. 2). On the death of genealogies as given by St. Matthew and St.
Jovian, a.d. 364, Valens shewed special favour Luke. A considerable portion of this has been
to Eudoxius, between whom and Aetius and preserved by Eusebius (H. E. i. 7), and Routh
Eunomius a schism had arisen. Aetius in dis- (Ret. Sac. ii. 228) has jniblished this together
gust retired to his farm in Lesbos {ib. ix. with a fragment not previously edited. A
4). The revolt of Procopius once more en- compressed version of the letter is given also in
dangered his hfe. He was accused to the Eusebii ad Stephanum, Quaest. iv. (Mai, Script.
governor, whom Procopius had placed in the Vet. Nov. Coll. vol. i.). Africanus begins by
island, of favouring the cause of Valens, rejecting a previous explanation that the gene-
A.D. 365-366 (ib. ix. 6). Aetius returned to alogies are fictitious lists, designed to establish
Constantinople. He was the author of several our Lord's claim to be both king and priest by
letters to Constantius and others, filled with tracingHisdesccntin one Gospel from Solomon,
subtle disquisition on the nature of the Deity in the other from Nathan, who was assumed to
(Socr. ii. 35), and of 300 heretical proposi- be Nathan the prophet. Africanus argues the
tions, of which Epiphanius has preserved 47 necessity of maintaining the literal truth of
(Haer. Ixxvi. § 10), with a refutation of each. the Gospel narrative, and against drawing dog-
Hefelo, Konz. Gesch. Bd. i. [k.v.] matic consequences from any statements not
Afrlcanus, Julius ('A(ppiKav6s), a Christian founded on historical fact. He then gives his
writer at the beginning of the 3rd cent. A own explanation, founded on the levirate law
great part of his life was passed at Emmaus in of the Jews, and professing to be traditionally

Palestine not, however, the Emmaus of St. derived from the Desposyni (or descendants of
Luke (xxiv. 16), as assumed by the ancient the kindred of our Lord), who dwelt near the
authorities (Soz. H. E.v. 21 ;Hieron. in libra villages of Nazareth and Cochaba. According
de Locis Hebraicis, s.v. '¥J^J.fJ.aovs, ii. p. 439 et ; to this view Matthew gives the natural, Luke
in Epitaph. Paulae. iv. p. 673) but, as Reland
; the legal, descent of our Lord. Matthan, it is
has shewn in his Palaeslina, pp. 427, 758 (see said, of the house of Solomon, and Melchi of the
also Smith's Diet, of Geogr. s.v. Emmaus), house of Nathan, married the same woman,
the Emmaus in the plain (i Mace. iii. 40), 22 whose name is given as Estha. Heli the son of
Roman miles ( 176 stadia) from Jerusalem. Melchi (the names Matthat and Levi found in
He may have been born a.d. 170 or a little our present copies of St. Luke are omitted by
earlier, and died a.d. 240 or a little later. Africanus) having died childless, his uterine
There seems to be no ancient authority for brother Jacob, Matthan's son, took his wife
dating his death a.d. 232. and raised up seed to him so that the offspring

Africanus ranks with Clement and Origen as Joseph was legally Heli's son as stated by St.
among the most learned of the ante-Nicene Luke, but naturally Jacob's son as stated by
fathers (Socr. H. E. ii. 35 Hieron. Ep. ad
; St. Matthew. For a critical examination and
.Magnum, 83, vol. iv. p. 656). His great work, defence of this solution, which is adopted by St.
Augustine {Retract, lib. ii. c. vii.), see Mill, On that Jacob's tent had been preserved in
the Mythical Interpretation of the Gospels, p. 201. Edessa until struck by lightning in the reign
The great work of Africanus was his " accu- of the emperor Antoninus (Elagabalus ?).
rately laboured" (Eus. H. E. vi. 31) treatise Africanus probably had personally visited
on chronology, in five books. As a whole it is Edessa, whose king, Abgarus, he elsewhere
lost, but we can form a good idea of its general mentions.
character from the still remaining Chronicon of The work in all probability concluded with
Eusebius, which was based upon it, and which the Doxology, which St. Basil has cited (de
undoubtedly incorporates much of it. Euse- Spir. Sanct. § 73, iii. 61) in justification of the
bius himself, p. 132, mentions Africanus among form of doxology crvv 'Ayiw llvev/jiaTc.
his authorities for Jewish history, subsequent It remains to speak of another work, the
to O.T. times. Several fragments of the work of Kea-Toi, expressly ascribed to Africanus by Euse-
Africanus can be identified by express quota- bius {H. E. vi. 31), Photius (i.e.), Suidas {I.e.),
tions, either by Eusebius in his Praeparatio and and Syncellus (p. 359), perhaps (as ScaUger
Demonstratio Evangelii, or by other writers, in suggests) quoting the Chronica of Eusebius.
particular bv Georgius Syncellus in his Chrono- According to this authority, the work consisted
graphia. These have been collected by Gal- of nine books and it is probably owing to

landi {Bibl. Vet. Pat. vol. ii.), and more fully by errors of transcribers that we now find Photius
Routh {Rel. Sac. vol. ii.). enumerating 14 and Suidas 24. The work
Christian Apologists had been forced to en- seems to have received the fanciful name of
gage in chronological discussions, to remove Cesti, or variegated girdles, from the miscella-
the heathen contempt of Christianity as a neous character of its contents, which em-
noveltv, bv demonstrating the great antiquity braced the subjects of geography, natural his-
of the Jewish svstem, out of which the Chris- tory, medicine, agriculture, the art of war, etc.
tian sprang. Thus Tatian {Or. ad Graec. c. The portions that remain have suffered muti-
39), Theophilus of Antioch {ad. Autol. iii. 21), lation and addition by different copyists. The
Clement of Alexandria {Stromata, i. 21), dis- external evidence for ascribing the Cesti and
cuss the question of the antiquity of Moses, Chronology to the same author is too strong to
and, following Josephus {cont. Apion. i. 16), be easily set aside, and is not without some in-
arrive at the conclusion that Moses was a con- ternal confirmation. Thus the author of the
temporary of Inachus, and that the Exodus Cesti was better acquainted with Syria than
took place 393 years before the coming of with Libya for he mentions the abundance of

Danaus to Argos. Africanus set himself to a certain kind of serpent in Syria, and gives its
make a complete synopsis of sacred and pro- Syrian name {Vet. Math. p. 290), but when he
fane history from the Creation, and to establish gives a Libyan word {Geopon. p. 226) he does
a synchronism between the two. He concludes so on second-hand testimony. And he was a
that Moses and Ogyges were contemporaries. Christian, for he asserts {Geopon. p. 178) that
He thinks a connexion between the Ogygian wine may be kept from spoiling by writing on
deluge and the plagues of Egypt likely ; and the vessels " the divine words, Taste and see
confirms his conclusions by deducing from that the Lord is gracious." The unlikelihood
Polemo, Apion, and Ptolemaeus Mendesius, of Africanus having written such a work be-
that Moses was a contemporary of Inachus, comes less if we look upon him not as an eccle-
whose son, Phoroneus, reigned at Argos in the siastic, but as a Christian philosopher, pursuing
time of Ogyges. Africanus follows the LXX : his former studies after his conversion, and
he counts 2262 years to the Deluge he does entering in his note-books many things more

not recognize the second Cainan he places the in accordance with the spirit of his own age

Exodus A.M. 3707. In computing the years than with that of ours. Cf. Harnack on J uUus
of the Judges he is blamed by Eusebius for Africanus Sextus in Herzog, 3rd ed. The
lengthening the chronology by adding, without last edition of the Chronographv is in Gelzer,
authority, 30 years for the elders after Joshua, Sex. Jul. Afr. (2 vols. Leipzig, 1880-1898) ;

40 for anarchy after Samson, and 25 years of see also Spitta (Halle, 1877) on the letter to
peace. He thus makes 740 years between the Aristides, Harnack, Lit. i. 507-513 and ii. i,
Exodus and Solomon. Our Lord's birth he pp. 124 sqq. [G.S.]
places A.M. 5500, and two years before our Agapetus, bp. of Rome, was, we are told, a
common computation of Anno Domini. But Roman by birth, the son of Gordianus a priest
he allows only one year for our Lord's public (Anast. quoted by Chnton, Fasti Romani,
ministry, and thus dates the Crucifixion a.m. p. 763 ;
Jaffe, Regesta Pontificum, p. 73). He
5531. He calculates the commencement of was already an old man when, six days after
the 70 weeks from the 20th year of Artaxerxes : the death of Johannes II., he was elected pope
from this to the death of our Lord he counts in June 535. He began by formally reversing
only 475 years, contending that the 70 weeks an act of Bonifacius II., one of his own imme-
of Daniel are to be understood as 490 lunar diate predecessors, fulminating anathemas
years of 354 days each, equivalent to 475 against the deceased antipope Dioscorus, a.d.
Julian years. 530 (Anast. vol. i. p. 100).
Another interesting passage in the xport^d is We next find him entering Constantinople
one in which he treats of the darkness at the on Feb. 19, 536 (Chnt. F. R. p. 765), sent
Crucifixion, and shews, in opposition to the thither by Theodahad to avert, if possible, the
Syrian historian Thallus, that it was miracu- war with which he was threatened by the em-
lous, and that an eclipse of the sun could not peror Justinian in revenge for the murder of
have taken place at the full moon. Lastly, we his queen Amalasontha and we are told that

may notice his statement that there were still he succeeded in the objects of his mission
in his time remains of Jacob's terebinth at (Anast. vol. i. p. 102), which must refer to
Shechem, Gen. xxxv. 4, held in honour and ; other objects, for he certainly failed to avert

the war Justinian had already incurred such

headed at Rome under Diocletian, celebrated
expense as to be unwilling to turn back (I.ib- by Ambrose (de Offic. i. 41 de Virg. ad Mar-

erat. quoted by Baronius, Aunales KccUsi- cell, i. 2), Jerome (£^. 97 ad dcmetriad.),
astici, vii. p. 314), as a matter of fact Bcli-
and Augustine (Serin. 273, 286, and 354), Sulp.
ii. 14), Prudentius (irepi ^Te((>dvu)v,
sarius took Rome within the year. In 535 Sever. (Dial.
Anthimus, who was suspected of Monothelit- xiv.),Venant. Fortunatus (Poem. vii. iii. 35),
isra, had been appointed patriarch of Constan- Aldhelm (de Virgin.) and by her Acta in

tinople by the influence of Theodora. Agape- Syriac in Assemani, Act. Mart. ii. 148 seq. ;

tus, on his first arrival, refused to receive An- besides .4cta falsely attributed to St. Ambrose,
thimus unless he could prove himself orthodox, a doubtful homily of St. Maxim. Taurin., and
and then only as bp. of Trebizond. for he was some verses questionably assigned to pope
averse to the practice of translating bishops. Damasus. Her name is in the Carthag. Cal. of
At the same time he boldly accused Justinian c. 450, Jan. 21 in Ruinart, p. 695.
; A church
himself of Monophysitism who was fain to ; at Rome, in her honour, said to have been built
satisfyhim by signing a " libellus fidei " and under Constantine the Great, was repaired by
professing himself a true Catholic. But the Pope Honorius, a.d. 625-638, and another was
emperor insisted upon his communicating built at Rome by Innocent X. (.\ssomani, .4ct.
with .\nthimus, and even threatened him with Mart. ii. 134, I55)- Sec also Act. SS. Jan. 21,
expulsion from the city if he refused. Agapetus on which <lay her name stands in the black-
repUed with spirit that he thought he was visit- letter calendar of our Prayer-book. Baeda
ing an orthodox prince, and not a second Dio- and Usuanl place it on Jan. '23 the Menolog. ;

cletian. Then the emperor confronted him and MeiKica "ii July 5. [a.w.ii.]
with Anthimus, who was easily convicted by Agnoetae (from ayvo^u, to be ignorant of), a
Agapetus. Anthimus was formally deposed, name applied to two sects who denied the
and Mennas substituted and this was done omniscience either of God the Father, or of God

without a council, by the single authority of the Son in His state of humiliation.
the pope Agapetus j ustinian of course allow-
; I. The first were a sect of the Arians, and
ing it, in spite of the remonstrances of Theo- called from Eunomius and Theophronius " Eu-
dora (Anast. vol. i. p. 102 Theophanes, nomio-Theophronians " (Socr. H. R. v. 24).

Chronogr. p. 184). Agapetus followed up his Their leader, Theophronius, of Cappadocia,

victory by denouncing the other heretics who who flourished about 370, maintained that God
had collected at Constantinople under the knew things past by memory and things future
patronage of Theodora. He received petitions only by uncertain prescience. Sozomen (H. E.
against them from the Eastern bishops, and vii. 17) writes of him " Having given :

from the " monks " in Constantinople, as the some attention to the writings of Aristotle,
Archimandrite coenobites were beginning to he composed an appendix to them, entitled
be called (Baronius, vii. p. 322). He died on Exercises of the Mind. But he afterwards en-
April 21, 536 (Clint. F. R. p. 765)- His body gaged in many unprofitable disputations, and
was taken to Rome and buried in St. Peter's soon ceased to confine himself to the doctrines
basilica, Sept. 17. Five of his letters remain of his master. [Eunomu's.] Under the assump-

(i) July 18, 535, to Caesarius, bp. of Aries, tion of being deeply versed in the terms of
about a dispute of the latter with bp. Con- Scripture, he attempted to prove that though
tumeiiosus (Mansi, viii. p. 856). (2) Same God is acquainted with the piresent, the past,
date, to same, " De augendis alimoniis and the future, his knowledge on these subjects
pauperum " {ib. 855). (3) Sept. 9, 535, Reply is not the same in degree, and is subiect to some
to a letter from African bishops to his pre- kind of mutation. As this hypothesis appeared
decessor Johannes (ib. 848). (4) Same date, positively absurd to the Eunomians, they
reply to Reparatus, bp. of Carthage, who had excommunicated him from their church and ;

congratulated him on his accession {tb. 850). he constituted himself the leader of a new sect,
(5) March 13, 536, to Peter, bp. of Jerusalem, called after his own name, Theophronians.'

announcing the deposition of Anthimus and II. Better known are the Agnoetae or The-
consecration of jSIennas {ib. 921). Hefele, mistiani, in the Monophysite controversy in
Konz. Gesch. Bd. ii. [g.h.m.] 6th cent. Themistius, deacon of Alexandria,
Agatha, a virgin martyred at Catana in Sicily representing a small branch of the Monophy-
under Decius, Feb. 5, 251, according to her site Severians, taught, after the death of
Acta ; but under Diocletian according to the Severus, that the human soul (not the Divine
Martyrol. and Aldhelm (de Virgin. 22) men- ; nature) of Christ was like us in all things, even
tioned by Pope Damasus a.d. 366 (Carm. v.), in the limitation of knowledge, and was ignor-
and by Venantius Fortunatus c. 580 inserted ; ant of many things, especially the day of judg-
in the Canon of the Mass by Gregory the Great ment, which the Father alone knew (Mark xiii.
according to Aldhelm (u.s., and see also S. 32, cf. John xi. 34). Most Monophysitcs rejected
Greg. M. Dial. iii. 30) and commemorated in
; this view, as inconsistent with their theory of
a homily by Methodius, c. 900. Her name is in one nature in Christ, which implied also a
the Carthag. Calendar of c. 450 in Ruinart, ; unity of knowledge, and they called the follow-
p. 695 and in the black-letter calendar in our
; ers of Themistius Agnoetae. The orthodox,
Prayer-book. Churches at Rome were dedi- who might from the Chalcedonian dogma of
cated to her by pojie Synimachus c. 500 by ; the two natures in Christ have inferred two
Ricimer a.d. 460, enriched with her relics by kinds of knowledge, a perfect Divine and an
Gregory the Great and by Gregory II. in 726.
; imperfect human admitting of growth (Luke
She is the patroness of \ialta (Butler's Lu'W ii. 52), nevertheless rejected the view of the
of Saints). See also the homily against Peril Agnoetae, as making too wide a rupture be-
0/ Idolatry, p. iii. [a.w.h.] tween the two natures, and generally under-
A^es, M. a virgin, 12 or 13 years old, be- stood the famous passage in Mark of the official
ignoraace only, inasmuch as Christ did not i charge that the calamities of the empire were
choose to reveal to His disciples the day of due to the desertion of the old or new system
judgment, and thus appeared ignorant for a of faith respectively, and the truth or falsehood
wise purpose (.car' o'lKovo.u^av). His inquiry of either was generally staked upon the issue.
concerning Lazarus was explained from refer- The almost miraculous discomfiture of the
ence to the Jews and the intention to increase heathen Radagaisus by Stihcho, in spite of his
the effect of the miracle. Euloeius, Patriarch vow to sacrifice the noblest senators of Rome
of Alexandria, wrote against the Agnoetae a on the altars of the gods which deUghted in
treatise on the absolute knowledge of Christ, human blood, was accepted as an ill omen by
of which Photius has preserved large extracts. those at Rome who hoped for a pubhc restora-
Sophronius, patriarch of Jerusalem, anathema- tion of Paganism (Gibbon, iv. 47-49, ed. Smith ;

tized Themistius. Agnoetism was revived by Milman, Lat. Christ, i. 122). Rome, impreg-
the Adoptionists in the 8th cent. Felix of nable while Stilicho, her Christian defender,
Urgel maintained the limitation of the know- lived, could submit only to the approach
ledge of Christ according to His human nature, of Alaric, " a Christian and a soldier, the
and appealed to Mark xiii. 32. Gallandi, Dibl. leader of a discipUned army, who understood
Pair. xii. p. 634 Mansi, Cone. xi. 502 Leont.
; ;
the laws of war, and respected the sanctity
Byz. de SecHs, Actio X. c. iii. ;
Photius, Cod. of treaties." In the first siege of Rome
230 (ed. Bekk. p. 284) Baronius, Annal. ad
both pagan and Christian historians relate the
strange proposal to relieve the city by the
A.D. 535; Walch. Hist, der Ketzereien, viii.
644-684 Baur. Lehre v. der Dreieinigkeit, etc.,
magical arts of some Etruscan diviners, who
ii. pp. 87 ff; Dorner, Entwicklungsgeschichte, were believed to have power to call down
etc., ii. pp. 172 f cf. D. C. B. (4 vol. ed.) art.
lightning from heaven, and direct it against
Person of Christ. [p-S-] Alaric's camp. That pope Innocent assented
Alaric (Teut. prob. =Athalaric, noble ruler), to this public ceremony rests only on the au-
general and king (398) of the Goths, the most thority of the heathen Zosimus (v. 41). It is

civihzed and merciful of the barbarian chiefs questioned whether this idolatrous rite actu-
who ravaged the Roman Empire. ally took place. Alaric perhaps imagined that
Alaric first appears among the Gothic army he was furthering the Divine purpose in be-
who assisted Theodosius in opposing Eugenius, sieging Rome. Sozomen {Hist. Eccl. ix. c. 7)

394. He led the revolt of his nation against mentions as a current story that a certain
Arcadius, ravaged the provinces south of the monk, on urging the king, then on his march
Danube, and invaded Greece 395- Athens through Italy, to spare the city, received the
capitulated, and afterwards Corinth, Argos, and reply that he was not acting of his own accord,
Sparta. Under the title of Master-General of but that some one was persistently forcing
Eastern Illvricum, 398. he became the ally of him on and urging him to sack Rome.
Arcadius and secretlv planned the invasion The shock felt through the world at the
of Italv. In the winter of 402 he crossed the news of the capture of Rome in Alaric's third
Alps, was defeated by Stilicho at Pollentia on siege, 410, was disproportioned to the real
Easter Day 403, and driven from Italy. In 404 magnitude of the calamity : contrast the ex-
he exchanged the prefecture of Eastern for that aggerated language of St. Jerome, Ep. ad Prin-
of Western Illyricum, and the service of Ar- cipiam, with Orosius, 1. vii. c. 39, and St.
cadius for that of Honorius, and, after the in- Augustine, de Civ. Dei, ii. 2 (a work written be-
cursion and annihilation of Radagaisus and tween 413 and 426 with the express object of
his Sclavonian hordes in 405, he was sub- refuting the Pagan arguments from the sack of
sidized for his supposed services to the empire Rome), and his tract, de Excidio Urbis (0pp. t.
by the pavment of 4,000 pounds of gold. vi. 622-628, ed. Bened.). The book in which
Stihcho's ruin and death in 408, the subsequent Zosimus related the fall of Rome has been lost,
massacre of the Goths settled in Italy, and so that we have to gather information from
Honorius's impoUtic refusal of Alaric's equit- Christian sources ; but it is plain that the de-
able terms, caused the second invasion of Italy, struction and loss was chiefly on the side of
and the first siege of Rome, which ended in Paganism, and that Httle escaped which did
a capitulation. At the second siege in 409, not shelter itself under the protection of Chris-
" The heathens fled to the churches,
preceded by the capture of Ostia, the city was tianity.
surrendered unconditionally, and Alaric set up the only places of refuge. . There alone
. .

Attains as emperor, in opposition to Honorius, rapacity and lust and cruelty were arrested and
who remained at Ravenna. At the close of stood abashed" (Milman, p. 133). The pro-
the third siege, in 410 (Aug. 24), the city was perty of the churches and the persons of Chris-
in the hands of the Goths for six days, during tian virgins were generally respected. The
three of which the sack was continued. Alaric pagan inhabitants of Rome were scattered over
died at Consentia late in 410. Africa, Egypt, Syria, and the East, and were
The effect of Alaric's conquests on the cause encountered alike by St. Jerome at Bethlehem
of Christianity, and on the spiritual position and by St. Augustine at Carthage. Innocent I.
of Rome in Western Christendom, is well was absent at Ravenna during the siege of
traced by Dean Milman {Lat. Christ, i. iio- Rome. On his return heathen temples were
Alaric and his Goths had embraced converted into Christian churches " with
140). ;

Christianity probablv from the teaching of Paganism expired the venerable titles of the
Umias, the Arian bishop, who died in 388 religion, the great High Priests and Flamens,
(Mosheim, ed. Stubbs, i. 233). This age wit- the Auspices and Augurs. On the pontifical
nessed the last efforts of Paganism to assert throne sat the bp. of Rome, who would soon
itself as the ancient and national rehgion, and possess the substance of the imperial power"
Rome was its last stronghold. Pagans and lib. p. 139). Alaric was also instrumental in
Christians had retorted upon each other the driving Paganism from Greece. Zosimus (v. 7)
on his approach to Athens its walls
asserts that S. Alhan., is apparently a myth and the Life

were seen to be guarded by Minerva and by William of St. Albans (12th cent.) is of the
Achilles, (iibbon says that " the invasion of ordinary nature and value of lives of the kind
the Goths, instead of vindicating the honour, and date. But the testimony of Germanus,
(oiitributed, at least accidentally, to extirpate in Constantius's Life of him, seems sufficient
the last remains of Pagaiiisin " (vol. iv. p. 37). proof that a tradition of the martyrdom of
The conquests of .-Marie, though achieved at somebody named Albanus existed at Veru-
an age when the Church boasted many eminent lamium a century and something more after
saints and writers, afford far fewer materials the supposed date of that martyrdom. His
for the niartyrologist and hagiologist than martvrdom with manv fabulous details is re-
those of Attila. Alaric, though an Arian, is lated in Bede (i. 7). '
\V. Bright, Chapters of
nowhere recorded to have persecuted the Earlv Ch. Hist. (1897), p. 6. [a.w.h.]
Catholics whom war had
placed in his power. Albion, king of the Langobardi, or Lom-
Jornandes and Isidore of Seville, Gothic his- bards, and founder of the kingdom subject to
torians, and Orosius, a Spanish Catholic, are that people in Italy, was the son of that Audoin
equally silent on this point. The following under whom the Lombards emerge from ob-
facts of personal history have been preserved. scurity to occupy Pannonia, invited by the
In the sack of Kome Marcella, an aged matron, Emperor of Constantinople, in accordance
was thrown on the ground and cruelly beaten with the usual Byzantine policy, as a check
(Micron. Fp. ad Priticify.) ; a nameless lady, to the Gepidae. In the wars with the latter
who persistently repelled her capturer, was nation Albf>in first appears. The confused
(oudueted by him to the sanctiiary of the Vati- accounts of them which Procoi>ius preserves
can and an aged virgin, to whose charge some
exhibit the tribe and their prince as rude
sacred vessels had been entrusted, through her and ferocious barbarians, and Alboin was a fit
bold constancy preserved them intact. At leader of such a tribe (Paul. Diac. i. 27, ii.
the plunder of Nola in Campania, St. Paulinus 28). That he was personally a Christian,
its bishop is said to have prayed, " Lord, let though an Arian, is proved by a letter from a
me not suffer torture either for gold or silver, Gallic bishop to his first wife, a Gallic princess,
since Thou knowest where are all riches" my which deplores, not his heathenism, but his
(Fleury,£cc/. Hist. ed. Newman, bk. xxii.c. 21). heresy (Sirmond. Cone. Gall. i.). Succeed-
Proba,' widow of the prefect Petronius, retired ing his father, Alboin accomplished, by the aid
to Africa with her daughter Laeta and her of the Avars, the destruction of the Gepidae
granddaughter Demetrias (Hicron. E{y. cxxx. (see Gibbon, c. xlv.). The conquest of Italy
t. i. p. 969, ed. Vallars.), and spent her large followed. Alboin's invading army wms hetero-
fortune in relieving the captives and exiles. geneous. Besides 20,000 Saxons accompanied
(See Tillemont, Mem. trclrs. t. xiii. pp. 620- by their families, who recrossed the Alps after
635.) \'aluable contributions to the history the conquest, Muratori has deduced {Aniich.
of Alaric not already mentioned are Sigonius, It. i. diss, i) from Italian topography the pre-
0pp. t. i. par. I, pp. 347 sqq. ed. Argellati sence of the Bavarians, and Paul. (ii. 26) adds
Aschbach, Gesch. der Westgothen. [c.d.] distinctly the names of several other tribes.
Albanus, M. The protomartyr of Britain The number of the army is unknown, but was
was martyred probably at Verulamium, and considerable, as it was a migration of the whole
according to either the " conjecture " or the tribe, and it largely changed the character and
" knowledge " (conjicimus or cognoscititus) of arrangements of population in Italy. Alboin
Gildas, in the time of Diocletian, and if so, a.d. left Pannonia in April 568 the passes were

304, but according to another legend, which, unguarded, and he learnt from his own success
however, still speaks of Diocletian, in 286 the need of securing his rear and the frontier of
(Attgln-Sax. Chron., Lib. Landav.). Eusebius his future kingdom, and entrusted the defence
(//.£. viii. 1 3, and (/< .Urtr/. Pa/afet/. xiii. 10, 11), and government of \'enetia Prima, his first con-
Lactantius {de Mart. Persecut. xv. xvi.), and quest, to Gisulf his nephew, with the title of
Sozomen (i. 6) deny that there was any perse- duke and the command of those whom he
cution during the time of Constantius in " the should himself select among the most eminent
Gauls," which term included Britain. Possibly, of the " Farae " or nobles (Paul. ii. ix.). From
however, Constantius may have been com- this point the conquest was rapid. In Liguria
pelled to allow one or two martyrdoms. It is (the western half of north Italy), Genoa, with
certain that 125 years after the latest date some cities of the Riviera, alone escaped.
assigned to Alban's martyrdom, 144 after the Pavia held out for three years perhaps its

earliest, viz. a.d. 429 (Prosper, Chron.), Ger- siege was not very vigorously pressed, for we
manus visited his relics in Britain, presumably know that a great part of Alboin's force was de-
at \'erulamium (Constant, in V. S. Germani, tached in flying squadrons which ravaged the
written a.d. 473-492). Gildas mentions him country southwards all through Tuscany and
in 560 (his statement, however, about the Aemilia, to so great a distance that Paul men-
persecution is of no value, being simply a tions Rome and Ravenna as almost the only
transference of Euscbius's words to Britain, places which escaped. The death of Alboin
to which Eusebius himself says they did not followed the fall of Pavia. The story of his
apply), and Venantius Fortunatus {Poem. viii. death is like that of his early hfe in the picture
'y- 155) c. 580. Bede, in 731, copies Constan- which it gives of a thoroughly barbaric society,
tius and certain Acta otherwise unknown. where the skull of an enemy is used as a
And the subsequent foundation of Offa in 793 drinking-cup, and the men hold their banquets
only serves to identify the place with the apart from the women (Gibbon, c. 45). Paul,
tradition. The British Life discovered by the avouches that the cup was to be seen in his
St. Albans monk Unwona in the loth cent., own day. The chief authority for the life of
according to Matthew Paris, in VV. Abb. Alboin, Paulus Diaconus. lived towards the
end of the 8th cent., in the last can He then," asked one of the bishops,
days of the
Lombard monarchy. [e.s.t.] " change from good to evil, as Satan did ? "
Alexander, St., archbp. of Alexandria, ap- They did not shrink from answering, " Since
pears to have come to that see in 313, after He is a creature, such a change is not impos-
the short episcopate of Achillas. He was an sible " and the council instantly pronounced

elderly man, of a kindly and attractive disposi- them to be " anathema." Such was the ex-
tion ;
" gentle and quiet," as Rufinus says (i. comm)mication of Arius, apparently in 320.
i), but also capable of acting with vigour and It was as far as possible from arresting the
persistency. Accusations were laid against great movement of rationalistic thought (for
him by the malcontent Meletian faction, " be- this, in truth, was the character of Arianism)
fore the emperor," Constantine (Athan. which had now so determinedly set in. The
Apol. c. Ar. II ; ad Ep. Ae^. 23), but appar- new opinions became extraordinarily popular ;

ently without result. He was involved in a Alexandrian society was flooded with colloquial
controversy with one Crescentius as to the irreverence. But Arius ere long found that he
proper time for keeping Easter (Epiph. Haer. could not maintain his position in the city
70, 9). But in 319 he was called upon to con- when under the ban of the archbishop it may ;

front a far more formidable adversary. [Arius.] be that Alexander had power actually to banish
Arius was the parish priest, as he may be de- him and he repaired to Palestine, where, as

scribed, of the church of BaukaUs, the oldest he expected, he found that his representations
and the most important of the churches of of the case made a favourable impression on
Alexandria, situated " in the head of the mer- several bishops, including Eusebius of Caesarea.
cantile part of the city " (Neale, Hist. Alex. i. Some wrote in his favour to Alexander, who, on
116), a man whose personal abilities enhanced his part, was most indefatigable in writing to
the influence of his official position he had various bishops in order to prevent them from

been a possible successor at the last vacancy being deceived by Arius Epiphanius tells us ;

of the " Evangehcal Throne," and may have that seventy such letters were preserved in his
consequently entertained unfriendly feelings time {Haer. 69. 4). Of these, some were suffi-
towards its actual occupant. But it would be ciently effectual in Palestine to constrain Arius
unreasonable to ascribe his opinions to private to seek an abode at Nicomedia. He had se-
resentment. Doubtless the habits of his mind cured the support of the bishop of the city, the
(Bright, Hist. Ch. p. 11) prepared him to adopt able but unprincipled Eusebius (Theod. i. 5 ;

and carry out to their consequences, with a Athan. de Syn. 17) and he now wrote (Athan. ;

peculiar boldness of logic, such views as he now de Syn. 16) in the name of " the presbyters and
began to disseminate in Alexandrian society: deacons" who had been excommunicated, to
that the Son of God could not be co-eternal Alexander, giving a statement of their views,
with His Father that He must be regarded as and professing that they had been learned from

external to the Divine essence, and only a crea- Alexander himself the fact being, probably,

ture. The bishop tried at first to check this as Mohler thinks, that Alexander had formerly
heresy by remonstrance at an interview, but used vague language in an anti-Sabellian
with no real success. Agitation increasing, direction. Eusebius now repeatedly urged
Alexander summoned a conference of hisclergy; Alexander to readmit Arius to communion ;

free discussion was allowed and, according to and the other bishops of Bithynia, in synod

Sozomen, Alexander seemed to waver between (Soz. i. 15), authorized their chief to send cir-
the Arian and anti-Arian positions. Ulti- cular letters in his favour to various prelates.
mately he asserted in strong terms the co- A Cilician bishop, Athanasius of Anazarbus,
equality of the Son whereupon Arius criti- wrote to Alexander, openly declaring that

cized his language as savouring of the Sabellian Christ was " one of the hundred sheep " ;

error [Sabellius] which had " confounded the George, an Alexandrian presbyter, then stay-
Persons." The movement increased, and ing had the boldness to write to his
at Antioch,
Alexander himself was charged with irresolu- bishop to the effect that the Son once " was
tion or even with some inclination towards the not," just as Isaiah " was not," before he was
new errors. It was then, apparently, that born to Amoz (Athan. de Syn. 17), for which
CoUuthus, one of the city presbyters, went so he was deposed by Alexander from the priest-
far as to separate from his bishop's communion, hood. Arius now returned into Palestine, and
and, on the plea of the necessities of the crisis, three bishops of that country, one of whom
" ordained " some of his followers as clergy. was Eusebius of Caesarea, permitted him to
(See Valesius on Theod. i. 4, and Neale, i. 116). hold religious assemblies within their dioceses.
Alexander's next step was to write to Arius and This permission naturally gave great offence to
his supporters, including two bishops, five Alexander. He had hitherto written only to
priests, and six deacons, exhorting them to re- individual bishops, but he now * drew up (per-
nounce their " impiety " and the majority of
; haps with the help of his secretary and " arch-
the clergy of Alexandria and the Mareotis, at deacon," Athanasius) his famous encyclic to
his request, subscribed his letter. The ex- all his fellow-ministers, i.e. to the whole Chris-
hortation failing, the archbishop brought the tian episcopate, giving an account of the
case formally before the synod of his suffragans, opinions for which the Egyptian synod had ex-
who numbered nearly 100. The Arians were communicated the original Arians, adducing
summoned to appear they stated their
: Scriptural texts in refutation, and warning his
opinions ; the Son, they held, was not eternal, brethren against the intrigues of Eusebius
but was created by the impersonal " Word," or (Socr. i. 6). This letter, which he caused his
Wisdom of the Father foreign, therefore, to
• Acomparatively late date for this encyclic ap-
the Father's essence, imperfectly cognizant of pears necessary, on account of its allusions to Euse-
Him, and, in fact, called into existence to be bius. {See'Sea\e, Hist. Alex. i. i2y.) Some identify
His instrument in the creation of man. " And the encvclic with the Tome.
rlergy to sign, probably preceiled the " Tome andria (Theod. i. 4) and he was present at

or confession of faith which lie referred to the council of Nicaea (Soz. ii. 29). When
as having been signed by some bishops, when Constantine, induced by the Eusebians (Athan.
he wrote to Alexander. b|>. of Byzantinm, the Kp. ad Si-rap.; Kutiniis, Hist, i.), and deceiv('d
long and elabor.iti- Icttir preserved by Theod. by the equivocations of Arius (Socr. i. 37),
i.4 in which, while using some language
commanded that Arins should be received to
which in strictness must be called inaccurate, communion, Alexander, though threatened by
he gives an exposition of texts which became the Eusebians with deposition and banish-
watchwords of the orthodox in the struggle ment, persisted in his refusal to admit the
(A.D. 323). archheretic to communion, and shut himself
Another correspondent now appears on the up in the church of Irene for prayer in this
scene. Eusebius of Nicomedia, who had a extremity. Alexander did not long survive
strong influence over the emperor Constantine, Arius (Socr. ii. 6 Theod. i. 19). On his death-

persuaded the latter to write, or to adopt and bed he is said to have designated Paulus as
Alexander and Arius, in which
sign, a letter to his successor, and warned his clergy against
the controversy was treated as a logomachy the S]>eciousness of Macedonius. [i.o.s.]
(Eus. Vil. Con. ii. 64 seq. Socr. i. 7). The im-
; Alexander, bp. of Hierapolis Euphratensis
perial epistle was entrusted to a prelate of very and metropolitan in the patriarchate of Anti-
high position. Hosius of Cordova, who can have och ; the uncompromising opponent of Cyril
had but little sympathy with the tone assumed of .Mexaiuiria, and the resolute advocate of
by the Emperor. Thee ouncilhcUl at Alexandria Ncstorius in the controversies that followed the
on his arrival decided onv point very unc(]ui vo- council of h:phesus, a.d. 431. His dignity as
cally the ordinations performed by Collutlnis
metropolitan gave him a leading place in the
were pronounced absolutely null (Athan. Apul. opposition of which the patriarch John of An-
76). Peace was impossible on the basis of in- tioch was the head, and his influence was con-
differentism, and Constantine summoned a gen- firmed by personal character. He may have
eral assemblv of bishops to meet at Nicaea, in commenced his episcopate as early as a.d. 404,
June 325. [D. C. A., art. Nicaea, Council of.] when with uncompromising zeal he erased
The Arians were condemned, and the Nicene from the diptychs of one of his churches the
Creed, in its original form, was drawn up. name of J ulian, a man famous for sanctity, but
The story told by Epiphanius, of severities accused of Apollinarianism (Baluz. Nov. Coll.
used by Alexander towards the Meletians Cone. p. 867).
[Meletius], and of a consequent petition ad- Alexander arrived at the council of Ephesus
dressed by them to Constantine, appears to be in company with his brother metropolitan
one of several misstatements which he adopted Alexander of .'Vpameaon or about June 20, 431.
from some Meletian sources. Athanasius tells ,\s soon as the Alexanders discovered Cyril's
us expressly that Alexander died within five intention to open the council before John of
months after the reception of the Meletians Antioch's arrival they, on June 21, united
into church communion in the council of with the other bishops of the East in signing a
Nicaea (Apol. c. Ari. 59), and this, if strictly formal act demanding delay (Labbe, Concil. iii.
reckoned from the close of the council, would 552, 660, 662 ; Baluz. 697, 699). The council
place his death in Jan. 326. It cannot be heeded them not, opened their sittings the
dated later than April 18 in that year. See next day, June 22, and soon did the work for
further, Athanasius. which they had been summoned, the condem-
Athanasius mentions a circumstance of Alex- nation of Nestorius. When John at last
ander's local administration which furnished a arrived, June 27, Alexander joined in the
precedent, on one occasion, f<.)r himself. Alex- counter-council held by him and the prelates
ander was building the church of St. Theonas of his party in his inn, and signed the acts
at Alexandria, on a larger scale than any of the which cancelled the proceedings of the former
existing churches, and used it, for convenience' council, deposing Cyril and Memnon, bp. of
sake, before it was completed (Ap. ad Const. Ephesus, and declaring Cyril's anathemas here-
15). He is also said by tradition to have never tical. As a necessary consequence Alexander
read the Gospels in a sitting posture, and to was included in the sentence against John, and
have never eaten on fast days while the sun cut off from communion with Cyril's party
was in the sky (BoUand. Act. SS., Feb. 26). (Labbe, iii. 764 Baluz. 507).
; Later he joined
Two short fragments of a letter addressed by the council held by John at Tarsus, which pro-
him to a bishop named
Aeglon, against the nounced a fresh sentence of deposition on
Arians, are quoted in the works of Maximus Cyril (Baluz. 840, 843, 874) also that at An-

the Confessor (in the Monothelite controversy), tioch in the middle of December, ratifying the
vol. ii. p. 132. A trans, of his extant writings former acts and declaring adherence to the
isin the Ante-Xicene Lib. (T. &T. Clark), [w.b.] Nicene faith. A meeting was held at Antioch
Alexander, St., bp. of Byzantium, as the early in 432, attended by Alexander, when six
city was then called (Theod. Hist. i. 19) for alternative articles were drawn up, one of which
about 23 years, his consecration being vari- it was hoped Cyril would accept, and so afford
ously dated from a.d. 313 to 317. He was al- a basis of reconciliation {ib. 764). One de-
ready 73 years old at the time (Socr. Hist. ii. 6 ;
clared a resolution to be content with the
Soz. Hist. iii. 3). He is highly praised by Nicene Creed and to reject all the documents
Gregory of Nazianzurn {Or. 27), and by Epi- that had caused the controversy. Another
phanius {adv. Haer. Ixix. 10). Theodoret calls council was summoned at Beroea. Four more
him an "apostolic" bishop {Hist. i. 3, cf articles were added to the six, and the whole
Phil. 12). In the commencement of the Arian were despatched to Cyril. Cyril was well con-
troubles the co-operation of Alexander was tent to express his adherence to the Nicene
specially requested by his namesake of Alex- I
Creed, but felt it unreasonable that he should
be required to abandon he had written on
all revered bishop overwhelmed the people of
the Nestorian controversy Labbe, iii. 114,1151,
( Hierapolis with grief. Fear of the civil au-
1 157, iv. 666 Baluz. 786). Cyril's reply was
; thorities deterred them from any open mani-
accepted by Acacius and John of Antioch, festation, but they closed the churches, shut
and other bishops now sincerely anxious for themselves up in their houses, and wept in pri-
peace, but not by Alexander or Theodoret vate. In exile at the mines of Phamuthin in
(Baluz. 757, 782). The former renewed his Egypt, Alexander died, sternly adhering to his
charge of ApoUinarianism and refused to sign anathemas of Cyril to the last (Tillemont, Mem.
the deposition of Nestorius {ib. 762-763). This Eccli's. xiv. XV. Labbe, Concil. vol. iii.

defection of Acacius of Beroea and John of Baluz. Nov. Collect.) [e-v.]

Antioch was received with indignant sorrow Alexander, bp. of Jerusalem, was an early
by Alexander. It was the first breach in the friend and fellow scholar of Origen at Alex-
hitherto compact opposition, and led to its andria, where they studied together under
gradual dissolution, leaving Alexander almost Pantaenus and Clemens Alex. (Ens. H. E. vi.
without supporters. In a vehement letter to 14). He was bishop of a city in Cappadocia
Andrew of Samosata, he bitterly complained {ib. vi. 11) or, according to Valesius {Not.

of Acacius's fickleness and protested that he ad Euseb.) and Tillemont {Mem. eccl. iii. p.
would rather fly to the desert, resign his 183), of Flaviopolis in Cilicia. He became a
bishopric, and cut off his right hand than recog- confessor in the persecution of Severus, a.d.
nize Cyril as a Catholic until he had recanted 204, and was thrown into prison, where he con-
his errors {ib. 764-763). The month of April, tinued some years. He was still a prisoner at
433, saw the reconciliation of John and the the commencement of Caracalla's reign, a.d.
majority of the Oriental bishops with Cyril 211, when he sent a letter by the hand of Cle-
fully established (Labbe, iv. 659 Cyril, Ep.; mens to congratulate the church of Antioch on
31, 42, 44). Alexander was informed of this the appointment of Asclepiades as their bishop
in a private letter from John, beseeching him in the room of Serapion (Ens. vi. 11). The next
no longer to hinder the peace of the church. year he was released from prison, and, in fulfil-
Alexander's indignation now knew no bounds. ment of a vow, visited Jerusalem, where he was
He wrote in furious terms to Andrew and chosen coadjutor to the aged bp. Narcissus.
Theodoret (Baluz. 799, 800). His language This being the first occasion of the translation
became more and more extravagant, " exile, of a bishop, as well as of the appointment of a
violent death, the beasts, the fire, the preci- coadjutor bishop, and in apparent violation
pice, were to be chosen before communion of the canons of the church, it was deemed
with a heretic " (ib. 768, 775, 799, 800, 809, essential to obtain the sanction of the whole
810), and he even "made a vow to avoid episcopate of Palestine. A synod was sum-
the sight, hearing, or even the remembrance moned at Jerusalem, and the assembled bish-
of all who in their hearts turned back again ops gave their unanimous consent to the step,
to Egypt" {ib. 865). Alexander's contumacy A.D. 213 (Hieron. de Script. Eccl. Vales. Not.

had been regarded as depriving him of his func- in Euseb. vi. 1 1 Socr. vii. 36
; Bingham, Ori-

tions as metropolitan. John, as patriarch, gines, bk. ii. § 4). On the death of Narcissus,
stepped in, a.d. 434, and ordained bishops in Alexander succeeded as sole bishop. His chief
the Euphratensian province. This act, of very claim to celebrity rests on the library he formed
doubtful legality, excited serious displeasure, at Jerusalem, and on the boldness with which
and was appealed against by Alexander and he supported Origen against his bishop,
six of his suffragans (ib. 831-833, 865) Demetrius of Alexandria. [Origen.] The
The end was now near at hand. Pulcheria friendship of Alexander and Origen was warm
and Theodosius had been carefully informed of and lasting and the latter bears testimony to

the obstinate refusal of Alexander and the few the remarkable gentleness and sweetness of
left to support him to communicate with those character manifested in all Alexander's public
whose orthodoxy had been recognized by the instructions (Orig. Homil. I. in Lib. Reg. No.
church. John had obtained imperial rescripts i). Alexander was again thrown into prison
decreeing the expulsion and banishment of all at Caesarea in the Decian persecution, where
bishops who still refused to communicate with he died a.d. 251 (Eus. H. E. vi. 46 Hieron. ;

him {ib. 876). This rescript was executed Script. Eccl.). Eusebius has preserved some
in the case of other recusants Alexander still
fragments of Alexander's letters to the An-

remained. John expressed great unwilling- tinoites, H. E. vi. 11, to the church of Antioch,
ness to take any steps towards the deprivation ib.; to Origen, H. E. vi. 14, and to Demetrius,
of his former friend. He commissioned Theo- H. E. vi. 19. These have been pubUshed by
doret to use his influence with him. But Theo- Galland, Biblioth. Vet. Patrum, vol. ii. pp. 201
doret had again to report the impossibility of seq. Clemens Alex, dedicated his Canon
softening his inflexibility. John now, a.d. Ecclesiasticus tohim (Eus. vi. 13). [e.v.]
435, felt he could not offer any further resist- Alexander I., bp. of Rome, is stated by all
ance to the imperial decrees. But no compul- the authorities to have been the successor of
sion was needed Alexander obeyed the order
: Evaristus. Eusebius {H. E. iv. 4) makes him
with calmness, and even with joy at laying succeed in a.d. 109, in his Chronicle, a.d. hi
aside the burdens and anxieties of the episco- (f. 89). He assigns him in both works a reign
pate. He went forth in utter poverty, not of ten years. He has been confused with a
taking with him a single penny of his episcopal martyr of the same name, who is mentioned
revenue, or a book or paper belonging to the in a fragment of an inscription. [g.h.m.]
church. His sole outfit consisted of some neces- Alogians, or Alogi (from d privative and
sary documents, and the funds contributed Ao'705, deniers of the Logos, or at least of the
by friends for the hire of vehicles (ib. 868, 881, strongest witness for the Logos not from ;

882). The banishment of their beloved and dXoyoi, unreasonable), a heretical sect of dis-

puted existence the latter half of 2nd

in Episiolas beati Paiili, f>irnurlv ascribed to St.
cent. (c. 170). Epiphaiiius invented the term .•\mbrose and usually printed along with his
(Haeres. 1. i, adv. Al. c. 3), to characterize works. The commentary itself contains no
their rejection of the Divine Word preached by definite indication of its authorship. An in-
John (fVft ovv t6i> AtJ^OJ- ov d^xoi-rai tov wapa cidental remark, however, on i Tim. iii. 15,
" Ecclesia cujus hodie rector est Dania-
'luidwov KfKr)pi'yiJ.evov, 'Woyoi \-\7j<>i/(roi'rat). . . .

sus," shows that it was written during the

He traces their origin to Theodotus of Byzan- pontificate of Damasus (366-384). It has
tium (Hiur. liv. c. i). According to his re-
presentation they denied, in ardent opposition been suggested that this clause may be an
to the Gnosticism of Cerinthus on the one
interpolation but such an interpolation

hand, and to the Montanists on the other, that seems dillicult to account for. Other marks,
negative and positive, \wi\\\. to the same
Jesus Christ was the eternal Logos, as taught
in John i. 1-14 and rejected the Fourth
period. The text used is not the Vulgate,
Gospel and the Apocalypse as productions of but a prior form of the Latin version. The
Heiaichen supposes that the ecclesiastical authors to whom he refers
Alogi rejected only the Apocalypse and not
Tertullian, Cyprian, Victorinus belong to an —
the Fourth Gospel; but this is directly con-
earlier date. Among the heresies which he
tradicted by Hpiphanius (1. c. 3 cf. Haer. ;
mentions he applies himself more especially to

That they attributed these books to those of the 4th cent. e.g. those of Arius,
1. iv. i).

Cerinthus, the Docetist and enemy of St. J ohn, Novatian, I'hotinus while the absence of —
shows their utter want of critical judfiment. allusion to later forms of error points the same
They tried to refute the Gospel of St. John by way. He speaks of the Marcionites as on the
the Synoptic Gospels, but with very poor verge of extinction (" quamvis pene defecer-
arguments. In oppcisition to the Montanists, int," in Ep. ad Timoth. I. iv. i). The date
thev also denied the continuance of the thus indicated would be the latter half of the

spiritual gifts in the church. It is not clear 4th cent. although, in that case, it is

from Epiphanius whether the Alogi rejected certainly somewhat surprising that Jerome
in his treatise de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis
only St. John's doctrines of the Logos, or also
the divinity of Christ in any form. He calls should not mention any other Latin comment-
ator on the Pauline Epistles than Victorinus.
them in his violent way (1. c. 3) aWorpioi
It was the generally received opinion in the

KavTairaaiv rod KJjpvyfi.aTOi tj}s a\i}6ela^ and :

Middle Ages that our author was Ambrose, bp.
says of their heresy {Haer. liv. c. i) that it of Milan but this belief, which Erasmus was
denied the Gospel of St. John and the God-

among the first to question, is now universally

Word taught therein {rbv ev avn^ iv apxn 6vTa admitted to rest on no sufficient grounds,
debv Xdyov). Yet he clearly distinguishes them though opinions differ much as to the probable
from the Ebionites and their opposition
author. From certain expressions which ap-
to Cerinthus implies that they believed in the pear favourable to Pelagianism the work has
real humanity of Christ. Dorner {Hist, of been assigned by some to J ulian of Aeclanum ;

Christology, i. p. 503, German ed.l thinks it but, as Richard Simon has naively remarked,
probable that they allowed no distinctions in " if the writer does not always appear ortho-
the Godhead, and thought that the divinity dox to those who profess to follow the doctrine
I of the Father dwelt in the man Jesus. But of St. Augustine, it must be taken into account
this would identify them with the Patripas- that he wrote before that Father had pub-
sians. Lardner {Works, iv. 190, viii. 627) lished his opinions." The expressions in
doubts the existence of this sect, because of question were probably employed without re-

the absence of other data, and the tendency of ference to the Pelagian controversy, and
Epiphanius to multiply and exaggerate here- previous to its emergence, and are, moreover,
1 sies. But the testimony of Epiphanius is accompanied by others entirely incompatible
essentially sustained by Irenaeus, who men- with a Pelagian authorship {e.g. the statement
tions persons who rejected both the Gospel in Ep. ad Rom. v. 12, " Manifestum est in

1 of St. John and the prophetic Spirit {simul et Adam omnes peccasse quasi in massa ").
evangelium et propheticum repellunt Spiritum : The only statement as to the
adv. Haer. iii. c. 11, § 9). authoiship is contained in the following pas-

Epiphanius, Haer. 50, and esp. 54 ; M. sage of Augustine, Contra duas Episiolas
Merkel, Historisch-kritische Aufkldrung der Pelagianorum, lib. iv. c. 7 " Nam et sic :

Streitigkeit der Aloger iiber die Apokalypsis sanctus Hilarius intellexit quod scriptum est,

( Frank f. and Leipz. 1782); F. A. Heinichen, in quo omnes peccaverunt


ait enim, In quo, :


de Alogis, Theodotianis atque Arlemonilis id est in Adam omnes peccaverunt.' Delude
(Leipz. 1829); Neander, Kirchengesch. i. ii. addidit :
Manifestum est in Adam omnes
pp. 906, 1003 ;Dorner, op. cit. vol. ii. pp. 500- peccasse quasi in massa enim per ; ipse
503; Harnack, Literatur, ii. i Zahn, Neutest. ; peccatum corruptus, quos genuit omnes nati
Kanon. i. 220, ii. 967. [v.s.] sunt sub peccato.' Haec scribens Hilarius
Ambrosiaster, or Pseudo-Ambrosliis, a sine ambiguitate commonuit, quomodo in-
name generally employed to denote the un- telligendum esset, in quo omnes peccaverunt."
Imown author of the Commentaria in xiii As the words cited are found in this com-
mentary, it may be reasonably assumed that
• This, it may be remarked, is an argument against
the statement applies to it, and that Augustine
the criticism of the Tubingen school, which would
bring the composition of the Gospel of .St. John down
reckoned Hilarius its author. Of the persons
to the middle of the 2nd cent. of that name, Augustine elsewhere mentions
for Cerinthus %vas
only Hilarius the Sardinian, deacon of the

a contemporary of the apostle. Had the Alogi had

any idea of the recent origin of St. John, they would Roman church, sent by pope Liberius in 354
have made much account of it. to the emperor Constantius after the synod
of Aries. By many modern scholars Hilary Ambrose devoted his whole energy to en-
the deacon has been accepted as the author couraging his great master in his labours on
of the work. But Petavius and others have Holy Scripture, and used his fortune to
objected that Augustine was not likely to further them (Eus. H. E. vi. 23). M
apply the epithet sancttis to one whom he Ambrose left no writings of his own except
must have known to be guilty of schism. some letters, but it is evident that he exer-
There can be little doubt that, whoever was cised a powerful influence upon Origen, who
" taskmaster," epyodiwKTTjs {in
the author, the work no longer retains its called him his
original form. The well-meaning zeal of Johann. tom. v.), and it may have been through
copvists appears to have freely inserted com- his zeal in "collation" (Orig. Ep. 1.) that
ments from various sources, such as Augustine, Origen undertook his critical labours. Through
Chrysostom, Jerome, the commentary which mistaken devotion, Ambrose indiscreetly per-
is printed at the end of the works of Jerome mitted the publication of some unrevised
and is usually ascribed to Pelagius. These treatises of Origen which were intended only
circumstances sufficiently account for the for his own use (Hieron. Ep. 84, 10). [b.f.w.]
various forms of the text in MSS., and for the AmbrosiUS (2), " a chief man of Greece,"
" who became a Christian,"
discrepancies and inequalities of treatment and a " senator,"
in several parts. and, according to the title of the Syriac trans-
There is, moreover, a marked attinity be- lation, wrote the "Address to the Greeks"
tween this commentarv and certain portions (.V670S Trpbs"E\\rivas), which is published with
of the Quaestiones Veteris et Novi Testamenti the works of Justin Martyr (Cureton, Spicil.
usually printed with the works of St. Augus- Syr. pp. xi. 61). There is no other trace of this
tine. The similarity of ideas and, in various tradition, nor ground for identifying him with
cases, identity of language can only be Ambrose of Alexandria. [b.f.w.]
explained by supposing either that they have AmbrosiUS, St., bp. of Milan (a.d. 374-397).
had a common author, or that the writer of The chief materials for his Ufe are his own
the one work has borrowed largely from the works, which include an important collection
other. The note of time in the Quaestiones — of letters. Another source is a Life by
300 years after the destruction of Jerusalem— Paulinus, his notarius or secretary, who had
and some references to contemporary events been with him at his death and \vrote at the
suit the period of Damasus, and have induced suggestion of St. Augustine. This Life is full
many to ascribe this work also to Hilary the of prodigies, and adds hardly anything to
deacon. But the authorship of both remains what we learn from the works. The letters
uncertain, and probably the Quaestiones was have been reduced to a chronological order
composed subsequently to the commentary. with great care by the Benedictine editors
The commentary on the Pauline Epistles, of St. Ambrose, who have also digested the
notwithstanding its inequalities of treatment, various particulars into a useful biography.
is of great value, and is well characterized by Ambrose's father, who bore the same name,
Sixtus Senensis as " brief in words, but was a Roman of the highest rank, and at the
weighty in matter " and, although the writer time of St. Ambrose's birth was prefect of

is frequently controversial, he speedily returns the Galliae, a province which included Britain
to the proper work of exegesis. In conse- and Spain, and constituted one of the four
quence of his use of the old Latin version and great praetorian prefectures of the empire.
frequent reference to various readings, his The onlv datum for determining the year of
work affords important materials for textual Ambrose's birth is a passage in one of his
criticism. letters in which he happens to mention that
The commentary on the Epistle to the he is fifty-three years old, and at the same time
Hebrews, which accompanies the others in contrasts the quiet of Campania with the com-
some editions, but is omitted by the Benedic- motions by which he was himself surrounded
tine editors, is a compilation from various (Ep. hx. 3). There are two periods to which
Patristic sources, principally from Chrysostom. this description would apply, a.d. 387 or
Cf. H. B. Swete, Theod. Mops. Comm. (1880), 393. If we assume, as seems most probable,
vol. i. p. Ixxviii., vol. ii. p. 351. that Ambrose was fifty-three years old in 393,
The commentary was issued separately at we shall place his birth in 340.
Cologne in 1530 and 1532. Cf. A Study of After receiving a liberal education at Rome,
A mbrosiaster bv A. Souter (Camb. Univ. Press) Ambrose devoted himself to the profession of
Text and Studies, vol. vii. No. 4. [w.p.d.] the law, which was then the usual path to the
AmbrosiUS (1) {'Afx^poaios) of Alexandria, a highest civil offices (see Gibbon, c. xvii.). He
deacon according to Jerome {de Vir. III. 56), practised at the court of the praetorian prefect
" con-
the disciple and friend of Origen, died c. 250. of Italv, Probus, who appointed him
It is not certain whether Ambrose was a sular" * magistrate of the provinces of Liguria
Christian by birth ; but he was of a noble and Aemilia. He made an admirable
and wealthv family (Orig. Exhort, ad. Mart. magistrate, and became known to the people
14 f. 49
; Hieron. I.e.), and probably occupied of Milan, where he held his court, as a high-
some office under the Imperial Government minded, conscientious, and religious man.
(Epiph. Haer. 64, 3: cf. Orig. tb. c. 36). Whilst he was discharging his office, Auxen-
Endowed with an active and critical mind, he tius, whom the Arian partv had foisted into
at first neglected the simple teaching of the the see of Milan, died. The Catholic partv
Gospel for the more philosophic systems of had now grown stronger, and a vehement strife
heresy (Orig. in Johann. torn. v.). Hov/ever, » The empire was divided into 116 provinces, of
when he met Origen he recognized his true which 3 were governed by pro-consuls, 37 by
teacher, and embraced the orthodox faith consulars, 5 by correctors, and 71 by president
(Epiph. I.e.). From that time to his death (Gibbon, U.S.).

arose as to the appointment of a successor j

mons, are chiefly of interest with reference to
to Auxentius. The consular came down to the history and character of tiicir author ;but
the church to keep the peace and was ad- I they are lively and ingenuous, full of good
dressing tlie people in his character as a civil practical advice, and interspersed with gnomic

magistrate, when a cry (which tradition sentences of much felicity.
asserts to have been that of a child) was One of the secrets of Ambrose's influence

heard, " Ambrose for bishop " In a moment
over the people was his admission of them into
it struck the whole multitude as a solution in all his interests and cares. He had nothing
which both parties might acquiesce without private from the congregation in the Basilica.
the sense of defeat, and a unanimous shout The sister Marcellina and the brothers Satyrus
i arose, " We will have Ambrose for bishop ! and Ambrose (this was the order of their ages)
It was a singular choice, even for those rougher were united together by a remarkable affec-
and more tumultuous times, for Ambrose was tion. The three loved one another too de-
not yet so much as baptized. But he was an votedly to think of marrying. Marcellina
earnest Christian in his belief, and had only became early a consecrated virgin, but con-
been kept from seeking baptism by a religious tinued to feel the keenest and tenderest
awe, of which there were then many examples. concern in her brothers' lives. When Ambrose
Such an one naturally shrank from being became a bishop, Satyrus appears to have
made bishop. With undoubted sincerity, he given up an important appointment in order
resisted this popular nomination. He was, to come and live with his brother and take
he savs, raplus a tribunalibus ad sacerdotium every secular care off his hands. These
de Officiis, i. 4). He was baptized, passed domestic virtues of Marcellina and Satyrus we
summarily through the intermediate eccle- learn from sermons of Ambrose. His dis-
siastical stages, and on the eighth day was courses on virginity became famous, and
consecrated bp. of Milan. This was in the attracted virgins from distant parts to receive
year 374 (a year after the death of Athan- I consecration at his hands. These discourses,
asius, and before the death of Valentinian in the third year after his ordination, he
I.), Ambrose being thirty-four years of age. [
digested into three books, de Virginibus,
The vox populi was never more thoroughly \
which were addressed in their new form to his
justified. The foundation of his excellence \
sister, and which contain, besides much praise
was laid in a singular and unsullied purity of 1 of Marcellina, the address made to her at her
character. In the see of Milan Ambrose had '.

consecration by the bp. of Rome. A year or

found precisely his place, and he laboured two later occurred the death of Satyrus, in
indefatigably as its bishop for twenty-three the flower of his age. In the depth of his
years till his death. grief Ambrose pronounced a funeral discourse
One of his first cares after his ordination was upon his brother {de Exccssu Salyri), which
. to divest himself of the charge of private was followed seven days after by a sermon
property. As a member of a wealthy family '

upon the hope of a future life (de Fide Res.).

! he appears to have possessed both money and The bp. of Milan, exercising the authority of
1 lands. What he did not give away to the poor a patriarchate, and presiding over a city which

or the church or reserve as an income for his j

was frequently the residence of the emperor,
I sister, he placed entirely under the manage- j
was a great dignitary. But we cannot fail to
ment of a dearly loved brother named Satyrus. recognize the high reputation which Ambrose
I He was thus free to devote his whole energies had won for himself personally and in a sur-
to the work of his calling. His writings prisingly short period, when we observe the
enable us to follow him in both his ordinary deference paid to him by the emperors of his
and his extraordinary occupations. He was time. He was certainly fortunate in the
wont to '•
celebrate the sacrifice" every day sovereigns with whom he had to do. The
(Ep. XX. 15). Every Lord's Day he preached youths Gratian and Valentinian II., and the
in the Basilica. His extant works consist great Theodosius, were singularly virtuous and
mainly of addresses and expositions which had religious princes. Gratian was a boy of six-
been first spoken in the church and were after- teen when the death of his father placed him
wards revised for publication. They bear on the throne, and in the year 377, the third

traces of this mode of composition in their of Ambrose's episcopate, he was two years
simplicity and naturalness, and also in their older. In that year he was preparing to go
popular character and undigested form. to the assistance of his uncle Valens against

Ambrose had to begin, as he ingenuously de- the barbarian invaders by whom he was hard
clares, to learn and to teach at the same time pressed and desiring to be fortified against

(de Officiis, lib. i. cap. i. 4). In doctrine he the arguments of the Arians whom Valens was
followed reverently what was of best repute in favouring at Constantinople, he wrote to
the church in his time, carefully guarding his Ambrose, and asked him to furnish him with a
own and his people's orthodoxy from all controversial treatise in support of the ortho-
heresy, and urging, but with wholesome, if not dox faith. Ambrose complied with the pious
always consistent, qualifications, the ascetic youth's request by writing two books de Fide.
religious perfection which the best Christians In the following year Gratian wrote a letter,

were then pursuing. The sacred books, for preserved with those of Ambrose, in which he
which he had a profound reverence, were to requests another copy of that work, together

him what pastoral and didactic theology has with an additional argument upon the divinity

always tended to make them verbal mater- of the Holy Spirit. In this letter he calls
ials fur edification, which was to be extracted Ambrose parens. Ambrose amplified his
from them by any and every kind of inter- former treatise by adding three books to the

pretation to which their letter could be two he had already composed.

This work de
subjected. His writings, therefore, or ser- Fide was reckoned an important defence of the

orthodox faith. The work
de Spiritu Sancto, tells us the singularly eminent position
in three books, was written in the year 381. of St. Ambrose (vi. 3), of his reputation for
The successes of the Goths which attended eloquence (vi. 13), of the difficulty of getting
the defeat and death of Valens were the an opportunity of conversing with him on
occasion of frightful calamities to the empire. account of his many engagements, and his
From Illyricum and Thrace, especially, an habit of reading to himself when company vyas
immense number of captives were carried off present (v. 3), and of his method of expounding
by the barbarians, in ransoming whom the the Old Testament by finding under the letter
whole available resources of the church were a spiritual or mystical sense (vi. 4).
exhausted by Ambrose and when everything
It was during this period, in the years 385-6,
elsehad been taken, he did not scruple to that Ambrose defended the churches of Milan
break up and sell the sacramental vessels. so stoutly against the intrusion of Arian wor-
He himself relates this fact with pride (de ship. Justina, who patronized the languishing
Off. lib. ii. 136, 138). We now see Ambrose Arian party, was bent on obtaining one of the
zealous in the general affairs of the church, churches at Milan for the use of her friends.
and the leading ecclesiastic of his time. Pre- Ambrose was not likely to make the con-
siding in the council of Aquileia, 381, he cession. How in this matter he resisted the
questioned the two Arianizing prelates who violent efforts of Justina, and the authority of
were put on their trial before it. Several her son (at this time fifteen years of age), is
letters addressed to the emperor at this time described at length by Ambrose himself in
in the name of the council of Aquileia or of the letters to his sister Marcellina and to Valen-
Italian episcopate on the general government tinian, and in a sermon preached at the crisis
of the church are preserved amongst Am- of the struggle {Epp. xx. xxi., and the Sermo
brose's letters {Epp. ix.-xii.). When Acholius de Basilicis Tradendis which follows them).
died— the bp. of Thessalonica by whom Theo- There appear to have been two churches at
dosius had been baptized— his death was Milan, the one without, the other within, the
formally announced to Ambrose by the clergy walls. The former, as of less importance,
and people of his diocese and we have two
; was first asked for. This being refused, some
letters in reply, one written to the church persons of the court came to Ambrose, and
and the other to Anysius the new bishop.
The next two letters of the collection (xvii., — —
begged him to concede probably for partial
use only the newer and larger basilica, and
xviii.) are addressed to the emperor Valen- to exert his influence to prevent any popular
tinian, after the death of Gratian, to exhort disturbance. For it is important to observe
him not to comply with a request of Symma- that throughout the struggle the people were
chus, prefect of the city, that he would replace on the Catholic side. Ambrose replied loftily
the altar of Victory in the Senate House, and that the temple of God could not be sur-
restore the funds for certain heathen cere- rendered by His priest. The next day, which
monies. Ambrose, whose influence was in- was Sunday, as Ambrose was officiating in
voked by the bp. of Rome, protested strongly the principal basilica, news came that poUce-
against any such concessions to paganism ;
agents had been sent from the palace, who
and Victory, as it was said, favoured in the were hanging on the Portian basiUca the cur-
result her enemy more than her champion. tains which marked a building as claimed for
The struggle between Ambrose and Justina, the imperial treasury. A part of the multitude
the mother of Valentinian II., which after- hastened thither Ambrose remained to per-

wards reached such a height at Milan, had form Mass. Then he heard that the people
been begun with a preliminary trial of strength had seized on a certain Arian presbyter, whom
about the appointment of a bishop at Sirmium. they met on the way. Ambrose began to
But when the usurpation of Maximus occurred pray with bitter tears that the cause of the
(a.d. 383), and had been stained by the church might not be stained with blood and;

violent death of Gratian, Justina in her alarm sent presbyters and deacons, who succeeded
had recourse to the great Cathohc bishop, and in rescuing the prisoner unhurt. Justina, in
persuaded him to go on an embassy to Max- her irritation, treated the rich men of the city
imus, to beg him to leave Italy untouched. as responsible for a tiunult, and threw many
Maximus had Theodosius to deal with behind of them into prison. The imperial authority
the boy-emperor and his mother and his first
; was being dangerously strained. PoUtic offi-
act, when Gaul had fallen into his hands, was cials came to Ambrose and entreated him to
to send to Theodosius and propose to him, give way to the sovereign rights of the em-
instead of war, the partition of the empire. peror Ambrose rephed that the emperor had

Theodosius was constrained by motives of no rights over what belonged to God. A

pohcy to assent to the proposal and Ambrose
; body of troops was sent to take possession of
had the comfort of returning to Milan with the basilica, and there was great fear of blood
the announcement that the new emperor being shed but after mutual appeals between

would refrain from passing the boundary of their officers and Ambrose, the soldiers with-
the Alps. Allusions are made to this embassy drew, and Ambrose remained all day in the
in a letter of Ambrose {Ep. xxiv. 7) in which chinrch. At night he went home, and on
he reports the less successful issue of a later coming out the next morning he found that
appeal to Maximus. the church (the Portian) was surrounded by
One of the chief glories of Ambrose is that soldiers. But the soldiers were in awe of
St. Augustine ascribed to him his conver- Ambrose, and, learning that he had threatened
sion, and sought Christian baptism at his them with excommunication, they began to
hands. The circumstances of his intercourse crowd in, protesting that they came to pray
with St. Ambrose (a.d. 383-387) are related and not to fight. Ambrose took the lesson
by St. Augustine in his Confessions. He for the day as the subject of a sermon, and

whilst he was preaching he was told that the a narrative from St. Ambrose's own pen, in a
imperial curtains were taken down. The letter to Marcellina (Ep. xxii.), of the wonder-
(emperor was worsted by the bishop, and was ful disco\ery of the remains of two niartyrs,
« naturally angry. He sent a secretary to and of the cures wrought by them. \ basilica
reproach .\mbrose, and ask if he meant to was to be dedicated, and Ambrose was longing
make himself a tyrant. Soldiers continued to to find some relics of martyrs. \ presage
surround the church, and .\inbrose remained suddenly struck him. (This " presagium " is
there singing psalms with the faithful. called a vision by St. .Augustine, Conf. Ix. 7,
The next day the soldiers were withdrawn, de Civ. Dei, xxii. 8.) He caused the ground
and the merchants who had been imprisoned to be opened in the church that was ronse-
were released. The struggle was over ; but crated by the remains of St. Felix and St.
Ambrose heard that the emperor had said Nabor. Two bodies were found, of wonderful
bitterly to the soldiers, " If .\mbrose orders size (ut prisca uetas ferebal), the heads
\ 11, you will give me up in chains." He severed from the shoulders, the tomb stained
rt cords another saying, which drew from him with blood. This discovery, so precious to a
a retort of characteristic felicity. The court church " barren of martyrs," was welcomed
chamberlain sent him a message :
" Whilst I with the wildest enthusiasm. Old men began
am aUve, shall you despise Valentinian ? 1 to remember that they had heard formerly the
will take off your head." Ambrose answered : —
names of these martyrs Gervasius and Pro-
May God grant you to fulfil what you tasius— and had read the title on their grave.
threaten ; for then my fate will be that of a Miracles crowded thick upon one another.
bishop, your act will be that of a eunuch." They were mostly cures of demoniacs, and of
In the course of the following year the sickly persons ; but one blind man received
attempts of the .\riaii party, and of the em- his sight. Ambrose himself, for once, eagerly
peror as at this time governed by that party, and positively affirms the roaUty of the cure ;


were renewed. Ambrose was asked to hold and Augustine, who generally held that the
a discussion with Auxentius, an Arian bishop, age of miracles was past, also bears witness to
before chosen judges in the presence of the the common acceptance of the fact at Milan.
court, or else to withdraw from Milan. He Gibbon has some excuse for his note, " I
I consulted such bishops and presbyters as were should recommend this miracle to our divines,
; within reach, and in their name uTote a letter if it did not prove the worship of relics, as well

: to the emperor {Ep. xxi.), declining the dis- as the Nicene Creed." The Arians, as we
cussion. An alarm was spread amongst the learn from Ambrose and Pauhnub, made light
people that he was going to be taken away of the healing of demoniacs, and were sceptical

from Milan, and for some days, by night and about the blind man's history. The martyrs'
by day, he was surrounded and watched by bones were carried into the " Ambrosian
an immense concourse of his friends. He Basilica (now the church of St. Ambrogio), and
preached them a sermon (de Basilicis Traden- deposited beneath the altar in a place which
dis), assuring them of his steadfastness, and Ambrose had designed for his own remains.
encouraging them to confidence, and at the The memory of this conflict did not restrain
same time gave them hymns composed by Justina and her son from asking help shortly



himself to sing hymns in honour of the after of Ambrose. It was evident that

Trinity by which their fervour was greatly Maximus was preparing to invade Italy and ;

stimulated. Again the court party found as Ambrose had apparently been successful in
themselves worsted, and gave way. his former embassy, he was charged with
The singing of hymns, by which this re- another conciliatory appeal to the same ruler.
markable occupation of the basilica was char- The magnanimous bishop consented to go, but
acterized, is described by St. Augustine as he was unfavourably received, and having
extremely moving (Conf. vi. 7), and is said given great offence by abstaining from com-
by him to have been an imitation of Eastern munion with the bishops who were about
customs, and to have been followed generally Maximus, he was summarily ordered to return
I throughout the church. PauUnus also ob- home. He reports the failure of his mission
serves that at this time " antiphons, hymns, in a letter to Valentinian {Ep. xxiv.). It is

and vigils began to be performed in the worthy of remark that the punishment of
I church of Milan, and had spread thence heresy by death was so hateful to .\mbrose
amongst all the churches of the West " {Vita, that he declined communion with bishops who
The reputation of St. Ambrose as a had been accompUces in it ("qui aliquos, devios

1 13).
composer of hymns was such that many cer- licet a fide, ad necem petebant," ib. 12).
tainly not his have been attributed to him, These bishops had prevailed on Maximus to


and amongst them the Te Deum. The Bene- put to death Priscillian the first time that
i dictine edition gives twelve hymns, which heresy was so punished. [Priscillianus.]
there is some good authority for ascribing to Maximus was not diverted from his project.
Ambrose, the best known of which are those He crossed the Alps, and justina, with her son,
I beginning Aeterne rerum conditor, Deus creator fled to Theodosius. It was not long before the
omnium. Veni redemptor gentium, and lux vigour and ability of Theodosius triumphed
beata Trinitas. They have a brightness and over Maximus, who perished in the conflict
: felicity which have reasonably made them he had provoked. Ambrose, who withdrew
favourites in the church to the present day. from Milan when Maximus came to occupy it,
We must take into account the state of appears to have been near Theodosius in the

mind brought about in the bishop and his hour of victory, and used his influence with

flock by that protracted vigil in the basilica, him in favour of moderation and clemency,
I when we read of the miracles into which their which the emperor, according to his usual

triumph over heresy blazed forth. We have habit, displayed in an eminent degree {Ep. xl.
32). But Ambrose unhappily prevailed upon his Emperor to a genuine
Ambrose urges
Theodosius to abandon a course which his repentance for the dreadful deed to which
stricter sense of his duty as a ruler had in an access of passion he had given his
prompted him to take. In some obscure place sanction. He intimates that he could not
in the East the Christians had been guilty of celebrate the Eucharist in the presence of one
outrages, from which it had often been their so stained with blood, (iibbon represents
lot to suffer. With the support of their bishop,the behaviour of Ambrose as marked by a
they had demolished a Jewish synagogue and prelatical pomposity, of which there is no
a meeting-house of certain Gnostic heretics. trace whatever in the only documents ou
Theodosius, hearing of this violence, had which we can rely. In his own letter the
ordered that the bishop should rebuild the bishop is most considerate and tender, though
synagogue at his own expense, and that the evidently resolute. He and Paulinus record
rioters, who were chiefly monks, should be simply that the emperor performed public
punished at the discretion of the local gover- penance, stripping himself of his royal insignia,
nor. This order naturally affronted the party and praying for pardon with groans and tears ;

spirit of the Christians. Ambrose could not and that he never passed a day afterwards
bear that his fejlow-believers should be thus without grieving for his error (Paulinus, 24;
humiliated. He wrote a letter to the em- Amb. de Ob. Theod. 34).
peror (who was at Milan, Ambrose being for In the course of the following year (391),
the moment at Aquileia), entreating him most Theodosius having returned to the East, the
earnestly to revoke the order. With much weak authority of Valentinian II. was over-
that Ambrose says we can sympathize ; but he thrown by Arbogastes and his puppet
lays down a principle fruitful in disastrous Eugenius, and the unfortunate youth perished
issues : Cedat oportet censura (the functions of by the same fate as his brother. He was in
the civil ruler) devotioni (Ep. xl. 11). Shortly Gaul at the time of his death, and Ambrose
after, he had the opportunity of preaching be- was at that moment crossing the Alps to visit
fore the emperor at Milan. In a letter to his him there, partly by the desire of the Italian
sister he gives the sermon at length, with its magistrates, who wished Valentinian to return
conclusion, addressed directly to the emperor, to Italy, and partly at the request of the
and begging of him the pardon of those who emperor himself, who was anxious to be
had been caught in a sin. When he came baptized by him. In the next year (392) a
down from the ptilpit, Theodosius said to him, funeral oration was delivered at Milan by
De nobis proposuisti. " Only with a view to Ambrose {de Obitu Valentimani), in which he
your advantage," replied Ambrose. "In praises the piety as well as the many virtues
truth," continued the emperor, " the order of the departed. It appears that under the
that the bishop should rebuild the synagogue influence of Theodosius, Valentinian had
was too hard. But that is amended. The learnt to regard Ambrose with the same
monks commit many crimes." Then he re- reverence as his brother had done before him
mained silent for a while. At last Ambrose (Letter to Theodosius, Ep. liii. 2). He had
said, " Enable meto offer the sacrifice for thee died unbaptized ; but Ambrose assures his
with a clear conscience." The emperor sat sorrowing sisters that his desire was equivalent
down and nodded, but Ambrose would not be to the act of baptism, and that he had been
satisfied without extracting a solemn engage- washed in his pietv as the martyrs in their
ment that no further proceedings should be blood (de Ob. Val. 51-53)-
taken in the matter. After this he went up Eugenius held the sovereign power in the
to the altar " but I should not have gone,"
; West for two or three years, and made friendly
adds Ambrose, " unless he had given me his overtures to the great Italian prelate. But
full promise " (Ep. xli. 28). Ambrose for a time returned no answer and ;

About two years later (a.d. 390) the lament- when Eugenius came to Milan, he retired from
able massacre at Thessalonica gave occasion that city. Shortly after this withdrawal, he
for a very grand act of spiritual discipline. The wrote a respectful letter to Eugenius, explain-
commander of the garrison at Thessalonica and ing that the reason why he had refused to hold
several of his officers had been brutally intercourse with him was that he had given
murdered by a mob in that city. The indigna- permission, though himself a Christian, that
tion of the emperor was extreme and after
; —
the altar of Victory should be restored the
appearing to yield to gentler counsels, he sent boon which Svmmachus had begged for in
orders, which were executed by an indis- vain being yielded to the power of Arbogastes.
criminate slaughter of at least 7,000 persons When the military genius and vigour of
in Thessalonica. Ambrose protested against Theodosius had gained one more brilUant
this in the name of God and of the church. triumph by the rapid overthrow of Arbogastes
He had always acted on the principle that and Eugenius, Ambrose, who had returned
" nothing was more dangerous before God or to Milan (Aug. a.d. 394), received there a
base amongst men than for a priest not to letter from Theodosius requesting him to offer
speak out his convictions freely," and his lofty a public thanksgiving for his victory. Ambrose
disinterestedness {non pro meis commodis replies (Ep. Ixi.) with enthusiastic congratula-
faciebam, Ep. Ivii. 4) gave him great power tions. But the happiness thus secured did not
over a religious and magnanimous mind like last long. In the following year the great Theo-
that of Theodosius. Ambrose now wrote dosius died at Milan (Jan. 395). asking for
him a letter (Ep. li.), which Gibbon most Ambrose with his last breath (de Obiiu Theod.

unjustly calls " a miserable rhapsody on a 35V The bishop had the satisfaction of paying

noble subject," but which most readers will a cordial tribute to his memory in the funeral

feel to be worthy of its high purpose. With oration he delivered over his remains.
many protestations of respect and sympathy Ambrose himself had only two more years

live. with busy labours crated elements in a napkin round his neck
The time was filled
>f expositi'in, correspondence, and episcopal when he was shipwrecked, and adds, th.it
lucrnnieut and, according to Paulinus, with having found the benefit of " the heavenly

Unhappily this biographer mystery " in this form, he was eager to recei\o
aril uis prodigies.
polls with his childish miracles what is still a it into his luotith

" (piam majus putabat
•luhinp account of the good bishop's death. fusum in viscera, quod tantum sibi tectum
hcrame known that his strength was failing, orario profuisset " {de Exc. Sal. 43, .}6). Ho

mil the count Stilicho, saying that the death argues for the daily reception of the Kutharist
such a man threatened death to Italy itself, from the prayer, Give us this day our daily

luiiiccd a number of the chief men of the bread {de Sacr. v. 25). His frequent strong
itv to go to him, and entreat him to pray to recommendations of virginity arc based, not
..h1 that his life might be spared. Ambrose on a theory of self-denial, but rather on one
.-plied, " I have not so lived amongst you, of detachment from the cares of the world and
liU I should be ashamed to live and I do the troubles inseparable from matrimony and

1 fear
t to die. because we have a good parentage. According to him. marriage is
rd." • For some hours before his death the more painful state, as well as the less
If l.iv with his hands crossed, praying as favourable to spiritual devotion.
; Neverthe-
'aulinus could see by the movement of his less, he did not expect or desire a large number
ips. though he heard no voice. When the to embrace the life which he so highly eulo-
.ist moment was at hand, Honoratus, the gized. ' Dicet aliquis Ergo dissuades :

>p. of Vercellac, who was lying down in nuptias ? ego vero suadeo, ct eos damno qui
mother room, thought he heard himself thrice dissuadere consuerunt. Paucarum quippe . . .

.ilicd, and came to .\mbrose, and offered hoc munus [virginity] est, illud omnium " {de
um the Bodv of the Lord immediately after Virginihtts, I. vii.). He and his sister used to

.-(civing which he breathed his last breath

press Satyrus to marry, but Satyrus put it
man, Paulinus says well, who for the fear of! through family affection " nc a fratribus

f ("fiul had never feared to speak the truth divellerctur " {de Exc. Sal. §§ 53, 59). Fast-
kings or any powers. He died on Good ing is commended, not as self-torture pleasing
riilav night, 307, and was buried in the to God, but as the means of making the bodv
\nibrosian Basilica, in the presence of a more wholesome and stronger. A keen sense
iniltitude of every rank and age, including of the restraints and temptations and annoy-
\rn lews and pagans. ances which reside in the flesh is expressed
Bv the weight of his character St. Ambrose in Ambrose's remarkable language concerning
rjave a powerful support to the tendencies death. It is a great point with him that
l.vhich he favoured. He held without mis- death is altogether to be desired. He argues
Idvings that the church was the organ of God this point very fully in the address de Fide

In the world, and that secular government had ResurrecHonis and' in the essay de Bono
- iihe choice of being either hostile or subser- Mortis. There are three kinds of death, he
Ivient to the Divine authority ruling in the says —
the death of sin, death to sin, and the

bhurch. To passages already quoted which death of the body {de B. M. § 3). This last is
Express this conviction may be added a remark the emancipation of the soul from the body.
- Let fall by Ambrose at the council of Aquileia, He appeals to the arguments of philosophers
K [' Sacerdotes de laicis judicare debent, non and to the analogies of nature, as well as to
H Baici de sacerdotibus " (Gesta Cone. Aqu. 51). Scripture, to shew not only that such a deliver-
He was of strict Athanasian orthodoxy as ance may be hoped for, but that it must be a
against heresy of every colour. His views of thing to be desired by all. The terrors of the
- the work of Christ in the Incarnation, the future state almost entirely disappear. He
iPassion, and the Resurrection, have in a admits now and then that punishment must be
~ marked degree the broad and universal looked for by the wicked but he affirms that ;

jcharacter which belongs to the higher pat- even to the wicked death is a gain {de B. M.
fistic theology on this subject. (For example, § 28). There are two reasons why the foolish
peaking of the resurrection of Christ, he says, fear death one because they regard it .as

Resurrexit in eo mundus, resurrexit in eo destruction " altera, quod poenas reformi-


oelum, resurrexit in eo terra," de Fide Res. dent, poetarum scilicet fabulis territi, latratus
02.) With reeard to religion and religious Cerberi, et Cocyti fluminis tristem voraginem,
ractices, he is emphatic in insisting that the etc., etc. Haec plena sunt fabularum, nee
.'orship of the heart is all-important (" Deo tamen negaverim poenas esse post mortem
nim vellc pro facto est," de Fide Res. 115 {ib. 33). " Qui infidcles sunt, descendunt in

Deus non sanguine sed pietate placatur," infernum viventes etsi nobiscum videntur

b. qS " Non pecuniam Deus sed fidem vivere sed in inferno stmt " (ih. 56).

uaerit," de Poen. ii. ix.) but at the same time

; The see of Milan was in no way dependent
is language concerning the two Sacraments upon that of Rome but Ambrose always

s often undeniably that of materializing theo- delighted to pay respect to the bp. of Rome,
|logy. .\ttempts have been made, chiefly on this as representing more than any other the unity
ccount, to call in question the Ambrosian of the church. His feeling towards Rome
li: |authorship of the treatises de Mysteriis and is expressed in the apology with which he
t \de Sacramentis but their expressions are defends the custom of washing the feet in

lsuppf)rted by others to be found in undoubted baptism —

a custom which prevailed at Milan
! |works of Ambrose. He praises his brother but not at Rome. " In omnibus cupio scqui
;; jSat\Tus for having tied a portion of the conse- Ecclesiam Romanam sed tamen et nos;

• St. Augustine was wont to express his peculiar homines sensum
habemus ideo quod alibi ;

fi- jadmiration of this saying, with its elimata ac lihrata rectius servatur, et nos rectius custodimus.
iverba (Possidius, l^it. Aug. c. xxvii.). Ipsum sequimur apostolum Petrum, ... qui
sacredos fuit Ecclesiae Romanae " {de Sacra- one, mentioned with high praise by St.
mentis, III. §§ 5, 6). Augustine (Ep. xxxi. 8), against those who
As a writer, St. Ambrose left a multitude alleged that our Lord had learnt from Plato.
of works behind him, which show competent Of the connexion of St. Ambrose with the
learning, a famihar acquaintance with Plato, liturgical arrangement which bears his name,
Cicero, Vergil, and other classics, and much we know nothing more than what has been
intellectual liveliness and industry. Their quoted above from Paulinus. [See D. C. A.,
want of originality did not hinder them from arts. Liturgies Ambrosian Music]

obtaining for their author, through their There are three principal editions of Am-
popular and practical quaUties, a distinguished brose's works — that of Erasmus, the Roman,
reputation as a sound and edifying teacher. and the Benedictine. Erasmus's ed. was pub.
He is often mentioned with respect by his at Basle, by Froben, in 1527. He divided the
contemporaries, St. Jerome and St. Augustine works into four tomes, with the titles, (i)
(see especially the latter, de Doctrind Chris- Ethica, (2) Polemica, (3) Orationes, Epistolae.
tiana, iv. 46, 48, 50). He came to be joined et Condones, (4) Explanationes Vet. et Novi
with them and Gregory the Great as one of Testatnenti. The great Roman edition was
the four Latin doctors of the church. His the work of many years' labour, undertaken
writings mav be classified under three heads, by the desire of popes Pius IV. and Pius V.,
as (i) Expository, (2) Doctrinal or Didactic, and begun by a monk who afterwards became
and (3) Occasional. pope with the name of Sixtus V. It was pub.
(i) The first class contains a long list of in 5 vols, at Rome, in the years 1580-1-2-5.
expositions, delivered first as sermons, of This edition superseded all others, until the
many books of Scripture. They begin with publication of the excellent work of the Bene-
the Hexaemeron, or commentary on the dictines (du Frische and Le Nourry) at Paris,
Creation. Of this work St. Jerome says, A.D. 1686 and 1690. A small revised ed. of
" Nuper S. Ambrosius sic Hexaemeron illius the de Officiis and the Hexaemeron has been
[Origenus] compilavit, ut magis Hippolyti printed in the Bibliotheca Pat. Eccl. Latin.
sententias Basiliique sequeretur" [Ep. 41). It Selecta (Tauchnitz, Leip?.). Some of his works
is in a great part a literal translation from are reprinted in the Vienna Corpus Ser. Eccl.
St. Basil. St. Augustine was interested by the Lat. \and in the loth vol. of the Nic. and Post-

method of interpretation in which Ambrose Nic. Fathers are English trans, of select works.

followed Basil, Origen, and Philo Judaeus, An elaborate Life of St. Ambrose by Baronius,

finding a spiritual or mystical meaning latent extracted from his Annales, is prefixed to the

under the natural or historical. The Hexae- Roman edition but improved upon by the

meron (6 books) is followed by de Paradiso, more critical investigations of the Benedictine



de Cain et Abel (2), de Noe et Area, de editors, who have laid the basis for all sub-
Abraham (2), de Isaac et Animd, de Bono sequent Lives. (Cf. Th. Forshaw, A mbrose, Bp.

Mortis, de Ftiga Saeculi, de Jacob et Beatd of Milan, 1884

a Life by the due de Broglie

Vita (2), de Joseph Patriarchd, de Benediction- in Les Saiiits, 1899 (Paris).

A cheap popular ,

ibus Patriarcharum. de Elid et Jejunio, de Life by R. Thornton is pub. by S.P.C.K. in.j

Nabuthe Jezraelita, de Tobid, de Interpella- their Fathers for Eng. Readers.) [j.ll.d.]
tione Job et David (4^, Apologia Prophetae Ammon (or Amon), St., the founder of the
David, Apol. altera ib.. Enarrationes in Psalmos celebrated settlement of coenobites and her-
(12), Expositio in Ps. cxviii., Expositio Evang. mits on and near Mons Nitria (Ruf. de Mon.
secundum Lucam (10). 30) he Is often styled the " father of Egyp-

(2I The second class contains de Officiis tian monasticism." He was contemporary
Ministrorum (3 books), de Virginibus (3), de with St. Anthony, and filled the same place in
Viduis, de Virginitate, Exhortatio Virginitatis, Lower Egypt as Anthony in the Thebaid.
de Lapsu Virginis Consecratae, de Mysteriis, Being left an orphan by his parents, wealthy
de Sacramentis (6), de Poenitentid (2), de people near Alexandria, he was forced by his
Fide (5), de Spiritu Sancto (3), de Incarna- uncle to marry. But on the wedding day he
tionis Dominicae Sacramento. Of these the persuaded his bride to take a vow of celibacy,
books de Officiis, addressed to the clergy and for eighteen years they lived together as
(imitated from Cicero), and those de Fide, brother and sister afterwards with her con-

mentioned above, are the most important. sent he withdrew to Nitria, and from that time
(3) The occasional writings, which are only visited his wife twice a year (Pall. Hist.
biographically the most valuable, are the dis- Laiis. 8). A great multitude of zealous dis-
courses de Excessu Fratris sui Satvri (2), de ciples soon gathered round him so that

Obitu Valentiniani Consolatio, de Obitu Theo- Palladius not many years later found about
dosii Oratio, and the Epistles, ninety-one in five thousand monks, some living quite alone,
nimiber, with the Gesta ConcHii Aquileiensis some with one or more companions while ;

inserted amongst them. six hundred " advanced in hoUness " (reXe ot)
Various ecclesiastical writings have been dwelt apart from the rest in more complete
attributed to .\mbrose, which critical exami- isolation (ib.). Several miracles are related of
nation has determined to be spurious. [Am- Ammon (Socr. Hist. iv. 23 Soz. Hist. i. 14
; ;

BROSIASTER.] Most of these are given in the Niceph. Hist. viii. 41). [i.g.s.]
Benedictine edition ; in that of Migne there AmmoniUS, a disciple of Pambo, and one oi
is an additional appendix, containing some the most celebrated of the monks of Nitria.
other compositions which have borne Am- Being of unusual stature, he and his brothers
brose's name, but are either manifestly DioscoRUS, Eusebius, and Euthymius were
spurious or have no sufficient title to be called the Tall Brothers (Soz. Hist. viii. 12).

considered genuine. Some of his genuine Ammonius himself was distinguished by the

works appear to have been lost, especially epithet wapwr-qi (Niceph. Hist. xi. 37), in

consequence of having cut off one of his ears reconcile the pliilosoiihies of Plato and Aris-
to escape being made a bisliop (Pall. Hist. totle, hence he appears to have combined
Liius. 12). In his youth he accompanied St. mysticism and eclecticism. Nemesius, a
Athanasius to Rome (Socr. Hist. iv. 23 Tall. ; bishop and a neo-Platonist of the close of the
I.:). He was a learned man, and could 4th cent., cites two passages, one of which he
n peat, it is and N. T. by heart,
said, the O. declares to contain the views of Numenius
,1^ well as passages from Origen and other and Ammonius, the other he attributes to
lathers (Pall. 12). He was banished to Dio- Ammonius alone. They concern the nature
(Mi'sarea in the persecution under Valens {ib. of the soul and its relation to the Ixxly but ;

117). After being for some time iiigh in they appear to have been merely the tradi-
favour with Theopliilus of Alexanilria, he and tional views of Ammonius, not any actual
his brothers were accused by him of Origenism. ritten words of his. The life and philosofihy
Sozoraen (viii. 12) and Nicephorus (xiii. 10) of Ammonius have been discussed by Vache-
ascribe the accusation to personal animosity rot. Hist, de I'Ecole d'Alex. i. 342; Jules
>n the part of Theophilus. Socrates (vi. 7) Simon. Hist, de V Ecole d' Alex. i. 204 Dehaut ;

xplains the accusation as an attempt to divert in his historical essay on the life and teaching
trim himself the odium which he had incurred of our philosopher; and Zeller in his Pliilo-
as an Origenist. Jerome considers the ac- sophie dcr Gttcchciu who also mentions other
cusation merited (£/'. ad Alex.). Driven from writers on .Vniinoiiius. [j.r.m.]
Egypt, the brothers took refuge first in Pales- Amphiiochius (1), archbp. of Iconium. Of
tine (Niceph. xiii. ii) and afterwards at Con- this great Catholic leader, who was regarded
stantinople, where they were well received by his contemporaries as the foremost man
by Chrysostom (viii. 13). There they were in the Eastern church after his friends Basil
protected also by the favour of the Empress of Caesarca and Gregory of Nazianzus, very
Eudoxia (Soz. viii. 13), and even satisfied scanty information remains. The works
Epiphanius of Salamis, who came to Constan- ascribed to him are mostly spurious and the ;

tinople at the instigation of Theophilus to Life (Migne, Patr. Gk. xxxix. p. 14) is a later
convict them of heresy (viii. 15). At the fiction. Various references to the writings
sj'nod "ad Quercum," held on the arrival of of Basil and Gregory contain nearly all that
Theophilus, they were persuaded to submit is known of him and his family. Amphiiochius
to him, Ammonius being ill at the time. appears to have been a first cousin of Gregory
He died shortly afterwards. Perhaps this Nazianzen. The language of Basil (Ep. 161)
Ammonius is the author of the Instittitioiies might imply that he was born and Uved in
Ascelicat', of which 22 chapters are extant Basil's own town Caesarea. Gregory ex-
(Lambec. Biblioth. Viiidob. iv. 155). [i.g.s.] presses regret that he did not see much of
Ammonius Saccas. Next to nothing is Amphiiochius during his earlier years (Ep. 13).
known of this philosopher. That he obtained Their intimate friendship commenced at a
his name of Saccas (= craKKocpopos) from having later date. Amphiiochius, like many other
been a porter in his youth is affirmed by eminent Christian fathers, was educated for
Suidas (under Origenes) and Ammianus Mar- the bar. The letters of his cousin imply that
cellinus (xxii. 528). He was a native of he carried on his profession at Constantinople.
Alexandria Porph>Ty asserts that he was
; It is not improbable that trouble in regard
bom of Christian parents, and returned to to money matters about 369 weaned Amphi-
heathen religion. Eusebius (H. E. vi.
the iochius from his worldly pursuits and turned
19, 7) denies this, but perhaps confounds his thoughts inward. He had abandoned his
him with another Ammonius, the author of a profession, and was then living in retirement
Diatessaron, still extant. That the founder of at Ozizala, devoting himself apparently to
the Alexandrian school of philosophy (for religious exercises and to the care of his aged
such Ammonius Saccas was) should have been father. His cousin Gregory appears to have
at the same time a Christian, though not been mainly instrumental in bringing about
impossible, seems hardly likely. Moreover, this change. At least he says with honest
the Ammonius of Eusebius wrote books pride, that " together with the pure Thecla" *
God " (Op.
whereas, according to both Longinus and he has " sent Amphiiochius to ii.

Porph\Ty, Ammonius Saccas wrote none. p. 1068). And now his closer friendship with
Plotinus is said to have been most strongly Basil and Gregory begins. Ozizala was situ-
impressed with his first hearing of Ammonius, ated not far from Nazianzus, for Gregory's
and to have cried out, " This is the man I was correspondence implies that they were near
looking for!" [tjvtov i'^riTovv), after which he neighbours. A letter of Basil, apparently
remained his constant friend till the death of belonging to this period, is in the name of one
the elder philosopher. Among other disciples Heraclidas, who, hke Amphiiochius, had re-
of Ammonius were Herennius, the celebrated nounced the profession of the bar and devoted
Longiiius, Heracles the Christian, Olympius, himself to a religious life. Heraclidas, lodged
Antonius, a heathen called Origen, and also in a large hospital (TrrwxoT-po^eioi') recently
the famous Christian of that name. It is erected by Basil near Caesarea, and enjoying
possible, however, that the Christians, Origen the constant instructions of the bishop, urges
and Heracles, may have been the disciples of Amphiiochius to obtain leave from his father
that Ammonius whom Eusebius confounds to visit Caesarea and profit by the teaching
with Ammonius Saccas, and who was himself and example of the same instructor (Ep. 150).
a Christian but this cannot be certainly
This letter was written in the year 372 or 373
known. We may guess sf>mething concerning (see Gander's Basil. Op. iii. p. cxxxiv.). The
the philosophy of Ammonius Saccas from the • This seems to be the same Thecla with whom
fact that Plotinus was his pupil. Hierocles Gregory elsewhere corresponds, and not the monas-
{ap. Photjus) affirms that his aim was to tery of St. Thecla, whither Gregory retired.
invitation to Caesarea appears to have been episcopate. During this sojourn at Constanti-
promptly accepted, and was fraught with nople he signs his name as first witness to
immediate consequences. It does not appear Gregory's will (Greg. Op. ii. p. 204), in which
that at that time Amphilochius was even the testator leaves directions to restore to
ordained ;
yet at the very beginning of the his most reverend son the bp. Amphilochius
year 374 we find him occupying the important the purchase-money of an estate at Canotala
see of Iconium. Amphilochius can hardly (ib. p. 203). It was probably on this occasion
have been then more than about 35 years of also that Amphilochius fell in with Jerome
age. A few months before Faustinus, bp. of and read to him a book which he had written
Iconium, had died, and the Iconians applied on the Holy Spirit (Hieron. de Vir. 111. 133)
to the bp. of Caesarea to recommend them a as Jerome is known to have paid a visit to
successor (Basil. Ep. 138). It is impossible Gregory Nazianzen at this time (Hieron. Op.
not to connect this apphcation to Basil with xi. 65 seq., ed. Vallarsi).
the ultimate appointment of Amphilochius. About two years later must be placed the
From this time forward till his death, about well-known incident in which the zeal of
five years afterwards, Basil holds close inter- Amphilochius against the Arians appears
coiu:se with Amphilochius, receiving from him (Theod. H. E. v. 16).* Obtaining an audience
frequent visits. The first took place soon of Theodosius, he saluted the emperor him-
after his consecration, about Easter 374, and self with the usual marks of respect, but paid
was somewhat protracted, his ministrations on no attention to his son Arcadius, who had
this occasion making a deep impression on the recently (fewtrri) been created Augustus and
people of Caesarea (Ep. 163, 176). was present at the interview. Theodosius,
It was probably in another visit in 374 (see indignant at this sUght, demanded an ex-
Garnier, Op. iii. p. cxl.) that Amphilochius planation. " Sire," said the bishop, " any
urged Basil to clear up all doubt as to his disrespect shewn to your son arouses your
doctrine of the Holy Spirit by writing a displeasure. Be assured, therefore, that the
treatise on the subject. This was the occasion Lord of the universe abhorreth those who are
of Basil's extant work, de Spiritu Sancto (see ungrateful towards His Son, their Saviour
§ i), which, when completed, was dedicated and Benefactor." The emperor, adds Theo-
to the petitioner himself and sent to him doret, immediately issued an edict prohibiting
engrossed on vellum [Ep. 231). During this the meetings of the heretics. As Arcadius
and the following year Basil likewise ad- was created Augustus in the beginning of the
dresses to Amphilochius his three Canonical year 383 (Clinton, Fast. Rom. i. p. 504), and
Letters (Ep. 188, 199, 217), to solve some as Theodosius issued his edict against the
questions relating to ecclesiastical order, which Eunomians, Arians, Macedonians, and Apol-
the bp. of Iconium had propounded to him. linarians in Sept. of that year (ib. p. 507),
At this same period also we find Amphilochius the date is accurately ascertained (see Tillem.
arranging the ecclesiastical affairs of Isauria Mim. eccl. vi. pp. 627 seq., 802). In 383
(Ep. 190), Lycaonia (Ep. 200), and Lycia also we find Amphilochius taking energetic
(Ep. 218), under the direction of Basil. He measures against heretics of a different stamp.
is also invited by Basil to assist in the adminis- He presided over a synod of 25 bishops
tration of his own diocese of Caesarea, which assembled at Sida in Pamphylia, in which the
has become too great a burden for him, Messalians were condemned, and his energy
prostrated as he now is by a succession of seems to have instigated the reUgious crusade
maladies (Ep. 200, 201). The affectionate which led to the extirpation of this heresy
confidence which the great man reposes in his (Photius, Bibl. 52 ; Theod. E. H. iv. 10; cf.
younger friend is a powerful testimony to the Labb. Cone. ii. 1209, ed. Coleti).
character and influence of Amphilochius. The date of Amphilochius's death is un-
After the death of Basil, the slender thread certain. When J erome wrote the work quoted
by which we trace the career of Amphilochius above, he was still hving (a.d. 392) ; and
is taken up in the correspondence of Gregory. two years later (a.d. 394) his name occurs
Gregory writes with equal affection and among the bishops present at a synod held
esteem, and with more tenderness than Basil. at Constantinople, when the new basilica of
He has been ill, and he speaks of Amphilochius St. Peter and St. Paul was dedicated (Labb.
as having helped to work his cure. Sleeping Cone. ii. 1378, ed. Coleti). On the other hand,
and waking, he has him ever in his mind. He he is not mentioned in connexion with the
mentions the many letters which he has troubles of St. Chrysostom (a.d. 403 seq.) ;

received from Amphilochius (/xvpLOLKis ypdrpuiv), and it is a fairly safe assumption that he was
and which have called forth harmonies from no longer living. Despite the martyrologies,
his soul, as the plectrum strikes music out of he probably died in middle life. His day is
the lyre (Ep. 171). The last of Gregory's Nov. 23 in both Greek and Latin calendars.
letters to Amphilochius (Ep. 184) seems to The works ascribed to Amphilochius (/a/H6^
have been written about the year 383. Not ad Seleucum, Homilies, etc.) seem to be mostly
long before (a.d. 381) Amphilochius had been spurious, with the exception of an Epistola
present with his friend at the council of Con- Synodiea (Migne, p. 94), on the Macedonian
stantinople, and had subscribed to the creed heresy. Its object is to explain why the
there sanctioned, as chief pastor of the Niceiie fathers did not dwell on the doctrine
Lycaonian church, at the head of twelve other of the Spirit, and to justify the ordinary form
bishops (Labb. Cone. ii. p. 1135, ed. Coleti).
• Sozomen (vii. 6) tells the story, but without the
At this council a metropoHtan authority was
name of the bishop. He describes him as "an old
confirmed to, rather than conferred on, his see man, a priest of an obscure city, simple and in-
of Iconium for we find it occupying this experienced in affairs." This description is as

position even before his election to the unlike Amphilochius as it could possibly be,

of the doxology. entitled 'A.a0'7ox'v

It is Latrocinium.But a few years later (a.d.
Ba<Ti\eiot in one MS., but was certainly not 458), when the emperor Leo wrote to the
written by Basil, who indeed is mentioned bishops to elicit their o|iiiii()ns, Amphilochius
in it.
stated, in reply, that, while he disapproved
Of and a writer
his ability as a theologian the appointment of Timotheus Aelurus, he
the extant fragments arc a wholly inadequate did not acknowledge the auth<iritv of the
criterion but his reputation with his con-
council of Chalcedon (Hvagr. H. E. ii. loK
temporaries and with the later church leaves Yet, as if this were not enough, we are told
very little ground for doubt. His contem- that he shortly afterwards assented and
porary Jerome, an eminently competent judge, subscribed to its decrees (Eulogius in I'hot.
speaks of the Cappadorian triad, Basil, Gre- Bibl. 230). [1..]

gory, and .A.mphilochius, as writers " who Anastasia. [Chrvsogonus.]

cram [refarciunl\ their books with the lessons Anastasius (I), a presbyter of Antioch, the
and sentences of the philosophers to such an conhdeiitial friend and ouusellor of Nestorius,
extent that you cannot toll which you ought to the archbp. of Constantinople. Tlieophanes
admire most in them, their secular erudition or styles him the " sviu ellus," or courulential
their Scriptural knowledge" {Kf^. 70, i. p. 429). secretary of Nestorius, who never took anv
Of his character his intimate friends are the step without consulting him and being guided
best witnesses. The trust reposed in him by by his opinions. Nestorius having com-
Basil and liregory appears throughout their menced a persecution against the Ouarto-
correspondence. The former more especially decimans of Asia in 428, two presbyters,
praises his love of learning and patient in- Antonius and Jacobus, were dispatched to
vestigation, addressing him as his " brother carry his designs into effect. They were
Amphilochius, his dear friend most honoured furnished with letters commendatory from
of all " (de Spir. Sand. § i) while the latter Anastasius and Photius, bearing witness to the

speaks of him as " the blameless high-priest, soundness of their faith. The two emissaries
the loud herald of truth, his pride " {Carm. ii. of the archbp. of Constantinople did not
p. 1068). He seems to have united the genial restrict themselves to their ostensible object,
sympathy which endears the friend, and the to set the Asiatics right as to the keeping of
administrative energy which constitutes the Easter, but endeavoured to tamper with their
ruler, with intellectual abilities and acquire- faith. At Philadelphia they persuaded some
ments of no mean order. [l.] simple-minded clergy to sign a creed of doubt-
Amphilochius (2), bp. of Sida in Pamphylia. ful orthodoxy, attributed to Theodore of
Like his more famous namesake of Iconium, Mopsuestia. This was strongly ojiposed by
he appears as an antagonist of the Messalians. Charisius, the oeconomus of the church, who
He was urged, as one of the Pamphylian charged Jacobus with unsoundness in the
metropolitans, to take measures against them faith. His opposition aroused the indignation
ia encyclical letters wxitten by two successive of Anastasius and Photius, who dispatched
bps. of Constantinople, Atticus and Sisinnius fresh letters, reasserting the orthodoxy of
(Phot. Bibl. 52). and seems to have prose- Jacobus, and requiring the deprivation of
cuted the matter with zeal. He brought for- Charisius (Labbe, Cone. iiL 1202 seq. Socr. ;

ward the subject at the council of Ephesus vii. 29).

(a.d. 431) in conjunction with Valerianus It was in a sermon preached by Anastasius

and in consequence of their representations at Constantinople that the fatal words were
the council confirmed the decrees of former uttered that destroyed the peace of the church
synods against these heretics (Labbe, Cone. for so many years. " Let no one call Mary
ii'i. 1331 seq., ed. Coleti). At this same QiorbKos. She was but a human being. It is
council we find him assenting to Cyril's impossible for God to be born of a human
letter, and subscribing in very strong language being." These words, eagerly caught up by
to the condemnation and deposition of Nes- the enemies of Nestorius, caused much excite-
torius {ib. pp. 1012, 1046, 1077, 1133). His ment among clergy and laity, which was
conduct, later, was marked by great vacilla- greatly increased when the archbishop by
tion, if not insincerity. It is sometimes stated supporting and defending Anastasius adopted
that he was present at the " Robbers' Synod " the language as his own (Socr. H. E. vii. 32 ;

(a.d. 449), and there committed himself to Evagr. H. E. i. 2). [Nestorius.] In 430,
the policy of Dioscorus and the heresy of when Cyril had sent a deputation to Constan-
Eutyc.hes (Le Quien, Oriens Christ, i. 998) tinople with an address to the emperor, An-

but his name does not appear in the list of astasius seems to have attempted to bring
bishops assembled there (Labbe, Cone. iv. about an accommodation between him and
889 seq.). At the council of Chalcedon, how- Nestorius (Cyril, Ep. viii. Mercator, vol. ii.

ever (a.d. 451), he shewed great tenderness p. 49). We find him after the deposition of
for Dioscorus, and here his career of tergiver- Nestorius still maintaining his cause and ani-
sation began. He tried to defer the second mating his party at Constantinople (Lupus,
citation of Dioscorus (iv, 1260) and when Ep. 144)-

after three citations Dioscorus did not appear, Tillemont identifies him with the Anastasius
he consented to his condemnation, though who in 434 wrote to Helladius, bp. of Tarsus,
with evident reluctance (iv. 1310, 1337). At when he and the Oriental bishops were refusing
a later session, too, he subscribed his assent to to recognize Proclus as bp. of Constantinople,
the epistle of pope Leo (iv. 1358, 1366 and bearing witness to his orthodoxy, and urging

we find his name also appended to the canons them to receive him into communion (Baluz.
of the council (iv. 1715). Thus he committed § 144). [E.V.]
himself fully to the principles of this council, Anastasius I., bp. of Rome, was consecrated
and to the reversal of the proceedings of A.D. 398 (" Honorio IV. et Eutychiano coss."
Prosp. Aq. Chron.), and died in April, 402 Three of this name are mentioned by eccle-
(Anast. Bibl. vol. i. p. 62). According to siastical writers, among whom
some confusion
Anastasius Bibliothecarius, he put an end to exists. Twowere patriarchs of Antioch, and
an unseemly strife between the priests and it has been reasonably questioned whether
deacons of his church, by enacting that priests they were ever monks of Mount Sinai, and
as well as deacons should stand bowed (" curvi whether the title " Sinaita " has not been
starent ") at the reading of the Gospels. Jer- given to them from a confusion with the one
ome calls him a " vir insignis," taken from the who really was so, and who falls outside our
evil to come, i.e. dying before the sack of period (see Smith's D. C. B. in loc).
Rome by Goths, a.d. 410. One letter by (1) Bp. of Antioch, succeeded Domnus III.
Anastasius is extant. Rufinus wrote to him A.D. 559 (Clinton, Fasti Romani). He is
shortly after his consecration (not later than praised by Evagrius (H. E. iv. 40) for his
A.D. 400, Constant. Epp. Pont. Rom. p. 714) theological learning, strictness of life, and
to defend himself against the charge of com- well-balanced character. He resolutely op-
plicity in the heresy ascribed to Origen. posed Justinian's edict in favour of the
Anastasius replied (see Constant. I.e.) in a Aphthartodocetae, and encouraged the mon-
tone which, dealing leniently with Rufinus, astic bodies of Syria against it, a.d. 563
explicitly condemned Origen. Nine other (Evagr. iv. 39, 40). Justinian threatened him
letters are referred to :

of Nola (Paul. Nol. Ep. 20).

(1-5) To Paulinus, bp.
(6) To Anysius.
with deposition and exile, but his death in
565 hindered his design, which was carried
bp. of Thessalonica, giving him jurisdiction into effect by his nephew Justin II., a.d. 570.
over Illyria referred to by Innocent I., in his
Fresh charges were brought against Anastasius
first letter (Constant.). (7) To Johannes, bp. of profuse expenditure of the funds of his see,
of Jerusalem. (8) To African bishops who and of intemperate language and action in
had sent him an embassy to complain of the reference to the consecration of John, bp. of
low state of their clergy. (9) Contra Rufinum, Alexandria, by John, bp. of Constantinople,
an epistle sent ad Orientem (Hieron. Apol. in the Ufetime of the previous bp. Eutychius
lib. 3)- [G.H.M.] (Evagr. V. i Valesius's notes, ib.
; Theoph. ;

Anastasius II., bp. of Rome, succeeded Chron. ; CUnton, Fast. Rom.). He was suc-
Gelasius I. in Nov. 496 (Clinton's Fasti ceeded by Gregory, on whose death, in the
Romani, pp. 536, 713). The month after his middle of 593 (Clinton), he was restored to his
accession Clovis was baptized, and the new episcopate. This was chiefly due to the in-
Pope wrote congratulating him on his conver- fluence of Gregory the Great with the emperor
sion. Anastasius has left a name of ill-odour Maurice and his son Theodosius (Evagr. vi. 24;
in the Western church attributable to his
; Greg. Mag. Ep. i. 25, 27, Ind. ix.). Gregory
having taken a different hue from his pre- wrote him a congratulatory letter on his return
decessors with regard to the Eastern church. to Antioch (Ep. iv. 37 Ind. xiv.) and several
; ;

Felix III. had excommunicated Acacius of epistles of his are preserved relating to the
Constantinople, professedly on account of his claim the bp. of Constantinople was then
communicating with heretics, but really be- making to the title " universal bishop "
cause Zeno's Henoticon, which he had sanc- (Ep. iv. 36, Ind. xiii. vi. 24, 31, Ind. xv.).

tioned, gave the church of Constantinople a Anastasius defended the orthodox view of the
primacy in the East which the see of Rome Procession of the Holy Ghost (Baron. Annul.
could not tolerate. Gelasius I. had followed Eccl. 593^, and died at the close of 598 (Clinton,
closely in the steps of FeUx. But Anastasius, Fast. Rom.). Five sermons, " de Orthodoxa
in the year of his accession, sent two bishops, Fide," and five others, printed in a Latin
Germanus of Capua and Cresconius of Todi, version by Migne and others, are ascribed by
(Baronius) to Constantinople, with a proposal some to this Anastasius. Oudin, Dupin, and
that Acacius's name, instead of being expunged others refer them more probably to a later
from the roll of patriarchs of Constantinople Anastasius. For a catalogue and description
as Gelasius had proposed, should be left upon of the works assigned to him, either existing
the diptychs, and no more be said upon the or lost, see Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. vol. ix.
subject. This proposal, in the very spirit of pp. 332-336, and Migne.
the Henoticon, gave lasting offence to the (2) Followed the preceding as bp. of An-
Western church, and it excites no surprise tioch in the beginning of 599. A letter of
that he was charged with communicating Gregory the Great to him (Ep. vii. 48, Ind. ii.)
secretly with Photinus, a deacon of Thessa- acknowledges one announcing his appointment
lonica who held with Acacius and of wishing and declaring his adherence to the orthodox

to heal the breach between the East and West faith. Gregory had written to him before 597
— for so it seems best to interpret the words (Ep. vii. 3, Ind. i.), exhorting hira to con-
— He
of Anastasius Bibliothecarius " voluit revo- stancy under the persecutions of heretics.
care Acacium " (vol. i. p. 83). translated Gregory's de Curd Pastorali into
Anastasius died in Nov. 498. He was still Greek (ib. x. 22, Ind. v.). His death occurred
remembered as the traitor who would have in an insurrection of the Jews, Sept. 610
reversed the excommunication of Acacius (CUnton, F. R.). Nicephorus (H. E. xviii.
and Dante finds him suffering in hell the 44) confounds him with (1). [e.v.]
punishment of one whom " Fotino " seduced Anatolius, bp. of Constantinople, 449 a.d.,
from the right way (Dante, Inf. xi. 8, 9). through the influence of Dioscorus of Alex-
Two epistles by him are extant one in- andria with Theodosius II., after the deposi-

forming the emperor Anastasius of his acces- tion of Flavian by the " Robber Council,"
sion (Mansi, viii. p. 188) the other to Clovis having previously been the " apocrisiarius " or

as above Ub. p. 193). [g.h.m.] representative of Dioscorus at Constantinople

Anastasius Sinaita ('AfacrTdo-ios i,LvaLT-qi). (Zon. Ann. iii.). After his consecration, being

under suspicion of Eiitychianisin (Leo, Epp. an Eng. trans, of his extant works see Ante-
ad. Theod. 33 ad Pulch. 35), he publicly con- Xieene Lib. (T. \- T. Cl.irkK [e.v.]
demned the heresies both of Eutyches aiul -Ancyra, Seven Martyrs of, female victims

Nestorius, signing the letters of Cyril against of Dii)cletian's persecution, 304. They were
Nestorius and of Leo against Eutyches (Leo, unmarried, about 70 years old, and notable
Epp. 40, 41, 48). In conjunction with Leo of for piety and good works. When the perse-
Rome, according to Zonaras (Ann. iii.), he cution was determined upon, Theotecnus, a
requested the emperor Marcian to summon a magician, a philosopher and pervert from
general council against Dioscorus and the Christianity, was dispatched as governor to
Eutychians ; but the imperial letter directing C.alatia to root out Christianity. Among
Anatolius to make preparations for the the earliest victims were the seven virgins,
council at Chalcedou speaks only of Leo Tecusa, Alexandra, Faina, Claudia, Euphrasia,
(Labbe, Cone. Max. Tom. iv.). In this council Matrona, Julitta. Theotecnus called upon
Anatolius presided in conjunction with the them to offer incense, and upon their refusal
Roman legates (Labbe, Cone. Max. iv. Evagr. condenuKHl them to the public brothel, from

H. E. ii. 4. iS Niceph. H. E. xv. 18). By the which tliey escaptxl scatheless on account of

famous 28th canon, passed at the conclusion their age, and by the ingenuity of Tecusa their

of the council, equal dignity was ascribed to leader. He then ordered them to officiate as
Constantinople with Rome (Labbe, iv. 796

priestesses of Diana and Minerva in washing
Evagr. ii. 18). Hence arose the controversy their statues according to the annual custom
between Anatolius and the Roman pontiff. of Ancyra. They were accordingly carried
Leo complained to Marcian (Ep. 54) and to naked through the streets to a neighbouring
Pulcheria {Ep. 53) that Anatolius had out- lake, where garlands and white garments were
stepped his jurisdiction, by consecrating offered them in which to fulfd his commands.
Maximus to the see of .Antioch and he re-
; Upon their refusal Theotecnus ordered them
monstrated with Anatolius [Ep. 53). After to be drowned in the lake, with heavy stones
the council of Chalcedon some Egyptian tied round their necks lest their bodies should
bishops wrote to Anatolius, earnestly asking be recovered and buried by their fellow-
his assistance against Tiinotheus, who was Christians. Many legends have gathered
usurping the episcopal throne at Alexandria round the story. The acts of the seven virgins
(Labbe, Cone. Max. iv. iii. 23, p. 897). Ana- and of St. Theodotus (a tavern-keeper of
tolius wrote strongly to the emperor Leo Ancyra mart>Ted for rescuing and burying
against Timotheus (Labbe, iii. 26, p. 903). the bodies) are recorded in Gk. in a Vatican
The circular of the emperor requesting the MS., purporting to have been written by an
advice of Anatolius on the turbulent state eye-witness named Nilus. They are foimd in
of Alexandria is given by Evagrius (//. E. Gk. and Lat. in Boll. Acta SS. May 18 cf. ;

ii. 9), and by Nicephorus (H. E. xv. 18). also Ruinart, Acta Sincera, p. 336 Ceillier,;

The crowning of Leo on his accession by iii. 13. [G.T.S.]

Anatolius is said (Gibbon, iii. 313) to be the Andreas of Caesarea. [Arethas.]
first instance of the kind on record (Theoph. I
Andreas Samosatensis, bp. of Samosata at
Chron. 93 Par.). [i.G.S.] i
the time of the council of Ephesus, a.d. 431.
Anatolius, bp. of Laodicea in Syria Prima Sickness prevented bis attending the council
(Bus. H. E. vii. 32). He had been famous at (Labbe, Cone. iii. 506), but he took a leading
Alexandria for proficiency in the liberal arts, part in the controversies between Cyril and
while his reputation for practical wisdom was the Oriental bishops that succeeded it. With-
so great that when the suburb of Brucheium I out identifying himself with the erroneous
was besieged by the Romans during the revolt j
teaching ascribed to Nestorius, he shewed
of Aemilianus, a.d. 262. the command of the '

himself his zealous defender, and remained

place was assigned to him. Provisions having j
firm to him when his cause had been deserted
failed, and his proposition of making terms '

bv almost all. For his zeal in the defence of

with the besiegers having been indignantly [
an heresiarch he is styled by Anastasius Sinaita
rejected, Anatolius obtained leave to relieve h dpdKWP. The reputation of Andreas for
the garrison of all idle mouths, and by a clever learning and controversial skill caused John
deception marched out all the Christians, and of Antioch to select him, together with his
the greater part of the rest, many disguised as '

attached friend Thcodoret, to answer Cyril's

women. Having passed over to Palestine, he anathemas against Nestorius (Labbe, iii. 1150 ;

was ordained by Theotecnus, bp. of Caesarea, Liberatus, c. iv. p. 16). Cyril replied and
as bishop-coadjutor, with the right of suc- wrote in defence of his anathemas, which
cession. But going to Antioch to attend thecalled forth a second treatise from Andreas
synod against Paul of Samosata, on his way [(Labbe, iii. 827). In 433 Andreas accom-
through Laodicea, whicii had just lost its panied Alexander and Thcodoret to the
bishop, his old friend Eusebius, he was de- council summoned at Antioch by Aristolaus
tained and made bishop in his room, a.d. the tribune, in compliance with the commands
269. of Theodosius, to consult how the breach with
Eusebius speaks of him as not having Cyril might be healed (ib. 764). On the
written much, but enough to show at once amicable reception by Acacius and John of
his eloquence and manifold learning. He
Cyril's letter written in answer to the rescript
specially mentions a work on the Paschal of this council, Andreas fully sympathized
question, published in a Latin version by with his aged metropolitan Alexander's dis-
Bucherius {Doct. Temp., Antv. 1634). Some tress and indignation. Andreas deplored the
fragments of his mathematical works were recognition of Cyril's orthodoxy by so many
pub. at Paris, 1543, and by Fabricius [Bibl. bishops, and desired to bury himself in some

Grace, iii. 462 Hieron. Sc. Eccl. c. 73). For solitude where he might weep (ib. 784, 785,
; I
796, 797)- This was before he had see them, (i) When the civil province of Cap-
Cyril's letter. On perusing Cyril's own state- padocia was divided and Tyana became the
ment his opinions changed. What Cyril had capital of the second division, Anthimus, in-
written was orthodox. No prejudice against sisting that the ecclesiastical arrangements
him ought to prevent his acknowledging it. should follow the civil, claimed metropolitan
The peace of the church was superior to all rights over several of Basil's suffragans.
private feelings. His alteration of sentiments Herein he was assisted by the disaffection
exasperated Alexander, who refused to see or which prevailed in Basil's province. He was
speak to his former friend {ib. 810, 811). even bold enough to attack Basil on a journey,
Andreas deeply felt this alienation of one he so and plunder a train of mules laden with sup-
much venerated, but it could not lead him to plies of money and provisions for the bp. of
He used his utmost en- Caesarea. Basil, thinking to establish an
retrace his steps.
deavours in vain to persuade Alexander to invincible outpost against his aggressive an-
attend the council at Zeugma, which acknow- tagonist, consecrated his friend Gregory bp.
ledged the orthodoxy of Cyril's letter {ib. 805). of Sasima, a town not far from Tyana and one
over which Anthimus claimed metropolitan
His death must have occurred before 451,
when Rufinus was bp. of Samosata. Theo- rights. So long as Gregory remained there,
doret speaks of Andreas with much affection
he staunchly resisted alike the enticements
and esteem, praising his humihty and readi- and the menaces of Anthimus but he soon

resigned the see which he had unwillingly

ness to help the distressed (Theod. Ep. xxiv.
p. 918). His own letters give us a high idea of occupied. [Gregory Nazianzen.] A peace
his sound, practical wisdom, readiness to con-
was patched up between Basil and Anthimus,
fess an error, and firmness in maintaining what
apparently by the intercession of Gregory.
[k.v.] This happened in the year 372 (Greg. Naz.
he believed right.
Or. xHii. i. pp. 813 seq. Ep. 47, 48, 49, 50, ii.
Anicetus, bp. of Rome, stated in Eusebius's

pp. 42 seq. Carm. ii. pp. 696 seq.). (2) A

History (iv. 11) and by Irenaeus {Adv. omn.

certain Faustus had applied to Basil to con-

Haer. iii. 3, 3) to have succeeded Pius. As to
secrate him to an Armenian see but as he
the date of his pontificate, see Lightfoot's
did not produce the proper authority, the
elaborate discussion in Apost. Fathers (part i.
consecration was deferred. Faustus imme-
vol. i. pp. 201-345). As Polycarp visited him
diately applied to Anthimus, who at once
at Rome, and as Polycarp's death has been
compUed with his request, thus setting
fixed by recent criticism in 155, Lightfoot says
canonical rules at defiance (Basil, Ep. 120,
that "the latest possible date for the accession
of Anicetus is 154," and if he sat for eleven
121, 122). A reconciliation, however, seems
to have been effected, as Basil afterwards
years, as is said, his death would be in 165.
spoke of Anthimus in very friendly terms
Anastasius Bibliothecarius singles him out as
{Ep. 210, rbv bfj.b^vxov 7]/j.C:v). Except in
the pope who prescribed the tonsure for the
connexion with Basil and Gregory, nothing is
clergy (Anast. vol. i. p. 13); and a forged
known of this prelate. (See Tillemont, Mem.
letter upon this subject is given by Isidorus
eccl. ix. pp. 174 seq., 196 seq.; Gamier, Vit.
Mercator (Constant, p. 75)- But the single re-
Bas. Op. iii. pp. cxi. seq., pp. cxxiii. seq.) [l.]
liable fact recorded of him has reference to the
early Paschal controversy (Eus. H. E. iv. 24). Anthropolatrae (AvUpuwdXaTpai), a nick-
He, like his four predecessors, did not allow name given by the Apollinarians (c. a.d. 371)
the Jewish or Quartodeciman usage within to the Cathohcs, on the assumption that the
their own church, but communicated as freely
union of " perfect God " with " perfect Man "
necessarily involved two Persons in Christ,
as before with other churches which did allow
it. Polycarp visited Rome, hoping to per- and therefore that the Catholic exposition of
suade Anicetus to adopt the Quartodeciman the doctrine implied the worship of a man :

practice. But Anicetus was firm, even against an inference assumed to be avoided by the
special Apollinarian dogma. See Apollin-
the age and saintliness of Polycarp. As a
mark of personal respect, he allowed him to aris (the Younger). The nickname in ques-
celebrate the Eucharist in Rome ; but they tion is mentioned by St. Greg. Naz. Orat. Ii.,
parted without agreement, though with mutual who retorts that in truth, if any one is to be
We are told that Anicetus was called by a name of the kind, the Apollinarian
buried in the Calixtine cemetery on April ought to be called " aapKoXaTpr^s." [a.w.h.]
20. [G.H.M.] Anthropomorphitae {A nthropomorphism),
Anomoeans (from dro/xotos. dissimilar), one {di'ffpojTroi, man, and t-wprpi), form). Terms
of the appellations of the radical Arians who, applied to those who ascribe to God human
in opposition to the Athanasian or Nicene shape and form. We must distinguish two
kinds of anthropomorphism, a doctrinal and
doctrine of the consubstantiality (buooiKria)
a symbolical. The former is heretical, the
and the semi-Arian view of the likeness
latter Scriptural, and necessarily arises from
{opLoiovaia) of the Son to the Father, taught
the imperfection of human language and
that the Son was dissimilar, and of a different human knowledge of God. The one takes the
substance {eTepoovcnos). [Arianism.] [p.s.]
Scripture passages which speak of God's arm,
AnonomastUS (Iren. 56 cf. 54). [Valen-
hand, eye, ear, mouth, etc., hterally the ;

TiNUS ; Epiphanes.] [h.]

other understands and uses them figuratively.
Anthimus, bp. of Tyana, a contemporary Anthropomorphism is always connected with
of St. Basil bp. of Caesarea in Cappodocia anthropopathism (from dvUpuTros and irdOoi,
(Basil. Ep. 58). In 372 he joined in sub- passion), which ascribes to God human pas-
scribing a circular letter addressed by the sions and affections, such as wrath, anger,
Oriental bishops to those of Italy and Gaul envy, jealousy, pity, repentance. The latter,
{Ep. 92). But dissensions broke out between however, does not necessarily imply the ; 1

f riner. forms of idolatry, especially

All an idolatrous festival in honour of the Virgin,
tl'.ose of Greece and Rome, are essentially bv taking certain cakes (>io\\vpibf%) about in
uithropomorphic and anthropopathic. The chariots, and then solenuilyolTcring thorn to her
i>sical divinities
are in character siniply and consuming them, in imitation of the Lord's
ilied men and women. The Christian, Supper, or (more probablv) of the pagan wor-
vish, and Mohammedan religions teach ship of Ceres. The reaction from this super-
It is a Spirit, and thus elevate him
God stition led to the existence of the sect spoken
the reach of materialistic and sensual
>ve of in this article, which, contemporaneously
nceptions and representations. But within with the controversy carried on by St. Jerome
Christian church anthropomorphism ap- and by others against Helvidius and Bonosus,
ared from time to time as an isolated opinion
the literary supporters of the hypothesis, was
as the tenet of a party.
Tertullian is often led to endeavour to cut away all pretence for
.(i.irged with it, because he ascribed to God the CoUyridian superstition by adopting their
a bodv {Adv. Prax. c. 7 " (Juis enim nega-: view and so denying its very groundwork. The
bit, Deum corpus esse, etsiDeus spiritus est ? controversy itself is discussed in Smith's D. B.
Spiritus enim corpus sui generis in effigie "). (4 vols. 1893) under Brothers and James, and
But he probablv identified corporeality with in Murray's Illus. B. D. (1908) under James.
substantiality, and hence he maintained that For its literary history,
see under Helvidius,
everything real had a body of some kind (tie HiLRONVMUS. [A.W.H.]
Carne Chr. c. 11 " Omne quod est, corpus
: Antiochus (l),bp. of Ptolemais, c. a.d. 401.
est sui generis, nihil est incorporale, nisi quod To displav his oratorical powers in a wider
non est "). The pseudo-Clementine Homilies field he left Ptolemais and settled at Con-
(xvii. 2 seq.) teach that God, in order to be stantinople, where his fine voice and appro-
must be the highest beauty,
an object of love, priate action, together with the eloquent and
and consequently have a body, since there is perspicuous character of his discourses, soon
no beautv without form nor could we pray ; attracted large auditories, by whom, Uke his
to a God Who was mere spirit. (Cf. Baur, great contemporary John, he was surnamed
Vorlesungen iiber die Dogmettgeschichte, vol. i. " The Golden-mouthed." Having amassed
p. 412.) In the middle of the 4th cent. considerable wealth, he returned to his de-
Audius, or Audaeus, of Syria, a bold censor serted see, where he employed his leisure in
of the luxury and vices of the clergy, and an ; composing a long treatise " against avarice."
irregularlv consecrated bishop, founded a He took a zealous part in the proceedings
strictly ascetic sect, which were called A udians against Chrysostom, and is reckoned by Pall-
or Anthropomorphites, and maintained them- adius among his bitterest enemies. He died
selves, in spite of repeated persecution, till in the reign of Arcadius, before a.d. 408, and,
the close of the 5th cent. He started from according to Nicejihorus, his end, like that of
a literal interpretation of Gen. i. 28, and all the enemies of Chrysostom, was miserable.
reasoned from the natiu-e of man to the nature A homilv on The Cure of the Blind is Man
of God, Whose image he was (Epiphanius, also mentioned. With the exception of a
Haer. 70 Theod. H. E. iv. 9
Walch, Kel- ; \
sentence quoted by Theodoret, Dial. 2, and a
serhistorie, iii. 300). During the Origenistic 1
! longer fragment given in the Catena on St.
controversies towards the end of the 4th cent., John, xix. p. 443, his works have perished


anthropomorphism was held independently (Socr. vi. II Soz. viii. 10

Niceph. xiii. 26;

by many Egyptian monks in the Scetic desert, (;ennadius in Catalog. Pallad. Dialog, p. 49
; ;

who, with Pachomius at their head, were the Fabr. Bibl. Gk. ix. 259)- [e-v-I
most violent opponents of the spiritualistic Antipopes, claimants to the popedom in
theology of Origen, and were likewise called opposition to the lawful popes. There were
Anthropomorphites they felt the need of
; seven such during the first six centuries, some
material conceptions in their prayers and owing their elevation to the existence of con-
ascetic exercises. Theophilus of Alexandria, flicting parties at Rome, others intruded into
formerly an admirer of Origen, became his the see bv the civil power. A fuller account
bitter opponent, and expelled the Origenists of them, with the authorities, is given under
from Egypt, but nevertheless he rejected the their respective names — viz. Novatianus ;

Anthropomorphism of the anti-Origenistic Felix; Ursinls (or Ursicinus) Eulalius ; ;

monks (Ep. Pastr. for 399). In the present Laurentius; Dioscorus; Vigilius.
century Anthropomorphism has been revived [J. B-Y.]
by the Mormons, who conceive God as an Antoninus, Pius, emperor, a.d. 138- 161.
intelligent material being, with body, mem- The character of this prince as loving righteous-
bers, and passions, and unable to occupy two '

ness and mercy, choosing rather, in his own

distinct places at once. [p-S.] noble words, " to save the life of one citizen
Antidlkomarianitae ( XfTibiKoixapiavirai =
than to slay a thousand foes," shewed itself,
Adversaries of Mary Epiph. Haer. Ixxxix.).: as in other things, so also in his treatment of
The name given to those in Arabia in the latter the Christians of the empire. Hackian had
part of the 4th cent, who (in opposition to the checked the tendency to persecution by im-
KoXXi'piSidi'iSes) maintained the novel supposi- posing severe penalties on false accusers
tion advanced at that time by Bonosus of (Just. Mart. Apol. i. c. 68). In some way or
Sadica, and by Helvidius, that " our Lord's other, Antoninus was led to adopt a policy
brethren " were children borne by the Blessed which was even more favourable to them
Virgin to Joseph after our Lord's birth. The (Xiphilin. Epit. Dion. Cass, i, 70, p. ii73)-
controversy arose out of the then prevailing Melito, writing his Apologia to Marcus Aure-
reverence for virginity, which in its extreme lius (Hus. H. E. iv. 26), speaks of edicts which
form had led certain women, originally from Antoninus had issued, forbidding any new and
Thrace, but dwelling in Arabia, to celebrate violent measures against the Christians. A
more memorable proof of his tolerance is were very rare in Egypt, and none far from
found, if the document be genuine, in the the habitations of men. Anthony retired by
decree addressed to the general assembly of degrees farther and farther from his native
the proconsular province of Asia, at a time village, fixing his abode first in a tomb,
when the Christian church was exposed to afterwards in a ruined castle near the Nile.
outrages of all kinds {irpos to kolvov ttis 'Acr/as). Here he remained some 20 years, shut up for
It speaks in admiring terms of the innocence months at a time with only bread and water
of the Christians, declares the charges against (the bread of the country is said to be good for
them to be unproved, bids men admire the keeping), and issuing forth only to instruct
steadfastness and faith with which they met the multitudes who flocked to see and hear
the earthquakes and other calamities that him at other times communication was pre-

drove others to despair, ascribes the perse- vented by a huge stone at the entrance.
cution to the jealousy which men felt against During the persecution of Maximinus (a.d.
those who were truer worshippers of God 311), in which their bishop had fallen, he went
than themselves. Unfortunately, however, to comfort the Christians of Alexandria and ;

the weight of both textual and internal though the presence of monks at these trials
evidence preponderates against the genuine- was forbidden as encouraging the martyrs in
ness of the edict as it stands, but some their disobedience to the emperor's edict, he
modern authorities are disposed to regard persisted in appearing in court. When the
it as an interpolated form of a real edict storm had ceased he withdrew, though now
of similar character. See, e.g., Renan, an old man, to a more complete isolation than
L'Eglise Chretienne, p. 302. In any case ever, near the Red Sea and here, to save his

it is natural to connect the more lenient disciples the trouble of bringing him food, he
policy, which there is no doubt that made a small field of wheat, which he culti-
Antoninus adopted, with the memorable vated with his own hands, working also at
Apologia which Justin addressed to him. making mats. From time to time he re-
Confining ourselves to its bearing on the charac- visited his former disciples in the Thebaid,
ter of the emperor, we note (ij that there had always, however, declining to preside over a
been at least the threat of persecution even convent. About a.d. 335 he revisited Alex-
unto death (c. 68) (2) that it is wTitten
andria, at the urgent request of Athanasius, to
throughout in a tone of manifest respect as preach against the Arians (Theod. Hist. iv.
to men not unworthy of the epithets that were 27), and there was followed by crowds as
attached to their names (" Pius " to Anto- " the man of God." But he soon returned to
ninus, " philosopher " to Verissimus and the congenial seclusion of his cell, and there
Lucius) ;(3) that the mere fact of the dedi- died, at the great age of 105, in the presence
cation and, apparently, presentation of such of the two disciples, Amathas and ^Iacarius,
an address implies a tolerance which had not who had ministered to his wants during the
been often found in preceding emperors (4) ;
last 15 years. To them he bequeathed his
that even the forged document, if it be such, hair-shirt and the rest of his worldly goods,

shews a certain verisimilitude in the ascription liis two woollen tunics and the rough cloak
of such a document to him. See Champagny, on which he slept, to bp. Serapion and St.
Les Antonines (Paris), and Aube, Hist, des Athanasius (Athan. Vit. St. Ant.).
Persecut. (Paris, 1875). pp. 297-341. [e.h.p.] The fame of Anthony spread rapidly
Antonius, St. (Abbas), termed by Athan- through Christendom and the effect of his

asius " the founder of asceticism " and his example in inducing Christians, especially in
life a "model for monks" (Praef. Vit. St. the East, to embrace the monastic Ufe is
Ant.). We have a tolerably complete, but described by his biographers as incalculable.
probably interpolated, biography of him by In the next century he began to be venerated
Athanasius, derived in part from his o\vn as a saint by the Greek church, and in the
in part from others who had
recollections, I
ninth by the Latin. St. Jerome says he was
known him, as well as frequent mention of the author of seven Epistles to certain Eastern
him by the ecclesiastical historians ; and we monasteries, which have been translated from
shall here treat Anthony as a historic char- the Egyptian into the Greek (Hieron. de
acter, despite the recent assumption that he Script. 88), but whether these are the same as
is "a myth" (see, e.g., Gwatkin's Arian Con- those now extant in Latin is doubtful (cf.
troversv, 1891, and cf. F. W. Farrar, Contemp. Erdinger's ed. of them (Innsbruck, 1871).
Rev. 1SS7, pp. 617-627). Though by all accounts far from being a
Anthony was bom c. a.d. 250 at Coma, on learned man (Soz. Hist. i. 13 Niceph. Hist. ;

the borders of Upper Egypt (Soz. Hist. i. 13). vii. 40 ; Athan. Vit. St. Ant.), his dis-
By his parents, who were wealthy Christians, courses are evidence that he was not alto-
he was trained in pious habits (Athan. Vit. St. gether illiterate. His influence was great at
Ant. ;Aug. de Doct. in Prol). Six months the court of the emperor. Constantine the
after the death of his parents, being then 18 Great and his sons wTote to him as a father
years of age, he chanced to hear in church the (Athan.), and when Athanasius was contending
words " If thou wilt be perfect," etc., and re- with the Meletians, Anthony wTote from his
solved to obey the precept literally, reserving cell to the emperor in behalf of his friend
only a small portion for his sister. Returning (Soz. ii. 31). His austerities were great as ;

into the church he heard, " Take no thought a rule he fasted till sunset, and sometimes for
for the morrow." On this he resolved to four days together. Of sleep he was equally
commend her to the care of some devout sparing. His coarse rough shirt is said to
woman, and gave away all his property to the have lasted him for a lifetime and his only ;

poor (Athan. cf. Soz. i. 13). ablutions seem to have been involuntary in
At that time cells of Anchorites [fiovaaT-rfpLa) wading occasionally through a river. Yet

e lived to an unusual age, robust, and in full monk) to give an exposition of the Christian
ession of his faculties to the last. He faith. Their importance consists in the
not morose to others ;only to iieretics picture that they give of the current teaching
he austere and repulsive, refusins to hold of an independent church, already organized
y intercourse with them even for a moment. under its own primate, outside the Roman
e was careful always, though so universally empire. The language is Syriac, the quota-
vered, not to arrogate to himself priestly tions from the O.T. are taken from the
ctions, shewing, even in his old age, a Peshitta, but in the N.T. he quotes the dospels
marked and studious deference even to the from the Diatessaron. Some of his inter-
youngest deacons. pretations (e.g. Horn. XV.) shew signs of
Anthony was evidently a man, not merely Jewish or " Talmudical " teaching.
of strong determination, but of ability, and Doctrine. —As a theologian, Aphraat is
the discourses, if indeed they are his, which strikingly independent and remote from the
his disciples record as adtircssed to themselves controversies of his day in the Roman empire.
and to the pagan philosophers who disputed Writing 20 years after the council of Nicaea,
with him, shew that if he read Uttle he thought he expresses himself in a way impossible for
much. He met objections against the tloc- any one who had heard of the Arian contro-
trines of the Incarnation and the Resurrection versy, whatever his s\ini)atliies in it with

as mysterious by the retort that the pagan him we are back in the indcfmitencss of an
mythology, whether in its grossness as appre- earlier age, when an orthodox writer might
hended by the vulgar or as the mystical system use on one page the language of psilanthropism
of philosophers, was equally above reason. (Horn, xvii.) and on another confess both the
From their dialectical subtleties he appealed Trinity and the Divinity of Christ (vi. 11.).
to facts, to a Christian's contempt of death This is consistent with the fact that the
and triumph over temptation ; and con- " church of the East " was so isolated that it
trasted the decay of pagan oracles and magic was never asked to accept the Nicene Creed
with the growth of Christianity in spite of till the year 410 ; and apparently used, till
persecutions. He taught that prayer to be that date, the formula that Aphraat gives
Cxfect must be ecstatic (Cass. Coll. ix. 31). (Horn. i.). See Nestorian Church.
Lngled with sound and practical advice are A curious feature in Aphraat's teaching is
strange stories of his visions, in which he the use of expressions that jjlainly suggest that
describes himself as engaged continually in he regarded the Holy Spirit as the female
deadly conflict with evil spirits. element in the Godhead (xviii. 10). It is a
Beyond these encounters and powers of thought strange to us, but not necessarily
exorcism it is not clear how far and in what unorthodox, and natural to a mind of Semitic
manner Anthony believed himself able to cast, that used a word for " spirit " that is
work miracles. It would indeed be strange if feminine its absence from Greek and Latin

so lonely an existence did not breed many in- theology may account in part for the enthrone-
voluntary and unconscious illusions still more ment of another figure as Queen of Heaven.

Strange if those whose eyes were dazzled by Aphraat's whole teaching has the ascetic cast
the almost more than human self-abnegation natural to a 4th-cent. Oriental monk. The
of the great eremite had not exaggerated celibates (xviii.) are emphatically the aristo-
this aspect of his story. Among the many in cracy of the church, the professors of the
whom the marvellous experiences of Anthony higher life, who alone can attain to true
awoke a longing to renounce the world was communion with God. Any one who doubts
Augustine himself (Aug. Conf. viii. 6, 12). his own capacity for the keeping of a vow of
A. Verger, Vie de St. Antoine le Grand virginity, which apparently was often taken
(Tours, 1898). [i.G.s.] at the time of baptism, is advised to marry
Aphraat {.iphrahat, Farhad, " the Sage of before that rite, a fall subsequent to it being
Persia"). Little is known of the life of this a heinous sin (vii. 10). Nevertheless, all are
writer, who was the principal theologian of warned that open abandonment of the reso-
the Persian {i.e. Eastern or Ncstorian) church lution and avowed marriage is better than
in the 4th cent. He was born late in the 3rd secret incontinence.
cent., and was certainly a monk, and probably Broadly, Aphraat shews us the existence of
a bishop of his church. Tradition says that an independent Oriental theology, which,
he resided at the monastery of Mar Mattai, however, was not allowed to develop on its
near Mosul, and was bishop in that province. own lines, but was assimilated to Greek
Either at his baptism or consecration he standards a few generations later. This was
loss to the fullness of Christian
adopted the name Jacob ( ^SCVxri^j ) in a distinct
thought, and a misfortune to the Syriac
addition to his own, and for this reason his church itself, in that it soon shewed itself
works have sometimes been attributed to unable to think on Greek lines, so that schisms
better-known namesakes. resulted that endure to this day. Parisot,
In the year 344 he presided over a council Patrol. Syriac. Aphraatis Demonstrationes ;
of the church of his province (Adiabene), and Labourt. Christiamsme dans Vempire perse ;

the synodal letter is included in his works Burkitt, Earlv Eastern Christianity, [w.a.w.]
{Homily xiv.). Sapor's persecution was then Aphthartodocetae (from dtptiapros, incor-
raging in the country, but is known to have ruptible, and ooK^ij}, to think), a sect of the
been, for local reasons, less severe in this MoNOPHvsiTES, which arose in the 6th cent.
district than elsewhere. The time and man- They were also called Phantasiastae, because
ner of his death are not known. they appeared to acknowledge only a seeming

Works. These consist of a collection of 22 body of Christ, and to border on Docetism ;

Homilies, written at the request of a friend (a and Julianists, from their leader Julian, bp. of
Halicarnassus, and his contemporary Xenajas rb 'lovSaiuv k.t.X. Clem. Strom, i. 21), as
of Hierapolis. They argued, from the com- the direct extracts preserved by Josephus
mingling (avyxvffis) of the two natures of from his writings clearly prove. These at-
Christ, that the body of our Lord, from the tacks were contained in two works
especially :

very beginning, became partaker of the in- in his Egyptian History (MyvirTLaKo.),
and in
corruptibiUty of the Logos, and was subject
a separate treatise Against the Jews (Kara.
to corruptibihty merely Kar' oiKovofxiav. They 'lov5a'LWv ^'i^\o%, Justin. (?) I.e. Africanus,
appealed in proof especially to Christ's walking ;

I.e.). Josephus exposes the ignorance, men-

on the sea during His earthly Hfe. Their dacity, and self-contradictions
of Apion.
opponents among the Monophysites, the (ii) It is not surprising that the spent wave
Severians (from Severus, patriarch of Anti-
of this antagonism should have overflowed on
och), maintained that the body of Christ before
Judaic Christianity. Whether Apion actually
the Resurrection was corruptible, and were
came in contact with any members of the new
hence called Phihartolatrae {<^i>9apTo\dTpai. from brotherhood is more than questionable.
<pdapT6s and \drpela), or Corrupticolae, i.e. early date (for he flourished in the
reigns of
Worshippers of the Corruptible. Both parties Tiberius, Caius, and Claudius) renders this
admitted the incorruptibility of Christ's body improbable. But in the writings of the Petro-
after the Resurrection. The word (pOopd was Clementine cycle he holds a prominent place
generally taken in the sense of corruptibility, as an antagonist of the Gospel. In the
but sometimes in the sense of mere frailty. Clementine Homilies he appears in company
This whole question is rather one of scholastic with Anubion and Athenodorus among the
subtlety, though not wholly idle, and may be satellites of Simon Magus, the arch-enemy of
solved in this way : that the body of Christ, St. Peter and St. Peter's faith. The Clementine
before the Resurrection, was similar in its Recognitions contain nothing corresponding to
constitution to the body of Adam before the the disputes of Clement and Apion in the 4th,
Fall, containing the germ or possibiHty of 5th, and 6th books of the Homilies but at ;

immortality and incorruptibility, but subject the close of this work (x. 52), as at the close
to the influence of the elements, and was of the Homilies, he is introduced as a sub-
actually put to death by external violence, but sidiary character in the plot. See the
through the indwelling power of the sinless treatises on these writings by Schliemann,
Spirit was preserved from corruption and Uhlhorn, Hilgenfeld, Lehmann, and others.
raised again to an imperishable life, when (2) A Christian author about the end of 2nd
to use an ingenious distinction of St. Augustine cent., who wrote on the Hexaemeron (Eus.
— the immortalitas minor became immortalitas H. E. V. 27 Hieron. Vir. III. 49).
; [l.]
major, or the posse nan mori a nan posse mori. Apolinaris, or Apolinarius Claudius. Atto-
The Aphthartodocetae were subdivided into XLudpios so spelt in the most ancient Gk.

Ktistolalrae, or, from their founder, Gaianitae, MSS. Latin writers generally use the form

who taught that the body of Christ was created Apollinaris), bp. of Hierapolis, in Phrygia
{KTiarbv). and Aktistetae, who asserted that the A.D. 171 and onwards (Eus. Chron.) one ;

body of Christ, although in itself created, yet of the most active and esteemed Christian
by its union with the eternal Logos became writers of the day, he is praised by Photius
increate, and therefore incorruptible. The for his style (Phot. Cod. 14). Jerome enumer-
most consistent Monophysite in this direction ates him among the ecclesiastical writers who
was the rhetorician Stephanus Niobes (about were acquainted with heathen literature, and
550), who declared that every attempt to who made use of this knowledge in the refuta-
distinguish between the divine and the human tion of heresy (Ep. ad Magnum, iv. 83, p. 656.
in Christ was improper and useless, since they Cf. Theod. Haer. Fab. Compend. iii. 2).
had become absolutely one in him. An abbot Only a few fragments of his works have been
of Edessa, Bar Sudaili, extended this principle preserved. Eusebius [H. E. iv. 27) gives the
even to the creation, which he thought would following list of those which had fallen into his
at last be wholly absorbed in God. hands ; and his list is repeated by St. Jerome
Cf. the dissertations of Gieseler, Monophysi- (de Vir. III. c. 26) and Nicephorus (H. E.
tarum variae de Christi Persona Opiniones, 1835 iv. 11). An
apology addressed to Marcus
and 1838 the remarks of Dorner, History of
; Aurelius, probably written after a.d. 174,
Christology, \i. 159 ff. (German ed.) Ebrard,
; since it is likely that it contained the reference
Church and Doctrine History, i. 268 ; and to the miracle of the Thundering Legion else-
Schaff, Church History, iii. 766 ff. [p.s.] where quoted by Eusebius from Apolinaris
Apion. The name is properly Egyptian (H. E. V. 5). (2) Five books Trp6s "EWr/cas,
(see Procop. Pers. i. 8 Ross. Itlscr. fasc. 2,
; written according to Nicephorus in the form
p. 62) and derived from the god Apis, after the of a dialogue. (3) Two books ire pi d\T]0€ias.
analogy of Anubion, Serapion, etc.
(4) Two books 7rp6s 'lovSaiovs these are :

(1) The son of Poseidonius (Justin (?) Coh, not mentioned by St. Jerome, and the refer-
ad Gent. § 9 Africanus in Eus. Pr. Ev. x. 10.
; ence to them is absent from some copies of
p. 490), a grammarian of Alexandria in the Eusebius. (3) Writings against the Phry-
1st cent. His literary triumphs and critical gian heresy, published when Montanus was
labours on Homer do not fall within our scope, first propounding his heresy i.e. according to

but his conflict with Jews and Jewish Chris- the C/jyonjcoH of Eusebius, c. 172. These writ-
tians entitles him to a place here. ings, which were probably in the form of letters,
(i) His hostility to Judaism was deep, per-
are appealed to by Serapion, bp. of Antioch
sistent, and unscrupulous (Joseph, c. A p. ii. (Eus. H. E. V. 19) and Eusebius elsewhere

1-13 ; Clem. Horn. iv. 24, v. 2, irdw 'lovdaiovi (v. 16) describes Apolinaris as raised up as a
5i' dTrex^eiay 'ixovra, v. 27, 29, 6 dX67ws /jLiauv strong and irresistible weapon against Mon-

tanisin. The
situation of liis see sufficiently ApoUlnarianism, ApoUinarians, Apolli-
,(' counts for the prominent part taken by narists. [.VrouiiSAKis tmk Vouncer.]
Apolinaris in this controvorsv. We are told ApoUinaris, St. and Mart., first bp. or
li>ed by an anonynaous writer who probably arclibp. of Ravenna, pcrliaps fron\ 50-7.S.
te at the end of the gth cent. (Auctor, .According to the Life written by .\gneUus in
,lli Synodici apud Labbe et Cossart, i. 599) 9th cent. (Lihcr Ponli/icalis, ap. .Muratori,
it Apolinaris on this occasion assembled Rer. It. Scrif^l. ii. part i.), St. .ApoUinaris was

uty-six other bishops in council, and ex- a native of Antioch, well instructed in Clk.
amunicated Montanus and Maximilla, as and Lat. literature, who followed St. Peter
11 as the shoemaker Theodotus. Besides to Rome, and was sent by him to Ravenna.
works mentioned by Eusebius, who does On his way he healed the son of Irenaeus who
; as a complete one, Theodoret was blind, and did other miracles.
i^ive his list At Rav-
:.i!-r. Fab. a. 21) mentions (6) that Apolinaris enna he baptized in the river Bidens, and
te against the Encratites of the school of raised the daughter of the patrician Rufus to
. rrus (7rp6s rous ^(ovrjpiavoui 'KyKparirai). life ; imprisoned by the heathen near the
I'hotius (Cod. 14) mentions having read capitol, he was there fed by angels. After-
linaris's work wpHi EWTjj'ai Kai irfpi wards, being expelled from the city, he
"'fi'aj Kai TTfpi evctSfiat. (8) In the pre-
preached in Dalmatia, Pannonia, Thrace, and
. c to the Alexandrian Chronicle a work Corinth. After three years he returned,
suffered new persecutions, and did new mir-
Tfp* Tovattributed to Apolinaris,
irdffxo- is
from which extracts two
are furnished acles, destroying a statue and temple of
which have given rise to much contro-
.\pollo by his prayers. He was martyred
under Vespasian, after an episcopate of over
'- versy; the main point bein^ whether (if the
28 years.
'?: fragments are genuine) Apolinaris wrote
Other lives, such as that in the Ada Sanc-
fc lon the side of the practice of the Roman
torum, are more full of miracles, but do not
hurch, or on that of the (Juartodeciraans of

add anything else of importance. The day

'..1 In support of the former v^iew
of his death is agreed upon as July 23 the
.rged the similarity of the language of these ;

laments with that of Clement of Alexandria

year may have been 78. From a sermon of
St. Peter Chrysologus in 5th cent. (No. 128,
'' and of Hippolytus, who advocated the VVest-
^E em practice and also the fact that Apolin- pp. 552 seq. ed. Migne), it appears that St.
-•VpoUinaris was the only bp. of Ravenna who

arts is not claimed as a Quartodeciman by
suffered martyrdom, and that he, strictly
Polycrates, bp. of Ephesus, in his letter to
Victor of Rome. On the other side it is urged speaking, can only be called a confessor. He
did not die, it would seem, a violent death,
It, that Apolinaris speaks of his antagonists as
1,^ 1" some who raise contention through ignor-
though it may have been hastened by the
persecutions he underwent. Probably, like
cc lance," language which would rather convey
his successor Aderitus, he died in the port-
vp {the impression that Apolinaris was writing
i; [against the opinions of some small sect than
town Classis, where he was buried. A new
church, still existing, was built about the
IL .that he was combating the belief of the whole
jchurch of Asia Minor to which he belonged; same time as that of St. Vitale, and into this
his body was translated by St. Maximianus
k: land it is further urged that if Apolinaris had
been the first to defend in the East the prac-
c. 552. The mosaic over the apse seems to
realize the words of St. Peter Chrysologus

tice which ultimately prevailed, it is incredible

{U.S.), " Ecce vivit, ecce ut bonus pastor suo
that neither Eusebius nor any early writer
mentions this early champion of the Catholic medius assistit
in grege." As early as 575
it was the custom to take solemn oaths upon
practice. Socrates the historian (H. E. iii. 7)
names Apolinaris, together with Irenaeus, his reUcs (St. Greg. Magn. Ep. vi. 61). His
Clement, and Serapion, as holding the doctrine body
was taken to Ravenna in 15 15 for
safety, but restored in 1655 (see authorities
that our Lord when He became man had a
in Acta Sanctor. for July 23). This most
human soul (l.w^i'xov tov ivavdpijjiryjaavTa). interesting basiUca, with the vacant monas-
Apolinaris had been set down as a Chiliast
tery adjoining, is now the only remnant of
on St. Jerome's authority (de Vir. III. c.
the town of Classis. [j-w.]
18), but Routh (Rel. Sac. i. 174) has given
ApoUinaris (or, according to Greek ortho-
good reason for thinking that the ApoUinaris
graphy, Apollinarius) the Elder, of Alex-
intended is the younger ApoUinaris, of
andria, was born about the beginning of the
Laodicea since Jerome speaks of Irenaeus
4th cent. After teaching grammar for some
and ApoUinaris as the first and the last of the
time at Berytus in Phoenicea, he removed,
Greek Millenarians (lib. xi. Comm. in Ezech.
c 36, iii. 952), and also states that ApoUi- A.D. 335, to Laodicea, of which church he
naris answered Dionysius of Alexandria
was made presbyter. Here he married and
had a son, afterwards the bp. of Laodicea.
(Prooem. in Ub. xviii. Comm. Esaiae iii.
[Apqlunaris the Ygu.vger.] Both father
and son were on intimate terms with the
The Martyrologies commemorate the death heathen sophists Libanius and Epiphanius of
of ApoUinaris on Feb. 7. Of the year or of Petra, frequenting the lecture-room of the
the place and manner of his death nothing is latter, on which account they were admonished
known; but that it was before the end of and, upon their venturing to sit out the
the 2nd cent, may be inferred from the lan- recitation of a hymn to Bacchus, excommuni-
guage in which he is described in the letter of cated by Theodotus, bp. of Laodicea, but
Serapion written about that time (KXai'Sioc restored upon their subsequent repentance
'AroXtfopiou ToiJ naKapiwraTov yevofitvov iv (Socr. Eccl. Hist. iii. 16 Soz. vi. 25). ;

le/MT^Xet T^j 'Affias iiriaKbirov). [g.s.] The elder ApoUinaris is chiefly noted for
his literary labours. When the edict of J ulian,
reappeared from time to time, in a modified
A.D. 362, forbade the Christians to read shape, as an isolated theological opinion.
Greek literature, he undertook with the aid Apollinaris was the first to apply the results
of his son to supply the void by reconstructing
of the Nicene controversy to Christology pro-
the Scriptures on the classical models. Thus
per, and to call the attention of the church to
the whole BibUcal history down to Saul's the psychical and pneumatic element in the
accession was turned into 24 books of Homeric
humanity of Christ but in his zeal for the

hexameters, each superscribed, like those of

true deity of Christ, and fear of a double
the Iliad, by a letter of the alphabet. Lyrics,
personality, he fell into the error of a partial
tragedies, and comedies, after the manner of
denial of His true Humanity. Adopting the
Pindar, Euripides, and Menander, followed. psychological trichotomy of Plato (aOi/xa,
Even the Gospels and Epistles were adapted TTvev/xa), for which he quoted I.
Thess. v. 23
to the form of Socratic disputation. Two and Gal. v.
17, he attributed to Christ a
works alone remain as samples of their in- human body ((rw/xa) and a human soul (the
domitable zeal: a tragedy entitled Christus
^'vxv S.'^oyos, the anima animans which man
Pattens, in 2601 lines,which has been edited
among the works of Gregory Nazianzen and has in common with the animal), but not a

a version of the Psalms, in Homeric hexa- rational spirit (foPs, trvev/xa. \pvxv XoyiKrj,
meters. The most that can be said of this anima rationalis), and put in the place of the
latter the divine Logos. In opposition to the
Psalter is that it is better than the tragedy,
and that as a whole it fully bears out the idea of a mere connexion of the Logos with
reputation of the poet (Basil. Ep. 273, 406) the man Jesus, he wished to secure an organic
that he was never at a loss for an expression. unity of the two, and so a true incarnation
Socrates, who is more trustworthy than Sozo- but he sought this at the expense of the most
men (v. 18), ascribes the O.T. poems to the important constituent of man. He reached
father (iii. 16), and adds that the son as the only a ^eo's (xapKocpopos, as Nestorianism only
greater rhetorician devoted his energies to an 8.v6pwKos 6eo(p6pos, instead of the proper
converting the Gospels and Epistles into Oedvdpwiros. He appealed to the fact that the
Platonic dialogues. He likewise mentions a Scripture says, " the Word was made flesh "—
treatise on grammar compiled by the elder not spirit " God was manifest in the fl_esh,"

Apollinaris, XP"^''""""*V tvttu}. For different etc. To which Gregory Nazianzen justly
opinions as to the authorship of father and replied that in these passages the term adp^
son, cf. Vossius, de Hist. Graec. ii. 18 de Poet.
was used by synecdoche for the whole human
Graec. c. g Duport, Praef. ad Metaph. Psalm.
nature. In this way Apollinaris estabUshed
(Lond. 1674). so close a connexion of the Logos with human
The Metaphrasis Psahnorum was pubUshed flesh, that all the divine attributes were trans-
at Paris 1552 ;by Sylburg, at Heidelberg, ferred to the human nature, and all the human
1596 and subsequently in various collections
attributes to the divine, and the two merged
of the Fathers. The latest edition is that in in one nature in Christ. Hence he could
Migne's Patr. Gk. xxiii. [e.m.y.] speak of a crucifixion of the Logos, and a
Apollinaris the Younger, bp. of Laodicea worship of His flesh. He made Christ a
flourished in the latter half of the 4th cent., middle being between God and man, in Whom,
and was at first highly esteemed, even by as it were, one part divine and two parts
Athanasius and Basil, for his classical culture human were fused in the unity of a new nature.
piety, and adhesion to the Nicene Creed He even ventured to adduce created analogies
during the Arian controversv, until he intro- of mixtures in nature. Christ, said he, is
duced a Christological heresy which is called oCre dudpiowos oXos, ovre deos, dWd deov koI
after him, and which in some respects pre- d.vdpuTrov pii^ii. On the other hand, he re-
pared the way for Monophysitism. He garded the orthodox view of a union of full
assisted his father in rewriting the Christian humanity with a full divinity in one person
Scriptures in imitation of the style of Homer, of two wholes in one whole —
as an absurdity,
Menander, etc., mentioned in the preceding in a similar category with the mythological
article. He also wrote in defence of Christian- figure of the Minotaur. But the Apolhnarian
ity against J uUan and Porphyry of orthodoxy
idea of the union of the Logos with a trun-
against the Manicheans, Arians, Marcellus, cated human nature might be itself more
Eunomius, and other heretics Biblical com-
justly compared with this monster. Starting
mentaries, and other works, of which only from the Nicene homoousion as to the Logos,
fragments remain. Jerome enjoyed his in- but denying the completeness of Christ's
struction, A.D. 374. He did not secede from humanity, he met Arianism half-way, which
the communion of the church and begin to likewise put the divine Logos in the place of
form a sect of his own till 375. He died about the human spirit in Christ. But he strongly
392. After his death his followers, who were asserted Christ's unchangeableness, while
not numerous, were divided into two parties Arians taught His changeableness (rpfTrroTTjs).
the Polemians and Valentinians. His doctrine The faith of the church revolted against
was condemned by a synod of Alexandria such a mutilated and stunted humanity of
(not naming him), by two synods at Rome Christ, which necessarily involved also a
under Damasus (377 and 378), and by the merely partial redemption. The incarna-
second oecumenical council (381). Imperial tion is an assumption of the entire human
decrees prohibited the pubUc worship of the nature, sin only excluded. The ivadpKuai.'s is
Apollinarists (388, 397, 428), until during the ivavdpih-n-Qji^. To be a full and complete
5th cent, they were absorbed partly by the Redeemer, Christ must be a perfect man
orthodox, partly by the Monophysites. But (TeXe£Oj &vdp(,}ivos'). The spirit or rational
the peculiar Christology of ApoHinaris has soul is the most important element in man.

111' siMt of iiitelligcmc freedom, and of the tradition quoted also by Clement of
.lis redemption as well as the soul and the
I Alexandria (Strom, vi. 5 sub finem) from the
).il\- for sin has corrupted all the faculties.
Apocryphal "Preaching of I'eter " that our
Athanasius, the two t".rej,'ories, Basil, and Lord commanded His apostles not to leave
Ipiplianius combated the ApolUnarian error, Jerusalem for twelve years after His ascension.
)Ut were unpreparctl to answer duly its This wi^)rk of Apollonius was thought suffi-
aain point, that two intesjral persons cannot ciently important by TertuUian to demand
urni one person. The liter orthodox doc- an answer ; bk. vii. of his lost work, de
riiu' surmounted this ditSculty by teaching Ecstasi, was devoted to a refutation of his
lie impersonality of the hunian nature of assertions (Hii-ron. de Vir. III. c. 50). Tille-
hrist, and by making the personality of mont. Hist. Eccl. ii. 426; Bi)nwetsch. Gcsch.
lirist to reside wholly in the Logos. dcs Montanismus (Erlanger, 1881). [e.v.]
.VpoUinarianism opened the long line of Apollonius of Tyana. The life of this
hristological controversies, which resulted in philosopher is related by Philostratus, but
he Chalcedonian symbol. the entire fabulousness of his story is obvious.

luERATUKE. Of the Writings of Apollt- The prodigies, anachronisms, and geographical
.^. TTtpl ffipKibiTfUS. Trffi 7r/(TTfws, TTtpi avaard- blunders, and entire absence of other authority
scird \-60d\eio»'. and other polemical and are fatal to it (see H. Conybeare in the Guard-
_ lical works and epistles, only fragments ian, June 21, 1893, anci Ai)nlloii. Apology,
mam in the answers of Gregory of Nyssa and Acts, etc. Loud. 1894). Philostratus indeed
" the records of cities
"hoodoret, in Leontius Byzant. in the Catenae, claims the authority of

lui in .\ngelo Mai's i^ova Bihlioiheca Patrum, and temples, and Apollonius's epistles to the
. (Rom. 1834) pt. ii. pp. 82-91. Eleans, Dclphians, Indians, and Egyptians " ;

ast ApoUinaris are directed Athanasius's but the cities and temples are nameless.
.<.i Apollinariutn, or rather Trfpi aapKwaews
What, then, can we really be said to know
of Apollonius of Tyana ? That he was born
i\vplov ij.u.CJi' 'I. \. {Opera, ed. Bencd. tom.
at Tyana and educated at Acgae, that he
I't. ii. pp. 921-953). written about 372
professed Pythagoreanism, and that he was
\ith.>ut naming ApoUinaris; Gregory of
celebrated in his day for what were considered
syssa, A670S, dfTipprjTiKos Trpbs ra 'Airo\-
magical arts, are the only facts that rest on
.napiov, first edited by Zaccagni, Rom. 1698,
altogether unexceptionable authority. The
iiid then by Gallandi, .Bji)/. Vet. Patr. vi. 517-
account of his opposition to the Stoic
,77 Basilius M., Ep. 263 (Opera, ed. Ben. t. Euphrates may perhaps also be taken as

ii. pt. ii. 391 sqq.) Epiph. Haer. Ixxvii.

; ;
authentic. His reputation as a magician is
rheod. Fabulae Haer. iv. 8, v. 9. Of the confirmed by the double authority of Moera-
ater literature, cf. especially Petavius, de In- genes and Lucian (Pseudomantis, c. Yet
\artuitione Verbi, i. c. 6 Dorner, History of there are also reasons for believing that he

Zhristology, i. 974-1080; Neander, History,

was more than a mere magician, and even a
334-33^ Schaff, History of the Christian
• ;
philosopher of some considerable insight.
Church, iii. 708-714 Harnack, Dogmengesch. Eusebius (Pracp. Ev. p. 1506) quotes a pas-

I1909), ii. 324-334 Thomasius, Dogmengesch. sage from his book On Sacrifices (with the

I1889), 314 f. Schwaue,

; Dogmengesch. (1895), reservation " Apollonius is said to write as
1:77-283; G. Voisin, L'ApoUinarisme (Paris, follows "), which if really his is certainly re-
I901). markable. All later authorities base their
ApoUontus, M. [CoMMODus.] accounts on the Life by Philostratus except ;

Apollonius of Ephesus, so called on the Origen, who quotes Mocragenes. Hierocles
loubtful authority of the writer of Prae- mentions Maximus of Aegae and Damis, but
iestinatus, ed. by Sirmond, who styles him bp. probably only knew of them through Philos-
!)f Ephesus, but the silence of Eusebius and tratus. We now come to the collection of
jill other earlier testimony makes it difficult to
letters still extant which are attributed to
lay much stress on this statement. He wrote Apollonius. Prof. Jowett (in the D. of G. and
II work in five books against the Cataphrygian K. Biogr.) thinks that part may be genuine
hr Montanist heresy. Fragments of the first but Kayser and Zeller reject them summarily,
hree books are extant in Eusebius (H. E. and most writers on .Apollonius barely mention
18), and contain much that is curious them. Zeller even says that they are obviously
nd valuable with regard to the lives and composed to suit the Life by Philostratus. We
haracters of Montanus, the prophetesses do not think that this opinion can be held by
riscilla and Maximilla, and their followers.
any one who attentively compares the letters
erome also devotes an article to Apollonius. with the biography and we think it probable

'if. Illust. c. 50, in which he calls him durip

that the letters, whether genuine or not, were
Woyifiurraro^, the author of a fj-iya Kal composed before the work of Philostratus, and
Trlaijixou Ttvxos, and quotes him as stating hence form our earliest and best authority
hat .Montanus and his prophetesses hanged respecting Apollonius.
Ihcmselves. The book professes to be written The question arises, Had Philostratus in the
\o years after the commencement of Mon- biography any idea of attacking Christianity
lauus's pretensions to prophesy. Taking for by setting up a rival to Christ ? Hierocles,
he rise of .M<-)ntanism the date given in the at the end of the 3rd cent., was the first person

'•r'>>i»co« of Eusebius (a.d. 172), this would who actually applied the work of Philostratus
ibout A.D. 210 for the date of this work. to this purpose, as is said expressly by Euse-
liius mentions also that Apollonius cites bius, who replied to him. The Deists of the
Revelation of St. John, that he relates the i8th cent., both in France and England, used
iiMiig to life of a dead man at Ephesus by them thus: but whereas Hierocles would admit
lir same John, and that he makes mention the miracles both of Christ and of Apollonius,
Voltaire and Lord Herbert had an equal dis- from Christianity. The Christians were not
belief in both. Naturally, none of these then by any means an unknown sect so well ;

writers held that Philostratus wrote in direct known were they that Alexander Severus
imitation of the Gospels, as it would have (with a singular parallelism to the supposed
marred their point to do so. But equally conduct of Philostratus) placed Christ with
naturally the orthodox writers, beginning Abraham, Orpheus, and Apollonius himself,
with Huet, bp. of Avranches, and coming among his household gods. Secondly, the
down through Paley to our own day, have resemblance to the Gospel histories is in par-
considered Philostratus a direct though con- ticular instances very broad indeed. Tlie
cealed antagonist of Christianity. This view miraculous birth of Proteus, and the circum-
has been opposed in Germany by Meiners, stances attending it; the healing of demoni-
Neander, Buhle, and Jacobs, and in England acal possessions (was the idea of such posses-
by Watson [Contemp. Rev. Feb. 1867). Baur sions in any way familiar to the Greeks ?)
took an intermediate view in his Apollonius the raising of the dead the appearance of

von Tyana unci Christus, Tlibingen, 1832), Apollonius to two of his disciples after his
which in its main outline will we think com- deUverance from Domitian his ascent to

mend itself as by far the most probable ac- heaven, and appearance after his death,
count. According to this view Philostratus these are points of similarity that cannot be
wrote with no strictly polemical reference to evaded and, taken together with the central

Christianity, but, in the eclectic spirit of his idea of the book, they seem to imply that
time, strove to accommodate Christianity to Philostratus consciously borrowed from the
the heathen religion. We are disposed to Gospels. It should be noticed that the very
believe, without attributing to Philostratus striking resemblances between the biography
any formal design of opposing or assimilating of Apollonius and the Gospels are resem-
Christianity, that he was strongly influenced blances in externals the inner spirit is

by its ideas and history. entirely different in the one we find the

The central aim of his biography is to set self-contained philosophic spirit, striking even
forth, not merely wise precepts in the abstract, amid all the rhetoric and tawdry marvels with
but an example of supreme wisdom for which Philostratus has dressed it in the other,;

humanity to imitate. It is not imphed by the spirit of the insufhciency of self.

this that Philostratus considered Apollonius Those who wish to examine the whole
as entirely and necessarily unique among question respecting Apollonius should consult
men but it is implied that he considered
; Baur, op. cit.; Kayser's Philostratus Zeller's ;

him as more than a mere teacher of doctrine, Philosophie der Griechen and the writers

as a pattern to men in his own person, as one noticed above. [j.r.m.]

in whom wisdom and truth were incorporate. Apostolic Fathers. Definition of the Term.—
He wished men to honour Apollonius himself, The adjective Apostolicus (ano<TTo\LKb%) is
and not merely to study or believe certain used to denote either morally or doctrinally
truths delivered by Apollonius. This cannot, accordance with the Apostles', or historically
we think, be doubted by any one who reflects connexion with the Apostles. In this latter'
on the whole tone of the book. Apollonius sense it is especially applied to churches
is called " divine " his disciples stand in
; founded directly by Apostles, or to persons
an altogether different relation to him from associated with and taught by Apostles. The
that in which the disciples of Socrates stand to former are Apostolicae ecclesiae the latter;

Socrates they do not argue with him as

; Apostolici viri, or Apostolici simply. See
equals with an equal they follow him, listen
; especially Tertull. de Praescr. 32, " ut primus
to him, are rebuked by him. His miracles, ille episcopus aliquem ex apostolis vel apos-
again, do not result from his being in posses- tolicis viris, qui tamen cum apostolis persever-
sion of any secret communicable to other men, avit, habuerit auctorem et antecessorem. Hoc
but arise from his own nature and wisdom. enim modo ecclesiae apostolicae census sues
Such a character must remind us, however deferunt sicut Smyrnaeorum ecclesia Poly-
different in some respects, of the Christ of the carpum ab Joanne coUocatum refert, sicut
Gospels. But was any character like this, or Romanonmi Clementem a Petro ordinatum
approaching to this, drawn by any heathen itidem," with the whole context. Cf. also de
writer before Christ ? We think not. Philo-
Praescr. 20, 21 adv. Marc. i. 21, v. 2
; de ;

sophy and magic, the search after knowledge Carn. Chr. 2 de Pudic. 21.
; Hence among
and the search after power, were familiar to the Evangelists, while St. Matthew and St.^
men who had never heard of Christianity John are Apostoli, St. Mark and St. Luke are.

but this ideal is different from either, and from Apostolici {adv. Marc. iv. 2). In accordance
both of them united. Those who affirm that with this usage the term Apostolic Fathers is
Philostratus never thought of the Christian confined to those who are known, or may
history in his work, say that he intended reasonably be presumed, to have associated'
Apollonius as a rival to Pythagoras. But by with and derived their teaching directly from
whom was Pythagoras portrayed as this super- some Apostle. In its widest range it will
human ideal ? Not certainly by any writer include Barnabas, Hernias, Clemens, Ignatius,
of the centuries before Christ. Even Plutarch Polycarp, Papias, and the writer of the epistle
(Numa, c. viii.) does not set him up as an to Diognetus. Some of these fail to satisfy
ideal exemplar. Is it possible that the age of the conditions which alone entitle to a place
Caracalla and Severus, so eclectic, so tradi- among the works of the Apostolic Fathers.
tional, so unoriginal, can of its own mere Thus the " Shepherd" of Hermas has been
motion have gone off into this new and un- placed in this category, because it was sup-
heard-of line? —
unheard of, that is, unless, as posed to have been written by the person oi,
we must, we suppose it to have been borrowed this name mentioned by St. Paul (Rom. xvi.

14; stH' Ori,i;iMi aJ loc. 6S3)

Of>.hut a
iv. ; during his journey. .\ bishop of a loading

more authentic tradition ascribes it to the church, having occasion to send a parrel to
trother of Pius, who was bp. of Rome a little another brotherhood at a distance, takes the
t >re the middle of Jiid cent. {Canon. Murat. opjiortunity of writing, in answer to their
58, ed. Tregelles sec pseudo-Tertull.
; solicitations, a few plain words of advice and
/tn. adv. Marc. iii. 294, in TcrtuU. Of>. ii. instruction. Such is the simple account of
.'. ed. Oehlcr). Thus again the claim of the letters of Clement, Ignatius, and Polycarp
i.'ias to be considered an Apostolic Father respectively.
;s on the supposition that he was a disciple The same forna is preserved in the Ep. of
1 St. John the Evangelist, as Irenaous Barnabas and the letter to Diognctus. But
.ipparently imagines (Haer. v. 33, § 4) but ; the spirit is somewhat different. They are
I Eusebius says that Irenaeus was mistaken, rather treatises clothed in an epistolary dress,
and that the teacher of Papias was not the the aim of the one being polemical, of the other
Apostle St. John, but the presbyter of the apologetic. Herein they resemble Hebrews
same name (H. E. iii. 30). Again, there more than the ICpp. of St. Paul.
is some uncertainty about the Epistle to " The Apostolic Fathers," says de Prcs-
Diogneius. Its claim is founded on an ex- sense, " are not great writers,' but great
pression which occurs in § 11, and which has characters" {Trois Premiers Si^cles, ii. 384).
been interpreted literally as implying that Their stylo is loose there is a want of ar-

the writer was a personal disciple of one or rangement in the topics, and an absence of
other of the Apostles. But in the first place system in their teaching. On the one hand
the context shews that tliis literal interpreta- they present a marked contrast to the depth
tion is out of place, and the passage must be and clearness of conception with which the
explained as follows " I do not make any
: several N.T. writers place before us different
strange statements nor indulge in unreason- aspects of the Gospel, and by which their title
able questionings, but having learnt my to a special inspiration is established. On the
lessons from the .\postles (lit. having become other, they lack the scientific spirit which
a disciple of Ajiostlcs), I stand forward as a distinguished the Fathers of the 4th and 5th
teacher of the nations " and secondly, this
; cents., and which enabled them to formulate
is no part of the Ep. to Diognettts proper the doctrines of the faith as a bulwark against
(§§ i-io), but belongs to a later writing, which unbridled speculation. But though they are
has been accidentally attached to the Epistle, deficient in distinctness of conrejition and
owing to the loss of some leaves in the MS. power of exposition, "this inferiority" to
This latter fact is conclusive. If therefore the the later Fathers " is amply compensated by
Epistle has any title to a place among the a certain naivete and simplicity which forms
Apostolic Fathers, it must be established by the charm of their letters. If they have not
internal evidence and though the internal
; the precision of the scientific spirit, they are
character suggests an early date, perhaps as free from its narrowness." There is a breadth
early as about a.d. 117 (see Westcott, Canon, of moral sympathy, an earnest sense of per-
P- 79), ypt there is no hint of any historical sonal responsibility, a fervour of Christian
connexion between the writer' and the devotion, which is the noblest testimony to
Apostles. Lastly, the so-called Ep. of Bar-the influence of the Gospel on characters
nabas occupies an unique position. If the obviously very diverse, and which will always
writer had been the companion of St. Paul command for their writings a resiic<t to which
who bore that name, then ho would more their literary merits could lay no claim. The
properly be styled, not an " apostolic man," gentleness and serenity of Clement, whose
as he is designated by Clement of Alexandria whole spirit is absorbed in contemplating the
harmonies of nature and of grace
{Strom, ii. 20, p. 489, 6 aTroaroXinds IJaprd/iasX the fiery ;

but an " apostle," as the same Clement else- zeal of Ignatius, in whom the one over-
where styles him {Strom, ii. 6, p. 445 mastering desire of mart>Tdom has crushed
ii. 7, ;

447), in accordance with St. Luke's language all human passion the unbroken constancy

Acts xiv. 14). But if the writer be not the of Polycarp, whose protracted life is spent in
Apostle Barnabas, then we have no evidence maintaining the faith once delivered to the
of any personal relations with the Apostles, saints, —
these are lessons which can never
though such is not impossible, as the Epistle become antiquated or lose their value.
must have been written at some date between Their Relation to the Apostolic Teaching and
the age of Vespasian and that of Nerva. to the Canonical Scriptures. Of the respective —
Three names remain, Clement, Ignatius, and provinces of the Apostolic Fathers, we may
Polycarp, about which there is no reasonable say that Clement co-ordinates the different
ground for hesitation. elements of Christian teaching as left by
All the genuine writings of these three the Apostles and Ignatius consolidates the

Apostolic Fathers arc epistolary in form, structure of ecclesiastical polity, as sketched

modelled more or less after the pattern of the out by them while for Polycarp, whose

Canonical Ei)istles, especially those of St. active career was just begiiming as theirs
Paul, and called forth by pressing temporary ended, and who lived on f(jr more than half
needs. In no case is any literary motive a century after their deaths, was reserved the
prominent. A famous teacher writes in the task of handing down unimpaired to a later
name of the c )mmunity over which he pre- generation the Apostolic doctrine and order
sides to quell the dissensions of a distant but thus co-ordinated and cons(jlidated by his
friendly church. An aged disciple on his elder contemporaries a task for which he —
way to martyrdom pours out a few parting was eminently fitted by his passive and
words of exhortation to the Christian brother- receptive character.
hoods with whom he is brought in contact The writings of these three Fathers lie well
within the main stream of Catholic teaching. principal subject, in five 8vo volumes, in-
They are the proper link between the Canon- cludes Clement, Ignatius, Polycarp. But after
ical Scriptures and the church Fathers of the his death a single vol. was pub. containing re-
succeeding ages. They recognize all the vised texts of all the Apostolic Fathers, with
different elements of the Apostolic teaching, short introductions and Eng. translations.
though combining them in different propor- Apostolici, one of the names adopted by an
tions. " They prove that Christianity was ascetic sect in Phrygia, Cihcia, and Pamphylia.
Catholic from the very first, uniting a variety Their leading principle seems to have been
of forms in one faith. They shew that the the rejection of private property. They are
great facts of the Gospel narrative, and the also said to have resembled Tatian, the
substance of the Apostolic letters, formed Encratites, and the " Cathari " (Novatian-
the basis and moulded the expression of the ists), in that they refused to admit offenders to
common creed " (Westcott, Canon, p. 55). communion, and condemned marriage. They
But when we turn to the other writings for appealed chiefly to the apocryphal Acts of
which a place among the Apostolic Fathers Andrew and of Thomas. They entitled them-
has been claimed, the case is different. Though selves Apotactiri, i.e. " Renuntiants." What i

the writers are all apparently within the pale little is recorded about them, beyond the name, .

of the church, yet there is a tendency to that we owe to Epiphanius (Haer. Ixi. 506-513),

one-sided exaggeration either in the direc- who apparently knew them only by vague
tion of Judaisms or the opposite which — oral report. Their place in his treatise would i

stands on the very verge of heresy. In the naturally assign them to the 3rd cent. and ; i

Ep. of Barnabas and in the letter to Diognetus, they evidently had not ceased to exist in the
the repulsion from Judaism is so violent, that 4th. " Encratites, Saccophori, and Apotac-
one step further would have carried the tites," described together as " an offshoot of '

writers into Gnostic or Marcionite dualism. the Marcionites," are associated with Nova-
On the other hand, in the Shepherd of tianists by Basil in a letter answering queries
Hermas, and possibly in the Expositions from Amphilochius of Iconium (cxcix. can.
of Papias (for in this instance the inferences 47 cf. clxxxviii. can. i), written in 375, when

drawn from a few scanty fragments must be Epiphanius had begun and not completed
precarious), the sympathy with the Old Dis- his work. A law of Theodosius against the
pensation is unduly strong, and the distinctive Manicheans in 381 (Cod. Theod. XVI. v. 7 cf. ;

features of the Gospel are darkened by the II an. 383) alleges that some of these lieretics
shadow of the Law thus projected upon them. endeavoured to evade the existing severe
In Clement, Ignatius, and Polycarp, both legislationby calling themselves " Encratites,
extremes are avoided. Apotactites, Hydroparastatae, or Saccophori."
For the relation of these \vriters to the Any true historical connexion, however,
Canonical Scriptures the reader is referred to between the Apostolici and either the Mar-
the thorough investigation in Westcott's Hist, cionists or the Manicheans is highly improb-
of the Canon, pp. 19-55. It will be sufficient able, [h.]
here to state the more important results: (i) Apphianus, or Appianus, or Amphianus,
The Apostolic Fathers do not, as a rule, quote M., a son of rich parents at " Pagae " (pro-
by name the canonical writings of the N.T. bably Araxas) in Lycia, educated in the
But (2), though (with exceptions) the books schools of Berytus, who being not twenty
of the N.T. are not quoted by name, fragments years old interrupted the governor at Caesarea
of most of the canonical Epistles lie embedded when sacrificing, by an exhortation to desist
in the writings of these Fathers, whose from idolatry, and was, after horrible tortures
language is thoroughly leavened with the
Apostolic diction. In like manner the facts
— e.g. by his feet being wrapped in a tunica
molesla of flax steeped in oil and set on fire
of the Gospel history are referred to, and the finally martyred by drowning, April 11, 306
words of our Lord given, though for the most (Eus. de Mart. Palaest. iv. Syriac Acta, in ;

part not as direct quotations. For (3) there Assemani, Act. Mart. ii. 189 seq.). [a.w.h.]
is no decisive evidence that these Fathers
recognized a Canon of the N.T., as a distinctly Aquila (\'^Kv\as), the author of a translation
defined body of writings though Barnabas of the O.T. into Greek, which was held in

once introduces our Lord's words as recorded much esteem by the Jews and was reproduced
in Matt. xx. 16, xxii. 14, with the usual by Origen in the third column of the Hexapla,
formula of Scriptural citation, " As it is seems to have belonged to the earlier half of
written (ws y^ypatrTaL)." But (4), on the 2nd cent. Little is known regarding his per-
other hand, they assign a special and pre- sonal history beyond the fact that he was,
eminent authority to the Apostles which like the Aquila associated with St. Paul, a
they distinctly disclaim for themselves. This native of Pontus, and probably, according to
is the case with Clement (§§ 5, 7) and Ignatius
the more definite tradition, of Sinope. We
(Rom. 4), speaking of St. Peter and St. Paul learn also from Irenaeus, in whom we find
and with Polycarp f§ 3), speaking of St. Paul the earliest mention of him (adv. Haer.
— the only Apostles that are mentioned by iii. 24), that he was a proselyte to the Jewish

faith —a statement confirmed by Eusebius

name in these writings. (5) Lastly, though
the language of the Canonical Gospels is (Demonst. Evang. vii. i : irpoariXvTOi oe b
frequently not quoted word for word, yet 'AkvXus i)v ov (pvacL 'lovoaTo^), Jerome (Ep. ad
there is no distinct allusion to any apocryphal Painmach. 0pp. iv. 2, p. 255), and other
narrative. [l.] Fathers, as well as by the Jerusalem Talmud
The standard work on
the Apostolic (Megill. f. 71, c. 3 ;Kiddush. f. 59, c. i,

Fathers is by the writer of the above article, where there can be little doubt that
the Akilas
the late bp. Lightfoot. His work on the referred to is to be identified with Aquila).

III thi< rircmnstancc he was i>robably (cf. Phot. Cod. 85) a certain
is frequently called
V.iuila the proselyte." Hegemonius. The disputation and Archelaus
The object of Aqiiila was to furnish a himself seem to be fictitious but the work ;

inslation on which the Jews could relv as affords valuable information respecting the
more accurate rendering of the Hebrew Manichean system (cf. Bardcnhewer, 1008, pp.
h,m that of the Septuapint, which not onlv 208-260). [h.w.I
\,\s in many instances loose and incorrect Arethas, bp. of Caesarea in Cappadoria, and
r Mn the first, but had also in the course Andreas, an earlier archbp. of the same see,
f four centuries undergone change and are so intimately associated as commentators
eruption. With this view he made his on the Book of Revelation, and so little
crsion strictly literal, striving to provide a known otherwise, that thev may most fitly
;rcek equivalent for everv Hebrew word be noticed together. We have no direct in-
iiul particle, in frequent disregard of the formation regarding either, beyond the bare
ules of grammar and of idiom, and with the fact of their common connexion with the see
•esult of often rendering his meaning hardly of Caesarea. The dates at which they flour-
ntelligible to those who were not acquainted ished can only be inferred approximately, and
vith Hebrew (as in Job xxx. i, Kal i'vi> somewhat vaguely, from incidental notices of
'~i^\a<Tav iir' (noi Sp^x^^^ '^"p' «V^ '^^^^ vntpai
persons or of events in their writings. The
question has been most fully discussed by
Ps. xlix. 21, vir^\a^es tcro/xfi'o^ fcrofiai 5uoi6s croi
- rxlix. 6, Kal ^iAxaipa a-rondrwv if x^P'^'-"
Rettig (Die Zeugui'ise des .A ndreas und Arethas
. . in the Theol. Studicn und Kritiken for
Ii'\ He carefully endeavoured even to re-
i'*^.^!. PP- 734 seq.) and his conclusions have

luceHebrew etymologies in Greek, and for been very generally accepted. He has shewn
; lat purpose freely c<->ined new forms (as in by enumerating the succession of bishops in
!'*. xxi. i.^. SwdcTTaiBaa-av SieS-nfJ-aTtaavrd fte Caesarea that the last 30 or 40 years of the
Ts. cxviii. lo, fi^i dyvorj,uaTl<Tris n(). Origen 5th cent, may be assigned to Andreas and
accordingly characterizes him as Sov\(v(x'v ry .\rethas ; and the absence of any reference
ESpaiKV Xe'tft {P.p. ad Afric). and the frag- to later events favours the belief that the
ments of the version which have been preserved work was prepared towards the close of the
amplv bear out the truth of the description. 5th. or in the earlier part of the 6th, cent.
But the excessively literal character of the The commentary of Andreas on the .\po-
work, while impairing its value as a translation calypse (entitled 'YjppL-r^vda fi's ttjc \voKa\x<\piv^

* -r those who were not Jews, renders it all seems to have been the earliest systematic
more valuable as a witness to the state exposition of the book in the Greek church.
:he Hebrew text from which it was made. The statement of R. Simon, Fabricius, Rosen-
.'.i to the nature and value of the version, miiller, and others, that the work belongs to
see Smith's D. B. iii. 1622.) the class of Catenae, is not borne out either by
Several scholars of eminence have recently its form or by the language of the Preface,
maintained that Aquila is to be identified which simply means that he made use of the
not onlv with the Akilas of the Talmud, but materials which he found in the early writers
also with Onkelos, whose name is associ- whom he names, and occasionally quoted
ated with the well-known Targum on the their expressions (irap' Siv 7]/j.fh woWas Xa^ovres
Pentateuch holding that the latter is merely d(popfjids
Kaflujs Iv TL<n tottois
. . xPVCf^^
an altered form of the name, and that the. ToiTwv irapedifMeOa). He wrote, in compliance
Chaldee version came to receive what is now
with the urgent request of persons who had a
its ordinary designation from its being drawn
greater opinion of his judgment than he had
up on the model, or after the manner, of that himself, " to unfold the meaning of the Apo-
of Aquila. The arguments in support of this calypse, and to make the suitable application
view, which appear to have great weight, are
of its predictions to the times that followed
set forth with much clearness and force bv Mr. " [dyaTTTV^ai tt)v 'ATroKd\i'^Lv. Kal ro??
Deutsch in his article on " Versions, Ancient, it
. . .

(Targum)," in Smith's D. B. iii. 1642-1645. HfTo, rrjv ai'Trjs lirTaaiav xpovoi's ((papfioaai to,
The fragments of the version of Aquila n-po(p-i)T€\<dhTa). His method rests on the
first collected by Morinus for the Sixtine distinction of a threefold sense in Scripture
edition of the Septuagint, Rome, 1587, and —
the literal or outward historical (rh ypd/x/xa
subsequently bvDrusius, in his Veierum interp. Kal T) Kar at<jdr)<nv laropia), the tropological or
Grace, in V. T. Fra^menta. Arnb. 1622 —
are moral (17 Tpo-no\oyia (^ aiffOrjT&f inl to. votjto.
more fully gi%-en in the edition of the Hexapla 6dr]you(Ta rbv dvayifwcrKovra), and the mystical
by Montfaucon, Paris 1714, audits abridgment or
speculative (17 tuv nfWovrwu Kal ii\l/T)\o-
by Bahrdt, 1769-1770. A most complete and
Wpajr dvayuyr) Kal Oeupia) the expositor of ;
valuable edition is that bv Mr. Frederick
with the
Field: Oxf. 1867-1870 (see Field, HeraHa the Revelation is chiefly concerned
latter. He divided the text into twenty-four
[1875], xvi-xxvii). The chief questions con-
nected with Aquila are discussed bv Mont- \6yoi corresponding to the four-and-twenty
faucon, and by Hody (de Bibliorum Textihus elders, and 72 Kf<pd\aia, according to the
Originalibus, Oxf. 1705). rw.p.n.l threefold distinction of body, soul, and spirit
Arohelaus. supposed bp. of Carchar (perhaps (24x3 = 72). The exposition contains not
Carrhof Harrom in Mesopotamia). A work is a little that is of value, but it is full of the
attributed to him called Acta Disputalionis fanciful interpretations to which the method
Archel. Ep. Mesop. et Manetis haeresiarcJwe. gave rise. The paucity of MSS. of the Apo-
It is extant in a Latin translation from a calypse renders the text which accompanies
Greek text, but some think the Greek is the commentary of great importance to
derived from a Syriac The author criticism and Bengel was of opinion that the
original. ;
work of Andreas,by directing fresh attention (in Zahn's Forschungen, V. p. 159, and in an
to the book, contributed in no small degree edition published at Erlangen 1894), and it is
to its more frequent use and transcription. not yet agreed whether the Syrian or the Greek
An interesting passage in the Preface, where represents the original. It seems clear that
the writer mentions Papias among the other the Apology was presented, not to Hadrian,
Fathers whose testimony to the inspiration but to Antoninus Pius. The main subject of
of the book rendered it superfluous to enlarge the Apology, which, in the legend, is supposed
on that point, has been much discussed. to be addressed by Barlaam to Josaphat, is

The work of Arethas, again, professes to be that the Christians alone possess the true

a compilation. It is no mere reproduction of knowledge of God. The emperor is invited

the work of his predecessor, although it incor- to consider the conceptions of God among the

porates a large portion of the contents of that various races of mankind, Barbarians and
work, occasionally abridging or modifying the Greeks, Jews and Christians it is then shewn ;

language of Andreas, and often specifying with how the Christians express their belief in their
more precision the sources of his quotations. Uves, and an attractive sketch of Christian
But it contains much derived from other life is given. The Apology has points of con-
soiurces, or contributed by Arethas himself. tact with the Preaching of Peter, with the

The commentary of Andreas was first Shepherd, with the Didache, with Justin
printed in the form of an imperfect and in- Marti.T, and particularly with the Ep. to
accurate Latin version by Peltanus in 1574. Diognetus. Mention is made of the Incarna-
The Greek text was first edited by Sylburg tion of the Son of God through a Hebrew
from a collation of three MSS. in 1596, along maiden and of Christ's return to judgment.
with a reprint of the Latin version. It has The Apology is thus of an interesting and
been several times reissued in connexion with original character. Two other fragments

the works of Chrysostom. The Greek text of exist in Armenian which are ascribed to
Arethas is presented in its fullest and best Aristides, a homily on the cry of the Robber
form by Cramer (in his Catenae Gk. Patrum in and the answer of the Crucified, and a passage
N. T., bxf. 1840) whose valuable additions, from " a letter to all philosophers," but their

furnished chiefly by the Codex Baroccianus, genuineness is doubtful, and F. C. Conybeare,

exhibit the text in' a shape so different from in the Guardian, 1894 (July 18), has she\\-n
that previously printed as to make the latter that in the 5th and 7th cent's, literary frauds
often appear a mere abridgment. [w.p.d.] were often connected with the name of Aris-
Arinthaeus, a general under Valens, with tides and other names of old Christian
whom St. Basil corresponds, and from whom literature. [n.w.]
he seeks protection for a friend in difficulty Aristion, one of the " elders " from whom
{Ep. 179). On his death Basil wTites a letter Papias professed to have derived traditional
of consolation to his widow, in which he information (Eus. H. E. iii. 39), and described
dwells on his remarkable endowments, his by him as a personal follower of our Lord.
striking personal beauty and strength, as Beyond this, there is no trustworthy infor-
well as his lofty character and renown. Like mation about him. The Roman Martyrology
many others in that age, Arinthaeus, though (p. 102, Ven. 1630), apparently referring to the
a devout Christian and a protector of the description just quoted, states on the author-
Church, deferred his baptism till at the point ity of Papias that he was one of the seventy-

of death {Ep. 269). He was consul in the two disciples of Christ. It commemorates his
year 372, and must have died before Basil mart\Tdom at Salamis in Cyprus on Feb. 22,

(a-d. 379)- If the story told by Theodoret the same day as that of Papias at Pergamus.
{H. E. iv. 30) be true, that he was present and Cotelerius conjectures that he may be the
seconded the rebuke administered to Valens Aristo who is given as the first bp. of Smyrna
by the general Trajan in 378 for his persecu- {A post. Const, vii. 45 Harnack, Altchr. Lit.

tion of the Catholics, his death cannot have i. 64; ConyhczTe, in Expositor, i8g:i). [g.s.]
preceded his friend's by many months. For Aristo Pellaeus, the supposed author of a
his mihtary achievements see Tillemont, lost dialogue between Papiscus and Jason,
Empereurs, v. 100. [l.] quoted, without his name, by Origen {cont.
Aristides, of Athens ; mentioned by Euse- CelsHs, iv. 52) and referred to by Eusebius
bius as having presented to the emperor (Hist. Eccl. iv. c. 6, pp. 145, 146) by Moses ;

Hadrian an Apology for the Christians (Hist. ! Chorenensis, in a history of Armenia (bk. ii.
Eccl. iv. c. 3). Jerome also (de Vir. III. c. 20, c. 57); and by Maximus, in his notes on the
and Ep. 83, ad Magnum) mentions him as work de Mystica Theol., ascribed to Dionysius
an Athenian philosopher and a disciple of the Areopagite (c. i. p. 17, ed. Corderii) in
Christ ; and says that his Apology, containing these words, " I have also read the expression
the principles of the faith, was well known. '
seven heavens in the dialogue of Papiscus

But it was lost until, in 1878, the Mechitarists and Jason, composed by Aristo of Pella,
published part of an Armenian translation, the which Clemens of Alexandria in the 6th book
genuineness of which was vindicated by Har- of his Hypot\-poses says was written by St.
nack in Texte und Untersuch. i. i, 2. But in Luke." This testimony is the only one con-
1 89 1 J. Rendel Harris and J. .\rmitage Robin- necting the name of Aristo with the dialogue,
son (now Dean of Westminster) published and though doubt has been thrown on its
in Texts and Studies, I. i., a complete Syrian trustworthiness by its strange assertion that
translation from the Codex Sinait. Svr. 16, Clement attributed the work to St. Luke,
and shewed that the greater part of the Maximus is far less likely to be in error when
Apology was found in Greek in the legend of simply giving the name of an author than
Barlaam and Josaphat. These texts have when repeating another's words. Jason, a
been carefully discussed, especially by Seeberg i
Jewish Christian, argues so conclusively that

the Messianic prophecies arc fullilleil in our could only postpone the controversy, and
id that his opponent, the J e\v Papiscus, begs that its resumption was therefore only a
he baptized. question of time. For the synod of Antioch
We cannot fix the date of this dialogue, which condemned Paul of Samosata had ex-
, ept that it must have been written before pressed its disapproval of the word o^oovaiotin
time of Celsus, i.e. before the middle of one sense. The bp. (.Alexander) of Alexandria
2nd cent.
; and, if .\risto be its author, (c. 320) undertook its defence in another.
w. see from Eusebius (I.e.) that he lived after The character of Arius has been severely
ilif destruction of Jerusalem. It is referred assailed by his opponents. Alexander, bp. of
t '
in a pseudo-Cyprianic Ep. Hartd. 0/>/». .Alexandria, in a letter to Alexander of Con-
( \pr. iii. p. 119. If Maximus's information stantinople, describes it in very unfavourable
be correct, Clement's belief that St. Luke was terms.

But in those days it was customary
the writer of the Dialogue shews at least that to mingle personal attacks with religious con-

it must have been commonly assigned to a troversies. Arius appears to have been a man
\ rry early date (Rmith, Rel. Sac. i. cii-ioq
; of ascetic character, pure morals, and decided
ll.irnack,' .-!//. Chr. Lit. i. 92 95-97). [s.M.] convictions. It has been stated that his
Arius Aptios) the heresiarch was born in action was largely the result of jealousy on
Africa — (

the locality is disputed in a.d. 256. account of his having been a candidate for
the patriarchal throne of Alexandria, when
l:i his early days he was a pupil of Lucian of

Aiitioch, a celebrated Christian teacher, and a Alexander was elected to it. But the best
martyr for the faith. By some Arius is said early authorities arc doubtful on the point.
ti have derived his heresy from Lucian (see He had no doubt a disproportionate number
l.iciAN-rs, 12). This statement is made in of female supporters, but there seems no
a letter written by Alexander, bp. of Alex- ground for the insinuation of Alexander of
I andria. to bp. Alexander of Constantinople. Alexandria, in the above-mentioned letter,
The object of the letter is to complain of that these women were of loose morals.
the errors .\rius was then diffusing. The There appears, however, more foundation for
writer says of Lucian that he lived for the charge that -Arius allowed the songs or

many years out of communion with three odes contained in the book called Thalcia —
bishops (Theod. Eccl. Hist. i. 4). But the which he wrote after his first condenmation,


' charge is somewhat vague in itself; it is un- in order to popularize his doctrine to be set
supported by other authority, and Alexander's to tunes which had gross and infamous associa-
language, like that of most controversialists in tions. Nor can he be acquitted of something
past days, is not a little violent. Moreover, like a personal canvass of the Christian popu-
Lucian is not stated, even by Alexander him- lation in and around Alexandria in order to
self, to have fallen into the heresy afterwards further his views.
promulgated by Arius, but is accused generally The patriarch of Alexandria has also been
— rather ad invidiam, it would seem — of the subject of adverse criticism for his action
heretical tendencies. The question of the exact against his subordinate. He too, like his pre-
nature of the relation between the Father decessor Dionysius, has been charged with
and the Son had been raised some 50 years vacillation in his treatment of Arius. Yet it
before the Nicene controversy arose. Biit the is difficult to see how he could have acted
discussion of it at that time had been in- otherwise than he did. The question, as we
sufficient and unsatisfying. So far as the have seen, had been left unsettled two gener-
I earlier controversy could be said to have been ations previously, or, if in any sense it could be
decided, it was decided in favour of the said to have been settled, it had been settled
opinions afterwards held bv Arius. But so in favour of the opponents of the Homoousion.
unsatisfactory was that settlement that the Therefore Alexander allowed the contro\ersy
reopening of the question sooner or later was to go on until he felt that it was becoming
practically unavoidable, especially in an dangerous to the peace of the church. Then
atmosphere so intellectual as that of Alex- he called a council of bishops (about 100 in
andria. The reason of the deposition of number), and sought their advice. They de-
Paul of Samosata in a.d. 269 was his cided against Arius. Alexander then delayed
agreement with those who had used the no longer. He acted with resolution as well
word ofiooi'ffiot to express the relation of the as promptitude, deposed Arius from his office,
Father and the Son. The expression was at and repelled both him and his supporters from
that time thought to have a Sabellian ten- communion. Then he wrote (the letters are
dency, though, as events shewed, this was extant) to Alexander of Constantinople and
on account of its scope not having been satis- Eusebius of Nicomcdia (where the emperor
factorily defined. In the discussion which was then residing), detailing the errors into
then arose on the question, Dionysius, bp. of which Arius had fallen, and complaining of the
I Alexandria, had used much the same language danger to the Christian church arising from his
as Arius afterwards held, and a c )rrcsp()iulence heresy. It is clear, from Arius's own letter
is extant in wliich Dionysius of Rome blames (also extant) to Eusebius of Nicomcdia, that

his brother of Alexandria for using such lan- Alexander's charges against Arius were in no
Dionysius of Alexandria withdrew, way unfair. The question, as the event has

or perhaps rather explained (see .-Vthan. de shewn, was a vital one, and plainly called for
Decret. Syn. Nic. c. 25), the expressions com- an authoritative decision. Arius taught (i)

Clained of, and posterity has been inclined to that the Logos and the Father were not of the
lame him for vacillation. Whether this accu- same oiVi'a (essence) ; (2) that the Son was a
sation be just or not, it is quite clear that the created being (Krtfffia or Troirj/xa) ; and (3)
position in which a question of such supreme that though He was the creator of the worlds,
importance was left by the action of Dionysius and must therefore have existed before them
and before —
time, there was Arius refused
all bfvrepo^ (or Sevrepiiuv) Oeoi. Origen (see

to use such terms as XP^^°^ or aiwv when He his de Principiis, I. ii. 6, 12) had also made
did not exist. The subsequent controversy use of expressions which favoured Arius's
shews that the absence of the words xp^^os or statement that the Logos was of a different
alcbv was a mere evasion, and that when de- substance tothe Father, and that He owed His
fending himself he argued in just the same existence to the Father's will. But it is not
manner as though he had used those words. sufficiently remembered that the speculations
Moreover, he asserted that the Logos had an of Origen should be regarded as pioneer work
in theology, and that they were often hazarded
°-PXV (beginning) yet not only Athanasius,
in order to stimulate further inquiry rather

but Origen before him, had taught that the

than to enable men to dispense with it. This
relation of the Son to the Father had no
explains why, in the Arian, as well as other
beginning, and that, to use Corner's words
controversies, the great authority of Origen is
{Person of Christ, ii. 115), "the generation of
so frequently invoked b}' both sides.
the Son is an eternally completed, and yet an
eternally continued, act " i.e. the Father has,
The Christian church had by this time
so powerful a force in the Roman

from all eternity, been communicating His

world that Constantine, now sole emperor,
Being to the Son, and is doing so still.
found himself unable to keep aloof from the
Arius was obviously perplexed by this doc-
trine, for he complains of it in his letter to the
controversy. He was the less able to do so
in that he had himself been brought up under
Nicomedian Eusebius, who, like himself (see
above), had studied under Lucian, in the
Christian influences. [Constantine.1 He
therefore sent the venerable Hosius, bp. of
words, deiyevvri^ ecrriv dyevvTjToyevrji icrrlv. It
Cordova, a man who had suffered cruelly on

is unquestionably to be lamented that so much

behalf of his faith, on a mission to Egypt, with
stress should have been laid in the contro-
instructions to put an end, if possible, to the
versy on words which, when used, not popu-
controversy. But as it continued to rage,
larly, but in metaphysical discussions, had a
Constantine took a step hitherto unprece-
tendency to confound the eternal generation
dented in Roman history. Republican Rome
of the Son with the purely physical process of
course had her free institutions, and the
of the generation of men and animals. The Christian church had been accustomed to
latter is a single act, performed at a definite
determine matters of faith and practice in
moment in time. The former is a mysterious, her local assemblies. But anything like a
eternal pr'^cess, for ever going on. Had the council of delegates, summoned from all parts
defenders of the Nicene doctrine made more of the empire, had been hitherto unknown.
general use of the terra communication of Such an assembly Constantine determined to
Being, or Essence, they would have made it
call together. All the secular dioceses into
clearer that they were referring to a continual
which the empire had been for some time
and unchangeable relation between the First divided, Britain only excepted, sent one or
and Second Persons in the Trinity, which bore more representatives to the council. The
a very slight analogy indeed to the process
majority of the bishops came from the East, but
which calls inferior creatures into existence.
there was, nevertheless, an imposing display of
Moreover, Arius contended that the Son was
men of various races and languages. Sylvester
unchangeable (ctrpeTrros). But what he thus of Rome, himself too aged to be present,
gave with the one hand he appears to have sent two presbyters as his delegates. The
taken away with the other. For so far as we object of the council, it must be remembered,

can understand his language on a subject
which even Athanasius seems to have admitted
was not to pronounce what the church ought
to believe, but to ascertain as far as possible
to have been bevond his power thoroughlv to
what had been taught from the beginning. It

comprehend he taught that the Logos was was indeed a remarkable gathering. There
changeable in Essence, but not in Will. The was not only as good a representation of race
best authorities consider that he was driven to
and nationality as was possible under the
this concession by the force of circumstances. circumstances, but the ability and intellect of
[See art. Arius, Followers of.] He was the church were also well represented. There
doubtless confirmed in his attitude by his was Eusebius of Nicomedia, the astute poli-
fear of falling into Sabellianism [Sabellius], tician and man of the world. There was also
which practically represented the Logos as a the renowned Eusebius of Caesarea, a sound
sensuous emanation of the Godhead for the theologian, and perhaps the most well-in-
purpose of carrying out the work of salvation, formed, careful, impartial, and trustworthy
or else as a purely subjective human concep-
ecclesiastical historian the church has ever
tion of certain aspects of the Divine Being
possessed. Alexander, patriarch of Alexan-
not as an eternal distinction subsisting objec- dria, was also a man of mark. And, young as
tively in the Godhead itself. Arius, while he was, the great Athanasius was already a
opposing the Sabellian view, was unable to host in himself, from his clearness of insight
see that his own view had a dangerous ten- into the deepest mysteries of our religion.
dency to bring back Gnosticism, with its long And beside these there were men present who
catalogue of aeons. Macedgnics, who had
to a certain extent imbibed the opinions of
manifested the power of faith the brave—
" confessors," as they were called, whose faces
Arius, certainly regarded the Son and the and limbs bore evident traces of the sufferings
Spirit in much the same light in which the they had undergone for their Master. Nor
Gnostic teachers regarded their aeons. Yet could any one object that it was a packed
Arius undoubtedly derived some support assembly. The emperor did his best to secure
from the dangerous language of Origen, who an honest selection and an honest decision.
had ventured to represent the Logos as a The council met (325) at Nicaea, in Bithynia,

,T t<Mvii soino importance, on the Soa of after "was Incarnate" (i.e. n\M\v flesh

Marmora, near Constaiitiuople. The munberof (xapKuO^vTa—a phrase which was felt to be

I'ishops present is variously stated at from 250 insutVicient and even misleading by itself).
to 318. But the latter number, as typified The anathema which was also added embraces
by the number of Abraham's servants when those who deny that the Son and the Father

he rescued Lot, was generally accepted before were of one ovala or vir6eTa<m, as well as
the council of Constantinople. No Acts of the those who say that there was a time when the

council are extant. In the writings of two men Son did not exist, or that He was created from
.'t note who were present, Athanasius, then a nothing, or that He was liable to change or
vcmng deacon of about 28 years old, and the alteration. At this stage of the controversy the
already celebrated and learned Eusebius of words otV/a (essence) and virdaraais (substance)
Caesarea, we have accounts of what hap- were used as synonymous. It will be seen
pened. Moreover, well-informed and honest, [art. Arius, Followers of] that Basil and the
if sometimes more or less inaccurate, historians
Gregories afterwards wrung from Athanasius
h.jve studied and handed down documents of a concession on this point. Athanasius had
i;reat value, bearing on the proceedings. warmly attacked Arius for asserting that there
Constantine himself was present at the were three hypostases in the Trinity. But at
council. At first he refused to take part in the later date it was agreed that the word
its deUbcrations, or even to take a seat until
otVi'a might be used to denote what was
invited. But he afterwards departed from
that humble attitude, if some of our author-
common to all three Persons, and i'Tr6(7ra(Tis
to denote the distinctions (which wc call Per-
ities are to be trusted, and when he found
sons) between them. For the present, however,
difficulties arising, did his best to remove them
liy joining in the discussions. At the outset any distinction between ovala. and virdnraan
he administered a well-merited rebuke to the was considered heretical. The council then
bishops for the spirit in which many of them broke up, after having addressed a letter to
had come to the council. Producing a num- the churches in and around .Mexandria.
ber of recriminatory letters from those who Constantine issued a circular letter to the same
were present, he called for a brazier, and burnt eflfect. Arius, Theonas, and Secundus were de-
them all before the assembly, begging the posed and banished, while three other bishops,
bishops to lay aside their personal animosities, who had displayed leanings toward Arius,
and to devote themselves whole-heartedly to namely Eusebius of Nicomedia, Theognis of
setting forth the truth. The question next Nicaea itself, and Maris of Chalcedon, a city
arose, in what form the universal belief of the on the Asiatic shore opposite Constantinople,
church from the beginning should be ex- were unwilling signatories of the document,
pressed. This, of course, was the crux of the but affixed their signatures in deference to the
whole situation. Hitherto particular churches emperor's wishes. Eusebius of Caesarea de-
had their own forms of creed (ttiVtis) for use scribes himself, in a letter to some Arians who
at baptisms and in catechetical instruction.
had accused him of tergiversation, as having
There was no substantial difference between demurred to the changes in the creed which
them, consisting as they did of a confession of he had himself presented, but as having finally
faith in the Trinity, as well as a summary of
accepted them in the interests of peace (Theod.
the main facts recorded in the gospels. But H. E. i. 12, from Athan. de Decret. Syn. Nic).
now a dogmatic formula for Christendom had That the apparent unanimity of the coimcil
to be drawn up, a task full of difficulty and (Secundus and Theonas of Lower Egypt being
even of danger. Some few of the bishops, the only dissentients) covered a considerable
we learn, apparently under the leadership of amount of divergent opinion is indisputable.
Eusebius of Nicomedia, presented a document Doubts of the wisdom of employing a term
so frankly Arian that it was at once torn to which had been rejected at an important
pieces by those present, and Arius was ex- council as savouring of Sabellianism weighed
communicated by all but Theonas and on the minds of many who had submitted.
Secundus. Then, as it seems, the famous Eusebius of Caesarea has been charged by
scholar and ecclesiastical historian Eusebius many later writers as having coquetted with
of Caesarea intervened, and produced a Pales- Arianism. But his moderate attitude through-
out the period which followed proves that his

tinian Creed, which he said he had received

from " the bishops before him." He adds objections to the decision, which he allowed
that " no one present could gainsay " the his love of peace to overrule, were more owing
orthodoxy of this creed. to the dread of possible consequences than
This statement
must, however, be taken with some limita- to the decision in itself. Though a man of
tions. The Palestinian Creed could only, if ability, learning,and honesty, he was timorous
accepted, have been accepted as a basis for withal, and desirous to stand well with the
discussion. It was not ultimately adopted in
powers that be. And his allusion to the pro-
the shape in which it was propounded, but ceedings at Nicaea in the letter just mentioned
underwent considerable alteration. The sen- shews that his apprehensions were not alto-
gether unreasonable. For he remarks how it
tence ytvvr^OivTo. tK Tov narpos fiovoyevij was
made definitely TovrfaTiv (k t^j oi'cri'as tov was
elicited after considerable discussion at
the council that the term ofxoovaLOv was not
Harpot. Further on, the words bfj-oouaiov tu> intended to signify that the Son formed an
Warpl were added after the words " be-
actual portion [fxipos] of the Father. That
gotten, not made." And the word ivavdpijnrr)- would have been Sabellianism pure and simple,
ffavTa, which means rather more than "
made a danger against which it was necessary to
man," and implies an intimate association of guard. And much of the dissension to which
the Godhead with the Manhood, was added the adoption of the creed of Nicaea led was
due to this very natural apprehension. But the front, and wrote strongly against Marcellus,
Eusebius emphatically condemned the lan- while the latter sturdily defended himself.
guage of Arius, and there is no reason whatever The actual condemnation of Marcellus was
to suspect his sincerity in so doing. On the deferred till 336, and in the meantime Eusebius
other hand, Athanasius was convinced— and of Nicomedia had commenced proceedings

the event proves that he was right that un- against the only rival he really dreaded,
He had, as we have seen,
less the Essence of the Son was definitely Athanasius himself.
understood to be the same as that of the contrived the restoration of Arius to the
Father, it would inevitably follow that the emperor's favour by inducing the latter to
Sc>n would at best be no more than the highest write an insincere retractation, and when the
of a series of Gnostic aeons. As to Eusebius emperor, deceived by this manoeuvre, laid his
of Nicomedia, it is clear that Constantine commands on Athanasius to readmit Arius
found some reason to suspect his sincerity, as to communion, Athanasius, naturally, pleaded
well as that of Theognis and Maris, for he soon reasons of conscience against doing so. Then
after included them in the sentence pro- the storm burst forth in all its fulness. The
nounced on Arius. Philostorgius says that accusations of treason against the emperor
Secundus and Theonas predicted that this and the insinuations that the patriarch wished
would happen when they themselves had been to set up an empire of his own against or
sentenced to banishment. Possibly expressions above the supreme authority of the divine
fell from them in the heat of argument which Augustus had certainly some effect on the
led Constantine to the conclusion that their mind of Constantine. Charges were made
submission was not genuine. of sacrilege, tyranny, magic, mutilation,
It must be confessed that the Nicene settle- murder, of immorality (as some allege), and,
ment, though necessary in itself and satis- worst of all in the emperor's eyes, of raising
factory in the end, was at least premature. funds for treasonable objects. They were in-
The controversy recommenced as soon as the vestigated (if the scenes of violence and passion
decrees were promulgated. When Alexander which took place can be termed an investiga-
died at Alexandria in 327, the election of tion) at a synod of 150 bishops at Tyre (335).
Athanasius in his place was only secured The triumphant vindication of himself by
in the face of violent opposition from the Athanasius at that council, the dramatic
Arianizing faction. Soon after, Eusebius of scenes with which that vindication, according
Nicomedia was reinstated in his see, after to some historians, was accompanied, and the
having written a diplomatic letter to the equally dramatic appeal from his accusers to
emperor. Arius, who had taken refuge in Constantine himself in the streets of Con-
Palestine, was also soon permitted to return, stantinople (which all the accounts describe
after having made a somewhat disingenuous as having taken place), belong rather to the
recantation. So astute a politician as the history of Athanasius than of Arius. [Athan-
Nicomedian Eusebius was not long before he asius.] Suffice it to say that the bold and
regained his influence with the emperor, and decisive action, backed by innocence, of the
then began a series of intrigues which led to great archbishop only succeeded in deferring
a complete reversal of the position of the his fall. The synod of Tj're had already
contending parties. Eustathius of Antioch, issued a condemnation while he was on his
one of the staunchest adherents of Athana- way to Constantinople in order to appeal to
sius, was the first victim. The question the emperor. The emperor, for the moment,
of heterodoxy was skilfully kept in the back- was struck and touched by the appeal and
ground, and a number of false and odious by the commanding personality of Athan-
personal charges were trumped up against asius. But Eusebius proved ultimately to be
him by men and women of abandoned lives. master of the situation. With consummate
If Theodoret is to be trusted, one of the dexterity the wily tactician, with the aid of
women aforesaid, when seized by a serious Theognis and Maris, his old associates, as well
illness, retracted her accusation in a remark- as of the arch-intriguers Ursacius and Valens,
ably sensational manner. But the other his- of whom we shall hear so much in the next
torians (Socrates and Sozomen) are reticent article, contrived that the old charges of
about the nature of the charges, and only tell ecclesiastical offences should be dropped, and
us that Eustathius had been unfortunate that fresh charges of interference with the
enough to get involved in a controversy secular affairs of the empire should be sub-
with Eusebius PamphiU (of Caesarea). Eusta- stituted for them. Accordingly, Athanasius
thius was at once ejected from his see, and was now charged with detaining the corn
was regarded by the emperor as having been which was ordered to be sent from Egypt to
the cause of the riot his expulsion excited Constantinople. The artifice succeeded. Con-
among the people, with whom Eustathius was stantine was weary of the strife. His only
a favourite. Marcellus of Ancyra was the object had been the settlement of the question.
next victim. He had all along been the friend The shape which that settlement took was to
and champion of Athanasius. But unfor- him a secondary matter. He had, as he him-
tunately he was not at home in the thorny self tells us (see his letters to Alexander and
paths of metaph^'sical theology, and found it Arius in the Life of Constantine by Eusebius
impossible to defend the Nicene decisions Pamphili), a strong objection to idle and word-
without falling into Sabellianism. There was splitting discussions, private or public, and
no need, therefore, for the Arianizers to bring considered them unnecessary and unprofitable.
personal charges against him. Accordingly The measures he had been persuaded to take
few, if any such, were brought. He was at Nicaea had not produced the effect which
charged, and quite fairly, with Sabellianism. he had expected from them. So, like other
On this point Eusebius Pamphili came safely to despots in a similar position, he turned fiercely

n those who had induced him to adopt tlu-iii. cont.iin very valuable informalii>ii, as does
riiat it was Atliaiiasiiis wlio had advocated the also Dorners learned and impartial treatise
iiRMSiires whidi had so palpably failed needed On the Person of Christ. Bp. Martenscn's
no deiuonstratiou. So he was exiled to Trier History of Christian Doginatics is also valuable ;
rrcves), after a number of leading; bishops Ciibboii's Decline and Fall is useful in giving
had been assembled at Constantinople to try us the secular view of the period. Bp. Kaye's
him, and Alexander of Constantinople was Council of Xicaca will be found worth reading.
rdered to receive Arius back into church De Broglie's L'Eglise et I'Emf^ire romain au
..>minunion. But Ciod had otherwise or- IV' sic-cle is full of information. Newman's
dained. Alexander was in dire perplexity. .irians of the Fourth Century is marred by some
He dared not disobey the command, neither prejudices and prept)Ssessions. Dean Stanley's
dare he obey it. In his extremity lie asked the acct)unt of the Nicene council in his Eastern
prayers of the orthodox that either he or Arius Church will be found more picturesque than
might be removed from the world before accurate. Prof. Gwatkin's Studies of Arian^
the latter was admitted to communion. The ism is, as its title implies, rather a series
praver was, we must admit, a strange one. of sketches than a detailed history, but
But even tiibbon records the incident as a fact, contains a vast amount of original research,
though he makes it the occasion for one of his illuminated by flashes of insight into the char-
characteristic gibes at Christianity and Christ- acters and motives of the principal actors in
ians. Meanwhile, as the historian Socrates the controversy, and gives an exhaustive bib
tells us, Arius was ordered to appear before the liography. His Arian Controversy is a brief
emperor, and asked whether he was willing to summary for popular use. There is a valuable
sign the Nicene decrees. He replied, without article in Texts and Studies, vol. vii. (1901), by
hesitation, that he was ready to do so. Asked Mr. Bethune Baker on "The Meaning of Homo-
whether he would confirm his signature by an ousios in the Constantinopolitan Creed." His
oath, he agreed to do this also. This last fact Introduction to the Early Hist, of Christian
Socrates declares {H. E. i. 38) that he had Doctrine (1903) will be found useful, as will the
verified by an inspection of the imperial art. " Arianism" in Hastings's Encyd. of Re-
archives. The very day before the one ap- ligion and Ethics, i. (1908). Harnack, Wj's/. 0/
pointed for his readmission to communion, Dogma (Hng. trans. 1894-1899), gives the
Arius died suddenly, and in a most remark- modern C.erman view. [j-J-L.]
able manner. Whether his death can be Arius, Followers of. After the deaths of
described as a miracle or not may be dis- Arius and Constantine we enter on a tangled
puted. It seems preferable to attribute it to web of controversy which lasted from a.d. 336
natural causes. But that the event was one to 381, when the question was finally decided
of the numerous occasions in history when we by the acceptance of the Nicene Creed at the
are compelled to recognize a Divine inter- council of Constantinople. This period of
position can hardly be doubted. The extra- confusion is due to the change of conditions
ordinary occurrence made a vast impression under which the contest was carried on. For
throughout Christendom. The heresiarch a time the division of the empire between
had only been able to obtain the decree for three Augusti contributed an additional ele-
readmission to communion by a feigned ment of uncertainty to the conflict. Yet when
adherence to the Nicene symbol. His posi- the deaths of the j-ounger Constantine and his
tion was, therefore, in the eyes of Christendom brother Constans left the whole empire for
one of gross and palpable deception nothing— eleven years in the hands of Constantius,
less than an act of glaring and defiant impiety. matters were scarcely less involved. Con-
Socrates tells us that in his time, a century stantius, though by no means devoid of
afterwards, the place where he died was still ability, as his success in maintaining his un-
pointed out. Athanasius himself describes divided authority against such rebellions as
the incident (d^ Morte Arii). There are there- those of Magnentius and Vetranio proves, was
fore few facts in history more fully attested. far inferior to his father in clearness of vision
The tragic death of Arius, followed as it was a and breadth of aim. The great Constantine
year later by that of Constantine himself, led himself was not altogether inaccessible to
to a temporary lull in the controversy. The flattery and family influences. His sister
sequel will be found in the next article. Constantia is credited with having prevailed
Bibliography. —
(i) Ancient. The writings upon him to allow Eusebius of Nicomedia and
of Athanasius generally, especially his de In- Arius to return from exile. But her influence
carnatioue Verbi Dei and de Decretis Synodi was still more strongly felt in the next reign,
Nicenae; the Vita Constantini of Eusebius and after the death of the astute and able
Pamphili; and the ecclesiastical histories of Eusebius of Nicomedia, mere intriguers, such
Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret. Of these as Ursacius and Valens, and even the worth-
the first is the best, though the documents less eunuchs about the court, were able to
cited at length by Theodoret are valuable. persuade the emperor into unreasonable and
English translations of these authors, save of tortuous courses, of which jealousy of the
quite recent date, are by no means implicitly great Athanasius formed in reality the secret
to be trusted, especially as to metaphysical motive. Amid all the distractions of the
terms. The ecclesiastical history of Philo- time, three main stages may be marked in the
storgius, which would give us the Arian point progress of the controversy. The first con-
of view, is unfortunately only known to sisted of the six years between the death of
us through a hostile epitome by Photius, Constantine and the council of Sardica (343)-
patriarch of Constantinople in 9th cent. During this period the attitude of all the
(2) Of comparatively modern works the various parties save those who adhered to
church histories of Neander and Gieseler the Nicene symbol is most perplexing, and
the changes of opinion most bewildering. knowledge of Church history, as well as the
Court intrigue occupies a prominent place in experience and judgment, of his celebrated
the history. Yet it gradually became clear, as predecessor. Athanasius fled to Rome, and
far as tlie march of opinion was concerned, thus brought its bishop Julius on the scene.
that the West was irrevocably attached to Julius acted with spirit and discretion. He
the views of Athanasius, while in the East summoned a synod of 50 bishops of the
opinion was divided and variable, and the West, who annulled the deposition of
court influence grew more decisive on the Athanasius, and acquitted him of all the
progress of events in proportion as the power charges against him. He further trans-
of Constantius increased. The second period mitted to Antioch a strong remonstrance
was that between the councils of Sardica and against the inconsistency and unfairness of
Ariminum (Rimini, in Italy) in 359, during the proceedings at the council held there.
which opinion was gradually setthng down into The Eastern bishops, however, were not to be
three distinct forms, which may be roughly de- deterred from their course by his representa-
scribed as the orthodox, the semi-Arian, and tions. At the council held at the dedication
the Arian view. The last period, that between (encaenia) of a church at Antioch in 341, the
359 and 3S1, is that during which Homoean- sentence on Athanasius was confirmed, and
ism and Anomoeanism (see below) became after the rejection of a creed of distinctly
gradually discredited, while Homoiousians and Arian tendencies, a new creed, either com-
orthodox approximated by degrees, until the posed by Lucian the Martyr or by his disciple
final victory of the Nicene symbol at Con- Asterius, was brought forward as a substitute
stantinople. The ferment of opinion may be for the symbol of Nicaea. It rejected the
gauged by the fact that the historian Socrates expression bixoovcriov, but it as emphatically
gives no less than ten forms of creed eleven rejected Arianism by declaring the Son to be
if we count that presented at Nicaea by Euse- unchangeable and unalterable, and by adding

bius of Caesarea which were produced at that He was " the Image of the essence,
the power, the will, and the glory of the
various councils in hope of settling the con-
troversy. But the Nicenes remained firmly Father." But Eusebius had not thrown over
attached to the creed of Nicaea, while their the symbol of Nicaea for such a halting sub-

opponents were divided into three groups the stitute as this. On the other hand, Athan-
Anomoeans, or Arians proper, who taught the asius did not fail to point out that the language
unlikeness of the nature of the Son to that of of the creed of Lucian was not more that of
the Father ; the Homoeans, who believed the Scripture than was the language of the creed
Son's nature to bear only a general resem- of Nicaea. The court party, whose object
blance to that of the Father; and the Homoi- was simply to produce a formula which would,
ousians, who believed in the similarity (but as they thought, meet. the emperor's views by
not the identity) of the essence of the Son to putting a stop to controversy, endeavoured to
that of the Father. These last are also called force another creed on the council, but in vain.
semi-Arians. This additional creed was a compromise pure
The first important step in the history of and simple, enshrining no truth, although in
the controversy after the death of Arius form corresponding as nearly to the Nicene
was the return of Athanasius to his diocese formula as possible. Its supporters then put
(337) permitted by Constantine II., in the document into the hands of Constans,
whose division of the empire Egypt lay. emperor of the West, who had demanded the
But he was not suffered to remain long un- assembling of another general council. The
molested. In 340 Constantine II. died, and West had been roused by the proceedings at
Eusebius of Nicomedia, the ablest of Athan- Antioch, and Constantius, now engaged in a
asius's antagonists, contrived to get himself war with Persia, dared not refuse. The able
removed to Constantinople after the death of leader of the dissentients, however, Eusebius
the bishop, Alexander. His proximity to the of Nicomedia, was now dead, and the leader-
emperor secured to him the leading influence ship had fallen into the hands of Ursacius
in affairs ecclesiastical. The orthodox party and Valens, who were mere opportunists. To
had elected Paul as their bishop, but Eusebius their dismay and that of their party, it was
contrived to get this election annulled, and settled that the council should be held at
to secure the vacant post for himself. He Sardica, in Dacia, just within the limits of the
" left no stone unturned," as the historian Western empire. Thither, in 343, the de-
Socrates puts it, to overthrow one whom he puties repaired. But the courtiers perceived
had long regarded as a rival. A council was that there was no chance whatever of forcing
assembled at Antioch (33S-339), in which the their views upon a phalanx consisting, as it
old charges were revived against Athanasius, is now thought, of about 100 Western bishops
and which confirmed his sentence of deposi- devoted to the decisions of Nicaea. So they
tion from his see. Athanasius was expelled left Sardica in haste, and betook themselves
in the spring of 339 and after a third Eusebius
; to Philippopolis, a city just across the Eastern
(afterwards bp. of Emesa), a man of principle border. There, after declaring that the de-
and character, had declined to take his place, crees of one council cannot be revised by
one Gregory was appointed, who speedily another, they began inconsistently to revise
became unpopular in consequence of his the decrees of former councils, and to hurl
violence and cruelty. Eusebius Paraphili of charges against the venerated Fathers of the
Caesarea, who would undoubtedly, had he West, Hosius and Juhus. The Westerns at
survived, have been a moderating force, died Sardica, meanwhile, had once more acquitted
about this time, and was succeeded hy Acacius, Athanasius and his alhes, and had rejected the
who played a prominent part in the sub- Eastern formulae, as leaning to the Gnostic
sequent proceedings, but lacked the special doctrine of successive emanations from the

source of all being. Tho proceedings at was decidedly disijuii tiiij;. Tlu> Western
Fhiiippopulis and the outrageous conduct of church had found a ntw champion in
Stephen, then patriarch of Antioch, gave Hilaryof Poictiers (HilariusPictavensis), wlu)se
offence even in the East, and the decision of ability, learning, and high character were
the Western bishops to hold no communion recognized by his own contemiioraries. Con-
I with their Eastern brethren while the existing stantius shewed his sense of his abilities
state of things lasted produced a reaction. by exiling liini, as well as l.iberius, bp. of
Another council was held at Antioch, and a Rome, who had succeeded Julius (355). Early

new and more conciliatory creed, usually in 356 the imperial troops burst into the
I called naKfidcTTixoi, from its exceeding length, cathedral at Alexandria to seize Athanasius,
was substituted for the Lucianic document. who was at prayer with his flock. It was
As Constans pressed for the restoration of night, and Athanasius almost miraculously
Athanasius, and Constantius had the war escaped in the tumult, and remained secreted
with Persia still on hand, the latter gave way, for some time. From his undiscovered re-
the more readily because Gregory the intruder treat he issued numerous letters and treatises,
was now dead (345). Constantius summoned by which he kept up the courage of his
Athanasius to his presence, and after a friendly adherents. His Arian successor, one George,
interview dismissed him, and wrote three did not venture to set foot in Alexandria till
letters, one to the bishops and clergy in a year after the departure of Athanasius,
Egypt, one to the laity, and one to the and his atrocious cruelties soon made him
governors of provinces, explaining that it was hated as well as feared by the populace.
his will that Athanasius should be allowed to Meanwhile the court intriguers resumed their
return in peace to his flock. But when he activity. Sirmium, in Slavonia, between the
demanded of Athanasius that he should allow Save and the Drave, now takes the place of
the use of one church to the Arians in Alex- Antioch in the matter of creed-making. A
andria, the latter preferred a request in his creed had already been issued thence in 351
turn that the same thing should be done in against Sabellianism. In the latter part of
cities where the Arians were in possession 357 the emperor was in residence there, and
a request which Constantius did not deem Ursacius and Valens naturally took the oppor-
it prudent to grant. Athanasius therefore, tunity of renewing their mischievous activity.
unfettered by conditions, returned (346) to A second creed was promulgated there, in
Alexandria, and the people, wearied of Arian which the difference between the Father and
violence and cruelty, received him with the the Son was strongly insisted upon the

warmest demonstrations of joy. Father and the Son were declared to be two
Peace was thus restored for the moment, Persons {wpdauwa), and the use of the words
but it endured only so long as Constantius ovala and inroffTacis, as applied to God's
was occupied with foreign war and intestine nature, was condemned, as not warranted by
strife. It is noteworthy that the restless Scripture. The intriguers no doubt imag-
intriguers, Ursacius and Valens, found it ined that, as the supporters of the Nicene
prudent just at present to repair to Rome and formula were in exile, they could give no
make friends with Julius and the West. further trouble, and that the line of least
Socrates {H. E. ii. 37) remarks on their dis- resistance would be to come to an arrangement
position to identify themselves with the with the Arian (Anomocan) party. But
strongest side. But permanent peace was events proved them utterly wrong. The re-
impossible until the questions at issue had sult was just the opposite to convert the

; been fully threshed out. As soon as Constans moderates into a distinctly semi-Arian party,
(350) was dead, and Magnentius, the usurper, laying especial stress on the likeness of tlie
defeated and slain (353), the strife recom- Son's essence (biJ^oiovaiov) to that of the Father,
menced. For ten years Athanasius had
instead of minimizing the likeness, as the

remained undisturbed at Alexandria, but


premonitory signs of the eruption which

Homoeans had done. The Homoiousians
thus began to lean to the orthodox side, while
was soon to burst forth had long been dis-

the Homoeans inclined more and more to

cernible. On the one hand the Easterns were
those who denied even the likeness of the Son's

beginning to substitute the semi- Arian doctrine

essence to that of the Father. Hilary now
of the likeness {o/xoioixnos) of the Son to the
(359) intervened with his de Synodis, in which
Father for the vaguer conception of the
he reviewed the action of previous councils,
more moderate Arians of the earlier period.
and defended the Nicene Creed, yet in such a
: On the other hand, the wnlikeness of the way as he thought best calculated to win back
Son to the Father was more boldly and de-
the semi-Arians (or Homoiousians) to the
fiantly pressedby the holders of that doctrine, orthodox camp. This treatise marks the
and by degrees a sect, which almost reducecl
stage in the controversy in which semi-
Christ to the level of a mere man, appeared

Arianism began definitely to separate itself

on the scene.The chief exponents of this from its doubtful allies, and to draw towards
! doctrine wereAetius and Euzoius. The
i Anomoeans now began to separate themselves union with the orthodox party. Hilary, it
more definitely from the orthodox. All this may be added, admits the force of scmie semi-
was not without its effect on Constantius, Arian objections to the word bfxoovauiv, and
whose sole object, like that of most poli- suggests certain express limitations of its
ticians, was to avoid dissensions. When the meaning. Two other creeds of considerable
tide turned, Ursacius and Valens were ready, length, one of them provided with innumerable
as usual, with suggestions. But he could not anathemas, were draw^n up at Sirmium. The
at once take the steps they urged. New wars last of these, commonly known as the dated
confronted him, and the attitude of the West creed (359), was ridiculed by .•\tlianasius for
its pompous opening, and for its assumption Among those who were present at this council
that the Catholic faith had, at the date given, were men so diverse as the hated tyrant
been proclaimed for the first time. It is George of Alexandria, and Hilary of Poictiers,
clear, he adds, from their own confession, still exiled from his diocese. Meanwhile, Ur-
that theirs is a new faith, not the old one. sacius and Valens were engaged in the con-
We now enter upon the last stage of the con- genial task of endeavouring to persuade the
troversy. It is marked by the first attempt to
deputies from Ariminum to sign yet another
creed at Nike in Thrace, in the hope, if some
make a distinction between ovaia and inroaraais authorities are to be trusted, of making the
— terms which had hitherto been regarded as

svnonymous and to use the former as in-
world believe, from the similarity of names,
that it was the renowned document promul-
dicating the nature which is common to beings
gated at the Nicene council. But this was
of the same order, while the latter was used
surely an impossibility. The Nicene symbol
to express the diversities between these pos-
was far too well known to the Christian world.
sessors of a nature. The word ouj-ia
common .\thanasius now intervened from his retreat,
was used indicate the Divine Nature,
and wrote his famous treatise de Synodis,
while VTroj-TaaLS was henceforth used by the
in which he reviewed the creeds and acts
Greeks of the Persons in the Trinity. (It
of the various councils. But he assumed no
should, however, be observed that substantia non-possumus attitude. He had even seemed
remained the Latin equivalent of ovaia.) inclined, for a moment, to admit the ortho-
The to press this use of language
doxy of the expression 6/j.oio6cnoy. But in this
was Basil of Ancyra, at a council he had treatise he points out (c. 41) that though brass
called to protest against the proceedings at is like gold, tin like iron, and the dog like the
Sirmium. He defends the new use of the wolf, yet they are of different natures, and no
word vwdcTTaais in an able minute he issued, one could call the wolf the offspring of the
criticizing the proceedings at Sirmium, by
pointing out that a word was needed and it — dog. Nevertheless, he still endeavours to
bridge over the gulf between himself and the
must be neither ovcria nor apxv to denote the — semi-Arians.
underlying and definitely existing {virapxova-as) These two councils were the final turning-
distinctions {idLOTjjras) of the Persons (irpocruj- point of the controversy. It had clearly
TTWv) ; and he acutely remarks that if ocaia appeared that, whenever the Nicene defini-
was a term not to be found in Scripture, the tions had been rejected, Anomoeanism, which
Godhead was indicated there by the words was Arianism in a more definite philosophical
6 wf. In the end, this new and more careful use shape, came once more to the front, and this
of words completely revolutionized the situa- fact was increasingly seen to point to the
tion. Henceforth the semi- Arians as a body not Nicene symbol as the only safe way out of the
only laboured for an understanding with the difiiculty. Henceforth the secular authority
orthodox, but also drew still more markedly might retard, but it could not prevent, the
apart from the Homoeans and Anomoeans. victory of Athanasius and his followers. From
The calling of a new council in the same year at this moment (see Socr. H. E. ii. 22) the
Rimini (Ariminum) in Italy brought these new Western churches definitely renounced com-
tendencies very plainly to light. Constantius, munion with those of the East. The episode
finding it impossible to lay down a common of Meletius of Antioch (not to be confounded
basis for action between the East and the with Meletius of Egypt^ shewed plainly which
West, commanded the Eastern bishops to way events were tending. He had been
meet at Seleucia in Cilicia, a mountain fortress elected patriarch of Antioch by the Homoean
near the sea. Sozomen tells us that the party. But in his inaugural speech he frankly
reason for calling this council was the growing confessed his Nicene leanings, and when a
influence of Anomoeanism through the in- busy archdeacon rushed up and closed his
fluence of Aetius. The Western bishops, who mouth, he continued by gestures to affirm
numbered more than 200, had no scruples in what he had previously affirmed by his voice.
the matter. They boldly deposed Ursacius Meletius was promptly banished, but before
and Valens, who had been sent to bring them the year (361) was over Constantius was dead.
to submission, and as boldly reaffirmed the The action of his successor Julian, who had
Nicene symbol, and they sent a deputation renounced Christianity, gave a still further
of 20 bishops to the emperor to defend their impulse to the policy of conciliation. As
action. He was, however, (or pretended to between heathenism and Christianity, impar-
be) too busy to see them. The Easterns tiality cannot certainly be predicated of him.
were still inclined to hesitate. The semi- But he was impartial enough in his hostility
Arian majority desired to accept the Nicene to Christians of all shades of opinion. This
Creed, with the omission of the obnoxious threw them, for the time, into one another's
ofj.oova-Lov. The Homoeans, under the leader- arms. True, when the external pressure was
ship of Acacius of Caesarea in Cappadocia, removed, the suspicions and jealousies, as is
condemned the expressions 6iJ.ooi'taiov and commonly the case, broke out afresh. But
none the less had an impulse been given
ofxaLouffiov but anathematized the expression

" The Acacian [Homoean] party "

towards union which henceforth never ceased
to be felt. The oppressor George had been
(Socr. H. E. ii. 40) "affirmed that the Son was expelled from Alexandria by a rising of the
like the Father as respected His will only, populace as early as 358. In 361, on his
and not in His substance or essence." And return to Alexandria, he was seized and
they tendered yet another creed in accordance murdered by his exasperated flock. The edict
with these views, which the council rejected, of Julian (361) permitting the return of the
and deposed those who had tendered it. exiles left the way open to Athanasius to rejoin

his i>.-'>j)k-. He at ouce (362) sumiiionod a acquitted, but hisschonl disajipoarcd witli him
council, ill which Maccdonianism [Mackdo- (he died in 371), and the way lay clear for
Niusj, ail oflshoot from Arianisin which applied the conciliatory action of the three great
the same line of argument to the Holy Spirit Eastern leaders already mentioned. There
which had previously been applied to the Son, was no theologian in Christendom who could
was condemned as well as Arianisin. But withstand them. Among their opponents no
Athanasius was wise and liberal enough to concert reigned, but only confusion their ;

make overtures to the semi-Arians. Three ascendancy was founded on court intrigue and
men almost worthv to stand on a level with imperial violence. Sozomon (//. /•". vi. 6) tells
Athanasius himself had appeared among the us how Valentinian, while he stedfastly clung

Eastern bishops men who were capable of to orthodoxy, studiously refrained from har-
negotiating on equal terms with that great assing those opposed to it, and notes with
and prescient theologian. These were Basil, disapproval the different course taken by
afterwards bp. of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Valens. The cause of genuine, practical
his brother Gregory, bp. of Nyssa, and the Christianity sufTered seriously under these
brilliant orator, poet, and thinker Grkgory divisions, intrigues, and acts of violence, and
OF Nazianzus, who was the intimate friend men of earnest and even indifferent minds were
of both. These men had some opinions in longing for peace. When Theodosius suc-
common with the less extreme members of the ceeded Valens in 379 (Valentinian was already
semi-.Arian party, and were therefore quite dead) there was no force strong enough
ready to resume tlie work of conciliation which, among the heretical factions to resist the
as we have seen, had been attempted by Basil coalition between the semi-Arians and the
of Ancyra. .Athanasius, on his part, was ready Nicenes. The West was united in support of
to accept the distinction mentioned above the latter, the strength and patience of the
between oi'tjia and iV6(JTa(riy, which had not divided East were exhausted. A council of

been recognized at Nicaea. Before the death 150 bishops all Easterns assembled at —
of Jovian {364), Aoacius of Caesarea, who Constantinople, and the weary 56 years of
cannot be acquitted of being an unworthy conflict and confusion terminated in the
* which, in the East
intriguer or at best a time-server, came for- acceptance of the symbol
ward to make his peace by accepting the and West, is repeated whenever Christians who
Nicene formula. On the death of Jovian profess the Catholic faith meet for communion
the empire was divided between Valentinian with one another and their Lord. Arianism
and Valens, the former taking the West, the had no moral strength with which to resist
latter the East, under his charge. Valen- persecution. But it still lingered among the
tinian, as a man unacquainted with theology, Goths for some centuries. They were not an
was naturally influenced by the general educated race, and Ulphilas, who converted
opinion in the West, which had remained them to Christianity, was a missionary rather
decisively Xicene. Valens as naturally fell than a theologian. And so it came to pass
under the influence of the Eastern bishops, in the end that, so far as this vital doctrine of
and the time was not yet ripe for their accept- the Christian faith is concerned, " they all
ance of the Xicene decision. The .Anomoeans escaped safe to land."
were still a powerful party, and so deter- The bibliography of this period is much the
mined were they to enforce their views that same as has been given in art. Arius, only
they persecuted not only the orthodox but that the Life of Constantinc, by Euscbius Pam-
the semi-.\rians and Macedonians. When the phili, is of course no longer available. The
semi-Arians, with the permission of Valen- de Synodis of Athanasius passes in review the
tinian, held a council at Lampsacus in 364, various councils and their creeds, from the
its decisions were set aside by Valens, whose Encaenia at Antioch to the councils of
hand had already been heavy on the Homo- Ariminum and Seleucia. Various mono-
ousians, and who now exiled the semi-Arian graphs connected with the history of this
bishops. Four years later he dealt equally period will be found mentioned by Prof.
harshly with the Macedonians, who were Gvvatkin in his Studies of Arianism, if the
terrified into imploring the help of the ortho- student wishes to go more deeply into the
dox West, and endeavoured to secure it by subject than is possible here. fj.j.L.]
promising Liberius that they would receive the Arnobius, an eminent Latin apologist for
Nicene Creed. But the latter replied in a Christianity. The records of his life are
letter in which he declared that the faith meagre and somewhat uncertain consisting ;

depended on the acceptance of the words in a few brief notices by St. Jerome, and
hypostasis (in the sense in which it is used another by Trithemius, aided by his own few
in the Nicene formula) and homoousios. On incidental allusions to himself.
the other hand, the dissensions which broke The outbreak of the last great persecution
out between Eudoxius, patriarch of Antioch (303-313) found Arnobius a professor of
and afterwards of Constantinople and his rhetoric at Sicca, in Africa. His reputation
Arian (or .\nomoean) allies, drove both him was high, and his pupils numerous and
and Valens into the arms of the Homoeans, distinguished among them was Lactantius.

in whose possession most of the churches Arnobius was a sincere pagan versed in

were. But the affairs of the empire fell into schemes of philosophy but none the less an

confusion in the incompetent hands of Valens, unhesitating and even abject idolator. He
and the influence of the Arian and Homoean was, moreover, active as a lecturer in attacks
parties was steadily waning. Athanasius died upon Christianity. The sight, however, of
•D 373, after a noteworthy attempt to cast • It ends, however, as far as the council of Nicaea
his shield over his faithful supporter and friend is concerned, with the words, "And I believe in the
Marcellus. The result was that Marcellus was Holy Ghost."
the martyrdoms which followed the edict of outlives the body, but depends wholly on the
Nicomedia appears speedily to have touched gift of God for eternal duration. After death
him and a dream or vision (says St. Jerome)
there awaits the evil a second death, a
warned him to submit to Christ. He pre- Gehenna of unquenchable fire, in which
sented himself to the church at Sicca but ;
gradually they are consumed and annihilated
"they were afraid of him," and demanded (see especially ii. 15-54). The resurrection
from their late enemy some hostage for of the flesh is emphatically asserted, but in
sincerity. The result was the composition of somewhat obscure terms (ii. 13).
the Disputations against the Pagans whether ;
Of the existence of gods he speaks with
in their present form or not. He was there- much ambiguity. The actual objects of
upon baptized, and (according to Trithemius) heathen worship he concludes from the nature
attained the rank of presbyter. Of his sub- of their mythology and ritual to be real but
sequent history we know nothing. Some evil beings. But he nowhere denies that
doubt attaches to the exact date of the con- there exist also dii boni only he views them

version of Arnobius and publication of his (if existent) as mere reflexes of the Supreme

treatise. On the whole the evidence points to Nature, and as in no sense distinct objects of
some date between 303 and 313 (Hieron. de worship and prayer. In worshipping the
Scr. Eccl. c. 79 id. in Chronicon Eusebii Supreme (he argues), we worship by implica-
Trithemius, de Scr. Eccl. p. 10 a).

tion— if to be worshipped they are —

such gods
The title of Arnobius's work usually appears as are gods indeed.
as Disputationes adversus Gentes occasion- ; On the nature and efficacy of prayer he
ally, adv. Nationes. It is divided into seven uses perplexing language. His belief appar-
books of unequal length. The first two are ently is that in the present life all externals
devoted to the defence of Christianity, the are fixed by an immovable destiny (vii. 10) ;

remainder to the exposure of paganism. that prayer is useful only as a means of divine
Of God, he speaks in the noblest and fullest communion but he yet describes the prayers

language of adoration. His existence is of the Christian church as petitions for peace
assumed (i. 33) as a postulate in the argument. and pardon for all classes of mankind the ;

He is the First Cause the Father and Lord ; emperor, the magistrate, the armies, etc. (iv.
of things foundation of all
; author of only ; 36). Prayer is regarded as (in some sense
good unborn omnipresent infinite, incor-
; ; ; not specified) efficacious for the dead (I.e.).
poreal passionless shrouded in light
to be
; ; Arnobius asserts the " freedom of the will " ;

known only as the Ineffable (see especially God calls man " non vi sed gratia " (ii. 64).
1. 31). Arnobius hesitates, however, over the In the latter books his arguments against
details of creation thinking apparently that
; heathen sacrifices are so managed as logically
alike the human soul and the lower animals to exclude altogether the sacrifices both of
insects and reptiles are the work of some — the Jewish temple and of the Cross. Of idol-
intermediate creator (ii. 36, 47). worship and incense he speaks in terms which
Of the Lord Jesus Christ he uses the most prove that he can have known nothing of
glowing language. As a man He is the images, or incense, or a local presence, in the
supreme philosopher and teacher, both of conventicula of the Christians.
nature and religion. But He is also God : Of the Holy Scriptures Arnobius appears to
" Deus re cert a Deus, homo tamen natus
: have known very little. He makes some

Deus interiorum potentiarum Deus sublimis ;

acute remarks (i. 58) on the rude style of the
radice ex intima ab incognitis regnis
evangelists, but only one text (I. Cor. iii. 19) is
sospitator, ab omnium principe missus " His ; quoted verbatim and even this is introduced as

pontificium is to give salvation to the soul He ; illud vulgatum 6).

(ii. He records apocryphal
is the only path to light His followers alone ; miracles as evangelical (i. 46, 53) he knows

are saved He is stronger than fate. Some

; nothing of any promise of temporal happiness
doubt may, perhaps, be thrown over the (ii. 76) ; he confuses the Pharisees with the
extent of these ascriptions of deity bv the Sadducees (iii. 12). Of the O.T. he was
vague language with which Arnobius speaks of apparently quite ignorant. In one passage
the gods (see below). But with everv de- (iii. 10) he even seems to speak of it with dis-
duction they are magnificent, and at least lie respect ; though the passage has been ex-
in the direction of the fullest orthodoxy. The plained of the Rabbinical books. In many
allusions to the incarnation, life, and death of places he shews by implication a total ignor-
the Redeemer are numerous. Ihe first is ance of the national election and the ritual;
somewhat vaguely described as the assump- of the Jews (to whom he scarcely alludes at
tion of a man to the self, the God its motive ; all), and of the Scriptural prophecies andl
was the presentation of the God to human chronology. These phenomena are, of course,,
senses, and the general performance of Christ's in great measure accounted for by the allegedi
mission. His resurrection and the subsequent circumstances of the composition of the-
appearances are insisted upon it is asserted ; work. They render more remarkable the-
(apparently) that He still appears to the faintness of the tinge of Gnosticism in its
faithful. To the Second Advent there is at pages. Obviously the authority of Arnobius;
most only a doubtful allusion (i. 39). (See on points of Christian doctrine is reduced
generally, i. 36, 60.) and
6.5 ; ii.
almost ad nihilum by these indications ;
On the origin of the Soul he is far more we can hardly wonder that in the 5th cent.
speculative than is his wont. Its sin im- his treatise was banished by pope Gelasius
perfection, and inborn infirmity (he holds)
to the index of apocryphal works.
forbid the belief that it comes direct from the
Critical opinions on the merits of Arnobius
Supreme Cause. It cannot for the like reasons have been very various. St. Jerome's verdict
be immortal [i.e. absolutely and per se) it varies between praises of his libri luculentissimi

and censure ofhis defects as iiine-qiialis, tiinniis, capable of an orthodox iulerprelati"n. It

con/usus, in style, method, and doctrine. must, however, be allowed that the author of
Dr. Woodham (in liis edition of Tertullian's the Commentary anti-.\ugustinian as on
is ;

Apologv, preliminary Kssays, ed. 1S30) pro- he speaks of the heresy,
Ps. cviii. (cix.) 16, 17,
tests against the obscurity and neglect which
" quae dicit Deumaliquos praedestinasse ad
have attended his name ; holds that his benedictionem. alios ad maledictioiiem."
" peculiar position anil character invest his The Altercatio cum Sernpinne is a dialogue,
sentiments and reasoning with very singular represented as having been held between
, interest and value " pronounces him to he
.Arnobius and Serapion. Serapion by turns
in some respects
the keenest of tiie apolo- plays the part of a Sabellian, an Arian, and a
gists," and to be remarkably apposite to the Pelagian, and is gradually driven from each
popular arguments of modern times (pp. 21, position. Considerable learning is displayed
29, 52. 53)- and a clear apprehension of the points at
To the whole of tliis verdict we subscribe. issue,combined with much real ingenuity <if
Arnobius presents as a maii a mind and argument. The circumstance of Arnobius
character combinins; mucii ardour with much being the chief speaker does not of course
common sense. His sincerity is eminently prove that the authorship is his, any more
manifest. He has apprehended to a degree than the position of Socrates in certain of the
nowhere and never common tiie great fact of Platonic dialogues would prove that Socrates
human ignorance. As a writer, he appears as wrote them. Moreover, just as we cannot
the practised and facile, but not very fanciful, make Socrates responsible for all that Plato
rhetorician of his time and country and is ; lias put into his mouth, so neither can Arnobius
even a master and model of that peculiar junior be justly credited with the tenets here
style of a declining age which consists in a ascribed to him by some unknown author.
, subtle n\cdium between the dictions of poetry Both the style and tone of tlie Altercation
and of prose. seem different from that of the Commentary ;

As a storehouse of old I.atinity and of and though there is in both works a con-
allusions to points of antiquity to — heathen sentient rejection of the errors condemned in
mythology and ceremonial ; to law, educa- the first four general councils, yet it is hardly
tion, and amusements —
his work is of the possible that an author of semi- Pelagian
greatest interest and importance. leanings, who had stigmatized predestinarian
The following editions of Arnobius may be doctrine as a heresy, should declare, as Arno-


mentioned: 1816, Leipz., J. C. Orellius (ex- bius is made to do' towards the conclusion of
cellent for a full and learned commentary) ;
the Altercatio cum Serapione, that he " accepts
Halle, 1844, ed. G. F. Hildebrand; Paris, and defends the dicta of St. Augustine con-
1844, Migne's Patr. Lat. Reifferscheid,
; cerning Pelagianism, as if they were the most
! Vienna, 1875 [Corpus Script. Ecd. Lat. iv.). hallowed writings of the Apostles."
For an Eng. trans, see Ante-Nicene Lib. The Notes on some passages of the Gospels,
(T.&. T.Clark). [h.c.g.m.1 which seem really to belong to Arnobius
Arnobius, Junior, a presbyter, or possibly junior, are given in the edition of his works
bp., of Gaul ;presumed, from internal evid- by Laurence de la Barre (Paris, 1639). But
! ence of his writings, to have lived at least as for a new view of the authorship of these
late as a.d. 460. works see G. Morin in Revue Benedictine 1903). {

The only external notices seem to be those He thinks that the author of the Adnotationes,
of Venerable Bede, who praises his Com- the Altercatio, andthe Predestinatusis -prohsibly
mentary on the Psalms, and of Alcuin, who an Illyrian, who lived in Rome. Of the
favourably alludes to his Altercation with events of our author's life we are wholly
Serapion in a letter addressed to Flavius ignorant. [j.g.c]
! Merius, and in the sixth book of his treatise Arsacius, the intruding archbp. of Con-
Contra Felicem Urgelitanum. The internal stantinople, after the violent expulsion of
! evidence is based upon the Commentarittm in Chrysostom (a.d. 404). He was the brother
Psalmos, the Notes on some passages of the of Nectarius, Chrysostom's predecessor, and
Gospels, and the Altercatio cum Serapione. had served as archpresbvter \mder Chrysostom
The Commentary and Altercation may botli (Photius C. 59). In earlier life his brother had
I be found in the Bibliotheca Patrum Maxima selected him for the bishopric of Tarsus, and
(torn, viii.), Lyons, 1677 but the contents
; had attributed his refusal to an ambitious
render it very difficult to believe that the design of becoming his successor at Constanti-
same person was author of both. nople. On this, Palladius asserts, he swore
The Commentary on the Psalms is avowed voluntarilv tiiat he would never accept the see

by its author, who dedicates it to Leontius, of Constantinople (Pallad. c. xi.). After he

bp. of .\rles, and to Rusticus, bp. of Narbonne. had passed his 8oth year, the success of the
' The comments are devout, practical, and base intrigue of Eudoxia and Theophilus
pointed, but brief and uncritical, interpreting against Chrysostom opened an unexpected
everything as referring to Christ and the way for his elevation to the archiepiscopal
church. They are, however, accused of a throne. Eudoxia and the party now trium-
semi- Pelagian tendency and a very learned
; phant wanted for their new archbishop a
'TOter, whose Hist. Eccl. appeared c. 1686, under whose authority they might
facile tool,
\ Natalis Alexander, invites special attention shelter the violence of their proceedings.
: to remarks of .Arnobius upon Pss. 1. ciii. cviii. Such an instrument they had in Arsacius.
and cxxvi. (in the Heb. in A.V., li. civ.
; Moreover, his hostility to Chrysostom had
etc.). But Nat. Alexander was a Jansenist been sufficiently testified at the synod of the
I and anti- Jansenist writers, such as the Bollan- Oak, when he appeared as a witness against
dists, might maintain that the majority were him and vehemently pressed his condemna-
tion. He was archbishop on
consecrated Arsenius was kept standing while they sat a ;

June 27, 404. Chrysostom, on hearing of it, biscuit was flung at him, which he ate in a
denounced him " as a spiritual adulterer, and kneeling posture. " He will make a monk,"
a wolf in sheep's clothing " {Ep. cxxv.). The said John; and Arsenius stayed with him
diocese soon made it plain that they regarded until he had learned enough of the monastic
the new archbishop as an intruder. The life from John's teaching, and then established
churches once so thronged became empty ;
himself as a hermit in Scetis, where he con-
with the exception of a few officials, the de- tinued forty years. His love of solitude
pendants of the court party, and the expect- became intense the inward voice had seemed

ants of royal favour, the people of Constanti- to bid him " be silent, be quiet," if he would
nople refused to attend any religious assembly keep innocency. One visitor he even drove
at which he might be expected to be present. away with stones he discouraged the visits

Deserting the sacred edifices, they gathered of Theophilus the archbp. and when a high-

in the outskirts of the city, and in the open born Roman lady visited him during one of
air. Arsacius appealed to the emperor his occasional sojourns outside the desert, her
Arcadius, by whose orders, or rather those of request to be remembered in his prayers was
Eudoxia, soldiers were sent to disperse the met by the brusque expression of a hope that
suburban assembhes. Those who had taken he might be able to forget her. Whenever he
a leading part in them were apprehended and came into a church he hid himself behind a
tortured, and a fierce persecution commenced pillar ;he even shrank at times from his
of the adherents of Chrysostom. [Olympias brother hermits, remarking that the ten
(2)]. Welearn from Sozomen (H. E. viii. 23) thousands of angels had but one will, but men
that Arsacius was not personally responsible had many. But with all his sternness, which
for these cruel deeds but he lacked strength
was coup'led with more than the usual mon-
of character to offer any decided opposition to astic austerities, Arsenius could be cordial,
the proceedings of his clergy. They did what and even tender. His humility was worthy
they pleased, and Arsacius bore the blame. of a follower of Anthony. He was heard to
His position became intolerable. In vain all cry aloud in his cell, " Forsake me not,
the bishops and clergy who, embracing God ! I have done no good in Thv sight, but,
Chrysostom's cause, had refused to recognize inThy me to make a begin-
goodness, grant
him were driven out of the East (Nov. 18, ning." A very famous saying of his referred
404). This only spread the evil more widely. to faults of the tongue " Often have I been

The whole Western episcopate refused to —

sorry for having spoken never for having
acknowledge him, and pope Innocent, who been silent." The Exhortation to Monks,
had warmly espoused Chrysostom's interests, ascribed to him (Combefis, Gr. Patr. Auc-
wrote to the clergy and laity of Constantinople tarium, i. 301 ; Galland, Biblioth. vii. 427),
strongly condemning the intrusion of Arsacius, exhibits the results of deep spiritual experi-
and exhorting them to persevere in their ence. It warns the monk not to forget that
adhesion to their true archbishop (Soz. H. E. his great work is not the cleansing of the outer
vi. 22, 26). It is no cause for surprise that life, but of the inner man spiritual sins, iiot

Arsacius's episcopate was a brief one, and carnal only, have to be conquered many a ;

that a feeble character worn out by old age good action has, through the tempter's sublety,
should have soon given way before a storm of become the door to unexpected evil many ;

opposition so universal. He died Nov. 11, who have thought their battle with sin
405 (Socr. H. E. vi. 19 Soz. H. E. viii. 23,
; accomphshed have relapsed through the
26 Phot. C. 59
; ;Pallad. Dial. c. xi. Chrys.
; perilous hearing of other men's sin " we :

Ep. cxxv.). [E.V.] all round."

must keep guard
Arsenius, called "the Great," one of the In 434 Arsenius left Scetis, driven forth by
most famous of the monks of Egypt. He was an irruption of the Mazici. He stayed at
of high Roman family born probably in 354.
; Troe, near Memphis, until 444 then spent ;

He was deeply read in Greek literature. three years at the little island (not the city)
About 383, Theodosius the Great being de- of Canopus returned to Troe for the two

sirous of finding a suitable instructor for his remaining years of his long monastic Ufe.
sons Arcadius and Honorius, the elder of The Greek church honours him as " our
whom was then about six years old, Arsenius Father, Arsenius the Great," on May 8 the ;

was recommended to him, it is said, by the Latin, on Julv 19. [vv.b.]

Roman bishop, and in this way came into the Artemon, Artemonites, belong to that
service of the best of the Christian Caesars. class of ante-Nicene Monarchians, or Anti-
The time that Arsenius spent at the court trinitarians, who saw in Christ a mere man
came to an end when he was forty years old, filled with divine power. Of Artemon, or
in 394. A thoughtful and high-souled Roman Artemas, we know very httle. He taught in
Christian living under the ascendancy of Rome at the end of the 2nd and beginning
Rufinus might not unnaturally be impelled of the 3rd cent., and was excommunicated
towards monastic seclusion by sheer disgust by pope Zephyrinus (202-217), who, as we
and despair as to the prospects of so-called learn from the Philosophumena of Hippolytus,
Christian society. He gave up his charge, favoured the opposite error of Patripassianism.
in obedience, as he said, to a voice which He declared the doctrine of the divinity of
bade him " fly from men, if he would be safe." Christ to be an innovation dating from the
Arsenius, arriving at the monastic wilder- time of ZephjTinus, the successor of Victor,
ness of Scetis, begged the clergy there to put and a relapse into heathen polytheism. He
him in the way of salvation by making him a asserted that Christ was a mere man, but born
monk. They took him to abbot John Colobus of a virgin, and superior in virtue to the
(the Dwarfish), who in^ited them to a meal prophets. The Artemonites were charged

with placing Euclid above Christ, ami ab.m- eight on the Psalms, .>f which
(Paris, i(.4S) ;

donitig the Scriptures for dialectics and mathe- among the works of St. Chrysos-
one is fouiul
matics. This indicates a critical or sceptical tom, and the renaaining seven wore published
turn of mind. The views of .\rtemon wore by Cotelier, Mou. Eccl. Grace, ii. (Pans, 1688) ;

afterwards more fully developed bv Paul of and two again on other subjects, which arc
Samosata, who is sometimes counteil with the published among the works of Gregory
Arteraonites. The sources of our fragmentary Nyssen, but must be assigned to Asterius on
infonnation are Eusebius, Hist. Keel. v. 28 ;
the authority of Photius. Besides these
Epiphanius, Haer. Ixv. 1,4; Theodoret, Haer. Photius (Bibl. 271) gives extracts from
Fab. ii. 4 Photius. Bihlioth. 48. Cf. Schleier- several others. In addition to these homilies,

macher's essay on the Sabellian and Athanasian a Life of his predecessor, St. Basil of Amasea,
conceptions of the Trinity (M'or/!5, vol. ii.), and printed in the .ic'.a Sanctorum, April 26, is
Domer's Entwicklungs^eschichte dcr L. v. d. ascribed to him. A complete collection of his
Person Christi, 2nd e'd. i. 50S ff. [p.s.] works will be found in Migne's Patr. Gk. xl. ;

Asterlus (1), a bp. of Arabia (called bp. of a complete list in Fabric. Bibl. Gk. ix. 513
Petra, Tomwi ad .Aniioch. § lo). He accom- seq. ed. Harlcs. An account of their contents
panied the Eusebians to the council of Sar- is given by Tillemont, x. 400 seq.
dica, but separated himself from them along Asterius was a student of Demosthenes (Or.
with bp. Arius or Macarius (who by some II, p. 207), and himself no mean orator. His
confusion is also called bp. of Petra), com- best sermons (for they are somewhat uneven)
plaining of the violent treatment to which display no inconsiderable skill in rhetoric,
the deputies had been subjected, with the view great power of expression, and great earnest-
of driving them into supporting the Eusebian ness of moral conviction and some passages

faction (Theod. ii. 8). The Eusebians soon are even strikingly eloquent. His orthodoxy
had their revenge, and the two bishops were was unquestioned. Photius (Amphil. I.e.)
banished to Upper Libya, where they endured contrasts him with his Arian namesake, as
much suffering (.\than. Hist. Arian. § iS stanch in the faith, devoting himself to the

.Apol. § 48). On the promulgation of the care of his flock, and setting an example of
edict of Julian, recalling all the banished a virtuous and godly life. His authority was
bishops, Asterius returned, and (a.d. 362) quoted with great respect in later ages, more
took part in the important council summoned especially during the Iconoclastic controversy
by the newly restored Athanasius at Alex- at the second council of Nicaea, when with a
andria, for the purpose of promoting union play on his name he was referred to as "a
between the orthodox and those who, without bright star (astrum) illumining the minds of
embracing the errors of Arius, had held all" (Labbe, Cone. viii. 1385, 1387, ed.
communion with the Arian party. One of Coleti). Bardenhewer (1008) refers to a
the chief subjects that came before this synod Svllogehistoriea on Asterius by V. de Buck in
was the unhappy schism at Antioch between Acta SS. Oct. (Paris, 1883), xiii. 330-332. [l.]
the Eustathians and the Meletians. [Luci- Athanasius, St., archbp. of Alexandria.
FERUS (1); Meletius; Paulinus (6).] On the The life of Athanasius divides itself naturally
singular fact that the name of Asterius, to- into seven sections, respectively terminated
gether with that of Eusebius of Vercelli, is by (i) his consecration; (2) his first exile;
found among those to whom this letter is (3) his second exile (4) his second return
; ;

addressed, as well as among those by whom it (5) his third exile (6) his fourth exile
; (7) ;

was written, of which it is difficult to give a his death.

satisfactory explanation, cf. Tillemont, Mem. (i) He was born at Alexandria, and had but
viii. p. 707; Baronius, Ann. sub. ann. 362, scanty private means (Apol. c. Ar. 51 Socr.

S219. [E.V.] iv. 13). We

must date his birth c. 296 not ;

Asterias (2), bp. of Amasea in Pontus, a earlier, because he had no personal remem-
contemporary of St. Chrysostom. He him- brance of the persecution under Maximian in
self tells us that his teacher was a certain 303 (Hist. Ar. 64), and w^ as comparatively a
Scythian (i.e. Goth), who, having been sold yoimg man when consecrated bishop, soon
in his youth to a citizen of Antioch, a school- after the Nicene council not later, because

master, had made marvellous progress under he received some theological instruction from
his owner's instructions, and won himself a persons who suffered in the persecution
great name among Greeks and Romans (Phot. under Maximian II. in 311 (de Incarn. 56),
Bibl. 271, p. 1500). Beyond this not a single and the first two of his treatises appear to
incident in his life is recorded. His date, how- have been written before 319. There can
ever, is fixed by allusions to contemporary be no reason to doubt that Athanasius
events in his Homilies. He speaks of the became an inmate of bp. Alexander's house,
apostasy of Julian as having happened within as his companion and secretary (Soz. ii.
his memory (.Aster. Or. 3, p. 56, ed. Combefis) 17).
The position involved great advan-
and in his sermon on the Festival of the tages. The place held by Alexander as
Calends [Or. 4, p. 76) he mentions the consulate " successor of St. Mark," and occupant of
and fall of Eutropius as an event of the pre- " the Evangelical throne," was second in
ceding year. This sermon therefore must the Christian hierarchy we may call the bps. :

have been delivered on New Year's Day, 400. of Alexandria in the 4th cent., for conveni-
Elsewhere he spoke of himself as a man of ence' sake, archbishops or patriarchs, al-
very advanced age (Phot. Amphil. 125 [312]). though the former name was then very rarely
The extant works of Asterius consist almost applied to them, and the latter not at all,
solely of sermons or homilies. Of these we and they were frequently designated, though
possess twenty-two perfect ; twelve on various not in contradistinction to all other prelates,
subjects included in the edition of Combefis by the title of Papas (pope), or " dear father."
Their ]io\ver throughout the churches of his convictions went thoroughly with the
Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis was, by ancient adoption of the term " Homoousion " or " co-
custom, which the Nicene council afterwards essential," explained, as it was, in a sense
confirmed, almost monarchical, extending over which made it simply equivalent to " truly
about a hundred bishops, who revered their Son of God," and proposed as a test of adher-
judgments as the decisions of the see of ence to the Scriptural Christology. And if
Rome were revered in Italv. One experience we are to understand his mind at the close of
of a different kind, most fruitful in its con- the council, we must say that he regarded
sequences, was Athanasius's acquaintance its proceedings as something done, in fact,
" for the rightful honour of Jesus." Nothing
with the great hermit Anthony. He tells us,
in his Life of Anlhnnv, that he often saw him ;
was to him more certain than that Jesus was,
and although that reading of the conclusion in tlie full force of the words, God Incarnate ;

of the preface, which makes him say that that Arianism was essentially a denial, and
" he himself for some time attended on him, the " Homoousion " the now authenticated
and poured water on his hands," may be con- symbol, of His claim on men's absolute
sidered doubtful, yet we know that he was devotion ;and that it was infinitely worth
afterwards spoken of as " the ascetic," and while to go through any amount of work or
that when, years later, he took shelter in the suffering in defence of such a truth, and in
cells of the monks of Egypt, he found himself the cause of such a Master.
perfectly at home. He contracted an admir- More work was near at hand, and suffering
ation for monasticism, which will not surprise was not far off. A solemn and touching in-
those who remember that the spiritual inten- cident of Alexander's last moments is con-
sity of the Christian life had found a most nected with the history of Athanasius, who
emphatic, though a one-sided expression, in was then absent from Alexandria. The dying
the lives of men who fled, like Anthony, from man, while his clergy stood around him,
a society at once tainted and brutalized called for Athanasius. One of those present,
beyond all modern conception. [Antonius.] also bearing that name, answered, but was not
TThe two essays of Athanasius, Against the noticed by the archbishop, who again repeated
Gentiles and On the Incarnation, which form the name, and added, " You think to escape
one complete work addressed to a convert — but it cannot be." Some time appears to
from heathenism, cannot be dated later than have elapsed between his death and the
the end of 318 ; for they make no reference to assembling of the Egyptian bishops to con-
the Arian controversy which broke out in 319. secrate a successor. An encyclical letter of
Dorner, in his work On the Person of Christ, these same Egyptian prelates proclaimed to
has given a resume of their argument on the all Christendom, some years later, that a
threefold subject of God, man, and the Incar- majority of them had elected Athanasius in
nate Word ; and Mohler calls the book on the the presence, and amid the applause, of the
Incarnation " the first attempt that had been whole Alexandrian laity, who for nights
made to present Christianity and the chief and days persevered in demanding him as
circumstances of the Ufe of Jesus Christ under " the good, pious, ascetic Christian," who
a scientific aspect. By the sure tact of his would prove a " genuine bishop," and prayed
noble and Christian nature, everything is aloud to Christ for the fulfilment of their
referred to the Person of the Redeemer desire (Apol. c. Ar. 6). It was granted and;

everything rests upon Him : He appears then, in the words of Gregory, " by the
throughout." The young author seems to suffrages of the whole people, and not by those
have been ordained deacon about this time, vile methods, afterwards prevalent, of force
and placed in the position of chief among the and bloodshed, but in a manner apostolic and
Alexandrian deacons. Among the clergy who spiritual, was Athanasius elevated to the
joined the archbishop in calling on Arlus to throne of Mark," some time after the begin-
retract, and who afterwards assented to his ning of May in 326, and very probably on
deposition, was the young archdeacon of June 8.
Alexandria (see the Benedictine Athanasius, (2) From his Consecration (326) to his First
i. 396 seq.). In this spirit he attended Alex-
ander to the Nicene council in 325.
Exile (336). —
At the outset of his archiepisco-
pate is to be placed the organization of the
In that assembly he is represented by church in Ethiopia or Abyssinia by his con-
Gregory of Nazianzum {Orat. 21) as " foremost secration of Frumentius as bp. of Axum.
among those who were in attendance on [Edesius.] Another event of these com-
bishops," and as " doing his utmost to stay paratively quiet times was Athanasius's
the plague." His writings may assure us of visitation of the Thebaid, a region where
the argument which he would maintain : much trouble was being caused by the Arians,
the real Divinity of the Saviour was (i) as- and by the Meletians, who resisted his earnest
serted in many places of Scripture, (ii) involved
efforts to repress their separatist tendency.
in the notion of His unique Sonship, (iii) re- Now began the troubles from which the
quired by the Divine economy of redemption, Arians never suffered Athanasius to rest till
and (iv) attested by the immemorial conscious- the last hour of his life. It was probably
ness of the church. And although, as he in 330 that he had his first severe experience
himself informs us, the council would willingly of their hatred. After the Nicene council,
have confined themselves to purely Scriptural Constantine had become a zealot for ortho-
terms {de Deer. 19) if their legitimate sense doxy, and Eusebius of Nicomedia had been
could have been bond fide admitted although exiled. But Eusebius had procured his recall

too he was far from imagining that any form by orthodox professions it may have been ;

or expression of human thought would by his means that Arius himself was recalled,
adequately represent a Divine mystery yet perhaps in Nov. 330. Eusebius now entered
iiit" a league with the Meletiaiis of Egypt, of reprobating his enemies .iiul praising him as
uhmn a bishop named John Arcaph was the " a man of God " whereupon Ischyras came

h. .1(1. " He bought them," says Athanasius, to him, asking to be received into the church,
l>v large promises, and arranged that they

and piteously protesting that the Meletians
should help him on any emergency " by that had set him on to assert a falsehood. But he
m.ii-hincry of false accusation which they had was not admitted to conmiunion and the

.ilroady employed against three archbishops. story was ere long revived in an aggravated
Tlie charges were not to be theological : to form— Athanasius himself being now called
.ittack Athanasius's teaching would be to the perpetrator of the outrage (Apol. 62, 6.1,
(Itclare against the Nicene doctrine, and this 2S. 74. 17, 63, 68).
was a step on which Eusebius could not A darker ]ilot followed. John Arcaph per-
\<iiture. He began by writing to Athanasius suaded a Meletian bishop, named Arsenius,
in behalf of .\rius, and urging that, as a man to go into hiding. A rumour was then spread
\vl\ose opinions had been seriously niisrepre- that he had been murdered, and dismembered
>. iited, he ought in justice to be received to for purposes of magic, by Athanasius, in proof
I liurch communion. Athanasius's answer of which the Meletians exhibited a dead man's
shows the ground on which he took his stand. hand (Apol. 63, 42 Socr. i. 27 Soz. ii. 25
; ; ;

"It cannot be right to admit persons to com- Theod. i. 30). The emperor was persuaded
iniuiinn who invented a heresy contrary to to think it a case for inquiry. Athanasius
t'i>- truth, and were anathematized by the received a summons to appear at Antiorh and
imenical council." It is probable that stand his trial. At first ho disdained to take
Fleury thinks, though Tillemont and any steps, but afterwards sent a deacon to
. iiuier date it much later) we should refer to search for the missing Arseiuus. The deacon
I ins period the visit of Anthony to Alexandria ascertained that Arsenius was concealed in a
[Vtt. Ant. 69), when he confounded the Arians' monastery at Ptemencyrcis, on the eastern

report that he " agreed with them." This side of the Nile. Before he could arrive there
would be a great support to Athanasius. But the superior sent off Arsenius, but was himself
Eusebius had recourse to Coustantine, who arrested by the deacon, and obliged to confess
thereupon wrote, commanding Athanasius to " that Arsenius was alive." At Tyre Arsenius
admit into the church " all who desired it," was discovered. Constantine stopped the
on pain of being removed from his see by sheer proceedings at Antioch on hearing of this
I State power. This gave him an opportunity exposure, and sent Athanasius a letter, to be
of laying before Constantine his own views of read frequently in public, in which the
his duty. " There could be no fellowship," Meletians were warned that any fresh offences
he wrote, " between the Catholic church of would be dealt with by the emperor in person,
Christ and the heresy that was fighting against and according to the civil law (Apol. 9, 68).
Him." Not long afterwards, in compliance The slandered archbishop had now a
with instructions from Eusebius, three Mele- breathing-time. Arcaph himself " came into
tians, Ision, Eudaemon, and Callinicus, ap- the church," announced to Constantine his
peared before the emperor at Nicomedia with reconciliation with Athanasius, and received
a charge against Athanasius that he had a gracious reply ; while Arsenius sent to his
assumed the powers of the government by " blessed pope " a formal renunciation of
taxing Egypt to provide linen vestments for schism, and a promise of canonical obedience
the church of Alexandria. But two of {Apol. 66, 17, 70, 69, 8, 27).
Athanasius's priests, happening to be at But the faction had not repented. Eusebius
court, at once refuted this calumny ; and persuaded Constantine that such grave scand-
Constantine wrote to Athanasius, condemning als as the recent charges ought to be examined
; his accusers, and summoning him to Nicome- in a council ; and that Caesarea would be the
dia. Eusebius, however, persuaded the ac- fitting place. There a council met in 334
j cusers to meet him on his arrival with a bolder (see Tillemont, Ath. a. 15 cf. Festal. Epp.

I charge : "he had sent a purse of gold to index, for a.d. 334). Athanasius, expecting
Philumenus, a rebel." This, being easily no justice from a synod held under such
overthrown, was at once followed up by the circumstances, persisted, Sozomen says (ii. 25),
famous story of the broken chalice. A certain " for thirty months " in his refusal to attend.
Isch\Tas, a layman pretending to the character Being at last peremptorily ordered by Con-
of a presbyter, officiated at a little hamlet stantine to attend a council which was to
called " the Peace of Sacontarurum," in the meet at Tyre, he obeyed, in the summer of
Mareotis ;Athanasius, being informed of this 335, and was attended by about fifty of his
while on a visitation tour, sent a priest named suffragans. Athanasius saw at once that his
I Macarius, with the actual pastor of the dis- enemies were dominant the presiding bishop,

trict, to summon Ischyras before him, but Flacillus of Antioch, was one of an Arian
found him ill. Isch^Tas, on recovering, succession. Some of the charges Athanasius
. attached himself to the Meletians, who, re- at once confuted as to others he demanded

solving to use him as a tool, made him declare time. Incredible as it may seem, the dead
that Macarius had found him in church man's hand was again exhibited. Athanasius
" ofifering the oblations," had thrown down led forward a man with downcast face, closely
I the holy table, broken the chalice, and burnt muffled ; then, bidding him raise his head,
I the church books ; of which sacrilege Athan- looked round and asked, " Is not this Ar-
I asius was to share the responsibilitv. But senius ? " The identity was undeniable.
Athanasius was able to prove before Constan- He drew from behind the cloak first one hand,
tine at Nicomedia, early in 332, that, point by and then, after a pause, the other and;

point, it was a falsehood. About mid-Lent he remarked with triumphant irony, " I suppose
returned home with a letter from Constantine no one thinks that God has given to any man
more hands than two." The case of the " brethren," and kept up a correspondriu e
broken chalice now remained it was resolved with his friends at home, although at the risk

to send a commission of inquiry to the Mare- of having his letters

otis. Ischvras accompanied the commis- For more than a year Constantine's death
sioners, as " a sharer in lodging, board, and produced no change in Athanasius's position ;

wine-cup " they opened their court in the but at length, on June 17, 338, Constantine II.,

It appeared in evidence that no who in the partition

of the empire had a
books had been burned, and that Isch>Tas certain precedency over his brothers Con-
had been too ill to officiate on the day of the stantius and Constans, the sovereigns of the
alleged sacrilege. An inquiry of such an ex East and of Italy, wrote from Treves to the
parte character called forth indignant protests Catholics of Alexandria,
announcing that he
from the Alexandrian and Mareotic clergy, had resolved, in fulfilment of an intention of
to send back Athanasius, of whose
one of the documents bearing the date his father,
Sept. 7, 335. The commissioners, disregarding character he expressed high admiration (Apol.
remonstrance, returned to Tyre (Apol. 27, 87). In this he appears to have presumed his

73-76, 17, 15). brother's consent, and to have then taken

Athanasius, regarding the proceedings of the Athanasius with him to Viminacium, an
council of Tyre as akeady vitiated {Apol. 82), important town of Moesia Superior, on the
resolved, without waiting for the judgment of high-road to Constantinople. Here the three
such an assembly, " to make a bold and emperors had a meeting, and all concurred in
dangerous experiment, whether the throne the restoration of Athanasius, who, after pass-

was inaccessible to the voice of truth." ing through Constantinople, saw Constantius
Attended bv five of his suffragans, he took the a second time, at a farther point on his

first vessel for Constantinople, and suddenly homeward journey,

at Caesarea in Cappadocia
presented himself in the middle of the road (Apol. ad Const. 5 Hist. Ar. 8).
; His arrival
when the emperor was riding into the city. at Alexandria, in Nov. 338, was hailed by
Constantine, on learning who he \yas, and popular rejoicing the churches resounded

what was his errand, tried to pass him by in with thanksgivings, and the clergy thought
silence; but Athanasius firmly stood his it the happiest day of their Hves." But his
" did not
ground. "Either summon a lawful council, enemies bestirred themselves, and
" in order to press
or give me opportunity of meeting my accusers shrink from long journeys
in your presence." The request was con- on the emperors new charges against him
ceded. The bishops of the council, after that he had misappropriated the corn granted
receiving their commissioners' report, had by by the late emperor for charitable purposes in
a majority condemned Athanasius, and then Egypt and Libya, and that the day of his re-
pronounced Arius orthodox on the ground of turn had been signalized by bloodshed. Con-
a doctrinal statement made five years earlier, stantius wrote to him in anger, assuming the
when they were startled by an imperial letter truth of the former charge but Athanasius ;

expressing suspicion of their motives, and was successful in disproving both. However,
summoning them to Constantinople. Many Constantius— who was so soon to be " his
of them, in alarm, fled homewards ; but the scourge and torment " (Hooker, v. 42, 2) fell —
two Eusebii, Theognis, Patrophilus, Valens, more and more under the influence of his great
and Ursacius repaired to court, and, saying enemy Eusebius, now transferred from Nico-
nothing of " the chalice," or the report of the media to the see of Constantinople, which had
commission, presented a new charge, like the been forcibly vacated by the second expulsion
former quasi-political ones — that Athanasius of the orthodox Paul. The Eusebians now
had talked of distressing Constantinople by resumed a project which had been found im-
preventing the sailing of Alexandrian corn- practicable, while Constantine lived ; this was
ships. " How could I, a private person, and i
to place on " the Evangelical throne " an
poor, do anything of the kind ? " asked I Arian named Pistus, who had been a priest
Athanasius. Eusebius of Nicomedia answered I
under Alexander, had been deposed by him
by affirming with an oath that Athanasius for adhering to Arius, and had been conse-
was rich and powerful, and able to do any- crated, as it seems [Apol. 24), by a notorious
thing. The emperor cut short Athanasius's Arian bishop named Secundus. It was argued
defence with a show of indignation ; and, that Athanasius had offended against all eccle-
perhaps not from real beUef in the charge, but siastical principles by resuming his see in
by way of getting rid of the case and silencing defiance of the Tyrian'sentence, and by virtue
the archbishop's enemies in his own interest, of mere secular authority. The charge did
banished him to the distant city of Trier or not come well from a party which had leaned
Treves, the seat of government of his eldest so much on the court and the State ;but it
son Constantine, who received the exile with must be allowed that Athanasius's return had
much kindness, in Feb. 336. given some colour to the objection, although
(3) Frofn his First Exile {336) to his Second he doubtless held that the assembly at Tyre

(340). His life at Treves, including nearly two had forfeited all moral right to be respected as
years and a half, was an interval of rest, much a council. By way of harassing Athanasius,
needed and doubtless invigorating, between the Eusebians, apparently about this time,
the storms of the past and those of the future. made Isch>Tas a bishop, after obtaining an
He had now to " stand and wait " a new — order in the name of the emperor that a church
experience for him. He was " abundantly
suppUed with all necessaries " (Constantine II.

should be built for him an oider which failed
to procure him a congregation {Apol. 12, 85).
in Apol. 87) he had the friendship of Maxi-
; The Eusebians now applied to the West in
min, the orthodox bp. of Treves, afterwards behalf of their nominee Pistus. Three clergy
canonized ; he had with him some Egyptian appeared as their envoys before Julius, bp. of

Kninr ; on the othor liaiui, Atli.iii.isius mmiI iiubihc fioiu

the theological spirit"; and

to Rome presbyters to state his rase, and an (/>) when Gibbon says that " .Vthanasius intro-
iiicvclir —
the invaluable ilocunient which has duced into Rome the knowledge and practice
inrnished us with so niiich inforniatii>n —
from of the monastic life," he records the origination
the holv svnod assembled at Alexandria ont of a vast European movement, and represents
t Egypt, thebais, Libya, and Pentapolis," the great Alexandrian exile as the spiritual
:uposed, says Atlianasius, of nearly loo ancestor of Benedict, of Bernard, and of the
! Kites. At Rome his envoys gave such countless founders and reformers of " re-
ulcnce respecting Pistus as to cause the ligious " communities in the West.

- iiior of the Eusebian envoys to decamp by Meantime Elpidius and Philoxenus had
insht in spite of an indisposition. His coni- discharged their errand. The liusebians at
panions asked Julius to convoke a council, Antioch, finding that .Athanasius was at Rome,
and to act, if he pleased, as judge. He and that the council to which they were
aicordingly invited both parties to a council, invited would be a free ecclesiastical assembly,
I be held where Athanasius should choose, detained the Roman legates beyond the time

rhus matters stood about the end of 339. specified, and then dismissed them with the
Early in 340 a new announcement disquieted excuse that Constantius was occupied with
the Alexandrian church. It was notified in a his Persian war. At the same time they
formal edict of the prefect that not Pistus, stimulated Philagrius and Gregory to new
but a Cappadocian named Gregory, was com- severities. Orthodox bishops were scourged
ing from the court to be installed as bishop and imprisoned Potammon never recovered

{Encycl. 2). This, says Athanasius, was con- from his stripes Sarapammon, another

sidered an unheard-of wrong. The churches confessor-bishop, was exiled {Hist. Ar. 12).
were more thronged than ever the people, The letters of Alexandrians to Athanasius,

in great excitement, and with passionate out- consolatory as proofs of their affection, gave
.ries, called the magistrates and the whole city mournful accounts of torture and robbery, of
tii witness that this attack on their legitimate hatred towards himself shewn in persecution
bishop proceeded from the mere wantonness of of his aunt, of countenance shewn to Gregory
Arian hatred. Ciregory, they knew, was an by the " duke " Balacius and some of these

Arian, and therefore acceptable to the Euse- troubles were in his mind when, early in 341,
bian party he was a fellow-countryman of he wrote " from Rome " his Festal Letter for

Philagrius. Philagrius attacked the church the year. That year had begun without any
f St. (Juirinus, and encouraged a mob of the
• such settlement of his case as had been hoped
west townspeople and of savage peasants to for at Rome. December had passed, and
rpetrate atrocious cruelties and profana- no council could be held, for the Eusebians
u ms. Athanasius was residing in the pre- had not arrived. January came, and at last
incts of the church of St. Theonas he knew the legates returned, the unwilling bearers of

that he was specially aimed at, and, in hope of a letter so offensive that Juhus "resolved
preventing further outrage, he withdrew from to keep it to himself, in the hope that some
the city to a place of concealment in the Eusebians" would even yet arrive (Apol. 24)
neighbourhood, where lie busied himself in and render the public reading of it unneces-
preparing an encyclic to give an account of sary. No one came. On the contrary, the
these horrors. This was on March 19. Four Eusebians resolved to take advantage of the
days later Gregory is said to have " entered approaching dedication of a new cathedral at
the city as bishop." Athanasius, after hastily Antioch, " the Golden Church," in order to
completing and dispatching his encyclic, hold a council there. Accordingly, ninety-
sailed for Rome in the Easter season of 340, seven bishops, many of whom were rather
some weeks after Constantine II. had been negatively than positively heterodox, as-
slain during his invasion of Italy. sembled on this occasion, apparently in Aug.
(4) From his Second Exile (^40) to his Second 341. Constantius was present. The sentence

Return (346). After Julius had welcomed passed against Athanasius at Tyre was af-
Athanasius, he sent two presbyters, Elpidius firmed several canons were passed
; and ;

and Philoxenus, in the early summer of 340, to three creeds were framed, in language partly
repeat his invitation to the Eusebian prelates, vague and general, partly all but reaching the
to fix definitely the next December as the time Nicene standard (cf. Newman, Arians, c. 4,
of the proposed council, and Rome as the s. I cf. Athan. Treatises, i. 105 seq.).
; This
place. Athanasius received much kindness business necessarily lasted some time and ;

from the emperor's aunt. Entropion, and from no information as to this council had reached
many others {Ap. ad Const. 417 cf. Fest.; Rome when, in Nov. 341, Athanasius having
Ep. 13). He had with him two Egyptian now been waiting at Rome for eighteen
monks. Their presence in the city, and months (Apol. 29), Julius assembled the long-
Athanasius's enthusiasm for Anthony and delayed council, consisting of more than fifty
other types of monastic saintliness, made a bishops, in the church of the presbyter Vito.
strong impression on the Roman church Athanasius's case was fully examined Ath- ;

society, and abated the prejudices there exist- anasius was formally i)ronounced innocent ;

ing against the very name of monk, and the his right to brotherly treatment and church
disgust at a rude and strange exterior. —
In communion admitted from the first by the
fact, Athanasius's three years (340-343) at Roman bishop
Rome had two great historic results, "(a) The the Italian council.

was solemnly recognized by
The year 342 is not
Latin church, which became his "scholar" eventful in his history. Constans had shewn
as well as his " loyal partisan," was confirmed himself friendly to Athanasius, who at his
by the spell of his master-mind " in its request had sent him from Alexandria some
adhesion to orthodoxy, although it did not bound copies of the Scriptures [A p. ad Const. 4).
Narcissus, Maris, and two other prelates ap- for the rehearing of a prelate's cause. It need
peared before Constans at Treves, spoke in hardly be added that they would have no
support of the decisions against Athanasius, creed but the Nicene. They wrote letters of
and presented a creed which might, at first sympathy to the suffragans of Athanasius and
sight, appear all but to confess the " Homo- the churchmen of Alexandria, urging the
ousion." But Constans, doubtless swayed by faithful " to contend earnestly for the sound
bp. Maxiinin, who would not admit the faith and the innocence of Athanasius."
Eastern envoys to communion, dismissed them The bold line taken at Sardica provoked
from his presence (Athan. de Syn. 25 Soz. iii.
the advisers of Constantius to fresh severities ;

10 Hil. Fragm. iii. 27).

and the Alexandrian magistrates received
Athanasius remained at Rome until the orders to behead Athanasius, or certain of his
summer of 343, when, " in the fourth year" clergy expressly named, if they should conn;
from his arrival, he received a letter from near the city. Athanasius, still kept under
Constans, bv which he was ordered to meet the emperor's ban, had gone from Sardica
him at Milai'i (Ap. ad Const. 3, 4)- Surprised to Naissus, and thence, at the invitation of
at the summons, he inquired as to its probable Constans, to Aquileia. There, in company
cause, and learned that some bishops had with the bp. Fortunatian, he was admitted
been urging Constans to propose to Constan- to more than one audience and whenever

tius the assembling of a new council, at which Constans mentioned Constantius, he replied
East and West might be represented. On in terms respectful towards the latter. Con-
arriving at the great capital of Northern Italy, stans peremptorily, and even with a threat
which was to be so memorably associated with of civil war, urged his brother to reinstate
the struggle between the church and Arianism, Athanasius (Socr. ii. 22). The death of Gre-
he was admitted, with Protasius, bp. of Milan, gory, about Feb. 345 {Hist. Ar. 21), gave
behind the veil of the audience-chamber, and Constantius an occasion for yielding the point.
received with " much kindness " by Constans, He therefore wrote to Athanasius, affecting to
who told him that he had already written to be solicitous of the Western emperor's assent
his brother, " requesting that a council might to an act of his own free clemency. He wrote
be held." Athanasius left Milan immediately two other letters {Apol. 51 Hist. Ar. 22),

afterwards, being desired by Constans to come and employed six " counts " to write encour-
into Gaul, in order to meet Hosius, the ven- agingly to the exile and Athanasius, after

erated bp. of Cordova, and accompany him to receiving these letters at Aquileia, made up
the council, which both sovereigns had now his mind, at last, to act on those assurances ;

agreed to assemble on the frontier line of their but not until Constantius could tell Constans
empires, at the Moesian city of Sardica. And that he had been " expecting Athanasius for
there, about the end of 343, some 170 prelates a year." Invited by Constans to Treves,
met, a small majority being Westerns. Athanasius made a diversion on his journey
It soon appeared that united action was in order to see Rome again it was some six

impossible. The majority, ignoring the years since he had been cordially welcomed
councils of TjTe and Antioch, and treating by JuUus, who now poured forth his generous
the whole case as open, could not but regard heart in a letter of congratulation for the
Athanasius as innocent, or, at least, as not Alexandrian church, one of the most beautiful
yet proved guilty ; and he " joined them in documents in the whole Athanasian series.
celebrating the Divine mysteries " (Hil. Julius dwelt on the well-tried worth of Athan-
Fragm. iii. 14). The Eusebian minority, on asius, on his own happiness in gaining such a
reaching Sardica, had simply announced their friend, on the steady faith which the Alex-
arrival, and then shut themselves up in the ,
andrians had exhibited, on the rapture with
lodgings provided for them at the palace, and which they would celebrate his return and ;

refused to join their brethren until the persons '

concluded by invoking for his " beloved

whom they denounced as convicted men brethren" the blessings " which eye had not
should be deprived of seats in the council. seen, nor ear heard." * Athanasius travelled
The answer was, that the council was pre- northward about midsummer visited Con-

pared to go into all the cases which could be stans, passed through Hadrianople {Hist. Ar.
submitted to it : each party would be free to 18), proceeded to Antioch, and saw Constan-
implead the other. The Eusebian bishops, tius for the third time {Ap. ad Const. 5). The
although urged to confront their adversaries, reception was gracious the emperor valued

withdrew from Sardica and established them- himself on his impassive demeanour (Ammian.
selves as a council at Philippopolis within the xvi. 10). Athjmasius, without viUfying his
Eastern empire, renewed the sentences against enemies, firmly desired leave to confront them
Athanasius, put forth new ones against Julius, {Ap. ad Const. I.e. ;Hist. Ar. 22, 44). " No,"
Hosius, and others, drew up an encyclic, and said Constantius, " God knows, I will never
adopted a creed (Apol. 36, 45, 48 Hist. Ar. 15,

; again credit such accusations and all records


16, 44 Hil. de Syji. 34

; ; Fragm. 3). The pre- of past charges shall be erased." This latter
lates at Sardica proceeded with their inquiry, promise he at once fulfilled, by orders sent
recognized the innocence of Athanasius, and to the authorities in Egypt and he ^\Tote

excommunicated eleven Eusebian bishops, as letters in favour of the' archbishop to the

men who " separated the Son from the Father, clergy of Egypt and the laity of Alexandria.
and so merited separation from the Catholic One thing he asked, that Athanasius would
church." They enacted several canons, in- allow the Alexandrian Arians a single church.
cluding the famous one providing for a Athanasius promptly replied that he would do
reference, in certain circumstances, to " Julius, so, if a church might be granted at Antioch to
bp. of Rome," in " honour of Peter's mem- * Apol. 55. Socrates (ii. 23) inserts eulogistic
ory," so that he might make arrangements phrases which Athanasius's text does not give.

the " Eustathiau " Ixuly. which held aloof bearers of these letters, .Vthanasiiis desired
from the crypto- Ariaii bp. Lcontiiis, and whose his people, assembled in church, *' to pray for
services, held in a house, lie had been attend- the safety of the most religious Constantius
ing. The emperor would have agreed to this, .\iigustus." The response was at once made,
" C) Christ, help Constantius "
but his advisers stood in the way.* (Ap. ad !

From Antioch Athanasius proceeded to Const. 9, 10, 23; Hist. Ar. 24, 51). He
Jerusalem, where an orthodox council met to had leisure for writing On the Nicinc Definition
do him honour, and to congratulate his of Faith * and On the Opinions of Dionysius,
church. And now lie had but to return home his great predecessor in the 3rd cent., whose
and enjoy the welcome which that church was language, employed in controversy with
eager to give. This he did, acconling to the Sabellianism, had been unfairly quoted in
Festal Index, on Oct. 21 (Paophi 24), 3.tC. support of Arianism. t fDiONVSius.] He
We see in Gregory Nazianzen's panegyric a also brought out, at this time, what is called
picture of the vast mass of population, dis- his Apology Of^ainst the Arians, although he
tributed into its several classes, and streaming afterwards made additions to it.t It may
latth, " like another Nile," to meet him at have been about this time that he chose the
some distance from Alexandria the faces ; blind scholar Didymus, already renowned for
gazing from every eminence at the well-known vast and varied learning, to preside over the
team, the ears strained to catch his accents, " Catechetical School." [Didymus.] When
the voices rising in emulous plaudits, the Magnentius sent envoys to Constantius, one
hands clapping, the air fragrant with incense, of them visited Alexandria and Athanasius,

the city festal with banquets and blazing with in speaking to him of Constans, burst into

illuminations all that made this return of tears. He at first had some apprehension of
Athanasius in aftor-times the standard for any danger froni Magnentius ; but it was soon
-pltMuiid popul.ir display. evident that his real danger was from the
(5) From his Si-cotul Return (346) to his Third Arianizing ad\iscrs of Constantius. Valens
;:..nV^ (^36).— His 19th Festal Letter, for 347. and Ursacius, having now recanted their re-
begins with a thanksgiving for having been cantation, were ready to wea\e new plots ;

" brought from distant lands." The Egyptian and Liberius, the new bp. of Rome, was plied
prelates, in council, received the decrees of with letters against him, which were out-
Sardica. More than 400 bishops of different weighed, in the judgment of a Roman synod,
countries, including Britain, were now in by an encyclic of eighty Egyptian prelates ;

communion with Athanasius he had a mul- and Rome remained faithful to his cause.

titude of their " letters of peace " to answer. (See Liberius's letter to Constantius, Hil.
Many persons in Egypt who had sided with Fragm. 5. Another letter, in which Liberius
the Arians came by night to him with their is made to say that he had put Athanasius out
excuses it was a time " of deep and wondrous of his communion for refusing to come to

peace" (Hist. At. 25), which lasted for a few Rome when summoned, is justly regarded as
years. Valens and Ursacius had already, it a forgery.) This was in 352 and Athanasius, ;

seems, anathematized Arianism before a in May 353, thought it well to send 5 bishops
council at Milan but they deemed it ex- (Soz. iv. 9, and Fragm. Maff.), one being his

pedient to do more. In 347 they appeared at friend Serapion of Thmuis, and 3 presbyters,
Rome, and presented to Julius a humble to disabuse Constantius of bad impressions as
apologetic letter, having already written in a to his conduct. Five days later, May 23,
different strain to Athanasius, announcing Montanus, a " silcntiary " or palace chamber-
that they were " at peace with him." t He lain, arrived with an imperial letter for-
believed at the time that they were sincere bidding him to send envoys, but granting

thev afterwards ascribed their act to fear of a request for himself to go to Milan.
Con'stans (Hist. Ar. 29). This motive, if it Athanasius, detecting an attempt to decoy
existed, was ere long removed the revolt of him, replied that as he had never made such

Magnentius brought Constans to an ignomini- a request, he could not think it right to use a
ous death at the foot of the P>Tenees, in permission granted under a misconception ;

Feb. 350. This tragedy was a severe shock but that if the emperor sent him a definite
to Athanasius. He received, indeed, letters order, he would set forth at once (Ap. ad
from Constantius, assuring him of continued Const. 19-21). Montanus departed and the ;

favour, and encouraging him to pursue his next news that Athanasius received from
episcopal work. The .-Mexandrian authorities Europe was such as to make him forget all
were also commanded to suppress any " plot- personal danger. The Western usurper had
ting against Athanasius." Thereupon in pre- been finally overthrown in August and ;

sence of high state officers, including the Constantius, having gone to Aries for the
• See Socr. ii. 23, Soz. iii. 20. They were called
after bp. Eustathius (Hist. Ar. 4), deposed by Arians • In this treatise he guards the Catholic sense of
in 330. For Leontius, see de Fuua, 26 Theod. ; the title " Son," gives some account of the council's
ii. 24; Hooker, v. 42, 9. Many of the orthodox proceedings, and defends the language adopted by
continued to worship in his churches (<•.?. Flavian it,adducing ante-Xicene authorities. (He upholds
and Diodore). Constantius's absolute dependence Origen's orthodoxy.)
on his advisers is scornfully noted in Hisl. Ar. 69, 70. t He urged that Dionysius had been speaking
t See Newman's note, Hist. Tracts, p. 86 (.-ipol. simply of Christ's Manhood (see I,iddon's Bamp.
19): cf. Apol. 2; Hisl. Ar. 26, 44. As Westerns, l.tcl. p. 425).
they naturally treated the bp. of Rome with much : In the Hollandist I.ife (Act. .SS., May 2), the
greater deference than the bp. of Ale.xandria and ; Apology acainst Arians is called the Syllogus, or
even in their statement to Julius they betray their collection of documents, etc., framed about 342, and
distrust of Athanasius. That they should retract, afterwards appended to the Arian History "ad
from motives of policy, was for them no unnatural Monachos." The old name of Second Apology is, at
course : cf. Hil. Fragm. i. 20. all events, clearly misapplied.
wiater, was induced by the Arians to hold from the emperor's passionate eagerness to
there, instead of at Aquileia, the council which have him condemned, and from the really
Liberius and many Italian bishops had re- brutal persecution which began to rage
quested him to assemble.* The event was throughout the empire against those who
disastrous Vincent, the Roman legate, was
: adhered to his communion (Hist. Ar. 31), but
induced to join with other prelates in con- from the appearance at Alexandria, in July
demning Athanasius but Paulinus of Treves
or Aug. 355, of an imperial notary, named
had inherited Maximin's steadfastness, and Diogenes, who, though he brought no express
preferred exile to the betrayal of a just cause. orders, and had no interview with Athanasius,
In the Lent of 354 the Alexandrian churches used every effort to get him out of the city.
were so crowded that some persons suffered Failing in this, he departed in Dec. and on

severely, and the people lu-ged Athanasius to Jan. 5, 356, Syrianus, a general, with another
allow the Easter services to be held in a large notary named Hilarius, entered Alexandria.
church which was still unfinished, called the The Arian party exulted in their approaching
Caesarean. The case was pecuUar {Ap. ad triumph ; Athanasius asked SyTianus if he
Const. 15 Epiph. Haer. 69, 2)
; the church: had brought any letter from the Emperor. He
was being built on ground belonging to the said he had not. The archbishop referred him
emperor to use it prematurely, without his
; to the guarantee of security which he had
leave, might be deemed a civil offence to ; himself received ; and the presbyters, the
use it before dedication, an ecclesiastical im- laity, and the majority of all the inhabitants
propriety. Athanasius tried to persuade the supported him in demanding that no change
people to put up with the existing inconveni- should be made without a new imperial letter
ence they answered, they would rather keep
: — the rather that they themselves were pre-
Easter in the open country. Under these paring to send a deputation to Constantius.
circumstances he gave way. The Arianizers The prefect of Egypt and the provost of
were habitually courtiers, and ready, on Alexandria were present at this interview ;

occasion, to be formahsts likewise and this ; and Syrianus, at last, promised " by the hfe
using of the undedicated imperial church was of the emperor" that he would comply with
one of several charges now urged at court the demand. This was on Jan. 18 ; and for
against their adversary, and dealt with in his more than three weeks all was quiet. But
Apology to Constantius the others being that
; about midnight on Thursday, Feb. 8, when
he had stimulated Constans to quarrel with Athanasius was at a night-long vigil service
his brother, had corresponded with Magnen- in St. Theonas's church, preparatory to the
tius, and that he had not come to Italy on Friday service, Syrianus, with Hilarius, and
receiving the letter brought by Montanus. A Gorgonius, the head of the poUce force, beset
letter which Athanasius wrote before the the church with a large body of soldiers. " I
Easter of this year, or perhaps of 355, is par- sat down," says Athanasius, " on my throne
ticularly interesting he seeks to recall
; (which would be at the extreme end of the
Dracontius, a monk who had been elected to church), " and desired the deacnn to read the
a bishopric, and had weakly fled from his Psalm " (our 136th), " and the people to
new duties. The earnestness, good sense, and respond. For His mercy endureth for ever,_ and
affectionateness of this letter are very charac- then all to depart home." This majestic
teristic of Athanasius. He dwells repeatedly " act of faith " was hardly finished, when the
on the parable of the Talents, reminds Dra- doors were forced, and the soldiers rushed in
contius of solemn obligations, and warns him with a fierce shout, clashing their arms,
against imagining the monastic life to be discharging their arrows, and brandishing
the one sphere of Christian self-denial. f The their swords in the light of the church lamps.
calm contemplation of fast-approaching trials, Some of the people in the nave had already
which would make a severe demand on departed, others were trampled down or
Christian men's endurance, shews a "discern- mortally injured ; others cried to the arch-
ment " of the " signs " of 354-5 in Athanasius. bishop to escape. " I said I would not do so
For, in the spring of 355, he would hear of until they had all got away safe. So I stood
the success of Constantius in terrorizing the up, and called for prayer, and desired all to
great majority of a large council at Milan, go out before me . and when the greater
. .

which had been summoned at the urgent desire part had gone, the monks who were there,
of Liberius. A few faithful men, such as and certain of the clergy, came up to me and
Eusebius of Vercelli, Lucifer of Caliaris, carried me away." And then, he adds, he
Dionysius of Milan, after a momentary weak- passed through the mass of his enemies un-
ness, and Maximus of Naples, who was suffer- observed, thanking God that he had been able
ing at the time from illness, alone refused to to secure in the first instance his people's
condemn Athanasius {Hist. Ar. 32-34^ and ; safety, and afterwards his own. As on a
in standing out against the incurable tyran- former occasion, he deemed it his duty to
nousness of Caesarism, as thus exhibited, must accept an opportunity of escape, especially
have felt themselves to be contending both for when the sacrifice of his life would have been
civil justice and for Nicene orthodoxy. ruinous to the cause of the church in Egypt
That some coup d'etat was meditated against (see Augustine, Ep. 228, 10) and he there-

Athanasius must have been evident, not only fore concealed himself in the country, " hiding
himself," as the Arian History, c. 48, employs
• See Uberius's letter to Hosius in Hil. Fragm. 6
The spurious letter referred to above (as to the prophet's words, " for a little moment,
which see
de Broglie, VEgLet I'Emp. 2me part. i. until the indignation should be overpast."
233) begins
Studens paci," and forms Fr. (6) From his Third to his Fourth Exile (356-

t " Iknow of bishops
not, fast."
who do, and of monks who —
362). On leaving Alexandria, Athanasius at
first thought of appealing in person to Con-

iiitiiis, who
could not, he tried to hope, have Egypt, and the monasteries and liermitages of
! tioued the late outrage. But he was dt-- the Thebaid." A veil of mystery was thus
i-d by the news of one woe following upon
drawn over his life and the interest was

ther (.-f^. ad Const. 27, iq). Bishops of heightened by the romantic incidents naturally
West who had refused to disown him were following from the Government's attempts to
icriuK under tyranny, or had been hurried track and seize him. When comparatively
t>) exile. Among the latter class was the undisturbed, he would still be full of activities,
^i: l\oman bishop himself, who had manfully ecclesiastical and theological. Athanasius made
Pi spumed both gifts and menaces (Theod. ii. 16); those six years of seclusion available for
1:; ind Hosius, on addressing to Constantius a literary work of the most substantial kind,
lUMistrance full of pathetic dignity, had been both controversial and historical. The books
ii for to be detained at Sirmium. Then which he now began to pour forth were appar-
lie news which touched Athanasius more
1 ently Nvritten in cottages or caves, where he
It was given out that one George,
:iosely. sat, like any monk, on a mat of palm-leaves,
; Cappadocian of ev'il reputation and ruthless
,a with a bundle of papyrus beside him, amid the
d ;temper, was coming to supersede him and ; intense light and stillness of the desert (Kings-
jthat a vague creed, purporting to be simply ley's Hermits, p. 130, 19). He finished his
Scriptural, but in fact ignoring tiie Nicene .Apology to Constantius, a work which he had
doctrine, was to be proposed for his suffragans' for some time in hand, and which he still
'acceptance. This last report set him at once hoped to be able, in better days, to deliver in
|, ;to work on a Letter to the Egyptian and Libyan the emperor's presence. He met the taunts
Bishops. But he had soon to hear of a of " cowardice " directed against him by the
- repetition of the sacrileges and brutalities of Arians with an Apology for his Flight. To
"the days of Gregory. As before. Lent was the same period belong the Letter to the
,, 'the time chosen for the arrival of the usurper. Monks, with the Arian History (not now
(Easter brought an increase of trouble in the extant as a whole), which it introduces (and
f [persecution of prelates, clergy, virgins, widows, as to which it is difficult to resist the impres-
I the poor, and even ordinary Catholic house- sion that part of it, at least, was written under
holders. On the evening of the Sunday after Athanasius's supervision, by some friend or
Pentecost, when " the brethren " had met for secretary) a Letter to Serapion, bp. of Thmuis,

worship, apart from the Ariaus, in the pre- giving an account of the death of Arius, the
cincts of a cemetery, a military commander, details of which he had learned from his
named Sebastian, a fierce-tempered Mani- presbyter Macarius, while he himself was re-
'chean, whose sympathies went with George, sident at Treves ; and, above all, the great
came to the spot with more than 3000 soldiers, Orations or Discourses against the Arians.
, and found some virgins and others still in These last have been described by Montfaucon
prayer after the general congregation had as " the sources whence arguments have been

broken up. On their refusal to embrace borrowed by all who have since written in
Arianism, he caused them to be stripped, and behalf of the Divinity of the Word." The
beaten or wounded with such severity that first discourse is occupied with an exposition

some died from the effects, and their corpses of the greatness of the question at issue ; with
were kept without burial. This was followed proofs of the Son's eternity and uncreateduess,
by the banishment of sixteen bishops, doubt- with discussion of objections, and with com-
less for rejecting the new-made creed ; more ments on texts alleged in support of Arianism
: than thirty fled, others were scared into [i.e. Phil. ii. 9, 10 ;Ps. xlv. 7, 8; Heb i. 4).
an apparent conformity, and the vacated The second, written after some interval, pur-
churches were given over to men whose moral sues this line of comment, especially on a text

disqualifications for any religious office were much urged by Arians in the LXX version
compensated by their profession of Arianism. (Prov. viii. 22). The third explains texts in
Tragical as were these tidings, Athanasius still the Gospels, and in so doing sets forth the
clung to his purpose of presenting himself Christ of the church, as uniting in Himself

before Constantius, until he learned that one true Godhead and true Manhood; and it then
imperial letter had denounced him as a fugitive passes to the consideration of another Arian
criminal who richly merited death, and an- statement, that the Sonship was a result of
other had e.xhorted the two Ethiopian sove- God's mere will. Differing from other writers.
Dr. Newman considers the fourth Discourse to

reigns to send Frumentius to Alexandria, that

George might instruct him in the knowledge be an undigested collection of notes or memo-
I of " the supreme God." randa on several heresies, principally that
Then it was that .Athanasius, accepting the which was imputed to his friend Marcellus,

Sosition of a proscribed man who must needs and to persons connected with him an —
ve as a fugitive, " turned back again," as he imputation which Athanasius, about 360,
says, " towards the desert," and sought for began to think not undeserved. It may be
welcome and shelter amid the innumerable thought by some who have no bias against

; monastic cells. Anthony had died at the be- the theology of the Discourses that his tender-
ginning of the year, desiring that a worn-out ness towards an old associate is in striking
sheepskin cloak (the monk's usual upper dress), contrast with the exuberance of objurgation
which when new had been the gift of .-Kthan- bestowed on the Arian " madmen " and " foes
asius, might be returned to him (Vit. Ant. 91). of Christ." But not to urge that the 4th
As Athanasius appears to have made secret cent, had no established rules of controversial
: visits to Alexandria, he probably spent some poHteness, and that the acerbity of Greek
time among the recluses of Lower Egypt, but disputation and the personalities of Roman
he also doubtless visited what Villemain calls society had often too much influence on the
" the pathless solitudes which surround Upper tone of Christian argument, one must remem-
ber that Athanasius is not attacking all 24 barbarously murdered him. The Arians
members of tlie Arian communion, but repre- set up one Lucius in his place but Julian, as

sentatives of it who had been conspicuous, if to shew his supercilious contempt for the
not for heterodoxy alone, but for secularity in disputes of " Galileans," or his detestation
its worst form, for unscrupulousness, and for of the memory of Constantius, permitted all
violence. He followed up his Discourses by the bishops whom his predecessor had exiled
four Letters to Serapion of Thmuis, of which to return and Athanasius, taking advantage

the second briefly repeated the teaching of the of this edict, reappeared in Alexandria, to the
Discourses, while the others were directed joy of his people, Feb. 22, 362.
against a theory then reported to him by One of his first acts was to hold a council
Serapion as springing up, and afterwards at Alexandria for the settlement of several
known as Macedonianism which, abandon-
pressing questions, {a} Many bishops deeply
ing the Arian position in regard to the Son, regretted their concessions at Ariminum in
strove with singular inconsistency to retain it 359 how were they to be treated ? (b) It

in regard to the Spirit. Athanasius met this had become urgently necessary to give some
error by contending for " a Trinity real and advice to Paulinus and his flock at Antioch,
undivided," in which the Spirit was included with a view to healing the existing schism
with the Father and the Son. there, (c) A dispute which had arisen as to

The general aspect of church affairs was the word " hypostasis " had to be settled. (4)
very unhopeful. At Constantinople an Arian A correct view as to the Incarnation and the
persecution had again set in. But the defec- Person of Christ had to be established. The
tion of Hosius in 357, and Liberius in 358, work before the council was that of harmoniz-
after hard pressure and cruel usage, from the ing and reconciling. A synodal letter, or
steadfastness which Athanasius had so much "Tome," addressed "to the Antiochenes
admired, must have wounded him to the {i.e. to Paulinus and his flock), and composed
heart. Yet he speaks of them with character- by Athanasius, is one of the noblest documents
istic and most generous tenderness, and with that ever emanated from a council. But it
full recognition of the trials under which they came too late to establish peace at Antioch.
had given way (Hist. Ar. 45, 41 ; Apol. 89 ;
Lucifer of Caliaris had taken upon him to
de Fugii, 5). In 350 the general body of consecrate Paulinus as the legitimate bp. of
Western bishops, at the council of Ariminum, Antioch, and so perpetuated the division
were partly harassed and partly cheated into which his wiser brethren had hoped to heal.
adopting an equivocal but really Arian con- The pagans of Alexandria had been rebuked
fession, which was also adopted at the begin- by Julian for the murder of George, but he
ning of 360 by the legates of the Eastern lent a ready ear to their denunciations of
council of Seleucia. An account of the earlier Athanasius as a man whose influence would
proceedings of these two councils was drawn destroy their religion. Julian assured them
up, in the form of a letter, by Athanasius, that he had never intended Athanasius to
who, on the ground of a few words in the resume " what is called the episcopal throne " ;

opening of this Letter on the Councils of Ari- and peremptorily commanded him to leave
minum and Seleucia, has been thought by Alexandria the imperial edict was communi-

Tillemont and Gibbon to have been present cated to Athanasius on Oct. 23 = Paophi 27, (

at any rate at the latter place. The treatise Fest. Ind., Fragm. Maff.). The faithful
is remarkable for his considerateness towards gathered around him weeping. " Be of good
those of the semi-Arians whose objections to heart," he said " it is but a cloud
; it will;

the Nicene Creed were rather verbal than soon pass." He instantly embarked to go up
real, while the second creed of Sirmium had the Nile. But Julian's implied orders were
driven them into open hostility to the Arians not forgotten some Government agents

properly so-called, which they had expressed pursued his vessel. They met a boat coming
in their council of Ancyrain 358. Athanasius, down the river, and asked for news of Athan-
then expressly naming their leader, Basil of asius. " He is not far off," was the reply.
Ancyra, welcomes them as brothers who mean
essentially what churchmen mean.

The boat was his own he himself, perhaps,
He will the speaker (Theod. iii. 9). His facilities of
not for the present urge the Horaoousion upon information had given him warning of the
them. He is sure that in time thev will peril, and his presence of mind had baffled it.
accept it, as securing that doctrine of Christ's He sailed on towards Alexandria, but con-
essential Sonship which their own svmbol cealed himself at Chaereu, the first station
" Homoiousion " could not adequately guard from the capital, then proceeded to Memphis,
[de Syn. 41). But while exhibiting this large- where he wrote his Festal Letter for 363, and
minded patience and forbearance he is careful then made his way to the Thebaid.
to contrast the long series of Arian creeds with (7) From his Fourth Exile to his Death
the one invariable standard of the orthodox (362-373). It was probably about this time,
the only refuge from restless variations will shortly before Easter, 363, that Athanasius
be found in a frank adoption of the creed of was met, while approaching Hermopolis, by
Nicaea [ib. 32 ; cf. ad Afros, 9). Theodore of Tabenne, the banks of the Nile
On Nov. 30 the accession of Julian was being thronged by bishops, clergy, and monks.
formally proclaimed at Alexandria. The Night apparently favoured this demonstra-
Pagans, in high exultation, thought that their tion Athanasius,
; having disembarked,
time was come for taking vengeance on the mounted an ass which Theodore led, and pur-
Arian bishop, whom they had once before sued his way amid a vast body of monks
tumultuously expelled for oppressive and bearing lanterns and torches, and chanting
violent conduct. They rose in irresistible psalms. He stayed some time at Hermopohs
force, threw George into prison, and on Dec. and Antinoe, for the purpose of preaching

prDcecdcd soutlnvarils t«> Tabcnno. At mise to refer the case of Athanasius tn the
iii.l-.iitiimor, according to anotlu-r narrative, emperor. H we may combine his statement
f was at Antinoe, apprehensive oi being with Sozomen's (wlm, however, i>laces these
iiiested and put to death, when Theodore events in a subsequent year), we should suj)-
iiid another abbot named Tanmion came to pose that the prefect was but biding his time
.v liim, and i>orsuaded him to embark with and on the night of Oct. 5, Athanasius, having
.111 in Theodore's closely covered boat, in doubtless been forewarned, left his abode in
r to conceal himself in Tabenne. Athan- the precinct of St. Dionysius's church, and
. was in praver, agitated by the prospect took refuge in a country house near the New
i.irt\Tdom, when Theodore, according to River.
For four months the archbishop's
.u storv, assured him that Julian had at that concealment lasted, until an imperial notary
,nv hour been slain in his Persian war. The came to the country house with a great multi-
i.iv of Julian's death was June 26, 363. tude, and led .\thanasius back into his church,
"The cloud had passed," and Athanasius Feb. I (Mechir 7), 366. His quiet was not
(turned by night to Alexandria. After his again seriously disturbed, and Athanasius was
trrival, which was kept secret, he received a free to ilevote himself to his proper work,
r from the new emperor Jovian, desiring whether of writing or of administration. His
t> resume his functions, and to draw up Festal Letter for 367 contained a list of the
•.cment of the Catholic faith. .Vthauasius books of Scripture which, so far as regards
,1 ^.iice assembled a council, and framed a the New Testament, agrees precisely with our
SNTiodal letter, in which the Nicene Creed was own (see, too, de Deer. 18). The canonical
prabodied, its Scripturalness asserted, and the books are described as " the fountains of
|;n"eat majoritv of Churches (including the salvation, through which alone " (a mode of
British) referred to as professing it : Arianism speaking very usual with Athanasius) " is the
ivas condemned, semi-Arianism pronounced teaching of religion transmitted" ;a second
inadequate, the Homoousion explained as class of books is mentioned, as "read" in
•expressive of Christ's real Sonship, the co- church for religious edification
; the name
Jequality of the Holy Spirit maintained in
" apocryphal " is reserved for a third class to
terms which partly anticipate the language which heretics have assigned a fictitious dig-
:>f the Creed of Constantinople. On Sept. 5 nity (VVestcott, On the Canon, pp. 487, 520).
^Athanasius sailed to Antioch, bearing this To this period has been assigned the comment
letter. He was most graciously received, on doctrinal texts which is called a treatise
while the rival bp. Lucius and his companions On the Incarnation and against the Arians ;

were rebuffed with some humour and some but its entire genuineness may be reasonably
|impatience by the blunt soldier-prince, who, doubted. In or about 369 he held a council
ihowever, during his brief reign, shewed him- at Alexandria, in order to receive letters from
!f;elf as tolerant as he was orthodox. The a Roman council held under Damasus, the
[general prospects of the church must now successor of Liberius, and also from other
have seemed brighter than at any time since Western prelates, excommunicating Ursacius
330. Llberius was known to have made a and Valens, and enforcing the authority of the
full declaration of orthodoxy ; and many Nicene Creed. Hereupon Athanasius, in a
IWestern bishops, responding to the appeals of synodal letter addressed To the Africans, i.e.
lEusebius and Hilary of Poictiers, had eagerly to those of the Carthaginian territory, con-
jrenounced the Arim'inian Creed and professed trasts the " ten or more " synodical formulas
ithe Nicene. But the local troubles of Antioch of Arianism with the Nicene Creed, gives some
Kvere distressing ; and Athanasius, seeing no account of its formation, and exposes the
|<)ther solution, recognized their bishop Paulinus futile attempt of its present adversaries to
|as the true head of the Antiochene church, on claim authority for the later, as distinct from
|his appending to his signature of the Tome a the earlier, proceedings of the Ariminian
ifull and orthodox declaration, which, accord- council. It appears that on Sept. 22, 369,
ling to Epiphanius (Haer. 77, 20), Athanasius Athanasius, who had in May 368 begun to
Ihimself had framed. rebuild the Caesarean church, laid the
Having written his Festal Letter for 364 foundations of another church, afterwards
|at Antioch, Athanasius reached home, appar- called by his own name (Fest. Jnd.). We
lently, on Feb. 13, a few days before Jovian's find him excommimicating a cruel and licen-
[death. Valentinian L succeeded, and soon tious governor in Libya, and signifying the
(afterwards assigned the Hast to his brother act by circular letters. One of these was
iValens. The Alexandrian church was not at sent to Basil, who had just become exarch, or
Ifirst a sufferer by this change of monarchs archbp., of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and had

[and 364-365 may be the probable date for the received, perhaps at that time, from Athan-
jpublication of the Life of Anthony, which asius, a formal notification of the proceedings
i.-Vthanasius addressed " to the monks abroad," of the council of 362 (Ep. 204). Basil immedi-
\t.e. those in Italy and Gaul. But, ere long, ately announced to his own people the sentence
ihis troubles to some extent reappeared. Ac- pronounced in Egypt the strong sense oi

jcording to the Egyptian documents, it was church unity made such a step both regular
Ithe spring of 365 when Valens issued an order and natural, and he wrote to assure Athan-
'for the expulsion of all bishops who, having asius that the offender would be regarded by
.been expelled under Constantius, had been the faithful at Caesarea as utterly alien from
'recalled under Julian, and thereby announced Christian fellowship (Ep. 60). This led to a
that he meant to follow the Arian policv of correspondence, carried on actively in 371.
iConstantius. On May 5 this order reached Basil, who had troubles of all kinds weighing
jAlexandria, and caused a popular ferment, upon his spirit, sought aid in regard to one of
lOnly quieted on J une 8 by the prefect's pro- them —
the unhappy schism of Antioch [Ep.
66). He wanted Athanasius to promote the Oral. iii. was " very (iod ii
41, that Christ
recogaition by the Westerns of Meletius as the flesh, and very Flesh in the Word." Ii
rightful bp. of Antioch, and to induce Paulinus truth, these later treatises, like the grea
to negotiate. In the autumn Basil wrote Discourses, exclude by anticipation both th
again (Ep. 69), and the tone which he adopts forms of heresy, in reference to the Person an(
towards Athanasius is very remarkable. He Natures of Christ, which troubled the churcl
calls him the foremost person (literally, the in the next three centuries (see especially i
summit) of the whole church, the man of II, ii. 10). Athanasius, in the fruits of hi
" truly grand and apostohc soul, who from work, was " in truth the Immortal" {Christ
boyhood had been an athlete in the cause of Rememhr. xxxvii. 206I he was continuall;
religion "
— :

" a spiritual father," whom he " planting trees under which men of a late:
longed earnestly to see, and whose conversa- age might sit." It might indeed be said tha
tion would amply compensate for all the he " waxed old in his work " (Ecclus. xi. 20)
sufferings of a lifetime {Ep. 69, 80, 82). But But the time of work for him came to ar
although Athanasius consented to act as a end in the spring of 373. The discussion;
medium between Basil and the Westerns about the year of his death may be considerec
{Ep. 90), he could not take any direct part in as practically closed the Festal Index

favour of Meletius, whose rival's position he although its chronology is sometimes faulty
had unequivocally recognized. Nothing came may be considered as confirming the date
of the appUcation. 373. given in the Maffeian Fragment, sup
Athanasius was far from tolerating, in these ported by other ancient authorities, anc
latter years of his life, any theories which accepted by various writers. The exact day
seemed definitely heterodox respecting what we may believe, was Thursday, May 2, 01
may be called the human side of the Incar- which day of the month Athanasius is vener
nation. If, in his Letter to Adelphius, he ated in the Western church. He had sat or
condemned a certain class of Arians, and the Alexandrian throne, as his great successoi
vindicated against their cavils the adoration Cyril says in a letter to the monks of Egypt
paid to Christ's Manhood, that is, to His one " forty-six complete years " had he lived t

Person Incarnate if, in his Letter to Maximus, few weeks longer, the years of his episcopatt

he denomiced those who spoke of the man would have been forty-seven. Having recom-
Christ as simply a saint with whom the mended Peter, one of his presbyters, foj
Word had become associated he was also, election in his place, he died tranquilly in hiv

; I

in his Letter to Eptctetus, bp. of Corinth own house, " after many struggles," as Rufinus. !

tract called forth by a communication from says (ii. 3), " and after his endiurance had woE' '

Epictetus most earnest against some who, many a crown," amid troubles which Tille-
while " glorying in the Nicene confession, mont ventures to call a continual martyrdom
represented Christ's body as not truly human, Such was the career of Athanasius the
but formed out of the essence of Godhead. Great, as he began to be called in the next
This was, in fact, the second proposition of the generation. Four points, perhaps, oughl-
heresy called Apollinarian the first being that especially to dwell in our remembrance
; {a] :

which had attracted the attention of the the deep religiousness which illuminated al!
coimcil of 362, and had been disclaimed by his studies and controversies by a sense of his

those whom the council could examine as relations as a Christian to his Redeemer
to the non-existence, in Christ, of a rational the persistency, so remarkable in one whose
(6) ;

soul, the Word being supposed to supply its natural temperament was acutely sensitive;
place. These views had grown out of an (c) the combination of gifts, " firmness with:
unbalanced eagerness to exalt the Saviour's discretion and discrimination," as Newman'
dignity : but the great upholders of Nicene expresses it, which enabled him, while never
faith saw that they were incompatible with turning aside from his great object, to be, as
His Manhood and His Headship, that they Gregory Nazianzen applies the apostolic
virtually brought back Docetism, and that one phrase, " all things to all men " and in ;

of them, at any rate, involved a debased con- close connexion with this, {d) the affectionate-
ception of Deity. In the next year, 372, he ness which made him so tender as a friend,
combated both these propositions with " the and so active as a peacemaker which won
keenness and richness of thought which dis- for him such enthusiastic loyalty, and endowed

tinguish his writings generally " (see Newman, the great theologian and church ruler with the
Church of the Fathers, p. 162 Praef. ed. powers peculiar to a truly lovable man.
; That
Benson, ii. 7) in two books entitled Against he was not flawless, that his words could be
Apollinaris. These books are remarkable for somewhat too sharp in controversy, or some-
the masterly distinctness with which the one what unreal in addressing a despot, that he
Christ is set forth as " perfect God and was not always charitable in his interpretation
perfect Man " 'i. iG) : if words occur in of his adversaries' conduct, or that his casu-
ii. 10 which seem at first sight to favour istry, on one occasion, seems to have lacked
MonotheUtism, the context shews their mean- the healthy severity of St. Augustine's this
ing to be that the Divine will in Christ was may be, and has been, admitted

but it is

dominant over the human if in the next

; not extravagant to pronounce his name the
chapter the phrase " God suffered through greatest in the church's post-apostolic history.
the flesh " is called unscriptural, the whole In 1698 appeared the great Benedictine
argument shews that he is contending against ed. of his works, enriched by the Life from the
the passibihty of the Saviour's Godhead. pen of Montfaucon, who in 1707 published,
Inexact as might be some of his phrases, the in one of the volumes of his Nova Patrum et
general purport of his teaching on this great Scriptorum Graecormn Collectio, additional
subject is unmistakable ;it is, as he says in remains collected by his industry. The work
Athanasius ATHENAGORAS (;.')

fi\ the " Titles of the Psahns "was edited by A.D. 451, where both he and his rival signed as
,sic. Aiit'iielli at Rome, in 1746 and in 1777 bp. of Perrii.i. His c.ise w.is tuilv heard, anil

|ppi"ar«<i at I'ailiia an cd. in 4 vols, fol., coni- it was determined that the original charges
iiiiiig the lal)oiir» of previous editors.
• against him should be investigateil by Maximus
A few English translations of some of at .\ntioch. We are in complete ignorance of
itii.iiiasius's works had appeared before the the issue of this investigation. (Labbe, Cone,
ubliiation of any part of the " Library of iv. 717-754
Libcratus Diac. in lireviario.

he Fatliers." But the volume of Historictil Labbe, v. 762 Cave, Hist. Lit. i. 479 Christ.

; ;

["racls oi SI. Athana^iiiis. and the two volumes Lupus, ii.) [k.v.]

J jif Treatises in Cotitroversv u-ilh the Arians. Athanasius (4), bp. of Ancyra in N. Galatia
.ublished in that series at O.xford in 1843- (a.d. 360-360). His father, who bore the same
S44, under Dr. Newman's editorship, must name, was a man of high family and great
ivhatever exceptions may be taken to a few learning, and had held important offices in the
assages in the notes) be always ranked among State (iOvuyv Kai jrtiXfwc aox°-^ 5ifiiOvvavTo%) ;

jhe richest treasures of Knglish Patristic but was reputed harsh and unfatherly to his
.terature. These translations have been re- children. This rumour, reaching St. Basil's
printed and revised in what is now the best ears, led him to write a friendly remonstrance,
lollection in English of Athanasius's chief and hence arose a correspondence of which
|.orks, with a very valuable introduction, life, one letter is preserved (£/>. 24). Tiie son
,nd illustrative notes by Dr. A. Robertson, .\thanasius was raised to the see of Ancyra by
|ip. of Exeter, in the I'ost-Xiceiie Fitthcrs, ed. the .\rian Acacius of Cacsarea, through whose
^>y Dr. Schaff and Dr. Wace. The Orations influence his jiredccessor Basilius had been
[gainst Arius, with an account of the life of deposed at a synod held at Constantinople
[kthanasius by W. Bright, are pub. by the A.D. 360 (Soz. iv. 25 Philost. v. i).
; But not-
I'larendon Press, as also his Historical Writings withstanding this inauspicious beginning, he
[ccording to the Benedictine text, with intro. gave unquestionable proofs of his orthodoxy
IV W. Bri-^ht. A cheap popular Life of by taking an active part in tlie Synod of
ithanasius by R. W. Bush is pub. by S.P.C.K. Tyana (a.d. 367), at which the Nicene symbol
.1 their Fathers for Eng. Readers and a cheap
; was accepted (Soz. vi. 12). J3y St. Basil he
rans. of the Orations in " A. and M. Theol. is commended as " a bulwark of orthodoxy "
.ib." (C.riltith). [w.b.] (Ep. 25), and Gregory Nyssen praises him as
, Athanasius (l), bp. of Anagastus in Cilicia " valuing the truth above everything " (c.
ieeunda and metropolitan, a disciple of St. Eunom. i. ii. 292). Owing to some misunder-
Lucian of Antioch (Philost. H. E. iii. 15), standing, however, Athanasius had spoken in
jeckoned by .\rius, in his letter to Eusebius very severe terms of St. Basil, misled, as Basil
J\icom., among the bishops who coincided conjectures, by the fact that some heretical
yith him in doctrine (Theod. H. E. i. 5). The writings had been fathered upon him and ;

jeat .\thanasius {de Synod, p. 886) accuses the bp. of Caesarea sends an affectionate letter
iiim of having, previous to the council of of remonstrance (Ep. 25), in which he speaks
|Sicaea, written blasphemies equal to those of of .\thanasius in the highest terms. At his
jVrius, of which he gives a specimen. He is death Basil writes a letter of condolence to the
l-aid by Le (Juien, on the authority of the Lib. church of .Ancyra, on the loss of one who was
Synod. Graec. to have supported Arius at the truly " apillar and foundation of church
touncil of Xicaea. Philostorgius (H. E. iii. (Ep. 29). This seems to have happened a.d.
is) tells us that when Aetius was expelled from 368 or 369 (see Garnicr, Basil. Op. iii. p.
(lis master's house, after his unlucky victory ixxvii. seq.). [l.]
n argument, Athanasius received him and Athenagoras.— I. Life.— There is scarcely
[ead the Gospels with him. [e.v.] one catalogue of the ancient writers of the
Athanasius (2), an Arian bp. who succeeded church wherein we find mention of Athen-
j^hilip in the see of Scythopolis, c. 372. He is
agoras or his works. He is not noticed by
i:harged by Epiphanius with pushing his Arian Eusebius, Jerome, Photius, or Suidas. But
,enets to the most audacious impiety, asserting in a fragment of the book of Methodius, bp.
Ihat the Son and Holy Spirit were creatures, and of Tyre (3rd cent.), de Resurrectione Anim-
iiad nothing in common with the Divine nature arum against Origen, there is an unmistakable
'Epiph. Haer. Ixxiii. c. 37, p. 885). [k.v.] quotation from the Apology (c. 24, p. 27 b)
1 Athanasius (3), bp. of Perrha, a see dependent with the name of Athenagoras appended.
tn the Syrian Hierapolis; present at the council This fragment is given by Epiphanius (Haer.
>l Ephesus, 431, supporting Cyril of Alex- 64, c. 21) and Photius (Cod. 224, 234). Scanty
;indria. Grave accusations, brought against as this information is, it yet assures us of the
,um by his clergy, led him to resign his see. existence of the Apology in the 3rd cent, and
Through the intervention on his behalf of its ascription to Athenagoras. Much more is
;-*roclus of Constantinople and Cyril of Alex- told us by Phihppus Sidetes, deacon of Chry-
mdria, Domnus II., patriarch of Antioch, sostom (5th cent.), in a fragment preserved
ummoned a council to consider the matter. by Nicephorus Callistus (Dodwell, Diss, in
Athanasius, refusing to appear, was unani- Irenaeum, 429) to this effect " Athenagoras :

.nously condemned by default and deposed was the first head of the school at Alexandria,
.rom his bishopric, to which Sabinianus was flourishing in the times of Hadrian and An-
|onsecrated. After " the Robber Synod toninus, to whom also he addressed his Apol-
)f Ephesus, A.D. 449, had made Dioscorus of ogy for the Christians a man who embrac ed

Alexandria the temporary ruler of the Eastern Christianity while wearing the garb of a
|-hurch, Sabinianus was in his turn deposed, philosopher, and presiding over the academic
ind Athanasius reinstated at Perrha. Sabini- school. He, before Celsus, was bent on
juius appealed to the council of Chalcedon, writing against the Cliristians and, studying ;
the divine Scriptures in order to carry on the to thiswork are the inscription which it bears,
contest with the greater accuracy, was thus and the quotation by Methodius given above.
himself caught by the all-holy Spirit, so that, Some indeed have supposed that when Jerome
like the great Paul, from a persecutor he speaks of an apology delivered by Justin
became a teacher of the faith which he Martyr to Marcus Antoninus Verus and Lucius
persecuted." Philippus says, continues Nice- Aurelius Commodus, he refers (since these ob-
phorus, " that Clemens, the writer of the tained the empire after Justin's death) to the
Stromata, was his pupil, and Pantaenus the Apology of Athenagoras and attributes it to
pupil of Clemens." But Phihppus's statement Justin but it appears that he intends Marcus

about Pantaenus is not true, according to Aurelius and Lucius Verus (Mosheim, Disseit.
Clemens and Eusebius ; his character as an ad Hist. Eccles. pertinent, i. 279), to whoia
historian is severely criticized, and his book Justin's Lesser Apology was given (vid. Pn-
pronounced valueless bv Socrates Scholasticus legomena to Maranus's Justin, pt. iii. c. 8, § 4,
(Hist. Eccl. vii. 27) and'Photius (Cod. 35, p. 7, pp. 93 sqq.). Attempts to prove the work in
Bekker) and his assertion that the Apology
question to be that of Justin (vid. Le Moyne,
was addressed to Hadrian and Antoninus is Varia sacra., ii. 171), or of a later author (vid.
contradicted by its very inscription. Never- Semler, Introduction to Baumgarten's Theolog.
theless, as he was a pupil of Rhodon (head Sireitigkeiten, ii. 70 note) have alike failed.
of the school in the reign of Theodosius the There is nothing whatever in the writings of
Great) he may be supposed to have had some Athenagoras unsuitable to their assigned age ;

facts as the groundwork of what he has said. and Athenagoras's name was not sufficiently
The only other source of information about known to have been selected for the author of
Athenag'oras is the inscription of his Apology a supposititious book.
with such internal evidence as may be gath- Date. —
This is a difficult question some

ered from his works themselves. The inscrip- have taken the Commodus of the inscription
tion runs thus :
" The embassy (irpeulSeia) of for Lucius Aelius Aurelius Verus (d. 169), son-
Athenagoras of Athens, a Christian philoso- in-law and brother of Marcus Antoninus. But
pher, concerning Christians, to the emperors Lucius Aelius Aurelius Commodus, Antoninus's
Marcus Aurelius, Antoninus, and Lucius son and successor, must be intended for

Aurelius Commodus, Armeniaci, Sarmatici, Verus dropped the name of Commodus after
and, greatest of all, philosophers." Without obtaining a share in the government, and
at present considering the pecuhar difficulties could never have been called Sarmaticus for ;

involved in this inscription (of which below), Sarmatia was not conquered till after his
we learn from it in general that Athenagoras death. Mommsen,
following Tentzel, but
was an Athenian and a philosopher, which without MS. authority, would read Yep/xaviKoh
character and profession he evidently retained for 'App-evLaKo'is. As little right had Com-
after his conversion. His connexion with modus to the title of " philosopher." Athen-
Athens (probably his birth there) and pro- agoras may have only intended to include the
fession of philosophy are thus substantiated ; son in the honours of the father. At all
and the manner in which he became converted events, the illustration (at c. 18, p. 17 d) of
to Christianity may very well have been as the Divine government, taken from that of
described by Philippus, whose account that the two emperors, father and son, seems
he was head of the Academics is probably but conclusive. We have also allusions to the
an exaggeration of the fact that he had be- profound peace of the empire, appropriate
longed to that sect. That he was ever leader only between a.d. 176, when Avidius Crassus's
of the Catechetical school of Alexandria cannot insurrection was crushed, and a.d. 178, when
be definitely proved. In the Commentatio of the outbreak of the Marcomannic wars
Clarisse, § 8, is the acute conjecture that the occurred. The Apology cannot well have
treatise de Resurrectione was written at been of later date than a.d. 177, since in that
Alexandria rather than Athens, from c. 12, year arose the fearful persecution of the
p. 52 A, where the builder of a house is repre- Christians of Vienne and Lyons, upon the
sented as making stalls for his camels ; and accusations brought by their slaves whereas

on a supposed Alexandrian tinge in the philo- in c. 35, p. 38 B, Athenagoras declares that

sophy ofAthenagoras vide Brucker (Hist. no slaves of Christians had ever charged their
Crit. Philosophiae,
iii. 405 seq.). Of his death masters with the crimes popularly imputed to
nothing is known, the idea that he was them nor is there any allusion whatever to
martyred apparently arising from a confusion this persecution, which would hardly have
between him and Athenogenes. That the been passed over in silence. We therefore
Apology was really intended to be seen and conclude that the Apology was written be-
read by the emperors is obvious ;how it tween the end of a.d. 176 and that of a.d. 177.
reached them is less clear
entitled to assert that
; we are hardly
it was in anv formal or
Analysis. —
The Apology consists of cate-
gorical answers to the three charges usually
pubUc manner delivered to them by Athen- brought against the Christians, of (a) atheism,
agoras himself, an idea which may be due to
(b) incest, and (c) cannibaUsm. (a) They wor-
the title it bears, of Upea^eia, or " Embassy." ship one God, and can give a reason why.
Upea^da, however, according to Stephanus The philosophers have held like views Poly-

(Thesaur. Ling. Graec. iii. col. 543), is occasion- theism and its worship are absurd, modern,
ally used for an apology, intercession, or and the work of demons. (6^ Incest is most
deprecation. contrary to their pure and even ascetic life.
II. Genuine Works. — These are, (i) the (c) They are even more humane than the
Apology (2) the Treatise on the Resurrection heathen, condemning abortion, infanticide,

of the Dead. and gladiatorial games as murder.

(i) Apology. Genuineness.— The testimonies
(2) Treatise on the Resurrection Genuine- .

nea and Date. —There is no shews no little thought and ability

iiidepciideiit and his
whole writings indii .ite a philosophic mind,

external evidence for the aiithorsliip of this

work but there
is uo reason whatever to which amply justifies the title given to him in
.iouht that, as its inscription informs us, it the inscription of his two works.
•r .m the pen of Athenagoras. It closely His style, however, is not unfrequently
s with the .-f/'o/ogy in style and thought, somewhat obscured by difficult elliptic or
ill that has been said above of the internal parenthetical passages, and anacolutha (for
lice for the genuineness of the former
!. examples of which see the Apology, c. i, p. 2 c ;

k applies equally to this. That such a c. 20, p. 19 B ; c. 22, p. 23 B ; and de

luse was in Athenagoras's mind when he Resurr. c. 18, p. 60 d). Among his peculiar
wrote the Apology appears from the words words and phrases, Clarisse notices his use of
near its close, c. 36, p. 39 c, " let the argument dVdv in the sense of ducere, to think, and rd
upon the Resurrection stand over " from ; fiTLavfi.ji(dr)K6Ta 0f(^ for the attributes of God.
which words we may not unfairly gather that IV. His Philosophy. — Mosheim represents
the Treatise on the Resurrection shortly fol- Athenagoras as having been the first of the
lowed the former work. This is the only clue Eclectics. It is far more true to say that he
to its date which we possess. From the shared in the eclecticism which then pervaded
closing sentences of c. 23 (p. 66 c) it seems all i)hilosophy. That he had been a I'latonist
that it was intended as a lecture. " VVc have
ajipcars, on the whole, from his continual
not made it our aim to leave nothing unsaid reference to I'lato and the thoroughly Pla-
that our subject contained, but sinnmarily to tonic view which on many points pervades his
point out to those who came together what works. We easily recognize this view in his
view ought to be taken in regard to the language about matter and the souls, angels,
Resurrection " must allude not merely to a natures sensible and intelligible, and the con-
few friends who might happen to be present templation of God as the end of man's being ;

when the book was read, but to a regular and also in that referring to the Son of God as
audience. From a reference, c. i, p. 41 u, to the Logos and Creator (except that this is not
an occasional mode for arranging his argu- at all peculiar to Athenagoras), more especially
ments, it may be supposed that Athenagoras in his caUing the Word " idea (or archetype)
was in the habit of delivering public lectures and energy " in the work of Creation. He
upon Christianity. The arrangement, too, also appears to allude slightly to the doctrine
and peculiar opening of the treatise decidedly of reminiscences [de Resurr. c. 14, p. 55 a).
favour the view that it was a lecture, some- The Platonism of Athenagoras was modified,
what enlarged or moditied for publication. however, by the prevailing eclecticism (cf.
Atialysis. —The work consists of two parts :
e.g. the Peripatetic doctrine of the mean, so
(i) The removal of the objections (i) that God alien to Plato, Resurr. c. 21, p. 64 b), and still
wants the power {2) or the will to raise the more, of course, by his reception of Christian-
dead, (i) He does not want the power to do ity, which necessitated the abandonment of
it, either through ignorance or weakness such views as the unoriginated nature of the
as Athenagoras proves from the works of soul. With all this agrees excellently so much
creation defending his positions against the
; of Philippus Sidetes's account as connects
philosophic objections, that the bodies of men Athenagoras with the Academics whose

after dissolution come to form part of other Platonism was precisely such as is here de-
bodies and that things broken cannot be re-
; scribed. Allusions to the other philosophers
stored to their former state. (2) God wants are abundant e.g. to Aristotle and the Peri-
not the will to raise the dead —
for it is neither

patetics, Apol. c. 6, p. 7 A c. 16, p. 15 D

; to ;

unjust to the raised men, nor to other beings the Stoics, ib. c. 6, p. 7 b to the Cyrenaics

nor unworthy of Him which is shewn from
; ;

and Epicureans, Resurr. c. 19, p. 62 b. We

the works of creation, (ii) Arguments for see from Apol. c. 7, p. 8 a, that he regarded
the Resurrection, (i) The final cause of the Gentile philosophers as possessing some
man's creation, to be a perpetual beholder of measure of Divine light in their minds, but
the Divine wisdom. (2) Man's nature, which unable thereby to come to the full know-
requires perpetuity of existence in order to ledge of God, because this could only be ob-
attain the true end of rational life. (3) The tained by revelation, which they never sought.
necessity of the Divine judgment upon men in V. Theology, etc. — Athenagoras's proof of
body and soul, (a) from the Providence, lb) the Divine unity rests on the propositions,
from the justice of God. (4) The ultimate expressed or implied, that God is perfect, self-
end of man's being, not attainable on earth. existent, uncompounded ; the Creator, Sus-
III. Athenagoras as a Writer. To most of— tainer, and Ruler of the universe. Were there
the apologists Athenagoras is decidedly more gods than one, they could not co-exist
superior. Elegant, free from superfluity of and co-work as a community of beings similar
language, forcible in style, he rises occasion- to each other, in the same sphere ; for things
ally into great power of description, and his self-existent and eternal cannot be like a
reasoning is remarkable for clearness and number of creatures formed all on one pattern,
cogency e.g. his answer to the heathen
; but must be eternally distinct and unlike.
argument, that not the idols, but the gods They could not be parts of one whole, for God
represented, are really honoured. His treat- has no parts. There could be no place for
ment of the Resurrection is for the most part another God in connexion with this universe,
admirable. Even where the defective science for the Creator is over and around His own
of the day led him into error, e.g. in answering works. Another God, confined to some other
the question, apparently so difficult, as to the universe of his own, could not concern us ;

assimilation of the materials of one human and so would be but a finite being.
body into another the line taken is one that —
The Son of God. In God, since He is an
eternal, rational Mind, there dwelt from eter- of fallen angels, or their offspring by human
nity the " Logos " (" Reason," " Expression," wives, a view common with the apologists.
or " Word ") as His Son, and in the Son evil angels he regards as having fallen bv
dwelt the Father. To bring matter into misuse of free will, as did also man cf. Apol.

existence, and afterwards give it form and c. 25, p. 29 B. Of infants he remarks {Resurr.
order, the Divine Word " came forth " (i.e. the 614, p- 55 d) that they need no judgment,
eternal Son assumed, towards the finite, the inasmuch as they have done neither good nor
office and relation of " the Word
" or Mani- evil. The nature of the scheme of redemption
festor of God), to be the Archetype and is not treated of by Athenagoras.

Effectuating Power of creation [Apol. c. lo, VI. Was Athenagoras a Montanist ? This —
p. 10 d). His Incarnation is only indirectly idea was suggested by Tillemont, who founds
mentioned, in the supposition at c. 21, p. 21 d it upon two points in the opinions of Athen-

(ib.), of God assuming flesh according to divine agoras, his account of prophecy, and his abso-
dispensation. lute condemnation of second marriages. In
The Holy Ghost is said to be the Spirit Who the Apology, c. 9, p. 9 d, Athenagoras's view
" who " {i.e. the
spoke by the prophets, and an Emanation of inspiration is thus given :

from God [Apol. c. 10, p. 10 d), flowing forth prophets) rapt in mind out of themselves by
and returning as a rav from the sun. It has the impulse of the Spirit of God, uttered the
hence been much disputed whether Athen- things with which they were inspired the ;

agoras believed the Blessed Spirit to be a Spirit using them as if a flute player were
distinct Person, or not. His expressions breathing into his flute." With this has been
greatly resemble those used by some whom compared the language of Montanus (Epi-
Justin condemns for their denial of the per- phanius Panar. Haer. 48, c. 4, p. 405), where
sonaUty of the Son :
" They say that this the prophet is said to be as a lyre, the Spirit
virtue is indivisible and inseparable from the like the plectrum. So Tertullian, Against
Father, as the sunUght on earth is indivisible Marcion, c. 22. Yet similar language is found
and inseparable from the sun in the heavens in Justin {Dial. c. Tryph. c. 115, p. 343 a) ;

{Dial. c. Tryph. c. 128, p. 338 b). But it and Athenagoras may only mean that the
must be remembered that the apologists prophet was carried beyond himself by the
present the actings and offices of the three Holy Spirit, and that the words uttered were
Blessed Persons of the Godhead in creation, not his own. The severe condemnation ol
etc., rather than Their eternal subsistence and second marriage, in the works of Athenagoras,

of necessity do this in a form inteUigible to a is doubtless a point of contact with the Mon-
heathen mind, yet so as not to be confounded tanists but the same view is very common

with polytheism. It is not doubted that with the Greek Fathers {vid. Hefele's Beitrdge.
Athenago'ras held the personaUty of the vol. i. lect. 2). Moreover, of the authority and
Father, but with " God the Father, and God office of the Paraclete, in the sense attributed,
the Son" [Apol. c. 10, p. 11 a) he joins as to Montanus, there is no trace in the writings
third, the Holy Spirit so also c. 12, p. 62 d, of Athenagoras.

and again c. 24, p. 26 d. That two Divine VII. Quotations of Scripture, Early Writers

Persons and an impersonal emanation should etc. The inspiration of Scripture is strongl)
be thus enumerated together by so philosophic stated by Athenagoras, e.g. Apol. c. 9, p. 9 d.
a writer as Athenagoras is not conceivable. He is seldom careful to quote exactly, so thai

The angels, too indubitably personal beings it is not always certain what version is em-
— are mentioned as holding a place after the ployed probably the Septuagint throughout

Trinity, in Christian theology (c. 10) ; and it From the N.T. he often quotes or borrows
is worthy of notice that, in the passage cited phrases, without mentioning whence they
above from Justin, angels as well as the Word come. It is treated as authoritative amongsi
are described by the persons whom that writer Christians its maxims being used shewing

is condemning as temporary appearances as their discipline and practice {vid. Lardner


if it were the Sadducees, or some similar J ewish Credibility Clarisse, Athenag. § 55).

sect, of which he is speaking. We are, there- It has been disputed whether Athenagora:
fore, decidedly of opinion that the personality refers to other Christian writers, especially thi
of the Holy Spirit is held by Athenagoras cf. Apology of Justin Martyr, which some con

however, Clarisse. sider him to have made the foundation of hi

Man he holds to be composed of body and own. Certainly the resemblance betweei
soul, the latter immortal, with spiritual powers them seems too great to be the result o
of its own {Apol. c. 27, p. 31 a) ; but assigns accident alone. Both J ustin and Athenagora
the rational judgment not to the soul alone, urged that Christians were unconvicted o
but to the whole compound being, man any crime, that the mere name does no

perhaps implying that in the actings and deserve punishment, and that they were n(
expression of thought both the mind and the more Atheists than the poets and the philo
bodily organs share. Hence he shews that sophers and both, in a similar manner, shev

the soul without the body is imperfect that the unworthiness of sacrificial worship. The;

only when embodied can man be justly judged, give very much the same view of the Christiai
or render to God perfect service, in a heavenly way of life and both lay great stress 01

life. The sin and misery of man are described, chastity, and on the confining of marriage ti
in the Platonic manner, as entanglement with its sole end, the begetting of children. Nearl;
matter {Apol. c. 27, p. 30 c), and missing the the same account of the fall of the angels i
true aim of his existence (Resurr. c. 25, p. found in both the same books are quoted

68 b); which is said to be the state of the often the same passages by both the ver;

majority, a prevalence of evil which he con- same phrases are occasionally employed
nects with the influence of the demons, i.e. This correspondence is especially seen betweei'

the exordium of Justin's first Apoln/iy and being compelled to l<Mve tlieir sees and take
that of Athenagoras. Hence Clarisse infers other dioceses in the inh<is]Utable regions of
\Comm. in Athenag. § 57) that Athenagoras Thrace, where they might be more under
intended to rearrange and epitomize the work Atticus'seve and hand (Socr. vii. 36 ;Niceph.
of his predecessor. In the treatise On the xiii. 30 Pallad. c. xx.).

Resurrection, c. S, p. 48 c, is an apparent Unity seemed hardly nearer when the death

imitation of Tatian, Or. ad Graec. c. 6, p. 146 n. of Chrysostom (Sejit. 14, 407) removed the
VIII. Editions. — A good ed. of Athenagoras original ground of the schism. A large pro-
is that of Otto (Jena, 1857) ; its text is based portion of the Christian population of Con-
on the three earliest MSS. (viz. the Cod. Paris. stantinople still refused communion with the
CDLI., Cod. Paris. CI.XXIV'., and Cod. Ar- usurper, and continued tti hold their religious
gentoratensis), with which the rest have been assemblies, more numerouslv attended than
collated, some for the first time ; the most the churches, in the open air in the suburbs
recent is bv E. Schwartz. Leipz. i8qi {Texte of the city (Niceph. xiv. 23, 27), until Chry-
utid Untersidchungen, iv. 2). There is an Eng. sostom's name took its place on the registers
trans, in the Antc-\icene Fathers. and in the public prayers of the church of
IX. Sf>urious ll'or^s. — From a careless ex- Constantinople.
pression of desner, in reference to the books Atticus's endeavours were vigorously di-
of Antoninus, Ilepi rwv ei's eavrSi', a notion rected to the maintenance and enlargement of
arose of the existence, amongst Gesner's the authority of the sec of Constantinople.
books, of a work by Athenagoras with the He obtained a rescript from Theodosius sub-
above title ; an idea which, though wholly jecting to it the whole of lUyria and the
erroneous, was entertained by Scultatus, and " Provincia Orientalis." This gave great
at one time bv Tentzel. with some others. offence to pope H<iniface and tlie emperor
About the close of the i6th cent, there Honorius, and the decree was never put into
appeared a French romance, entitled Dn vray execution. Another rescript declaring his
et par/ait .imour, purporting to be a work of right to decide on and approve of the election
Athenagoras, trans, by M. Fum6e, Seigneur of all the bishops of the province was more
dc S. Geuillac. Its many anachronisms and effectual. Silvanus was named by him bp.
whole character prove it, however, the work of Philippolis, and afterwards removed to
of some later author, probably Fumee him- Troas. He asserted the right to ordain in
self. Certainly no Greek original has ever Bithynia, and put it in practice at Nicaea, A.n.
been produced. 425, a year before he died (Socr. vii. 25, 28, 37).
The following may be consulted Clarisse,
: He also displayed great vigour in combat-
Comm. in A then. Hefele, Beitrdge Mohler, ing and repressing heresy. He wrote to the
; ;

Patrol.; I. Donaldson, Hist. Christ. Lit. L. bishops of Pamphylia and to Amphilochius of


Amould, deApol. Athen. (Paris, iSgS). [s.m.] Iconium, calling on them to drive out the
Attlcus, archbp. of Constantinople, suc- Messalians (Phot. c. 52). The zeal and energy
ceeding Arsacius in March 406. He died he displayed against the Pelagians are highly
Oct. 10, 426. Born at Scbaste in Armenia, commended by pope Celestine, who goes so
he early embraced a monastic life, and re- far as to style him " a true successor of St.
ceived his education from some Macedonian Chrysostom " (Labbe, Cone. iii. 353, 361, 363,
monks near that place. Removing to Con- 1073 cf. S. Prosper, p. 549
; ; S. Leo. Ep.
stantinople, he adopted the orthodox faith, cvi. ; Theod. Ep. cv.). His writings were
was ordained presbyter, and soon became quoted as those of an orthodox teacher
known as a rising man. He proved himself by the councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon
one of Chrysostom's most bitter adversaries. (Labbe, iii. 518, iv. 831).
Ifnot. as Palladius asserts (c. xi.), the architect Atticus was more an actor than a writer ;

of the whole cabal, he certainly took a very and of what he did publish little remains. A
leading part in carrying it into execution. treatise On Virginity, combating bv anticipa-
The organization of the s\Tiod of the Oak tion the errors of Nestorius, addressed to
owed much to his practical skill (Phot. Cod. Pulcheria and her sisters, is mentioned by
59). The expulsion of Chrysostom took Marcellinus, Chron. sub ann. 416, and Gen-
place June lo, 404. His successor, the aged nadius, de Scrip. Eccl. c. 52.
Arsacius, died Nov. 5, 405. Four months of Socrates, who is a partial witness, attributes
intrigue ended in the selection of Atticus. to him a sweet and winning disposition which
Vigorous measures were at once adopted by caused him to be regarded with much affec-
Atticus in conjunction with the other members tion. Those who thought with him found in
of the triumvirate to which the Eastern him a warm friend and supporter. Towards
church had been subjected, Theophilus of his theological adversaries he at first shewed
Alexandria, and Porphyry of Antioch, to great severity, and after they submitted,
crush the adherents of Chrysostom. An changed his behaviour and won them bv
imperial rescript was obtained imposing the gentleness (Socr. vii. 41 ; Soz. viii. 27). [i;.v.]
severest penalties on all who dared to reject Attila, king and general of the Huns. For
the communion of the patriarchs. A large the facts of his life and his personal and moral
number of the bishops of the East persevered characteristics see D. of G. and R. Biogr. It
in the refusal, and suffered a cruel persecu- comes within our scope only to note his in-
tion ; while even the inferi(jr clergy and laity fluence upon Christendom though, through-

were compelled to keep themselves in conceal- out, it is difficult to separate legend from
ment, or to fly the country. The small history. The rapid series of events between
minority of Eastern bishops who for peace's the Hunnish attack on the Eastern empire in
sake deserted Chrysostom's cause were made 441 and the battle of Chalons in 451 has been
to f«el the guilt of having once supported it, compared to a deluge of rain which sweeps a
districtand leaves no further trace than the Orleans was only relieved by the influence of
debris which the torrent has washed down. the senator Avitus of Clermont, who secured
But in Eastern Europe, though Attila's the help of Theodoric, when the gates had
kingdom was dismembered at his death, the actually been opened to the Huns and pillage
great body of the Huns, who had followed him was beginning (Vita S. Aniani, in Bouquet,
from the wilds of Central Asia, settled per- Rec. i. 645). Attila retreated precipitatelv
manently in the wide plains of the Lower towards Chalons-sur-Marne, in the Campi
Danube while, viewed as a special instru-
Catalaunici. Near Troyes he was met by its
ment of Providence, " a Messiah of grief and bishop, Lupus (St. Loup), at whose inter-
ruin," whose mission it was to chastise the cession Attila spared the defenceless inhabit-
sins of Christians, the " scourge (or rather flail) ants of Champagne, carrying Lupus with
of God " had an abiding influence over Western him as a hostage to the banks of the Rhine.
Christendom, and the virtues and merits of For the subsequent military movements and
the saints who thwarted him by bold resist- the battle of Chalons, see Thierry, Hist,
ance or prudent submission shone forth the d' Attila, pp. 172-188,428-437, and art. "Attila"
brighter, the darker became the picture of in the Noiiv. Biog. Gen. In the spring of 452 ;

the oppressor. Attila penetrated into Italy by the passes

Portents in sky and earth announced to the of the Julian Alps (Prosp. Aquit. Chron.), ^
inhabitants of Gaul that the year 450 was the Aetius having sent Valentinian for safety to
opening of a terrible epoch (Idat. Chron. ann. Rome. Attila received his first check at the
450). Servatius, bp. of Tongres, visiting walls of Aquileia; but after three months'
Rome to consult St. Peter and St. Paul, was resistance he observed some storks preparing
informed that Gaul would be entirely devas- to leave their nests with their young (Jorn.
tated by the Huns, but that he himself would Reb. Get. 42), and, taking this as a favourable
die in peace before the devastation came omen, redoubled the vigour of his siege, and
(Paul. Diac. ap. Bouquet, Rec. i. p. 649). a century afterwards Jornandes {ib.) could
Attila, strengthened by an alliance with Gen- scarcely trace the ruins of Aquileia. Milan
seric, king of the Vandals (Jom. Reb. Get. 36), and Pavia were sacked, and probably also

had two pretexts for his attack his claim Verona, Mantua, Brescia, Bergamo, and Cre-
to the hand of Honoria, and the vindication mona. An embassy, sent by the people and
of the rights of an elder son of a Frank prince senate of Rome, to endeavour to obtain
against his brother, whom Aetius had given Attila's peaceful evacuation of Italy, met the
possession of their paternal territory (Prise. invaders on the Mincio, near Mantua and
Exc. Leg. p. 40). Theodoric, king of the Goths, Vergil's farm. At its head were two illustrious
whose alliance was sought by both Attila and senators and the eloquent Leo the Great, who
Valentinian, inclined to the side of order, and had been bp. of Rome since 440. His appear-
the Hun, who now took the role of chastising ance in pontifical robes awoke in Attila some
his rebellious subjects, the Visigoths, marched feeling akin to awe, and he retired as before a
with five, or perhaps seven, hundred thousand power superior to his own. Soon after he died
warriors, including many Franks, Burgun- from the bursting of a blood-vessel, though
dians, and Thuringians (Sid. Apoll. Paneg. not without suspicion of foul play. Cf. Leo I.
Avit. V. 324), to the banks of the Rhine, which Undoubtedly the great and distinguishing
he crossed near Coblenz. He installed him- feature of the war in the eyes of 5th-cent.
self at Treves, the Roman metropolis of Gaul, Christians would be the threefold repulse of
which was pillaged. After one fruitless at- Attila, " the scourge of God" from Orleans by ;

tempt, he entered Metz on Easter Eve, April St. Agnan, from Troj'es by St. Loup, and,
8, slaughtered indiscriminately priests and above all, from Rome by St. Leo so signal ;

people, except the bishop, and reduced the a triumph was it of the church's spiritual
city to ashes, all the churches perishing except weapons over the hosts who were held to
the oratory of St. Stephen (Paul. Diac. ap. symbolize the powers of darkness and of Anti-
Bouquet, Rec. i. p. 650). Rheims. deserted by christ. It was the final and conclusive
its inhabitants, was easily reduced, and a Hun answer to the few heathen who still referred
struck off the head of its bishop, Nicacius, all the misfortunes of the empire to the
while he was precenting the words " Quicken desertion of the ancient polytheism. For a
me according to Thy word" (Ps. cxix. 25) discussion of the various national legends that
(Frodoard. Marh'r. Remens. p. 113). Tongres, have clustered around Attila, " the hammer
Arras, Laon, and Saint-Quentin also fell. The of the world," see D. C. B. (4-vol. ed.), s.v.
inhabitants of Paris had resolved on flight, The leading authorities for his life are in
but the city was saved by the resolution and Gibbon's Roman Empire (ed. Smith), iv. 191
devotion of St. Genevieve (Genovefa), the (notes). See also his Life bv Am. Thierrv, '

maiden of Nanterre who was warned in a 1855- [CD.]'

vision that Paris would be spared [Act. SS. Augustinus, Aurelius.
Boll. Jan. i. 143-147). Attila did not wish to
wage war against Christianity, though doubt-
A. Early Life. —
§§ i, 2, Name, Materials
forbiography ; § 3. Early life ; § 4.
less some of his followers we're stimulated by Manicheism § ; 5. Philosophical period;
polemical rancour ;he fought against Rome, § Conversion
6. § 7. Early Christian

not its church. Nor did he intend to give up life (a) as layman, (6) as presbyter.


Gaul to indiscriminate pillage ;he hoped to B. Episcopate. § 8. Donatism (a) Origin, :

crush the Visigoths first, and then to cope (b) Early history, (c) Augustine and
separately with Aetius and the Roman forces. the schism § 9. Paganism and the

About April 10 he left Metz for Orleans. de Civitate Dei; § 10. Pelagianisra
Anianus (St. Agnan), bp. of Orleans, hastened (a) Origin, {b) Zosimus and JuUan, (c)
to Aries to apprise Aetius of their danger, but The semi- Pelagians, (d) Doctrinal

issues; § ii. and Greek

AiiKUstiiio and nieces. Serin. Honed. Life, I.
35()'i, see.
Christendom § 12. Augustine and the
i. 4). He early shewed signs of pre-eminent
hierarchy (a) Church authority and
: ability, and his parents, both of whom enter-
episcopate, {b) EquaHty of episcopate, tained the ordinary parental ambitions, found
(c) Rome and the episcopate Case of : means to send him to school at the neigh-
Apiarius, (</) Rome and doctrinal bouring town of Madaura. Here, though ho
authority, {«•) Ultimate authority found the study of (Ireek distasteful, he made
§ 13. Death and character. good progress in fact it became clear that
c. —
Influence. § 14. Writings; §

13. he was ripe for the higher schools of Carthage,

Asceticism and the "Rule": The and he was withdrawn from Madaura. The
Church and property; § 16. Intel- difficulty of providing the means for his
lectual influence (a) Philosophic studies at the more expensive and distant

Theism, {b) Ecclesiasticism, (c) Pre- capital kept him at home for a year (369-370).
destinarianism § 17. Bibliography. He laments bitterly the comjiany he kept and
\. — ;

Early Life. § i. .V<j»i<-. Orosius, Hist. — the habits into whicli lie fell at this period.
Pagan. I. 4 Prosper, Car. dc Ins^rat. i. 3,
; The boyish freak of rnbi)iiig a pear-tree with
; Chron. ad ann. 430; Claudian Mamert. his companions weighed heavily on his mind
Ati. ii. 10;
>tat. Bede, Vit. St. Ctitlib., in later years (Conf. II. iv. ix.). He tells us,
r name as above. The name .•\urelius
the however, with sliame, that in order not to be
. given by Possidius, nor is it ever used
a >t outdone by his companions he boasted of
iby Augustine himself nor by any of his cor- licentious acts which he had not committed.
Jit j-cspondents. But the Benedictine editors This may modify our natural inferences from
k [tind it in the earliest MS. titles of his works, the self-accusing language of the Confessions.
tj land it is probably authentic. At last, aided by their wealthy and benevo-
c § 2. Materials for Bioi^raphy. These are — lent neighbour Romanianus, his parents were
» [exceptionally ample. For his first thirty- able to send him to Carthage. Here, at the
It jthree years we have, in the Confessions, the age of sixteen, Augustine began his " univer-
t most perfect of religious autobiographies (see sity " life, as a student of Rhetoric. Again
t below, § 8, ad init.). The word " Confessions " he speaks with an agony of remorse of his life
; includes not only the idea of self-accusation, as a student. It is certain that he contracted
t {but also that of thanksgiving (see IX. vi. con- an irregular union, and in 372 he became the
. Ifiteor tibi dona tua, and the use of confiteor in father of a son, Adeodatus. But he remained
E ithe Vulgate Psalter). For his career as a faithful to his mistress until the very eve of his
w Christian and a bishop, we possess an admir- conversion, and watched over his son's educa-
r, [ably simple and graphic life by his pupil and tion and character. Eventually father and
{friend Possidius, bp. of Calamis. The writings son were baptized together (see below, § 6 ;

and correspondence of Augustine himself also cf. Conf. VI. xv. 25). We must infer that
copiously supplement the narrative. The his life was on the whole above the average
Benedictine editors have worked up the level of student life in Carthage. He tells us
whole of the material into a very accurate that the " best set " among them were given
biography in eight books. It fills 513 columns to brutal horse-play, directed especially
of the Patr. Lat., and leaves little to be added against shy freshmen but although he

by others. (See below, § 17.) associated with these " eversores," he took
§ 3. Birth and Early Years (354-373). no part in their wild doings.
.\ugustine was born at Thagaste in Numidia In 371 his father had died, but, aided once
Proconsular is, on Xov. 13, 354 (for evidence more by the kindness of Romanianus, Mon-
as to this date, see Bencd. Life in Patr. Lat. I. nica was able still to keep her son at Carthage.
118). His father Patricius, a jovial, sensual, Ambition for social success, and for a future
passionate man, and till near the end of his career at the bar, rather than any deeper
life a heathen, was one of the curiales of the motive, led him to pursue his studies with
town, but without large means. His mother ardour. But in his nineteenth year, while
Monoica was a Christian by parentage, con- reading Cicero's Hortensius, he became deeply
viction, and character. Augustine acknow- impressed with the supreme value of Wisdom,
ledged (de Vit. Beat. i. 6) that he owed his as contrasted with the vain hopes and fleeting
all to her conversely we can trace to her
; opinions of the world. From this time on-
anxious care for her son's spiritual well-being ward he is a restless seeker after Truth {Conf.
a distinct deepening of her own character (see III. iv.). His first impulse was toward the
Conf.W.m.subfin.; IX. viii. ix.). From his Scriptures, but their simplicity repelled him ;

mother he received the elements of Christian " they seemed to me to be far inferior to the
teaching, and, as he tells us, a devotion to the dignity of Tully."
very name of Jesus Christ which his later § 4. Manicheism (373-383). —A baffled in-
spiritual wanderings never wholly e.xtin- quirer, he was attracted by the Manichean
guished, and which forbade him to find satis- system, which appears to have been actively
faction in any writings which lacked it {Conf. pushed in Africa at this period. This is not
III. iv. 3). As a child he had a severe illness, the place for a description of Manicheism.
and demanded baptism. His mother had From .\ugustine's many allusions to its tenets,
agreed to allow it but when he recovered, in
; it appears to have been a strange medley of
accordance with the then prevailing dread of dualism and materialism, asceticism and
post-baptismal sin, she put off his baptism to licence, theosophy and rationalism, free-
riper years. Augustine was one of several thought and superstition. What specially
children (we read of his brother Navigius, attracted Augustine appears to have been the
Conf. IX. xi., de Beat. Vit. i. 6 a sister, Ep. high moral pretensions of the sect, their criti-

an*; nieces, Possid. xxvi. nephew Patricius cism of Scripture difficulties, and their explana-
tion of the origin of evil by the assumption § Rome. Philosophy (383-386). MainU
5. —
of an independent evil principle. For nine in disgust at the rough and disorderly student;
years (373-382, Conf. IV. L, de Util. Cred. 2) of Carthage {Conf. V. viii.), Augustine now
Augustine was an ardent Manichean. He migrated to Rome. With bitter self-reproacl
brought over his friends Alypius and Honor- he tells us of the deceit by means of which h(
atus, and his patron Romanianus, to the same left his mother, who had followed him tc
convictions, and delighted in controversy with Carthage, behind {Conf. V. viii.). At Rome
Catholics. He remained an " auditor " only. his host was a Manichean, Alypius and othei
The " electi " were bound to strict continence, Manichean friends surrounded him, and in 3
and Augustine was increasingly conscious of severe illness he received the greatest kindness
the chasm between his ideal and his practice. from them all. But the students of Rome dis-
" Make me chaste, but not yet, "was his prayer appointed Augustine. They were less rude,
during this period of his hfe {Conf. VIII. vii.). but also less honest, than those of Carthage,
Augustine completed his studies, and returned especially in the matter of payment of theii
to Thagaste as a teacher of grammar. His fees {Conf. V. xi.). Presently (about the
mother, overwhelmed with horror at his new summer of 384) Symmachus, the Praefectus
opinions, refused to receive him at home. At Urbi, was commissioned by the Milanese to
first, therefore, he hved with Romanianus. find them a professor of Rhetoric. Augustine,
Monnica's prayers were answered by a con- by the aid of his Manichean friends, obtained
soling dream {Conf. III. xi.) and a friend, a the post, and travelled, at the public expense,
bishop, himself a convert from Manicheism, to Milan. Here he was attracted by the elo-
whom she entreated to argue with her son, quence of Ambrose, then at the height of his
while wisely refusing her request, dismissed fame, and soon made his acquaintance. " I
her with the words, " It cannot be that the son began to love him, not at first as a teacher of
of those tears of yours should be lost." She the truth, which I despaired of finding in Thy
accepted the words as a voice from Heaven, Church, but as a fellow-creature who was kind
and received Augustine into her household. to me." Contemptuous of the subject-matter

The death of a dear friend Augustine was a of his sermons, Augustine listened to them as
man of warm friendships {Conf. IV. ix.) an interested professional critic. " I cared
moved him to leave Thagaste, and return, as not to understand what he said, but only to
a teacher of Rhetoric, to Carthage. Here he hear how he said it." But it was impossible
studied zealously, devoting attention to the to keep form and substance wholly apart, and
" liberal arts," astronomy, and other sub- by degrees he began to realize that the case for
jects, and lived a life of cultivated society and Catholic Christianity was not wholly beneath
successful literary effort. He tells us of a discussion. This was especially the case with
prize poem which won a crown in the theatre regard to the O.T., a principal target for
from the proconsul Vindicianus, a wise old Manichean ridicule. The allegorical method
phvsician who convinced him (but see Con/. of exegesis by which Ambrose explained every
Vli. vi.) of the futility of astrology {Conf. IV. difficulty struck away the substratum of
iii. ;this apparently occurred at Carthage). literalism upon which Manichean objections
About this time he wrote a work in two or were based. " For while I read those Scrip-
three books, de Pulcro et Apto, which he in- tures in the letter, I was slain in the spirit."
scribed to Hierius, a professor of Rhetoric at But though one main foundation of his Mani-
Rome, whom he had come to admire by cheism was thus giving way, the materialistic
reputation. These books he did not preserve'; presuppositions remained. " Had I been able
they appear to have been his first. Mean- to conceive of a spiritual substance, all their
while, he began to be less satisfied with the devices would have been broken, but this as
Manichean view of existence these mis-
; yet I found impossible." He remained in a
givings were intensified by disillusion in regard state of suspense his philosophic position

to the morals of the electi (de Moribus Man. was that of the " New Academy," one of pure
68 sqq.). But his Manichean friends urged negation. However, pending' further hght,
him to await the arrival at Carthage of Faust- he resumed the position he had occupied in
us, a " bishop " of the sect, who enjoved a boyhood of a catechumen in the Catholic
reputation for brilliant ability and learning, church {Conf. V. xiv.). Alypius. who was in
and who could be trusted to resolve all his legal practice, had accompanied him to Milan,
doubts. But when the great Faustus appeared, and presently their friend Nebridius joined
Augustine soon discovered him to be a very them. Monnica, probably accompanied by
ordinary person, " of charming manner and his brother Navigius, soon followed her son to
pleasant address, who said just what the others Milan {Conf. VI. ix.). The friends appear
used to say, but in a much more agreeable {Conf. VIII. viii.) to have hired a roomy house
style" {Conf. V. iii. 6). When, after his and garden. Augustine's worldly prospects
addresses to the crowd, Augustine laid before seemed excellent, a career of official distinction
him some of his doubts, his mediocritv was was opening before him {Conf. \T. xii.) his ;

transparent. " He knew that he did not mother, hoping that

if would lead to his bap-
know, and was not ashamed to confess the tism, encouraged him in the selection of a wife.
fact .and for this I liked him all the But two years had to pass before the lady was
. .

better." But he liked the system all the less of age {Conf. VI. xiii.).
; Meanwhile his mis-
and without formally separating from the tress was dismissed {ib. xv.), to his and her
Manicheans, he adopted an " academic great grief, and Augustine took another.
suspense of judgment in regard to the opinions Augustine was now thirty vears of age. He
he had hitherto adopted henceforth he held had almost wholly shaken off Manicheism, and

them provisionallv, pending the discovery of was, as his mother saw, steadily gravitating
something better {de Vii. Beat. i. 4). towards the Catholic church. His successful

and intrrosting work, hniiourable position, told his tale, Augustine was lillcd with self-
and delightful social surroiiiulitigs made his reproach. Conscience shamed him that after
lot outwardly enviable. But he pronounces, ten years of study he was still carrying a
and apparently with some truth, that at this burden which men wearied by no research had
period he touched his lowest moral level (Conf. already cast aside. When Pontitianus had
VI. xvii.. VII. i., VIII. v.). .\t any rate gone, he poured out his incoherent feelings to
( the contrast between his actual life and his the astonished .Mypius, and then, followed by
habitual idealism was never more painfully his friend, fled into the garden. " Let it be


realized. His ideal was the philosophic life, now let it be now," he said to himself but ;

i and but for his matriintMiial plans and his still the vanities of his life plucked at his clothes
u five ambition, he would probably have and whispered, " Do you think you can live
luecl his frii'iuis in foundinR a small philo- without us ? " Then again the continence of
j>hir coininunitv with a comnu^n purse and the monks and virgins confronted him with
ii.'uschold {Conf.' VI. xiv.; f. Academ. II. the question, " Can you not do as these have
11. 4, lie Beat. Vit. i. 4, ne in philosophiae done ? " Alypius watched him in silence.
i^rciuium celeritcr advolarem, uxoris honor- At last he broke down and, in a torrent of
isque illecebra detinebar). But his cnthu- tears, left his friend alone. He threw himself
siasm burned low (c. Acad. II. ii. 5), until it down under a fig-tree, crying passionately,

was kindled afresh by his study of the Platonic " Lord, how long ? — to-morrow and to-mor-

philosophy. A friend (apparently Theodorus, row ! —

why not now ? " Suddenly he heard


who became consul in 309 see Retr. I. ii. a child's voice from the next house repeating,
Displicet autem, etc., and Conf. VII. ix. in a sing-song voice, " Take and read " (loUe,
immanissimo typho turgidum) put into his lege). He tried to think whether the words
hands (Conf. VII. ix., de Beat. Vit. i. 4) some were used in any kind of children's game but ;

translations of the nco-Platonist authors, pro- no, it must be a divine command to open the
bably by Victorians. The elTect was rapid Bible and read the first verse that he should
) and profound. Much Christian truth he happen upon. He thought of Anthony and
found there, but not inward peace : the the lesson in church. He ran back to AJypius
1 eternal Word, but not Christ the Word made and opened " the .Apostle " at Kom. xii. 13,
I flesh. But his flagging idealism was braced, 14, " Not in rioting and drunkenness, not in
he was once for all lifted out of materialism, chambering and wantonness, not in strife and
I and his tormenting doubts as to the origin of envying; but put ye on the Lord Jesus
evil were laid to rest by the conviction that Christ, and make not provision for the flesh
evil has its origin in the will, that evil is but to fulfil the lusts thereof." " No further
the negation of good, and that good alone has would I read, nc)r was it necessary." The
a substantive existence (Conf. VII. vii. xiv.). peace of God was in his heart, and the shadows
His first impulse was to give up all earthly of doubt melted away. He marked the pas-
ties ("omnesillasancoras," Vit. Beat. ^), resign sage and told Alypius, the friends exchanged
his professorship, and live for philosophy confidences, and Alypius applied to himself
alone. But this he delayed to do, until, after the words, a little further on, " Him that is
his conversion, a serious lung-attack gave him weak in the faith receive " (Rom. xv. i).
what was now a welcome excuse (Conf. IX. They went in, and filled the heart of Monnica
ii., of. SoHl. I. i. I; c. .Acad. I. i. 3
; de Beat. with joy at the news (Conf. VIII. viii.). It
Vit. i. 4). Meanwhile he read with care the was now the beginning of the autumn vaca-
Epistles of St. Paul, in which he found a tion. Augustine decided to resign his chair
provision for the disease of sin, which he had before the next term, and meanwhile wrote to
vainly sought in the Platonic books. But his Ambrose to announce his desire for baptism.
life remained unregenerate, and his distress His friend Verecimdus, who was himself on
thickened. He then laid his case before the eve of conversion, lent his country house
Simplicianus, the spiritual adviser, and even- at Cassiciacum, near Milan, to Augustine and
tually the successor, of Ambrose. Simplici- his party ; there they spent the vacation and
anus described to him the conversion of the the months which were to elapse before bap-
aged Victorinus, to whose translation of the tism (winter 386-387). At Cassiciacum he
Platonists he had owed so much (Conf. VIII. spent a restful, happy time with his mother
ii.). .\ugustine hinged to follow the example and brother, his son Adeodatus, Alypius, and
of his pubUc profession of faith, but the flesh his two pupils, Licentius and Trygetius, the
still held him back, like a man heavy with former a son of his old patron Romanianus.
drowsiness who sinks back to sleep though he He wrote several short books here, " in a
knows that the hour for rising has struck. style which, though already enlisted in Thy
So he went on with his usual life. service, still breathed, in that time of waiting,
§ 6. Conversion (386-387). — One day a the pride of the School" (Conf. I.\. iv.).
Christian fellow-townsman, Pontitianus, who These were the three books contra Acadcmicos,
held an appointment at court, called to two de Ordine, the de Beata Vita, and two
visit Alypius. Observing with pleasure a books of Soliloquies to this period also belong

volume of St. Paul's Epistles, he went on to letters 1-4, of which 3 and 4 are the beginning
talk to his friends of the wonderful history of his correspondence with Nebridius (Conf.
of the hermit Anthony, whose ascetic life had IX. iii.). Ambrose had, in answer to his re-
begun from hearing in church a passage of quest for advice, recommended him to read
the gospel (Matt. xix. 21), on which he had Isaiah. But he found the first chapter so hard
promptly acted he then described the spread that he put it aside till he should be more

of the monastic movement, and informed his able to enter into its meaning. The Psalms,
astonished hearers that even at Milan there however, kindled his heart at this time. To
was a monastery in existence. As Pontitianus him, as to many in most diverse conditions,
they seemed to interpret the depths of his assures us that the substance of the words was
soul and the inmost experiences of his life really from the lips of his son at the age of
(Conf. IX. iv.). But Augustine's main in- sixteen, i.e. not later than 388. The boy died
tellectual interest was still philosophical. Ex- young, full of piety and promise we do not ;

cept when engaged upon the classics with his know the date, but he was present at Mon-
pupils, or on fine days in country pursuits (" in nica's death (Conf. IX. xi.), and very pro-
rebus rusticis ordinandis," c. Acad. I. v. 14 cf. bably lived to accompany his father to Africa.

II. iv. 10), the time was spent in discussing At Thagaste Augustine and his friends lived
the philosophy of religion and Ufe. The above- on his paternal estate for nearly three years,
mentioned books, of which those de Ordine are a quiet, industrious, and prayerful life. Ne-
perhaps the most characteristic, are, excepting bridius (Ep. 5) condoles with him for having
of course the Soliloquies, in the form of notes to give so much time to the negotia civium but ;

of these discussions. The time to give in his evidently there was plenty of leisure for study.
name for baptism was approaching, and the We saw above (§ 6) that Augustine's studies
party returned to Milan. Augustine was were, up to the present, philosophical rather
baptized by Ambrose, along with his heart's than Biblical. His ordination found him still
friend Alypius, and his son Adeodatus. The but little versed in Scripture (Ep. 213). His
church music, which Milan, first of all the continued correspondence with Nebridius
Western churches, had recently adopted from (Epp. 5-14) shews the continued predominance
the East, struck deep into his soul " The tide of philosophical interest
: the same may be ;

of devotion swelled high within me, and the said of the writings of the period, de Genesi adv.
tears ran down, and there was gladness in Manichaeos, de Musica, de Magistro, de Vera
those tears." Religione, and parts of the Liber de Diversis
§ 7. (a) Early Christian Life. Death of Quaestionibus LXXXIIL The de Musica
Monnica. Return to Africa. Life as a Lay- was a portion of the above-named unfinished
man (387-391). —
While waiting for baptism work on the " liberal arts " he wrote it at

at Milan, Augustine had written a short book, the request of an African bishop. It is inter-
de Immortaliiate Animae, and the first part, de esting as giving one side of Augustine's view
Gramnititica, of a work on the " Uberal arts " : of secular culture, for which he claims, in the
the latter, though included by Possidius in his spirit of Plato, that if rightly used, it leads
list of Augustine's hterary remains, was early up to God, the underlying Truth of all things.
lost by him {Retr. I. vi.). After the baptism, The other works of this period are still per-
Augustine, with Alypius, and Evodius, a vaded with the Manichean controversy. This
fellow-townsman, converted before Augustine is the origin of the de Vera Religione, one of
himself, who had joined him at Milan, set out Augustine's ablest works years later (about

for Africa, with the intention of continuing 414) he refers Evodius to it for the theistic
their common life. But at Ostia, Monnica argument (Ep. 162, 2). There is a difference
was seized with fever, and died " in the fifty- of opinion as to the exact time at which
sixth year of her age, and the thirty-third of Augustine sold his father's estate, and as to
mine." Augustine's account of her life and the monastic or lay character of the life at
character, and of his conversations with her, Thagaste. The Benedictine Life (III. ii.-v.),
shortly before her death, on Eternal Life, maintaining that Augustine's settlement at
forms perhaps the most exquisite and touching Thagaste was strictly monastic, accounts for
part of the Confessions (IX. viii.-xiii.). He the fact that he lived on his patrimony by
prayed for her soul, beheving that what he supposing that he did so as a tenant of the
prayed for was already performed. " Let purchaser. Of this there is no evidence
none have power to drag her away from Thy whatever. The most probable inference from
protection. . . For she will not answer that
. the crucial passage (Serm. 355, 2) combined
she owes nothing, lest she should be confuted with the statements of Possidius, is briefly as
and seized by the crafty accuser but she will follows

Augustine and his friends lived at
answer that her debt has been forgiven by his home in Thagaste, reaUzing approximately
Him, to Whom none can give back the ransom the ideal, formed already at Milan (Conf. VI.
which He paid on our behalf, though He owed xiv.), and partially realized at Cassiciacum,
it not." Augustine now remained in Rome of a common life of study and detachment
till the autumn of 388 (" jam post Maximi from worldly cares. The tendency to a mon-
tyranni mortem," c. lit. Petit. III. 30, cf. Retr. astic ideal was there, and as time went on,
I. vii.-ix.). Of his life there, the two books Augustine determined to sell his property,
de Moribus Ecclesiae Catholicae et de Moribus and find a home more suitable for a monastery.
Manichaeorum, the de Qtiantitate Animae, and Possibly the importunate demands of his
the first of his three books de Libera A rbitrio, fellow-citizens upon his kindness (see above)
are the monument. From them we gather made Thagaste itself unsuitable. Hand in
that he lived with Evodius a life of " abun- hand with the question of the place went the
dant leisure," entirely given to the studies question of recruits. Augustine travelled to
begun at Cassiciacum. The book on the different places in search of a suitable site
morals of the Manicheans, founded on his a\-oiding towns where the see was vacant, for
former converse with them at Rome (see he knew that his growing fame might lead men
above, § 5), was reserved for completion and to think of him. Among other places, he came
pubhcation in Africa (xii. 26). At last Augus- to Hippo (Bona), where he knew of a young
tine crossed with Alypius to Carthage [de Civ. official whom he hoped io enlist for his
XXII. viii.), and returned to Thagaste. A monastery (" juvenis veni ad istam civitatem,
work composed by him here, de Magistro quaerebam ubi constituerem monasterium . . .

(Conf. IX. vi. Retr. I. xii.), is in the form of veni ad istam civitatem propter videndum

a dialogue with Adeodatus, and Augustine amicum quern putabam lucrari me posse Deo

ut nobiscuin esset in moiuisterin." Tlic of some, length, as it w.is there tli.it lie lieUl
tnonasterium is clearly prospective). This was his epoch-marking tliscussioiis of diflicnlties
probablv early in .191. Augustine had come in the ICp. to the Romans, and at the re-
" with quest of his friends committed the results to
to Hippo intending to stay no time,
nothing but his clothes " ; but as it happened, writing (see below, § 10). We know that a
he entered the church just as \'alerius, the council was held at Carthage in 394 : pos-
aged bishop, was addressing the people on sibly that may have been the occasion of his
the necessity of choosing a new presbyter. presence. The Manichean controversy still
Valerius, by birth a Greek (Possid. v. "homo claimed his energies. In addition to the
natura Graecus "). wanted a fluent Latin public discussions already referred to, he
preacher. Augustine's reputation had come WTotc at this time the famous tract tie Utilitate
before him. With one accord the people Credendi; another, de Duahus Animabus, a
seized .\ugustiue. and presented him to \ale- tract against the Manichean Adimantus and ;

rius for ordination. With sincere reluctance the imperfect work de Genesi ad Literam, a work
and many tears .\ugustine yieklcd ;Hippo which he abandoned, as he felt his novice-
became his home, and the Christian ministry hand unequal to the task (Rctr. I. xviii. ;

his calling. Knowing of his plans. Valerius sec below, § 14). A new task, imposed upon
gave him a wonastt-riiim in the episcopal him by his oificial responsibilities, was the
gardens. He had possibly already sohl his controversy with the Donatists (sec below,
small estate at Thagaste ;if not, he did so § 8). Early in his presbyterate he wrote to a
now the proceeds were spent on the poor of neighbouring bishop of that sect to remon-

that place, and the people of Hippo approved strate with him for rebaptizing {Ep. 23). He
and felt no jealousy (see Ef^. 126', 157*'). also composed, for popular use, an acrostic
He assembled in his monastery a number of song in refutation of the sect (about 394 :

brethren like-minded, each with nothing of Psalmus contra partem Donati), and a tract,
his own and all things common : above all, now lost, contra Epistolam Donati. To this
the common aim, "commune nobis ut esset period, lastly, belong a group of cxegetical
magnum et uberrinum praedium ipse Deus." works which shew a rapid advance in the
(6) Augustine a Presbyter of Hippo (391- command of Holy Scripture, the fruit of
395)-— .\ugustine at the time of his ordi- systematic study : an exposition of the Ser-
nation as presbyter (he does not appear mon on the Mount, a commentary on Gala-
to have passed, as .\mbrose had formally tians, some of the Quaestiones LXXXIII.
done, through the diaconate) was a Christian {supra, § ya), and the above-mentioned notes
Platonist. His temper was absolutely on Romans. He began a continuous commen-
Christian, his stock of ideas wholly Platonic tary on the Epistle, but only succeeded in
He had used the Bible devotionally rather completing the Salutation. The de Mendacio
than worked at its theology. Fully conscious (see Retr. I. xxvii.) was also written at this
of this, he obtained from his bishop a short period, but its issue w^as deferred till about
period of leisure in order to master the mini- 420, when the contra Mend, was also published
mum of Scriptural knowledge necessary for {Retr. II. Ix.). Generally speaking, the works
the discharge of his office (Ep. 21). At of this transition period are remarkable for the
Easter, 391, he was entrusted with the supersession of the philosophical form of the
tradilio symholi. His addresses to the candi- older works by Biblical, and to a great extent
dates for baptism on that occasion are still Pauline, citcgories. The philosophical sub-
extant {Serm. 214-216). He was, in fact, stratum of Platonism remains, but Augustine
soon full of work. His monastery, the first is now a Biblical and ecclesiastical theologian.
in Africa (see below, § 13), became a training- (For a detailed analysis of the ideas distinctive
school for clergy. Possidius tells us of ten of this and the preceding periods respectively,
bishops who proceeded from it. Among the see the masterly article of Loofs, mentioned
earliest were Alypius, who in 394 went to at the end of this article, pp. 270-276.) Lastly,
Thagaste, and Evodius, to Uzala. Possidius it was as a presbyter that he completed his
himself became bp. of Calamus, but appears three books de Libera Arbitrio {supra, § 7fl) :

to have spent much of his time at Hippo, they were directed against the Manichean
which was only some forty miles away. theory of the origin of evil {supra, § 4), and
Moreover, the example of the monastic life vindicate the moral responsibility of man
spread rapidly (Ep. 24, sub fin.) ; before against the theory of a physical principle of
Augustine died, there were at least three evil. To the position taken up in these books
monasteries in Hippo alone {Vit. Ben. III. v. the Pelagians {infra, § 10) appealed, against
4). Of his life as a presbyter we know few Augustine's later doctrine of irresistible grace.
details. He corresponds with Aurclius, the Augustine has no difficulty in shewing that
new bp. of Carthage, with a view to putting he had even at this early date refuted them by
down the disorderly feasts o\er the tombs of anticipation. But it was less easy to meet
the mart>Ts {Epp. 22, 29 ;Conf. V. ii.). At the appeal of the so-called semi- Pelagians (sec
the end of Aug. 392, he held a public dis- below, § 10 d), who were on the side of the
cussion for two days with Fortunatus, a church against Pelagius, but demurred to
.Manichean presbyter^ the notes of which re- positions taken up by Augustine later in life.
main. Pf)ssidius tells us that as the result Of personal interest is Augustine's correspond-
Fortunatus left Hippo and never returned. ence with the saintly Paulinus of Nola, to
In 393 a general council of .African bishops met whom he sent the' books on Free Will.
at Hippo, and .Augustine preached to them Paulinus had heard of the growing fame of
de Fide et Symbolo (one of his best-known Augustine, and sought his acquaintance by
shorter works) ; he also mentions {Retr. I. letters addressed to Alypius and to Augustine
23) a stay at Carthage which must have been himself {Epp. 24-27, 30-32)- Augustine at this
period also began to correspond with Jerome Orders. For to communicate with an offender
(Fp. 28) ;in a letter of about this date he is to take part in his offence and Felix's

indignantly rejects the theory that the scene offence, ipso facto, cut him off from the
at Antioch between SS. Paul and Peter was church. Like Cyprian, the opponents of
to be explained patrocinium mendacii sus- Caecilianus denied the validity of any sacra-
cipiendo. ment conferred outside the church. These
B. Episcopate (from 395).
atist Controversy, (a) Origin.
——§ 8. The Don-
Valerius was
two principles, then, were involved firstly, the

old Cyprianic denial of the validity of sacra-

old and infirm, and had marked out Augustine ments conferred by heretical (or schismaticel)
as his successor. But he daily feared that hands; secondly, the nullity of sacraments!
some other church might elect him as bishop, performed by unworthy ministers: "oleum
and that he would therefore be lost to Hippo. peccatoris non impinguet caput meum
So, with the eager consent of his flock, he (Ps. cxl. 5, Vulg.). The question at issue,
took a step then almost without precedent, then, was really that of the essential nature of
and, unconsciously breaking the letter of the the church as a holy society (see Renter, pp. 236
eighth canon of Nicaea, induced Megahus sqq. note 2). The Catholics, in reply, insist on
of Calama, the " primae sedis Episcopus," the fact that the church throughout the world
i.e. bishop senior by consecration in Numidia, is on their side, and that the Donatists are,
to consecrate Augustine as his coadjutor with by their separation, offenders against the bond
right of succession. Valerius had (Possid. of charity which maintains the peace and
viii.) privately gained the consent of Aurelius, unity of the church :
" Una est columba mea,
bp. of Carthage Megalius made some per- speciosa mea " (Cant. vi. g).

objections, which he subsequently (ft) Earlier History of Donatists. —

It is not
withdrew (references in Vit. Ben. IV. i. 2). necessary here to detail the phases through
Valerius did not long survive the fulfilment of which the controversy had passed in the nearly
his hopes and prayers ; for nearly thirty-five three generations which preceded the episco-
years Augustine was bp. of Hippo. His pate of Augustine, nor to unravel the intricate
episcopate was occupied by grave controver- charges and counter-charges which encumber
sies, and productive of monumental works ;
the real principles at issue. The principal
but it was not eventful as regards Augustine's landmarks in the question were (i^ The appeal

personal history. It will be best, therefore, to Constantine, apparently first made by the
to deal with it, not by annalistic narrative, Donatists, which resulted in the adverse
but by considering in turn the great questions decisions of the councils of Rome (313) and
with which Augustine had to deal. We have Aries (314). (2) The consecration of Ma-
spoken sufficiently of the Manichean contro- jorinus as bp. of Carthage in opposition to
versy. As a bishop (about 397-400) Augustine Caecilianus (311). He died in 315, and was
wrote against these heretics the tracts c. Ep. succeeded by Donatus, a man of great energy,
Fundamenti and de A gone Christiana. The to whom the schism probably owes its name.
Confessions, written about this time, give an (3) Imperial persecution of the Donatists,
insight into Augustine's personal experiences first by Constantine in 316, and then, after an
of Manicheism (see above, §§ 2, 4). About attempt to bribe the Donatists into submission
400 he refuted, in thirty-three short books, a (340), a ruthless suppression by Constans in
treatise by his old Manichean friend Faustus ; 347. This was successful in producing tem-
at the end of 404 (Retr. II. viii., cf. Ep. 29) porary submission, but it intensified the feeling
he held a public discussion with a Manichean of protest ; moreover, the fanatical ferocity
named Felix,and as a result penned the short of the " Circumcellions," which Constantine's
tract deNatvra Boni. Somewhat later he was first persecuting edict had evoked, was
brought into controversy with the Manichean smouldering in readiness to break out again.
" auditor " Secundianus. Of his reply he says,
(4) Return of the Donatists under Julian.
" omnibus, quae adversus illam pes tern scribere In 361, agreeably to his general policy of the
potui, facile praepono." These are writings restoration of ecclesiastical exiles, Julian re-
drawn out by occasional contact with a con- pealed his predecessor's measures against the
troversy which Augustine had outgrown. It Donatists, and during his short reign they
was otherwise with the Donatist struggle, exercised a violent supremacy in Africa. (5)
which pressed continually upon him for the Optatus and Parmenian. Donatus had died
first twenty years of his episcopate. As we
in exile, and was now succeeded by Parmeni-
have seen, it claimed some of his energy anus, an able and comparatively moderate
already as a presbyter. But it may fairly beman. With him begins the first phase of the
called the one great question of his earlierliterary debate between Donatists and Catho-
episcopate. According to Possidius, thelics. The opponent of Parmenianus was Op-
Donatists were at the time of Augustine's tatus of Milevis, who was still living after 384.
ordination a majority among the Christians His work on the Donatist schism is a rich
of the African provinces at Hippo they were mine of materials for its history.
; It is to be
a very large majority, and terrorized the noted that Parmenianus and Optatus both
Catholics by exclusive dealing (c. Duas Lit. believe in the visible unity of the church.
Petil. II. 184). The schism had existed since But Parmenianus, insisting on the holiness of
about 311, when Caecihanus was elected bp. the church, identifies it with the separatist
of Carthage. Personal dislike to the election body in Africa, while Optatus insists upon
found a pretext for denying its validity. the Catholicity of the church, and upon its
FeUx of Aptunga, his consecrator, was alleged Apostolicity as tested by communion with the

to have been a traditor i.e. to have given up chair of St. Peter and with the seven churches
the sacred books during persecution. This, it of the Apocalypse. (6) Disintegration of
was argued, vitiated his power to give valid Donatism. This began to be apparent in the

rrtaiiiau srhisin of Ko^aUis, wliose fol-

' which we btiU have: f. contra
'ur books
:- uiuhurrlutl the otlicr Uimatists, and Cresconium; one dc Viiim liapli-itno, the lire-
i.itcit the Cireuincellious in the iiioder-
; viculiis (ollationis (a report of the conference
l>.>ixatism of Tycouius (the author of a mentioned above), and a bcR>k contra Donatis-
vork on exegesis, of which Augustine speaks tas post Collationem. After 412, physical force
lighly, dc Doctr. Chr. III. xxx.), who exposed had to some extent diminished the need for
[he inconsistencies of tlie Donatist position, argument. A few more letters — an address
jnd was consequently cxconununicated by to the people at Caesarea (.-Mgiers), a public
Parinenianus and lastly, in the formidable
; discussion with Emeritus, on Sept. 20, 418,
Maximianist schism of 303, which resulted in two books contra Gaiidentium (a Donatist
he election of a second Donatist bishop, bishop, c. 420) —
are the remains of a waning
Maximianus, at Carthage, in opposition to controversy. For a fuller account of the history,
,\imianus. the successor of Parmeuianus. and of the contents of some of Augustine's
ijver 100 bishops sided with Maximianus a ; anti-Donatist writings, see art. Do.natism,
council of 310 Donatist bishops in 394 decided D. C. B. (4-V0I. ed.).
(igainst him. The civil authority was then It remains to gather up briefly the import-
invoked against the dissidents, who were per- ance of the controversy in .Augustine's life and
iecuted with the usual severity. thought. So far as Donatism fell before ar-
I Meanwhile the council of Hippo in 303 gument, its fall was the work of Augustine.
isupra, % 7 b) had, by judicious reforms and But what was the reflex eifect of the contro-
Souciliatorv provisions, paved the way back versy upon Augustine himself ? Augustine
1:0 the church for any Donatists who might was the tirst Christian writer who made the
be disillusioned by the inward breakdown of church, as such, the subject of systematic
ithe sect. But its external position was still thought. But this was not wholly the result
inposing. Edicts issued against the Dona- of the Donatist crisis. He fought Donatism
Ilists (since 373. (^od. Theod. XVI. vi.) by in part with arguments which had been current
Valentiaian and (.'.ratian had had, owing to the for over two generations of the controversy,
Estate of the empire, but little effect. The and which we find less lucidly formulated in
edict of Theodosius against heretics (392, Cod. Optatus, partly with conceptions which his
Theod. X\'I. V.) was not enforced against own personal history and reflections had im-
them in fact, from some time previous to
pressed upon his mind before he came into the
Ithe death of Theodosius in 395 till 398 the conflict. The utmost that can justly be said
imperial writ did not run in the African — but that much is important is that the —
provinces. Donatist conflict crystallized ideas which
(c) A ugustine and
Donatism. —
When needed a shock of the kind to bring them into
!Stilicho recovered Africa for Honorius from clear shape and form. It was beside the
the usurper Gildo, Augustine had been a purpose to insist, as Cyprian had done, upon
bishop seven years. He had preached, cor- the episcopate, which the Donatists possessed,
responded, and written actively against the or upon the unity of the church, which they
Donatists, who had heard his sermons and claimed for themselves. The question at issue
|read his tracts in great numbers. Their went behind these points to the spiritual
!leaders had realized that they were now op- conditions necessary to the saving efficacy of
jposed by a champion of unexampled power, means of grace. This exists, argued Augustine,
.and endeavoured to keep their publications only in the Catholic church. The baptism
'from falling into his hands. His earliest epis- and orders of the Donatists were valid sacra-
copal work, contra Partem Doitati, is lost. But mentally, but useless spiritually. In a sense,
;in 400 he wrote a reply to an old letter of the Holy Spirit operates in schismatical sacra-
Parraenianus, and the seven books de Bapt. ments, so that a convert to the Catholic church
,c. Donat. In 401 and 402 he replied to a will not be re-baptized or re-ordained. But it
letter of Petilianus, the Donatist bp. of Cirta, is only in the Catholic church that the Spirit

and wrote his letter to the Catholics, de Unitate operates, as the Spirit of peace and love. " Non
^EccUsiae, an important contribution to the autem habent Dei caritatem qui ecclesiae non
1controversy. In 403 the Catholic bishops in diligunt unitatem ac per hoc recte intelligitur

syaod at Carthage agreed to propose a decisive dici non accipi nisi in Catholica Spiritus
coaference the Donatists declined, and in 404 Sanctus" (de Bapt. III. xvi.).
the Catholic synod determined to ask for a formulates with a clearness not found in any

revival of the imperial laws against the schism, previous writer the distinction between what
From 405-409 the remedy of force was once in later times was called the " gratia gratis

more tried, with very partial success. In the data," which confers status only (the indelible
latter year the Catholic synod petitioned " character " of a " baptizatus " or a priest),
Honorius to order a conference, and as the without any necessary change in the moral
Donatists were now understood to agree, or spiritual character and " gratia gratum

Marcellinus, a " tribune," was specially com- faciens," which makes a man not only a mem-
missioned to arrange for the meeting. At the ber of the visible church, but a real member

! conference Augustine naturally played the of Christ, not merely a priest, but a g(jod
principal part on the Catholic side. Marcel- priest. This distinction was hardly perceived
linus closed the proceedings by giving judg- by Cyprian (see Cypr. Epp. 65-67, esp. 66 :

ment in favour of the Catholics, and in 412 " credere quod indigni sint qui ordinan-
. . .

this was followed up by an imperial edict of tur quid aUud est quam contendere quod non
drastic severity. a Deo. sacerdotes ejus in ecdesia con-
. . .

During this period Augustine wrote, in stituantur ? "), who regarded a deposed bishop
addition to twenty-one extant letters on the as a mere layman with but " the empty name
and shadow " The

controversy, and four lost works, the following, of priesthood. recognition
of the validity of Donatist orders and sacra- where the church wa;
serious riots at Calama,
ments was imposed upon Augustine by the repeatedly wrecked by the heathen (Ep. 90
settled judgment of the Catholic church, 91, 103, 104). The murder of Stilicho (Sept
especially of the council of Aries, in 314 (Can. 408), and the rumours that the laws agains'
xiii., cf. viii., rejecting the Cyprianic view). the heathen and the Donatists passed during
But he clearlv found it difficult to grasp his life lapsed with his death, caused a furthei
habitually the distinction between the widespread outburst of heathen violence ir
" Spiritus Sanctus," the agent m every Africa (cf. Cod. Th. App. Sirm. XIV.; Aug.
" valid " sacrament = " gratia gratis data "),
Ep. q7). A stringent law, passed apparentl}
and the " Spirilns cariiatis," which makes the at the instance of the provincial council at
sacrament a means of grace (" gratum Carthage, of which Augustine was not a
faciens ") to the Catholic recipient. His fre- member, ordered rigorous penalties against
quent denials that " the Holy Spirit " could all the offenders, and against conniving of-

be possessed outside the visible unity of the ficials. Alarmed by the state of the empire,
church relate really to the latter, though the ministers of Honorius appear to have
there are passages which seem to extend to relaxed for a time the rigour of the laws
the former. But on the whole his mind is against paganism and heresy alike, but at the
clear. He distinguishes sharply between urgent request of the African bishops they
Office and Person ; between the sacramental were again strictly enforced. On the whole,
act and its benefit to the soul. The former Augustine's tone and attitude towards the
can exist outside the CathoUc church, the pagans is dignified and conciUatory {Epp. 133,
latter onlv within it. In this respect Augus- etc.), but he shares in the general responsibiUty
tine is an uncompromising assertor of Cyprian's for persecution which must be allotted to the
axiom, extra ecclesiam nulla saliis. But it churchmen of this degenerate age.
must be observed that he subordinates the In 408 and 409 the Goths, under Alaric, had
institutional to the spiritual conception of the laid siege to Rome, and after long and fruitless
church. The Donatists are wrong, because negotiations, the city was taken and sacked
they have broken the bond of caritas which on Aug. 24, 410. The sack of Rome, in its
unites the CathoUc society. It is this, and direct effects, was but an incident in the pro-
not the mere fact, necessary though it be, of found abasement of the empire in the miser-
the episcopal succession, that unites CathoUcs able reign of Honorius. But the downfall of
with the Apostolic churches and through the " Eternal Citv " struck awe into the minds-
them by an " inconcussa series " with the of men who failed to appreciate the material
Apostles themselves. (See below, § 16, 6, c ;
and moral exhaustion which the disaster 1

also Gore, The Church and the Ministry, latter merely symboUzed. Augustine's friend Mar-
part of c. iii. ;Hatch, Organization, v.
; Renter, cellinus, the imperial officer who had been in
pp. 231-283, an able and thorough discussion.) charge of the conference with the Donatists,.
§9. Augustine and the Heathen. Philosophy introduced him to a distinguished (" illustris ")
of Historv. —Augustine tells us {de Civ. Dei, official, Volusianus, who was kept back from
XVIII. liii. 2) of an oracle current among the the Christian faith by difficulties relating to the
heathen, that the Christian religion would last Old Testament, the Incarnation, and the in-
365 years, and then come to an end. He compatibility of some principles of the Gospel
reckons that this time expired in the year 399. with civil life and the public good (Epp. 135-
As a matter of fact, the year in question was 138, cf. 132). The last-named question natur-
marked by a widespread destruction of pagan ally connected itself with the prevalent
temples throughout the Roman world (Vit. heathen explanation of the fall of Rome, as
Bened. IV. xvi.). In this year apparently the due to the desertion of the old gods and the
counts Gaudentius and Jovius arrived in progress of Christianity. Augustine, unable
Africa to execute an imperial decree for the at the time to discuss this question except
dismantling of the temples. At Carthage the in passing (Ep. 138I. 9-i6. cf. i3,&), presently
splendid temple of Dea Coelestis, which had began a more thorough consideration of it.
been closed, as it seems, since the law of 391 This is his famous treatise de Civitate Dei,
(Cod. Th. XVI. X. 10), and was already over- begun about the end of 412, and not com-
grown with weeds and bushes, was taken pleted until 426. The first two books are
possession of by the Christians. But in 421 it addressed to Marcellinus, who was put to
was razed to the ground (Prosper, de Praed. death, Sept. 13, 413 ;with a third book, they
III. xxxviii.). In some places images were were published before 415. In this year,
hidden to preserve them from destruction. about Lent, he wrote two more (Ep. 169')
Heathen customs, as we gather from a sermon In 416-417, when he was advising Orosius to
of Augustine {Serm. 62, 4), were still secretly write his Historia adversus Paganos, Augustine
observed even by some Christians. A council had published ten books, and was at work on
at Carthage in 401 petitioned the emperor to the eleventh. By 420 he had published four-
abolish public feasts and games which were, teen ; the eighteenth was finished " nearly
in spite of a previous imperial prohibition thirty years " after the consulate of Theodorus
(Cod. Th. ib. 17), occasions of heathenish (399), i.e. hardly earlier than 426. The work
observances. The destruction of a statue of then was continued amid interruptions, and
Hercules at Colonia Suffectana (? Sufetula) the plan widened out from a refutation of the
was the cause of a riot in which sixty Christians heathen calumny (Retr. II. xliii.) to a compre-
lost their lives (Ep. 50). In 407-408 a sweep- hensive explanation of the course of human
ing law, confiscating temples and ordering the affairs —
a religious philosophy of history.
destruction of altars, images, etc., was issued The problem was one of terrible actuality.
(Cod. Th. ib. 19, rf. Vit. Bened. VI. iv. 2, The ancient world and its civilization were in
V. 3). Its promulgation was attended by most real truth breaking up, and the end of Rome'

seemed like a giving way of tlio solid earth ^

is dependent for it on the f/V/Vu.'i /ct;ivi<i (XIX.
beneath men's
feet. Lesser men were moved 17, of. "per jura reguiii pt)ssidentur posses-
itn write Orosius, mentioned above, in 417, siones," in Joh. Tr. VI. if,) practically f<ir all
: ;

and Salvian. whose hirid indictment of the civil purposes the churchn\an must obey the

isins of the Christian world (<le Guhcrnatioiie law. Diit, on the other liand. the ciij/ai- /frrfdrt
\Dei) was penned in 431, four years before the cannot attain its chief good, the pax Ifrrena,
|sack of Rome by C.aiserie. But it was unless heavenly motives are brought to bear

Augustine who brought the jtroblem under a for the social boml of carilas, for the elemen-

single master-idea. This idea (which occurs tary requisite of justitia, it is dependent upon
lalreadv in de Catech. Rud., written as early the civitas Dei. 1

as A.D. 400) is that of the two civitatcs, which, The destiny of the civilas terrena, therefore,

(after a refutation of paganism as useless when at the Judgment thi^ two are finally
|alike in this world (I.-V.) ami in the ne.xt separated, '
is the destruction of its social
.(VI.-X.), are treated of constructively in the bond it will cease to be a civitas at all.

remainder of the work, in respect of their There is, then, if we look at things in their

origin (X1.-.\IV.), history (X\'.-XVII1.), and eternal aspect, only one civilas, and, applying
destiny (XI.X.-XXII.). The work would the ideal to the empirical, the state {ijiia g(K)d,
Ihave gained by condensation, but as it stands, i.e. if Christian) is in the church. Optatus had
with all the marks of discontinuous produc- said (de Schism. III. 3) " Ecclesia in Impcrio."
tion, it is a priceless legacy of Augustine's Augustine reverses this relation
" I)t)minus :

most characteristic thoughts (on Kp. 102, jugo suo in gremio ecclesiae toto orbe diffuso
which illustrates the de Civ., and was written omnia terrena regna subjecit." The state is
about 4oq, see below, § i6a). By the word in the church, and is bound to carry out the
civilas, commonly rendered
" city," Augustine church's aims. The subject of " Church and
means rather a bond of union, or citizenship State " was not the theme of the book, and it
(cf. Philipp. iii. 20 Gk., "duo quaedam genera is not easy to extract from it a strictly consis-

humanae societatalis " XIV. i., the " civitas tent theory of their relations (see Renter, pji.
takes visible form in the shape of a government, 125-150, 380-392). But these relations were
but its essential character is in the spirit that the question of the future, and in the de
,animates it). There are then two, and only Civitate Augustine laid the theoretical founda-
I two, civilales, the one heavenly, the other tion for the medieval system (see also below,
earthly. The civitas terrena began with the § 16 ad fin.). The modifying ideas alluded
fall of the angels, was continued by that of to above were not forgotten, but their asser-
1man, in the history of the Cainites, of Babel, tion was the work of the opponents of the
and of the great world-empires. The civitas medieval hierocracy and Dante, de Mon- ;

Dei began with Creation its earthly realiza-
; archia, is practically a reversal of the charac-
tion is traceable in the history of the Sethites, teristic doctrine of the de Civitate Dei, after
of Noah, Abraham, Israel, of Christ, and of His that doctrine, tested by being put into prac-
people. The one is rooted in love of God, tice, has been found to lead to unchristian
usque ad contemptutn sui the other in love of results. One unchristian corollary of Augus-

self, usque ad contemptum Dei. The chief good tine's doctrine was the persecution of heretics
of the one is the/)a;r cot;/^s/ts (XIX. 13), that of as a duty of the Christian state. In his earlier
the other, the pax terrena. The great empires days Augustine disapproved of this (contr.
! are, in their genesis, the .State is per se iremota Ep. Man. 1-3 Ep. 23, 7; 93, 2, 5, etc.)
; ;

justitia), " latrocinium magnum " (IV. 4). but the stress of the Donatist controversy

So that, looked upon in the abstract, since changed his mind in the interest of the ;

there are but two civitates, the state is the doubtful, the weak, the generations to come,
civilas diaboli, the church the civitas Dei he found a sanction for persecution in St.
But this conclusion is not, thus baldly Luke xiv. 23 j
Cogite intrare. :

stated, that of .A.ugustine. To begin with, his § 10. The Pelagian Controversy (412-430).

conception of the church (see §§ 8, 16, b, c) Augustine, in his first days as a Christian, held

is not consistent. Does he mean the visible the common view that, while the grace of God

church, the communio externa, or the cow- is necessary to the salvation of man, the first
munio sanctorum, the number of those pre- step, the act of faith, by which man gains

destined to life, to which not all belong who access to grace, is the act of man, and not

are members of the visible church, and to itself the gift of God (de Praed. III. 7).
which some belong who are not ? Augustine's view is manifest in the Expos. Propos. in Rom.

I language on this point is not always uniform. 13-18, 55, etc., and traceable in de Quaest.
1 But at the time when he wrote the de Civitate, LXX.\III., qu. 68 and 83). He came to see

the predestinarian idea was growing upon him, that faith itself is the gift of (iod, and that

and the two civitates tend to coincide with the very first step to Godward must be of

the predestined on the one hand, and, on God's doing, not of our own. This conviction
the other, the rest of mankind. Again, the was not due to reaction against Pelagianism ;

visible church, even apart from its merely on the contrary, Pelagius himself was roused
nommal members, is but part of a larger whole, to contradiction by Augustine's language in
but the empirical shadow of a transcendent his Confessions "Dominedaquod jubes" (see :

reality, the civitas superna, which includes de Don. Persev. 53). Augustine's change of

angels as well as redeemed humanity (XI. 7). mind was directly and wholly due to his study
And in its earthly visible existence the church of St. Paul (see above, § 76)
partly his ;

borrows the form of the earthly state (XV. 2). wrestling with the difficulties of the Ep. to
A^ain, historically, the two civitates are the Romans; but especially his reflection on
mingled together and interpenetrate. More St. Paul's question (I. Cor. iv. 7), " What
over, the church needs the pax terrena, and hast thou that thou hast not received ? "

coupled with Rom. ix. i6. The change may and de Spiritu et Litera) were addressed to
be assigned to the year 396, when, in the first him. In 415 he wrote de Natura et Gratia,
book, he wrote as a bishop {de Divers. Quaest. and probably the tract, in the form of a letter to
ad Simplic. I.), as he says (Retr. II. i. i), " to Eutropius and Paulus, de Perfectione Justitiae
solve this question, we laboured in the cause Hominis, in refutation of the propositions of
of the freedom of the human will, but the Coelestius in 412 in 417 he wrote de Gestis

grace of God won the day " (of. de Don. Pers. Pelagii, a discussion of the proceedings in
52, plenius sapere coepi). To Simplicianus he Palestine above referred to. Augustine and
says, I. ii. 13 " If it is in man's own power
: the African bishops, who had been represented
not to obey the call, it would be equally correct in Palestine not only by Jerome, but by
to say, 'Therefore it is not of God that Orosius, fresh from Hippo, were naturally
sheweth mercy, but of man that runs and dismayed at what had happened there. They
wills,' because the mercy of Him that calls knew that Pelagius and Coelestius were likely
does not suffice, unless the obedience of him to address themselves to Rome, where they
who is called results. . God shews mercy
. . had a strong following {Ep. lyy, 2). Accord-
on no man in vain but on whom He has
; ingly councils at Carthage and at Milevis, at
mercy, him He calls in such sort as He knows ! the latter of which Augustine was present,
to be fitted for him [congritere], so that He does J
wrote to urge Innocentius to support them
not reject him that calleth." Here we have against the " alleged " decision of the Pales-
the essential of the " Augustinian " doctrine tinian councils, cither bv reclaiming the heretics
of grace, the distinction of the vocatio congrua or by adding the authority of his see to their
and vocatio nan congrua (" Illi enim electi qui condemnation. A
letter carefully explaining
congruenter vocati"), formulated more than the doctrinal issue was also sent by Aurelius
fifteen years before the Pelagian controversy of Carthage, Augustine, Alypius, Possidius,
began (see also Loofs, pp. 279-280, who shews and Evodius (see above, §§ 6, 7). Augustine
in detail that Augustine's whole later position certainly drew up the latter two {Epp. 176,
is virtually contained in rfe Div. Quaest. ad Sim- 177), and his inspiration is also manifest in
plician.). For the details of this controversy, the Carthaginian letter. Innocent, unable to
see the church histories; D. C. B. (4-vol. conceal his satisfaction at so important an
ed.), S.V.; Bright, Introd. to Anti-Pelagian appeal to his authority (he assumes that the
Treatises, and other authorities. (A lucid African bishops, though they do not refer to
summary in Gibson, XXXIX. Articles, art. them, are not unacquainted with the " in-
ix.) It will suf&ce here to mention the main siituta patrum," which direct that nothing
outlines. shall be done in any province of the church
(a) 410-417. Pelagius, offended at a pas- without reference to the Apostolic See; Epp.
sage in Augustine's Confessions (see above), i8r', 182- see below, § 12, c), responded

began at Rome (405-409^ to express his dis- cordially with a prompt condemnation of
approval of such an insistence upon Divine Pelagianism, root and branch. Augustine was
grace as should undermine human responsi- triumphant. Ihe unfortunate j^roceedings of
bility. Before the siege of Rome {supra, § 9) Diospolis were more than neutralized. Preach-
he left with his friend Coelestius for Africa ; ing on Sunday, Sept. 23, 417, he says " Jam :

there Pelagius left Coelestius, and went to enim de hac causa duo concilia missa sunt ad
Palestine. Coelestius sought ordination at sedem Apostolicam, inde etiam rescripta
Carthage, and thus attracted additional atten- venerunt. Causa finita est ; utinam ali-
tion to his doctrines. A council of bishops quando finiatur error " (Seym. 131). But the
in 412 condemned him he went away to
; author of the rescripta was already dead six
Ephesus, and there he was ordained. Subse- months before, and there was need of another
quently he went to Constantinople and (417) council. The cause was not " finished " yet.
to Rome. Meanwhile, opposed by Jerome in {b) Zosimus. Julian (418-430). Zosimus, —
Palestine, Pelagius was found not guilty of the new bp. of Rome (see D. C. B. 4-vol.
heresy by John, bp. of Jerusalem, and by ed. was favourably impressed with the
councils at Jerusalem and Diospolis (415). confessions of faith submitted by Pelagius
He dispatched to Rome (417) a confession and Coelestius, as well as by their deference
of faith to be submitted to Innocentius it : to his authority. He pronounced them ortho-
arrived after that bishop's death. Coelestius dox, and twice wrote indignantly to Aurefius
shortly afterwards (still in 417) arrived at and the Africans for their hasty condemnation
Rome, and submitted his confession of faith of the accused in their absence. He adds that
to the new bp. Zosimus. Augustine appears he has admonished Coelestius and others to
to have been partly aware of the opinions of abstain from curious and unedifying questions.
Pelagius before his arrival in Africa (see de But the original accusers of Pelagius were
Gest. Pel. 46 also probably through Paulinus
; unmoved. After some correspondence with
of Nola, see deGrat. Christi, 38), but he appears Zosimus they held a plenary council at Car-
to have attached little importance to them at thage (May 418), in which they passed nine
the time ;and the arrival of Pelagius found dogmatic canons condemning the characteristic
him in the very thick of other questions (see Pelagian theses. Meanwhile, Aurelius had
above, §§ 8, 9). He alludes to the Pelagian been taking more practical steps. A rescript
doctrines (without any mention of names) in in the emperor's name (Honorius was here, as
preaching {Serm. 170, 174, 175), but took no in the Donatist question, the passive instru«
part in the proceedings at Carthage in 412. ment of his advisers, probably count Valerius,
But his friend MarcelUnus {supra, § 9) pressed whose ear Aiurelius gained " secuta est de- —
him for his opinion upon the questions there mentia nostra judicium sanctitatis tuae,"
discussed, and his first anti- Pelagian writings Honorius wTites in 419) ordered the banish-
(a.d. 412, de Pecc. Meritis et Remiss, lib. III., ment of Pelagius, Coelestius, and all their

Zosiimis at once came round to

iher-'iUs. throughout the Latin church, gained them
le side of the Africans. In a circular letter widespread acceptance. But there were,
racloria'* he condemned Coelestius and especially in monastic circles, grave misgivings
lat,'ianism alike, and required all the bishops
I as to their soundness. The three points to
t his jurisiliction to signify their adhesion. which most seriinis objection was felt were
has ended the official support i>f PelaKius in the doctrines of the total depravity of fallen
ic West. (On Augustine's view of Zosimus, man, of irresistible grace, and of absolute
Kcuter, pp. 312-322, and below, § 12 d.
I predestination, not on the ground of foreseen
Ill the whole question, see Clarnier in Marti merit. The Christian, as taught by Augustine,
!cic<U. o/'/>. I. p. IQ.) Zosimus appears to received instruction, baptism, th(^ subsequent

.i.e imperfectly grasped the points at issue, \ beneficia gratiae which went to build up the
ad in this case', as in that of Apiarius in the Christian life and train the soul for its eternal
ime year iinfra, § 12, c), and in that of the j
home. But the success or failure, the per-
letropolitan rights of Aries, he appears to manent value of the whole process, de|ieniled
ave been in a greater hurry to assert the ; upon the crowning hene/icium gratiae, tlie
laims of his see than to ascertain the merits Donum Perseverantiae, which even at the very
f the question in debate. moment of death decides whether the soul
The most able advocate of Pelagianism now departs in Christ or falls from Him. This
ppears in the person of Julian, bp. of Ecla- I awful gift, which alone decides between the
um in Southern Italy. He refused to sign saved and the lost, may be withheld from
he trattoria, accused Zosinius of changing his many who have lived as good and sincere
ont under imperial pressure '"jussionis terr tc Christians it may be granted to those whose

erculsos," c. Duas Efyp. Pclag. ii. 3), and ap- lives have been far from Christ. Its giving
ealed to a general council. This ajipeal came or withholding depends upon the Divine pre-
o nothing (ib. iv. 34). Julian was deposed destination only tiod's foreknowledge of

•y Zosimus, banished by the (Government, and those who will " persevere " is but His own
tick refuge in the East. He is said to have foreknowledge of what He Himself will give
ound a friend in Theodore of Mopsuestia. or withhold. Only the foreknown in this
it any rate, in 431 the Westerns secured the sense are called with vocatio congrua. If these
ondemnation of Pelagianism (without speci- doctrines were true, if free will was by itself
(Cation of its tenets) along with Nestorianism entirely powerless to accept the Divine call
t the council of Ephesus, on the ground of or to reject the vocatio congrua, if man's sal-
he kindred nature of the two heresies. This vation at bottom depended simply and solely
.'as not without substantial reason. The two upon the Divine predestination, what appeal
leresies rest upon the same fundamental idea was possible to the conscience of the wicked
•f the benefit which the redemptive work of {correptio) ? Was not preaching deprived of
!hrist brings to man — viz. moral improvement , its raison d'etre ?
)y perfect teaching and example, rather than ! This was the view of John Cassian, the
.tonement for an inherently guilty race (" ut father of Western monachism, and of Vincent
'el sero redamaremus eum," Julian in Op. and other monks of Lerins on the southern
mpert. I. xciv.). Augustine continued to write coast of Gaul. These " semi- Pelagians," who
.gainst Pelagianism. In 418 he wrote two may with equal justice be called " senii-
)ooks, de Gratia Chrisli et de Peccalo Originali ;

Augustinians," were not a sect outside the

n the two following years the two books de church, but a party of dissentient Catholics.
S'uptiis et Concupiscentia, and four de Anima Excepting the above-mentioned points and

iusque Origine. These works bore on the certain obvious corollaries, such as the doctrine
ransmixsion of original sin, and the difficult of " particular " redemption, they accepted
toUateral question of the origin of the soul, I the entire Augustiuian position. The contro-
vhether by direct creation or ex traduce. versy, which is in reality insoluble, lasted long
Tertullian had roundly maintained tradux after Augustine's death. Temporarily laid to
mimae, tradux peccati. Pelagius denied both. rest at Orange (where a modified Augustinian-

\ugustine cannot decide the question ; he ism was adopted by a small council in 529),
lalf leans to creation, but his theory appears it burst out again in the Gottschalk troubles
:o require the other alternative (see below, in the 9th cent., it ranged the Scotists against
i 15). JuUan attacked the de Nuptiis hotly. the Thomists in the 13th, the Arminians
Augustine's four books, contra Duas Epp. Pela- against the Calvinists, the Jesuits against the
'janorum (420) are in reply to Julian on this i
Jansenists in the 17th. Intellectually it is
Is well as on the historical questions they
; a case of an " antinomy," in which from
A-ere followed by six books contra Julianum obvious trutlis we are led by irresistible logic
Morally, our

about 421). Julian replied with vigour, and to incompatible conclusions.

crux is to insist on human responsibility while

Xugustine at the time of his death had only

inished six books of a rejoinder which he in- excluding human merit. The religious instinct
;ended to be complete (Opus Imperfectum). I
of deep and genuine self-accusation is not easy
(c) The semi- Pelagians (from about 42 0). to combine with the unreserved acknowledg-
In the combat with Pelagianism, Augustine ment that we have no power of ourselves to
iannot be said to have changed his views help ourselves. We
must, with Cassian, ap-
supra, § 10, sub init.) ;but he stated, with i
peal to free will from the pulpit, but Augustine
ncreasing clearness and sharper consistency, is with us in the secret sanctuary of prayer.
jpinions which he had gathered from his study Augustine's attention was drawn to these
<f St. Paul long before the combat began. difficulties by Hilary and Prosper of Aquitaine,
These opinions were new to most churchmen, the latter tlie most active, and indeed bitter,
although reaction from the paradoxes of opponent of the Ingrati, as he calls Cassian
Pelagius, and Augustine's immense authority 1
and his friends. The works de Gratia et Libera
Arbitrio and de Correptione et Gratia (426-427) was and that if Pelagius were right,
relate to the moral issues of the question, while the church and the positive religion of Christ
the de Praedest. Sanctorum and de Dono Per- had only a relative value. Moreover, it was
severantiae (428, 9) are in direct controversy impossible for the Pelagians to argue out their
with the " brethren " of Southern Gaul. case without exposing themselves to an array
(d) The Doctrinal Issues. — Pelagianism split of damaging quotations from recognized
Fathers of the church (c. Julian. I. II.). And
upon the rock of infant baptism. Had this
practice not become general by the time when it is impossible to deny that Augustine, in the

Pelagius arose, Augustine would have had to points at issue with the semi- Pelagians, was
combat him by arguments which churchmen following out the strict logical consequences
at large would have found difficulty in follow- of the elementary truths which Pelagius and
ing. —
As it was, to the question, " Why " if Julian denied. He admits frankly, in this as
Adam's sin directly affected himself only, and in some other questions, that he had changed
extended to his descendants 7ion propagine his mind, plenius sapere coepi, but he again
sed exemplo — " why, then, are infants bap- and again protests that he is merely defending
tized ? " Pelagius had no satisfactory reply. the doctrine which nunquani Ecclesia Christi
His answer, that the unbaptized infant is nan habuit (i.e. predestination, de Don. Persev.
excluded, not from eternal life, but only from xiv. 36, etc.).
the kingdom of heaven, was a relic of Alillen- This is certainly sincere, but also certainly
iarism with which the Eastern church had incorrect, so far as concerns the formal asser-
even less sympathy than the West. Pelagius tion of absolute predestination, irresistible
allowed that man can do no good thing without grace, and total depravity. And it must
the grace of God. But his conception of grace further be noted that the doctrine of pre-
was loose and shallow ;
practically it went destination is, logically at least, as subversive
back to the general providence of God, which of the worth of church and sacraments as is
supplies our temporal and spiritual wants the Pelagian doctrine of human nature (see
alike. His assertion that a sinless life was below, § 16, c). Probably neither Augustine
not only possible, but was actually lived by nor the Pelagians were conscious of the full

many of the holy men of the Bible, was in consequences of their position the naturalism
direct conflict with the promptings of a deep of the one and the transcendentalism of the
religious sense {de Nat. et Grat. xxxvi. 42). other were alike tempered by common church
His conception of the beneficium Christi {supra, teaching. But the ecclesiastical instinct has
b, c) was shallow and unsatisfying. Pelagius generally been (in spite of the rapier-thrusts
was an ardent churchman, a strict ascetic, of a Pascal) to seek some illogical via media
and a behever in sacramental grace. The between the Augustinian and the semi-Pela-
earher church had reflected but little on the gian (itself an illogical) position. Instinct in
questions raised by him. " Unde factum est such a matter is perhaps a safer guide than
ut de gratia Dei quid sentirent breviter ac logic. But it is important to bear in mind
transeuntes attingerent." Free will equipped that in rejecting Pelagianism the whole
with sacraments, the Christian religion a church, Augustinian and semi- Pelagian alike,
" New Law," predestination founded upon were as one. [Pelagianism.]
prescience, fairly represent the implicit pre- § II. Augustine and Greek Christendom.

Augustinian view of the Christian life and its The last sentence may seem questionable so
relation to the mystery of Divine election. far as the Greek-speaking churches were con-
Augustine pressed Pelagius with the impHca- cerned. But we must remember that Coeles-
tions of sacramental grace. Hfree will is as tius found no welcome at Constantinople, that
complete as Pelagius believed, sacraments Augustine not only wrote {Ep. 179) to bp.
are in reality superfluous as means of grace. John of Jerusalem to warn him of Pelagius's
If sacramental grace is as real as Pelagius errors, but also quotes John's arguments as
admitted it to be, then man depends for his decisive against Pelagianism {Ep. iSG^*", de
salvation not upon his own free will, but upon Gest. Pel. 37 seq., " sanctus Johannes "), and
the gift of God. Augustine, assuming the that Pelagianism was formally condemned at
church doctrine of sacramental grace, gave it the council of Ephesus. But Augustine is
a deeper meaning and a wider context, and somewhat biased in his review of the proceed-
brought it into close relation with the almost ings in Palestine by the assumption, which it
forgotten Pauline categories of sin, faith, justi- never occurred to him to question, of the
fication, and the gratia Christi (see Reuter, absolute doctrinal homogeneity of the East and
pp. 40-45). It was formerly thought (by Baur West. Accordingly he explains the acquittal
and others) that Augustine's antagonism to of Pelagius by the difficulty of language,
Pelagius was dictated by his conception of and by the evasive answers of Pelagius, with-
the church and the sacraments, especially of out allowing for the strangeness to Greek

baptism. This we have seen to be incorrect. theology of the very categories of the question

As a matter of fact, Pelagius was, as the pro- at issue. The catholicity of the church, he
ceedings at Diospolis shew, hard to convict of argues against the Donatists, is to be tested
heresy on merely ecclesiastical grounds. The by communion, not only with the apostolic
theological principles which Augustine brought see of Rome, but with the other apostolic
to the analysis of ecclesiastical practice, and churches, and with Jerusalem, the common
to the refutation of Pelagianism, he had source of all (ad Don. Post Collat. xxix. 50 ;

learned from St. Paul at first hand. Pelagius de Unit. X. xi. Ep. 52'').; In Augustine's
appealed to the naive language of churchmen time the first symptoms of the coming rift
before him, who as Augustine says, " Pela- between the Greek and Latin churches had
gianis nondum litigantibus securius loque- indeed appeared, but few realized their mean-

bantiur." Augustine shewed that the accord ing. Augustine certainly did not. He meets

the arguments of Julian, who claimed the Where was its centre ? What was the final stan-
Greek Fathers for his side, by an appeal to dard of appeal ? To these questions it is hard
the Greek text of Chrysostom. On the other to obtain from Augustine a definite answer.
hand, he does not, even in the de Triuitate .\ugustine was not an ecclesiastical statesman.
(written 400-416 : " juvenis inchoavi senex His interest was above all in personal religion,
edidi"), spontaneously build much upon and therefore, in a secondary degree, in doctrine
Greek theology. The Nicene Creed, which he and discipline. Although he takes for granted
accepted of course ex animo, is but seldom re- the Cyprianic view of the episcopal office, he
ferred to in that work; of the " Constantino- does not insist upon it with special emphasis ;

politan " Creed he shews no knowledge. The he emphasises, on the other hand, in a marked
de Triuitate is Western in the texture of its manner, the universal priesthood of Christians.
thought, true to the original sense of the His insistence on the indelible character of the
ofiooi'diov, a formula imposed on the Eastern priestly ordination is not in the interest of
rhuroh at Nicaea bv VVestern influences (see " sacerdotalism," but as against the spiritual
the present writer's Prolegomena to Athanasius \'alue of valid but schismatical orders {supra,
ill Nic. Lib. IV. p. xxxii., etc.) in the interest § 8, c). He accepts the authority of Nicaea
(>/ the Divine Unity. Augustine paves the (the only strictly general council known to
way, by his insistence on the doctrine of the him), but as to the authority of other councils
One Personal God, for the scholastic doctrine his language is ambiguous. He disallows
"f the Una Res, the specifically Western pro- Julian's appeal to a general council on the
duct of Trinitarian thetilogy. The same holds ground that " the cause is finished " by " a
i;i>od of Christology. At Chalcedon, Leo's competent judgment of bishops" (c. Jul. III.
t>>nie, which shews the profound influence of 3). But in another passage (supra, § 10, a,
Augustine, carried the day in the teeth of the fin.)he is understood to say, " the cause is
dominant tone of Greek Christology ; and it finished " by two African councils, plus " re-
is interesting to find Theodoret, who of all scripts from' the apostolic see." What is his
Greek churchmen had most reason to welcome real view of the supreme organ of church
the result, quoting Ambrose and Augustine as authority ?
authorities in his dogmatic Dialogues — an ex- {a) The Apostles in their lifetime were the
( eption to the general indifference of the East leaders, " principes" (Ps. lxvii.2« Vulg. ; see
to Latin theologians. Another exception, Enarr. in loc), and " patres '' (Ps. xliv.i^
due in part to independent controversial and Enarr.) now that they are gone, we

reasons, is the protest of Leontius and the have their f'llii in their place, the bishops,
" Scythic monks," under Justinian, against who are principes super omnem terram. The
the " semi-Pelagianism " of Faustus of Reii Apostles still live on in the bishops, who are
Leontius shews some knowledge, direct or accordingly the vehicle of the supreme author-
second-hand, of Augustine (Loofs's Leontius, ity of the church. The Donatist bishops
pp. 231 ff.). Augustine's influence, then, cannot claim this status {Ep. 53^ etc.), because
on Greek Christianity has been very slight. they are out of communion with the apostolic
But although he has powerfully contributed churches. Hence {b) the unity and continuity
to the divergence inthought and feeling of of the episcopate are essential to its Apostolic
Latin Christianity from Greek, he is personally rank. In this unity even mali praepositi are
unconscious of any such tendency. Of his authoritative, " non enim sua sunt quae dicunt,
>wn knowledge of Greek he speaks slightingly ;
sed Dei, qui in cathedra unitatis doctrinam
I'.ibbon (c. xxiii.^s) and others take him posuit veritatis " {Ep. 1051*'). This is the old
-trictly at his word, but Renter (pp. 179, etc.) Cyprianic doctrine, which Augustine, like
iiews that we must rate it somewhat more Cyprian, finds in the symbolic foundation of
highly than Augustine himself does. the Church upon Peter, who represents the
§ 12. Augustine and the Constitution of the whole body. All bishops are equal there is ;

Church. —
The Roman See. Augustine's view no Episcoptts episcoporum {de Bapt. III. 5,
of the relation of the church to the civil power VI. 9, quoting Cyprian). But as Peter repre-
(see above, § 9) prepared the way for the sented his coequal colleagues, the Apostles,
medieval system. But in Augustine's hands so his successors in the Roman see represent
the theory lacked elements indispensable for their co-equal colleagues the bishops (cf. ad
its practical application. Not only did his Classic, in Ep. 250, ad fin. " .n concilio
. . .

conception of the church hover between the nostro agere cupio, et si opus fuerit ^ad Sedem
transcendental spiritual ideal and the empir- Apost. scribere, ut quid sequi debeamus
. . .

ical, tangible organization, but his conception cowwMWj owmmw auctoritate firmetur"). . . .

of the organization of the visible church itself All bishops alike hold the cathedra unitatis,
lacked that practical precision without which all alike trace their succession to one or other
the church could assert no effective claim to of the Apostles. This is more easily traceable
control the secular arm. To the authority of in some cases {i.e. the churches quibus Apos-
the church he surrendered himself with pas- toli scripserunt) than in others, but most
sionate affection. " I should not believe in obvious in the Roman see, whose bishops,
the Gospel," he wrote in the early days of from the sedes (i.e. episcopate, c. Ep. Fund.
his episcopate, " did not the authority of the 5 cf. " primae sedis episcopus," supra, § 8,

Catholic church compel me " (c. Ep. Fund. 6, init.) of Peter himself, have followed onu
in A.D. 397). But this was the immanent another in a succession known to all {Psalm
authority which the church by her life, creed, c. Donat. sub fin., Ep. 53^). The successio
and worship exercised upon his soul, rather sacerdotum at Rome and the successiones
than her official decisions. These, again, he episcoporum generally {de Util. Cred. xvii.
accepted with all his heart. But what was the 35) are, to Augustine, co-ordinate and convert'

ultimate organ of the church's authority ? ible ideas. |

Even with regard to the authority
of councils, there is no real finality. Earlier canon was genuine. In reply, Zosimus sent
councils are subject to correction by later {de three legates — Faustinus,
bp. of Potentia in
Bapt. II. iii. 4). This is the position of Julius Picenum, the presbyters Philip and
I. (see below, § i6, and the present writer's Asellus —to Carthage, with written and oral
Roman Claims to Supremacy, iii- fin.). instructions. The written instructions {com-
The Episcopate and the Roman See. The
(c) — monitorium) comprised four points (Bruns
Roman see was ApostoUca sedes, not ex- Canones, I. 197) (i) the right of the Roman

clusively {c. Faust, xi. X.; de Doct. Christ. II. See to receive appeals from bishops (see Can.
viii. but conspicuously. This implied a
12), Sard. Lat. 3, 4) (2) bishops not to go over
pre-eminence of rank, at any rate over sees not the sea to court {i.e. from Africa) " importune
" Apostolic" {Ep. 431, "Rom. ecclesiae, in qua {ib. 8) ;(3) presbyters and deacons excom-
semper Apostolicae Cathedrae vigiiit principa- municated by their bishop to have an appeal
tus" ; c. Jul. I. iv. 13, prior loco; c. Duas Epp. to fiyiitimi episcopi {ib. 17) (4) Urbanus to

Pel. I. i. 2 [to pope Bonifatius], " quamvis be excommunicated, " or even cited to Rome."
ipse in ea [sc. communi specula pastorali] I
Of these points, (2) betrays the soreness of
praeemineas celsiore fastigio," and ib. i, " qui !
Zosimus at the wav in which AureUus had
non alta sapis quamvis altiiis praesideas "). ! forced his hand {supra, § 10, b) (4) hangs

But in none of the passages where this is fully I upon (i) (3) is necessary in order to bring

recognized is any definite authority assigned to ;

the case of Apiarius, who ivas not a bishop,
the " apostolic see." Peter was first of the I
somehow under the scope of the pretended
Apostles, superior to any bishop (even to 1
Nicene canon relating to (i) the case of

Cyprian, de Bapt. III. i.-2) but he is simply ; Apiarius would become a factor in that of
tlie representative of the Apostles, nor does Urbanus, which Zosimus would, by stretching
Augustine ascribe to him authority over the the right of receiving appeals to a right of
others (see Serm. 463c), and the same applies evocatio. claim to deal with under (i). A re-
to his estimate of Peter's successors. ference to the Sardican canons will shew how
Augustine's own instinct towards Rome is flimsv a foundation they offer for the claims
one of unbounded respect. Towards the end founded upon them. But what is important
of his life (about 423) he had to remove, for to observe is that Zosimus, like Innocentius
obvious unfitness, Autonius, the bishop of the {supra, § 10, a), bases his right to interfere
newly-created see of Fussala, a daughter- simply upon canonical authority. On neither
church of Hippo {Ep. 209). Antonius, like side is there any notion of jiurisdiction inherent
Apiarius (of whom presently), and possibly in the Roman see prior to ecclesiastical legis-
encouraged, Uke others {ib.^), by his example, lation. If the alleged canon was genuinely
decided to try his fortune at Rome. He Nicene, it estabUshed the jurisdiction if not, ;

obtained from the senior bp. of Numidia a the jurisdiction fell to the ground.
favourable verdict and an introduction to When Faustinus and his colleagues reached
Bonifatius, who was, prima facie, incUned to Africa, Zosimus had been succeeded by Boni-
take up his cause, and wrote to that effect. fatius. They were received by the plenary
But Bonifatius died (422), and his successor council of the African provinces at Carthage
Coelestinus had to deal with the case. (419). Alypius and Augustine were there,
Rumours reached Fussala that he would insist and joined in the proceedings (Bruns, pp.
on the restoration of Antonius, and that the j
153 ff.). The council cut short the verbal
Government would support him by miUtary instructions of Faustinus {ib. p. 197), and in-
force. Augustine, in fear lest the people of sisted upon hearing the commonitorium. When
Fussala should go back en masse to the it was read, and the canon on episcopal ap-
Donatists, writes to Coelestinus to entreat his peals was quoted, Alypius undertook the in-
support. He entreats him by the memory of vidious duty of pointing out that the Latin
St. Peter, " who warned the praepositi of and the Greek copies of the Nicene canons
Christian peoples not to domineer over their accessible at Carthage contained no such
brethren " {ib. 9). The case is an interesting I
canon. He suggested that both sides should
one, but it loses some of its importance in view obtain authentic copies from the bps- of
of the fact that the African church was then Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch.
still bound by voluntary promise, pending in- Meanwhile, the copies above referred to should
quiry into the genuineness of an alleged Nicene be placed on the minutes but the alleged

canon to that effect, to allow appeals to Rome canon should be observed donee integra exem-
by bishops. The promise arose out of the plaria veniant. Augustine proposed a like
famous case of Apiarius. This presbyter was action with regard to (3) the proposals were

deposed by Augustine's friend and pupil unanimously carried, and accepted, though
Urbanus, bp. of Sicca, and appealed to Zosi- with no good grace, by Faustinus. The
mus, bp. of Rome. Zosimus had hastily taken council wrote to Bonifatius intimating their
his side and ordered his restoration. Urbanus action (Bruns, pp. 196 f.), stating how they had
refused, both on the merits of the case, which dealt with Apiarius, and complaining with
he knew and Zosimus did not, and also on the dignity and firmness of the insolence of
ground that Zosimus had no right to interfere. j
Faustinus, which, they add, they beheve and
This was the real question at issue. Zosimus hope they will not, under the new Roman
first wrote (418), basing his right to interfere bishop, be called upon to suffer. The signa-
on the canons of Nicaea. As the African tures include those of Augustine and Alypius.
bishops found no such provision in their copy Six years later (425) an African council
of the canons, they postponed the matter for (Bruns, p. 200) receive Faustinus once again.
further verification of the true text, promising Coelestinus, now bp. of Rome, writes that
meanwhile {paulisper) to act (without pre- " he has been rejoiced by the coming of Api-
judice) on the assumption that the alleged arius," and with Faustinus, Apiarius once more

reappears at Carthage. But not only did the i

letter Paulinus of Nola (Ep. 186). Ho
culprit finally and ignominiously break down treats it not as a doctrinal decision, but as a
before the council the replies from the
splendid confirmation of a doctrine already
Eastern churches had come in, with authentic certain (see Renter, p. 311). As a result, the
copies of the Nicene canons and the canons
Pelagians have definitely lost their case :

" causa finita est." Augustine uses this phrase

put forward by Zosinius and his successors j

were not there! [It must be noted that, al- twice once (§ 10, a, fin.) with reference to the

though C.ratus of Carthage was possibly pre- African councils and the reply of Innocentius ;

sent at Sardica in 343 (see Xicene Lib. vol. 4, once (see beginning of this section) in 421 of
Athanasius, p. 147), the .African church knew the condemnation of Pelagianism by the
nothing of the canons passed there. They judicium episcoporum. With the latter pas-
onlv knew Sardica by repute as an " .\rian sage we must compare Ep. i()&^i (written in
synod, and friendly to the Uonatists {Ep. 418), where the " adjutorium Salvatoris qui
44'i ; c. Crescon. IV. xliv. 52). The canons suam tuetur ecclesiam " is connected with the
of Sardica had not passed into the generally " conciliorum episcoporum vigilantia," not
accepted rules of the church.] The council with the action of popes Innocentius and
press the ignominious exposure, which makes Zosimus. At a much later date (426), review-
.» dean sweep of papal jurisdiction in Africa, ing the controversy as a whole, he speaks of
with a firm but respectful hand. They are the whole cause as having been dealt with
ontent to ask Coelestinus to observe the j
conciliis episcopalibus the letters of the ;

canons, not to receive appellants, not to send I Roman bishops are not dignified with separate
legates tanquam a latere, and, above all, not \ mention (Ep. 214"'). On the whole, these utter-
to iiitlict Faustinus upon them any more. The ances are homogeneous. The prominence, if
Roman chancery did not learn from this pain- any, assigned to the rcscripta over the concilia
ful experience not to tamper with the canons in Serm. 131, 10 (supra, § 10, a, fin.) is relative
-ce the present writer's Roman Claims to to a passing phase of the question. Its sense
Supremacy, iv., S.P.C.K. i8g6), but the in- is, moreover, wholly altered in the utterance in-

ident is decisive as to the mind of the African vented for Augustine by some Roman Catholic
church. Though Renter, in his scrupulous apologists Roma locuta est, et causa finita est.

desire to be fair, minimizes the part taken by It occurred to no one in those days to put
Augustine in the case (pp. 306 seq.), there is any bishop, even of an apostolic see, above
nothing to shew that in this matter he was in a council, although there are signs at Rome
other than perfect accord with Aurelius and of a tendency to work the Sardican canons in
the .\frican bishops. On the contrary, he that direction. Augustine experienced, as
says, late in his life, of clergy who merely seen, a signal, and to him especially
we have
evade his own rigorous dioces;ui rule " in-
: papal blunder in the action of Zosimus
tcrpellet contra me mille concilia, naviget with reference to the Pelagians. The brunt
contra me quo voluerit, adjuvabit me Deus ut of the correspondence witii Zosimus at this
ubi ego episcopus sum, ille clericus esse non painful crisis apparently fell upon Aurehus
possit." This tone implies that the Apiarius and the bishops of his province (.\fri. c. Duas
case is now matter of history {Senn. 156'). Epp. Pel. II. iii. 5), rather than upon Numidia,
But Renter is probably right in his view that Augustine's own province. Augustine, as
Augustine's interest in constitutional ques- compared with the African bishops, distinctly
tions was small compared to his concern for minimizes the indictment. Zosimus had pro-
doctrine. nounced the libellus of Coelestius catholic.
(d) The Roman See and the Final Doctrinal Augustine explains this favourably, as refer-
Authority. —
Augustine shews no jealousy of ring not to his doctrine, but to his profession of
" voluntas emen-
the power and prestige of the Roman see. On submission to correction ;

the contrary, he regarded it as, in a special dationis, non falsitas dogmatis approbata est."
degree, the depository of apostolic tradition. The action of Zosimus was well meant, even
What degree of dogmatic authority did this if too lenient (lenius actum est. See also de
imply ? The principal data for answering Pecc. Orig. vi. 7, vii. 8). The letter of the
this question are connected with the Pelagian Afri, which was stern and menacing in tone
controversy (supra, § 10, a, b). Innocentius (" Constituimus per venerabilem . . . . . .

certainly reads into the letters of the Africans Innocentium prolatam manere sententiam,"
. . .

(Aug. Epp. 175-177, see 181-183) a hyper- Prosp. adv. Coll. v. 15) put an end to all hopes
Sardican attitude towards his chair of which of compromise. Zosimus, however (c. Duas
they were innocent. But it is clear that the Epp., U.S.), " never by a word, in the wliole
.\fricans attach the greatest importance to his course of the proceedings," denied original
approbation of their decision, only they do sin. His faith was consistent throughout.
not treat the doctrinal issue as at ail doubtful Coelestius deceived him for a time, but illam
i>r subject to papal decision on the contrary, sedem usque ad finem fallere non potuit (de

in the private letter {Ep. 1773.6-9) which Pecc. Orig. xxi. 24). " The Roman church,
.\ugustine sends to ensure that Innocentius where he was so well known, he could not
shall not lack full information on the merits of deceive permanently " (ib. viii. 9). But there
the case, he takes for granted that the eccle- had been danger. " Supposing which (lod —
siaslica et apostolica Veritas is already certain. forbid !

the Roman church had gone back
He assumes (with |>robable historical correct- upon the sentence of Innocentius and ap-
ness) that tlie .\frican church owes its original proved the dogmata condenmed by iiim, then
tradition to Rome {ib.i'>) but both have their it would be necessary ratiicr [/w/n<s| to brand

source ("ex eodem capito") in the .\postolic the Roman clergy with the note of praevari- '

tradition itself (see Renter, pp. 307-311). catio.' " Even in contemplating the repellent
Augustine refers to Innocentius's reply in a possibility that the action of Rome had been
worse than he will allow, Augustine evidently brought. He spent his whole time in prayer,
shrinks from pushing the conclusion to its and died in the presence of his praying friends,
full consequences to the extent of censuring in a green old age, with hearing, sight, and all
Zosimus by name. "Rather" he would his bodily faculties unimpaired. The Sacrifice
brand " the Roman clergy " in confuso. But was offered and he was buried. He left no
this reserve must not be misconstrued as an will, nor any personal property. His books
anticipation of later Roman infalhbilism not
; he had given to the church to be kept for ever ;

even St. Peter was strictly infalhble in August- fortunately, they survived when Hippo was
ine's eves (refs. in Reuter, pp. 326 ff.), much destroyed by the Vandals ;his writings, says
less his successors', none of whom Petri aposto- Possidius, " will for ever keep his character
latui conferendus est " {de Bapt. VI. ii. 3). fresh in the minds of his readers, yet not even
(e) Conclusion. — Augustine has no consistent they will supply, to those who knew him, the
place of his voice and his presence. For he
theorv of the ultimate organ of church
autho'ritv, whether legislative, disciplinary, or was one who fulfilled the word of St. James :

dogmatic. This authority resides in the Epis- '

So speak ye, and so do.' " He had lived
copate, its content is the catholica Veritas, and 76 years, and nearly 40 in the ranks of the
in practical matters the consuetitdo or tradiiio. clergy. Till his last illness he had preached
These are to be interpreted by the bishops regularly. His arbitration was greatly in
acting in concert —
especially in councils. The request, on the part both of churchmen and
"regional" council is subordinate to the non-churchmen. He gladly aided all, taking
" plenary," the plenary council of the province opportunity when he could to speak to them
to that of the whole church {de Bapt. V. for the good of their souls. For criminals, he
xvii., VII., liii. Ep. 43, 9
de Bapt. II.
would intercede with discrimination and tact,
iii. 4) ;while of the latter, the earher are and rarely without success. He attended
subject to amendment by later councils. councils whenever he could, and in these, as
Even, then, with regard to the authority of in the ordination of bishops and clergy, he
councils there is no real finality Augustine
was conspicuously conscientious. In dress and
sees, hke Julius of Rome in 340 (see the furniture he followed a just mean between
writer's Roman Claims to iii. ad
Supremacy, luxiury and shabbiness ;his table was spare,
no remedy but the revision of earlier his diet mainly vegetarian, though meat was
councilsby later. Clearly we have here no there for visitors or for infirmiores. Wine he
complete system of thought. Augustine falls always drank. His spoons were silver, but
back on the sensus catholicus, a real and valu- his other vessels wood, earthenware, or marble.
able criterion, but not easv to bring within a His hospitality never failed his meals were

logical definition. The church is infalhble, made enjoyable, not by feasting and carousing, :

but he cannot point to an absolutely infalhble but by reading or conversation. Ill-natured

organ of her authority. By his very vague- gossip he sternly repressed. He had this j

ness on this point, Augustine practically paved motto conspicuously displayed :

the way for the future centralization of in-

Quisquis amat dictis absentem rodere vitam,
fallible authority in the papacy (on the whole Hanc mensam indignam noverit esse slbi.
question, see Reuter, pp. 329-355 and below,

§ 16, b). He sharply rebuked even bishops for

§ 13. Death and Character. —
Augustine died breaches of this excellent rule. He freely
on Aug 28, 430. Clouds were thickening over spent upon the poor both the income of his
his country and church. The Vandals, invited see and the alms of the faithful. To ill-
by the error, too late discovered, of August- natured grumblings about the wealth of his
ine's friend count Bonifatius (see Ep. 220), see, he replied that he would gladly resign all
welcomed by the fierce Moors and the perse- the episcopal estates, if the people would
cuted Donatists, had swept Numidia and support him and his brethren wholly by their
Africa. Carthage, Cirta, and Hippo alone re- ofterings. " Sed nunquam id laici suscipere
mained untaken (Possid. xxviii.). Bonifatius, voluerunt" The whole management of the
routed by Gaiseric, was besieged by him in property of the see was entrusted to the more
Hippo itself. Augustine had exhorted all capable clergy in rotation, subject only to an
bishops, so long as they had any flocks to annual report to himself. He would never
minister to, to remain at their posts {Ep. 228 ;
increase the estate by purchase, but he
Possid. XXX.) but many, whose dioceses were
accepted bequests. Only he refused them if
swept away, took refuge, like Possidius him- he thought they entailed hardship upon the
self, at Hippo. Up to the time of his death, natural heirs. He felt but little interest in
during three months of the siege, Augustine —
such affairs his part was that of Mary, not
was working at his unfinished refutation of that of Martha. Even building he left to his
Julian. He prayed, so he told his friends at clergy, only interfering if the plans seemed
table, that God would either see fit to deliver extravagant. If the annual accounts shewed
the city, or fortify His servants to bear His a deficit, he would announce to the Christian
will, or at any rate would take him out of this people that he had nothing left to spend on
world to Hiniself. In the third month he was the poor. Sometimes he would have church
attacked by fever. Now, as on other marked plate melted to relieve the poor or ransom
occasions (Possid. xxix.), his prayer was prisoners. His clergy lived with him, and no
heard. He healed a sick man who came to one who joined them was permitted to retain
him as he lay upon his death-bed. He had a any property of his own. If one of them
copy of the Penitential Psalms written out, swore at table, one of the regulation nurnber
and fixed to the wall opposite his bed. For ten of cups of wine (these were strictly limited,
days, at his special request, he was left alone, even for visitors) was cut off by way of fine.
except when the physician came or food was Women, even near relatives, were excluded. ;

1.'never would speak to them solus cum solis. xxiv. ; c.f. and supra, § 7, b). But
L xviii.,
He was prompt in visiting the fatherless and even now, he claims to have reached only
widows in their affliction, and the sick. But problematical results. The de Catechizandis
he would never visit the feminarum monastc-iia Rudibus (c. 400) gives a syllabus of the
except under ur^'ent necessity. In reganl to course for catechumens, with hints as to
death, he was fond of quoting the dying effective method in their instruction. It is
Ambrose, who replied to his friend's entreaty full of wisdom, and suggestive to all engaged
til, it he would ask Cod for a respite of life: in teaching. The de Spirilu et Litera (supra,
" I have not so lived as to be ashamed to § 10) was supplemented (c. 413) by the
remain with you but neither do I fear to
; book de Fide et Operibus, in which he deals
die, for we have a gracious God." To this with the obHgations of the Christian life,
artless picture, drawn by Possidius, it seems insisting that faith cannot save us without
impertinent to add supplementary touches. charity. Here occurs the often quoted refer-
Possidius, as Loots has excellently renuirked, ence to the Lord's Prayer as the quotidiana
shews himself saturated by the consciousness niedela for sins not demanding public penance
that he is erecting a lasting memorial to a (xxvi. 48), nor even fraternal rebuke (correptio,
great historical personage. Matt, xviii. 15. cl. Serm. 352). The Kncheiri-
Without doubt Augustine is the most dion (c. 421) is Augustine's most complete
commanding religious personality of the early attempt at a brief summary of Christian
church. No Christian writer since the doctrine. Nominally it is based on the triple
apostolic age has bequeathed to us so deep an scheme of Fides, Spes, Charitas. But the
insight into the working of a character pene- latter two are very briefly treated at the end ;

trated with the love of Cod, none has struck practically the whole comes under the head
deeper into the heart of religion in man. of Fides, and is an exposition of the Creed and
C. Influenck. —
§14. Retractations and Other its corollaries. It should be compared with
Writings. —
Shortiv before h