Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
978–997, 2001
2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved
Printed in Great Britain
0160-7383/01/$20.00
www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures
PII: S0160-7383(01)00003-2
Abstract: Previous studies of female tourists and beach boys in the Caribbean have defined
these relationships as involving either sex or romance tourism. The objective of this study
was to determine which of these definitions was more applicable to relationships in the
Dominican Republic. Male and female tourists as well as beach boys and female sex workers
were interviewed. Romance and sex tourism were conceptualized as the two ends of a con-
tinuum of motivations rather than as distinct categories. Although there was some gender
overlap in the continuum of romance/sex motivations, more of the female tourists were
located toward the romance end and more of the male tourists toward the sex end of the
continuum. Keywords: female tourists, beach boys, sex tourism, romance tourism. 2001
Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Résumé: Les études précédents concernant les garçons de plage et les femmes touristes
dans les Antilles ont défini que ces relations ont comprise sois le tourisme de sexe ou le
tourisme d’idylle. L’objectif de cette étude était pour déterminer lequel de ces définitions
était la plus applicable aux relations dans la République Dominicaine. Les touristes homes
et femmes de même que les garçons de plage et les travailleurs de sexe femelles ont été
entrevues. Le tourisme d’idylle et le tourisme de sexe ont été conceptualisés comme les deux
fins d’un continuum de motivations plutôt que comme des categories distinctes. Bien qu’il
y avait quelque recouvrement de genre dans le continuum de motivations d’idylle/sexe,
généralement, plus de femmes touristes ont été placé vers la fin du continuum d’idylle et
plus de touristes mâles ont été placé vers la fin du continuum de sexe. Mots-clés: femmes
touristes, garcons de plage, tourisme de sexe, tourisme d’idylle. 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd.
All rights reserved.
INTRODUCTION
The image of tourism and sex has usually been associated with male
tourists who travel to developing countries with the purpose of having
sex with prostitutes (Truong 1990). Most researchers of sex tourism
focus on the interpersonal dynamics of the relationships between tour-
ists and prostitutes, especially with regard to issues of power. The theor-
978
HEROLD, GARCIA AND DEMOYA 979
generally felt that they were truly desired and loved by men who were
fervent in their declarations of love.
On the other hand, de Albuquerque (1998) strongly disagrees with
the concept of romance tourism and based on his research in the Car-
ibbean concludes that the majority of female tourists want casual sex
rather than romance. While acknowledging that some tourists do fall
in love with local men, he believes that these cases comprise only a
small proportion of the total number of relationships. De Albuquerque
argues that although some of the tourists and beach boys may define
their relationship as one of romance, in reality, the relationship is one
of prostitution. Although, he conducted most of his research in
Jamaica and Barbados, he also made observations in other countries
of the Caribbean. Thus, he believes his conclusions are applicable to
all of the Caribbean islands. O’Connell Davidson (1998) has similar
views to those of de Albuquerque regarding female tourists and she
believes that these women are deluding themselves by imagining their
relationships to be romantic rather than sexual. She argues that they
are as exploitive as male sex tourists in that they use their greater econ-
omic power to gain access to and exploit their third world partners.
In evaluating these previous studies, it is important to note that
researchers have primarily relied on interviews with the local males but
have not usually interviewed the female tourists. According to de Albu-
querque (1998), female tourists are not likely to be cooperative about
being interviewed. However, he does not consider the possibility that
they might be more disinclined to talk to a male researcher than to a
female. Pruitt and LaFont (1995), who are females, stated that they relied
on “key informants” who seemed to include both men and women.
The main objective of this study was to analyze the types of interac-
tions occurring in the Dominican Republic between beach boys
(referred to locally as “sanky panky”) and female tourists from the per-
spectives of both the beach boys and the female tourists. It was antici-
pated that elements of both romance and sex would be found in tour-
ism relationships in the Dominican Republic, and the relationships
between female tourists and the beach boys could be arranged on a
continuum ranging from a focus on sex at one end to a focus on
romance at the other. The study was also cognizant of the possibility
that as Cohen (1982) found in his study of female prostitutes and far-
ang foreign male clients in Thailand, some of the relationships
between the female tourists and the beach boys in the Dominican
Republic might be ambiguous in nature and/or could fluctuate from
one type of relationship to another. Given de Albuquerque’s con-
clusion that there are basically no differences in the type of relation-
ship that female tourists had as compared with those of male tourists,
the secondary objective was to determine whether there were gender
differences in how tourists interacted with the local population.
TOURIST RELATIONSHIPS
The samples for this study were obtained at Puerto Plata, a beach
resort on the north coast of the Dominican Republic. Data from the
HEROLD, GARCIA AND DEMOYA 981
beach boys were collected through interviews with 25 males and a focus
group involving 11 men. The interviews and the focus group were con-
ducted by one of the Spanish speaking male researchers from the
Dominican Republic. The survey included 21 female sex workers inter-
viewed by a Spanish speaking Dominican female and 14 female and
16 male tourists from Canada interviewed at hotels and bars by a Can-
adian female research assistant. The interviews and focus groups were
tape recorded and transcribed. The data from the Dominicans were
first transcribed into Spanish and then translated into English.
To obtain more complete insight into sex tourism, it was essential
to interview both female and male tourists as well as female and male
sex workers. Unlike de Albuquerque (1998), who suggested that
female tourists would be unwilling to cooperate in this kind of study,
this study did not have difficulty interviewing them and only two ref-
used to be interviewed. However, an important factor in obtaining the
cooperation of the women was that the interviewer was female. In fact,
12 of the 14 females interviewed said they preferred having a female
rather than a male interviewer and only two said that gender of the
interviewer did not matter. When the male tourists were asked their
opinions about the gender of the interviewer, 10 of the 16 said that
gender did not matter to them, five said the interviewer should be a
woman, and only one said it should be a man. It should be noted,
however, that as the men were being interviewed by a woman at the
time, their responses may have been biased.
Given that the main research interest of this study was focused on
the beach boys, their interviews were more detailed than those with
the other groups. For the purposes of comparison, the focus was on
some of the same kinds of relationship topics as treated by previous
researchers. However, the research was expanded to obtain specific
data on the sexual interaction of the participants including safer sex
practices. Research questions were organized under the categories of
characteristics of the beach boys and female sex workers, motivations
for involvement, selecting the target, seduction, sex, obtaining pay-
ment, and longer term relationships.
Grounded theory methods (Strauss 1987) were used to analyze data
from the focus groups and the interviews. Following the suggestions
of Strauss, the emerging ideas were organized into themes. These
themes were first organized by the researcher who was not from the
Dominican Republic and then verified with the two Dominican
researchers. In this particular study, the researchers were involved with
the participants for a relatively short time period. However, it should
be noted that the Dominican researchers who conducted the inter-
views with the beach boys have had extensive previous research involve-
ment spanning several years with both male and female sex workers
in the Dominican Republic. Because of their having previously estab-
lished rapport with sex workers, the Dominican researchers found it
quite easy to recruit participants for this research. The previous
research experience of the authors also provided a comparative basis
for determining the truthfulness of the respondents.
Given that the study is relatively small scale in nature, the objective
982 FEMALE TOURISTS
about letting their families know about their work, whereas most of
the female sex workers tried to keep this information secret from their
families back home. Because of stigmatization, the female sex workers
preferred not to be seen in public with their clients. On the other
hand, the beach boys felt comfortable being seen with female tourists
in almost any setting.
Almost all of the female sex workers also had clients from the local
population whom they charged considerably less than they did the
male tourists. The beach boys only received money from female tour-
ists. Most were also involved in sexual relationships with local women
and some had common-law relationships. Far fewer of the female sex
workers had regular boyfriends who did not pay for sex.
particular about the sexual prowess of the local men. Of those who
have been to the Dominican Republic before and who had a romantic
relationship with a local man, many return because they wish to main-
tain this love relationship. This group was labeled “romantic retur-
nees”. However, a minority do return with the objective of maximizing
their sexual pleasure. Most of these women wish to have sex with one
partner with whom they wish to spend most of their time; a group
labeled “committed sex tourists”. Some prefer to have casual sex with
a number of partners, and were labeled “adventurer sex tourists”. One
beach boy talked about a tourist from Germany who had bragged to
him about having had sex with 18 men over a 14 day period. Another
gave the example of meeting two women from Toronto. Later in the
evening when he and a friend suggested going to different rooms to
make love, the women insisted that they stay in the same room and
that they exchange partners. Clearly, some women come fully prepared
for sexual adventure and exotic sexual experiences.
Ethnicity played a major role in whether or not the tourists had
anticipated becoming sexually involved with a local person. More of
the French male and female tourists from Quebec than of the English
tourists from Ontario reported they had anticipated this ahead of time.
The ethnic differences in anticipation were greater for the female than
for the male tourists. One female tourist stated, “I found the idea of
having sex with a local person to be appealing because I wanted ‘some-
thing different’ while on vacation”. The women who were sexually mot-
ivated were more likely than the men to comment on the sexual skills
of the Dominican men. One stated, “I had heard from a friend that
the local people were ‘fantastic’ lovers”.
Contrary to the female tourists in the Dominican Republic, most of
the male tourists who became sexually involved with local women had
casual sexual relationships, typically lasting for one hour or an evening
at most. Unlike the female tourists, most of the men did not engage
in other kinds of tourism activities such as sightseeing with their sexual
partners. Although a few men developed a long term love relationship,
most were not interested in this.
The motivations of the female sex workers were exclusively to make
money. Unlike the beach boys, they did not derive status from having
relationships with tourists. Most did not anticipate that they would be
able to marry a tourist and immigrate to a higher standard of living.
As well, the fact that few could speak English made it very difficult to
develop any kind of longer term relationship.
they meet the woman during the day while she is at the beach, they
will usually suggest that she should go to a certain disco that evening
where the beach boy will be present. Typically, they approach women
in a manner which is friendly and non-threatening. This will vary
according to different beach boys, but the ones who are more success-
ful are those who use a subtle rather than an aggressive approach. This
means, for example, not bringing up any indication of desire for sex
when first meeting. In approaching them, there is no suggestion made
regarding a fee for their services. Rather the beach boys present them-
selves as well mannered, friendly, attractive men who know their way
around and can provide the woman with a good time. The tourist is
thus given the impression that the beach boy is a trustworthy person
who cares about her well-being.
Flattery is one of the main seduction strategies. When he feels it is
appropriate, the beach boy will use various forms of flattery to heighten
interest. For example, he may make flattering comments about the
woman’s appearance or dress and incorporate these comments into a
“romantic” kind of approach. One beach boy said “I always give a
flower to the woman when I first begin to talk to her”. Even before
they begin to approach the woman, beach boys have a number of stra-
tegies to get noticed by the female tourists. A typical strategy is to show
off their prowess in some activity such as beach volleyball or water
skiing. Another tactic used to increase their appeal is for the beach
boy to be first seen with a younger, attractive woman. Later, he will
approach the older woman and say that he really prefers her instead
of the younger woman because he finds mature women to be more
appealing.
When the tourist arrives at the disco, she will observe the beach boy
displaying his dancing skills. This makes it easy for the beach boy to
ask the woman to dance because he can offer to be her dancing
instructor. It also provides him with the opportunity of flattering the
woman when teaching her the dance routines. Most importantly, there
is the opportunity for increased physical contact with the woman while
on the dance floor. Popular dance music in the Dominican Republic
such as the Meringue promotes close dancing and provides an ideal
situation for the beach boy to begin the transition from being a friend
to becoming a potential lover. The Meringue makes it very easy for
the beach boy to initiate body touching. The lively music and dancing
combined with drinks which have a high alcoholic content help to
lower the tourist’s inhibitions. Some of the beach boys specifically
noted that encouraging the tourist to try the local drinks was an
important step in the seduction process. Another aspect is the develop-
ment of the tourist’s dependence on the beach boy to show her a good
time as illustrated by his skilfulness in teaching her the complicated
steps of the Meringue. A reverse seduction strategy used by the more
experienced beach boys involves playing hard to get, especially if they
perceive that the woman has an initial interest in them. In particular,
French Canadian women from Quebec are more likely to take the
initiative and indicate an interest in the beach boy. In such a situation,
a beach boy may play hard to get believing that the financial reward
HEROLD, GARCIA AND DEMOYA 987
Sexual Relationships
The beach boys believe that most female tourists who are not with
a man while on vacation would be interested in having sexual relations
with local men. They also believe that most foreign women perceive
the local men as sexually skilful and uninhibited. Yet they are realistic
in being aware that many of these tourists do not actually engage in
sex with local men. When the beach boys were asked about the last 10
female tourists they had approached, they reported that on average,
five did spend some time with them and that two or three resulted in
sexual intercourse. The beach boys reported having had sexual inter-
course with about 10 female tourists per year which meant that the
typical beach boy had engaged in sex with about 20 tourists. A few had
sexual relationships with more than a hundred tourists. About one-
half said they had experienced sex with at least one tourist who was
married at the time. When asked how soon they had sexual intercourse
after meeting their last sexual partner, about one-third said it hap-
pened the same day, one-third said it happened within two or three
days, and the final third said it happened four or more days later.
De Albuquerque (1998) concluded that female tourists were sexually
attracted to beach boys mainly because of the racial stereotype regard-
ing penis size. However, the beach boys in this study believed that their
main attraction was their sexual expertise and that penis size was of
major interest to only a minority of the tourists. The beach boys in
the Dominican Republic pride themselves on their sexual prowess and
attempt to provide the woman with the “best sex” she has ever had.
They want the sexual encounters to be a truly memorable experience
HEROLD, GARCIA AND DEMOYA 989
for the tourists. Consequently, the beach boys focus more on sexually
pleasing the tourist than on pleasing themselves. For example, they
may perform all night with the goal of giving the woman several
orgasms. The men are very open to providing whatever kind of sexual
experience the woman wants. The beach boys especially emphasized
their prowess with regard to providing oral-genital sex and their ability
to engage in sexual intercourse repeatedly the same evening. This is
contrary to de Albuquerque (1998) who reported that beach boys in
the Caribbean are aversive to performing oral sex and are mainly con-
cerned with their own sexual pleasure. The beach boys in this study
commented that often the women told them that they have never had
such enjoyable sex in their lives and that their boyfriends and/or hus-
bands were unwilling to provide them with that kind of sexual experi-
ence. The beach boys view providing pleasurable sexual experiences
as another means of encouraging the women to fall in love with them.
It should be noted that when they are involved with the female tourists,
the beach boys are unlikely to be also sexually involved with local
women, as they wish to save their sexual energies for the tourists.
The beach boys spend a considerable amount of time among them-
selves discussing the sexual attributes of the tourists as well as bragging
about their own sexual skills. For example, they reported that they
enjoy sex more with women who are obese because they believe that
these women have not had much sexual experience and thus have
tighter vaginas to provide more pleasure to the male. When the men
have sexual encounters with women whom they find sexually unattrac-
tive, they use different strategies for trying to block out the women’s
perceived unattractiveness. One strategy involves not looking at the
woman’s face while they are having sexual relations but rather focusing
on other parts of her body or perhaps not looking at her at all and
fantasizing about someone else. Another strategy is to drink a fair
amount of alcohol ahead of time.
The men commented that tourists who are adventurers are very dif-
ferent in their sexual practices and expectations from other women
including Dominicans. These women are very uninhibited. They are
more likely to take the initiative with regard to sexual advances and
they suggest a diversity of sexual activities. They typically urge the male
to be more sexually assertive with them and are more responsive dur-
ing sex. One beach boy gave this example of a situation where he was
in a hotel room with a woman, “She was screaming so loudly at orgasm
that the hotel watchman knocked on the door believing that I was
hurting her”.
The beach boys have mixed feelings about condoms. Most say they
do not like using condoms because it reduces their sexual pleasure.
With women who are overweight, they will rationalize non-use of con-
doms believing that these women are unlikely to have an STD because
they have not had much sexual experience. There is also the belief
among the men that if a woman is overweight this indicates she is in
a healthy condition and not infected with an STD. Indeed, because
they feel so confident that they can judge whether a woman has an
AIDS or STD infection by her appearance alone, many believe it is not
990 FEMALE TOURISTS
necessary for them to use a condom. Most of the female tourists will
insist that the man wear a condom. Typically, a condom is used when
the couple first has intercourse but is discontinued after they have had
intercourse a few times. Only about a third of the beach boys reported
that they used a condom every time they had sexual intercourse with
a tourist. Some of the men commented on the frequent breakage of
condoms and this might be attributed to their lack of knowledge of
how to properly use condoms. While they mostly focused on
developing a relationship with the women who will provide money,
sometimes they may desire to have sex with younger attractive tourists
especially if they are blond. Having this type of relationship enhances
their reputation among their peers as good lovers who can attract such
desirable women.
Similar to the beach boys, the female sex workers believe that most
male tourists who are not with a female companion desire sex with
local women, and the female sex workers in the sample thought that
about one-half would have sex, with most having sex with more than
one local woman. The woman reported that most of the time they
made the initial approach to the male tourist and that about one-half
of the men accepted their approaches. Almost all of the sexual
relations with male tourists involved vaginal intercourse.
Almost all of the female sex workers, in contrast to the beach boys,
reported that they used condoms every time they had sexual inter-
course with a male tourist. However, because of the extensive condom
promotion campaigns to which they had been exposed, it could be
that at least some of the women may have felt pressure to give a socially
desirable response regarding their condom use. Unlike the beach boys,
none of the local women reported that they did not want to use con-
doms. However, they also reported that most of their Dominican cli-
ents were unwilling to wear condoms and thus with most of the local
male clients, especially those who were regular customers, condoms
were seldom, if ever, used.
Seven of the 14 female tourists interviewed reported they had
become sexually involved with local men. Four said that they had fallen
in love with a local man and that the man had fallen in love with them.
The women who became sexually involved reported that they spent
most of their time with their lover engaging in different social activities.
However, only four of the 16 men interviewed admitted having sex
with a female sex worker. The tourists were not asked details regarding
their sexual experiences with the local population. However, they were
asked about condoms. Most of the tourists said they had brought con-
doms with them to the Dominican Republic. The female tourists who
had sex with local men reported that they used condoms every time
they had sexual intercourse. However, this is contrary to what was
reported by the beach boys, thus suggesting this topic may be con-
founded by socially desirable responses.
Obtaining Payment
With regard to seeking payment, the beach boys reported that they
never directly ask for a specific sum of money as do female prostitutes.
HEROLD, GARCIA AND DEMOYA 991
They would never ask for money when first meeting the tourist. Rather
they use different strategies to indicate their lack of money to pay for
drinks, admission to discos, or taxi transportation. Some may even
offer to pay for drinks but do so in such a manner that the women
feels obligated to pay. For example, the man may reach for his wallet
and then suddenly indicate that he does not have much money. In
these kinds of situations, the woman will often give the man money
under the table, so that it appears as if he in fact were paying for the
expenses. An important aspect of the woman’s paying for the expenses
is that a power role reversal occurs in that she does not feel obligated
to him but rather is more likely to feel that she is in control of the
situation. Consequently, the woman feels less pressure to become sex-
ually involved.
The males play up their financial situation in different ways, such as
indicating that they are poor or they may suggest that they have family
responsibilities for a sick relative or that they hope to continue their
education or that they would like to start a small business but need
money to do these things. Another strategy is to look sad and not to
talk. This throws the woman off guard because until that point the
beach boy has been very friendly, smiling all the time, and very talk-
ative. The woman now quickly picks up the message that something is
very wrong as he “reluctantly” admits to having money problems.
Again, he does not come out directly and say, “Can you give me money
for this or that”? Rather he waits for her to suggest that she could
provide some assistance. Such stories are told later in the relationship
when the woman is more emotionally involved with the man and thus
more sympathetic to his suggested need for money. A similar strategy
was used by female sex workers in Thailand in situations where the
client became emotionally attached (Cohen 1982). Rather than
directly asking for more money in exchange for sexual services, the
sex worker might make up a fictitious story about a financial problem
facing her or her family.
The beach boys believe that the older the woman and/or the more
unattractive she is, the more money she will give. Similarly, in Greece
among the kamakia, Zinovieff (1991) noted that local men who were
gigolos were paid for their service by older women. When a beach
boy is seen with a woman who is much older, his peers assume that
he will be receiving a considerable sum of money. It should be noted
that not all female tourists provide money at the end of their visit.
In some cases, the men only receive free meals and drinks. Generally,
the men reported receiving from between $100 to $500 from each
woman, although some received more. Some of the women also buy
gifts such as a motorcycle or expensive clothes. Some of the beach
boys are very successful financially and earn incomes substantially
greater than that of the typical male in the Dominican Republic. For
example, some reported making about $1,000 a month or more. In
comparison, the average wage for a worker in the Dominican Repub-
lic is $60 a month.
The professional beach boys would seldom, if ever, rob their female
companions. They indicated that those males who do engage in rob-
992 FEMALE TOURISTS
bery are not likely to be professional beach boys. In fact, they believe
that it is against their own interests to engage in robbery. Furthermore,
they will warn the female tourists about the need to protect themselves
against the possibility of robbery such as if they leave their purse on
a chair in the disco or if they walk alone down dark streets at night.
The beach boys are also concerned that if the woman is robbed while
she is with him, the police might think that he was involved in the rob-
bery.
The indirect approach used by the beach boys to obtain any kind
of material payment differs from the direct approach used by the
female sex workers who inform the male tourist before they have sex
how much it will cost. The female sex workers usually earn more
money from tourists than do the beach boys. However, there are a
few beach boys who become involved with very wealthy women and
subsequently earn far more than do most female sex workers.
The female tourists in this study who were sexually involved with
beach boys reported that they had not been asked for money. However,
they were not at the end of their vacation, so it may be that their
response might have been different when departing the island. Never-
theless, all of the women who were involved in relationships admitted
they paid for expenses such as meals and drinks and provided some
gifts, especially clothes. It should be noted that the issue of payment
to the beach boys may be threatening to many female tourists as it
may raise doubts about the type of relationship they are having. Male
tourists, on the other hand, tend to be realistic about the nature of
their relationship with the local sex workers. However, given that there
is a stigma regarding paying for sex, it is possible that some male tour-
ists may not admit to having sex with local women because this might
imply that they had to pay for sex.
CONCLUSION
To better understand the nature of the relationships between tour-
ists and the local population in the Dominican Republic, some key
cultural differences between this country and those of other coun-
tries in the Caribbean need to be understood. First, the Dominican
Republic has a Spanish cultural heritage and relatively few people
can speak the languages of the tourists. Most other islands of the
Caribbean are English speaking which makes communication easier
between the local population and the tourists. Second, unlike most
other islands of the Caribbean, the Dominican Republic has for sev-
eral years had wide scale prostitution. Until recently, this was ori-
ented completely to male tourists who could easily find sex workers
who would cater to either heterosexual or homosexual desires. Male
sex workers dealt almost exclusively with male tourists. However, with
an increase in the number of female arrivals to the Dominican
Republic, there has been an accompanying increase in the number
of local men willing to provide their services to women in return for
some form of monetary payment.
Whereas the study found major differences between female sex
workers and beach boys, de Albuquerque (1998) reported that there
were few differences. In comparing the findings reported here, how-
ever, it is important to note that the perspective of the tourists is
included, whereas he omitted this. Indeed, de Albuquerque asserted
that tourists would be unwilling to be interviewed regarding their sex-
ual relationships with the local population. This study found otherwise.
Another major difference was regarding the sexual attitudes of the
beach boys. According to de Albuquerque, those in Barbados were
focused mainly on their own sexual needs and wanted to control how
and when sex would occur. On the contrary, the beach boys in this
case emphasized how they wanted to sexually please the female tourist
by engaging in sexual activities which she enjoyed. Unlike in Barbados
where the men were aversive to performing oral sex, the Dominican
males were proud of their expertise in doing so. Further, in the Domin-
ican Republic the timing of when sexual relations first occurred was
determined more by the woman’s wishes than the beach boys. This
suggests that an important part of the seduction process by the Domin-
ican males is being sensitive to the woman’s needs.
De Albuquerque (1998), unlike Pruitt and LaFont (1995), discounts
the possibility that many of the relationships between the female tour-
ists and the beach boys could evolve into a love relationship. He also
argues that the great majority of female tourists are motivated mainly
by sexual reasons to become involved with beach boys. However, his
994 FEMALE TOURISTS
applied to both male and female tourists does not mean that there are
no gender differences in this regard. Certainly studies such as this and
Cohen’s (1982) on Thai women and Farong men indicate that one
cannot place all male tourists into one category and all females into
another. There is obviously some degree of overlap between the gen-
ders. Nevertheless, this research indicates that there are proportional
gender differences with more of the women being motivated toward
the romance end of the tourism continuum and more of the men
motivated toward the sex part of it. This finding is consistent with stud-
ies of wider gender differences in sexual attitudes and behaviors with
men reporting more favorable attitudes to casual sex and more sex
partners than women and women reporting that they prefer to have
sex within the context of a love relationship (Laumann, Gagnon,
Michael and Michaels 1994).
Both the beach boys and the female tourists of this study indicate
that ethnicity is an important variable to consider when studying the
sexuality of female tourists. Here the findings support both those of
de Albuquerque (1998) and Karch and Dann (1981) who reported
that female tourists from French Canada were more sexually forward
in their relationships with beach boys than were other women. Further
evidence of this ethnic difference is reported in a review of sexuality
research in Canada (Barrett, King, Levy and Maticka-Tyndale 1997)
which looked at the impact of age, economic status, and education
on sexual attitudes and behaviors. According to this review, French
Canadians are more permissive than their English counterparts with
regard to casual sex, extra-marital relationships, and the acceptance
of prostitution. These findings provide strong evidence that French
Canadian women are more likely to be sexually permissive in their
relationships with beach boys than are women from other ethnic
groups.
Given the objectives of this study, certain topics were not investi-
gated, one being the role of pimps in relation to the female sex work-
ers. Future researchers might consider studying this issue. Regarding
future studies, it should be noted that little attention has been given
to those tourists who do not become involved with the local men. If
one is to more fully understand relationships between tourists and the
local population, it is also necessary to understand the motivations of
those who do not become involved in these relationships. Finally, more
research is needed regarding the motivations and interpersonal
dynamics involved in the interactions between female tourists and local
men. In particular, the issue of exploitation needs fuller exploration
and analysis. O’Connell Davidson (1998) has argued that Western
female tourists generally exploit local men in the same way that male
tourists exploit local females. However, the findings suggest that female
tourists in the Dominican Republic are not being exploitative. Indeed
most truly believe that they are engaging in consensual romantic
relationships. Relatively few anticipate prior to their visit that they
would be involved in a relationship with a local male. As well, the beach
boys do not feel that they are being exploited and instead believe that
they are, for the most part, in control of the relationship. Indeed, they
996 FEMALE TOURISTS
are the ones who, in deciding which women they will try to establish
a relationship with, make the first approach. Granted the female tour-
ists have more economic power, but this is counter-balanced by the
interpersonal social skills of the beach boys who are very adept in using
this knowledge to their advantage in manipulating the female tourists
for the purpose of economic gain.왎
Acknowledgements—The authors are very appreciative to Bruna Corbesi for her contri-
butions as an interviewer. Funding for this project was received from the International
Development Research Center in Ottawa, Canada.
REFERENCES
Barrett, M., A. King, J. Levy, and E. Maticka-Tyndale
1997 Sexuality in Canada. In The International Encylopedia of Sexuality, R.
Francoeur, ed., pp. 221–343. New York: Continuum.
Brown, N.
1992 Beach Boys as Culture Brokers in Bakua Town, The Gambia. Community
Development Journal 27:361–370.
Cohen, E.
1971 Arab Boys and Tourist Girls in a Mixed Jewish-Arab Community. Inter-
national Journal of Comparative Sociology 12:217–233.
1982 Thai Girls and Farong Men: The Edge of Ambiguity. Annals of Tourism
Research 9:403–428.
de Albuquerque, K.
1998 Sex, Beach Boys, and Female Tourists in the Caribbean. Sexuality and
Culture 2:87–111.
Karch, C. A., and G. H. S. Dann
1981 Close Encounters of the Third World. Human Relations 34:249–268.
Laumann, E. O., J. H. Gagnon, R. Michael, and S. Michaels
1994 Sex in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
McCormick, N.
1994 Female Salvation: Affirming Women’s Sexual Rights and Pleasures. West-
port CT: Praeger.
Meisch, L. A.
1995 Gringas and Otavalenos: Changing Tourist Relations. Annals of Tourism
Research 22:441–462.
O’Connell Davidson, J.
1996 Sex Tourism in Cuba. Race and Class 1:39–48.
1998 Prostitution, Power and Freedom. Ann Arbor: The University of Michi-
gan Press.
Oppermann, M.
1998 Sex Tourism and Prostitution. New York: Cognizant Communication.
Pruitt, D., and S. LaFont
1995 Love and Money: Romance Tourism in Jamaica. Annals of Tourism
Research 22:422–440.
Ryan, C.
1999 Sex Tourism: Paradigms of Confusion? In Tourism and Sex: Culture,
Commerce and Coercion, S. Clift and S. Carter, eds., pp. 23–40. London: Cas-
sell.
2000 Bodies, Identity, Self-fulfillment and Self-Denial. In Sex Tourism: Margin-
alities and Liminal Peoples, C. Ryan and C. M. Hall, eds., pp. 17–58. Lon-
don: Routledge.
Strauss, A.
1987 Qualitative Analysis for Social Scientists. New York: Cambridge Univer-
sity Press.
Truong, T.
1990 Sex, Money and Morality: Prostitution and Tourism in Southeast Asia.
London: Zed Books.
HEROLD, GARCIA AND DEMOYA 997
Zinovieff, S.
1991 Hunters and Hunted: Kamaki and the Ambiguities of Sexual Predation
in a Greek Town. In Contested Identities: Gender and Kinship in Modern
Greece, P. Loizos and E. Papataxiarchis, eds., pp. 203–220. Princeton: Prince-
ton University Press.
Submitted 1 June 1999. Resubmitted 26 May 2000. Resubmitted 16 August 2000. Accepted
7 October 2000. Refereed anonymously. Coordinating Editor: David Harrison