G. A.

Mariano
DVS101S G01
Oct. 26, 2009
Dr. Magno

Review Article:
Tuned Out, Dropped Out
Democracy, News Consumption and Voter Turnout Among the Youth

Mindich, D. T. Z. (2005). Tuned out: Why Americans under 40 don’t follow the news.
New York: Oxford University Press.

Wattenberg, M. P. (2008). Is voting for young people? With a postscript on citizen

engagement. New York: Pearson Longman.

Democracy implies public participation (Bassiouni, 1998; Arat, 1991; Parry, Moyser and Day,
1992) and, vice-versa, democracy is a basic requirement for participation (Cruz, Takemoto and
Warford, 1998). Likewise, participation is necessary for democracy to flourish (Mendelbaum,
1996). In the Philippines, participation is seen as a basic human right (Castillo, 1983) and a
tradition, a way of life (Buendia, 2005).

According to Mindich (2005) and Wattenberg (2008), political participation in the United States
and, to some extent, other advanced industrialized democracies is down as reflected in declining
voter turnouts, especially among the youth. The culprit, they allege, is low political knowledge
brought about by low news consumption, whether in the form of the daily newspaper, television
or the Internet. This trend is bad for a democracy in which citizens do not vote or, if they do, are
not properly informed. In the end, they suggest a variety of recommendations to spur political
awareness and participation.

This review integrates the findings as well as arguments of Mindich and Wattenberg on news
consumption, political knowledge, and voter turnout among the youth, and how their
implications on democracy. It places the discussion in the context of available literature on the
forms of political participation, particularly voting and civic engagement, and the factors said to
affect participation.

The review is significant to the Philippine setting, where voter registration and turnout figures
are high but political knowledge is suspect (Mangahas, 2004; East Asia Barometer, 2005).

Tuned Out

Mindich claims that American youth had “barely an outline of what they need to make an
informed decision in the voting booth” (ix) as a result of their disengagement with news. Yet he
also notes that young people were as “thoughtful and passionate and self-reflective” as they had
ever been (x). Young people, he says, have abandoned traditional news, the general-interest and
political news from newspapers, magazines, TV and the Web. And because they are not
watching, they are also being ignored, both by media and politicians. But this was not all the
 Mariano p. 2 of 15

fault of the current generation of the youth: it was their parents who were first to abandon the
news (p. 5).

He cites the following factors that led to the decline in news consumption: complacency
(“hapathy”), declining trust in the media (down 36% in 2003, from 54% in 1989), decline in
social capital as evidenced in civic activity, modern amenities, and suburbia (p. 5-9).

Young people were following the news less than their elders and less than young people once
did. Mindich noted that the big decline in cohort replacement, as each generation born after 1920
consumed less news (p. 28). In contrast older people read more often and longer.

The picture does not improve with the other media. News magazines enjoyed a smaller
readership, whose median ages ranged from 43 to 47. Radio stations, he said, were abandoning
news for music. Only 4% of the 18-24 age bracket listened regularly to public radio station NPR,
whose median age was upward of 49 (p. 31). TV network news ratings were at 30% in 2000
(from 60% in 1993) and drew only 17% of those under 30. Cable news attracted mostly people in
their 50s, appealing to just 14% of the youth (p. 32). Even the Internet, despite its general appeal
to the youth, mattered little (11%) as a source of news to young people who said they followed
the news.

Stressful. Mindich supplemented data drawn from databanks with interviews with people whom
he admitted did not comprise a statistically meaningfully sample but rather to unearth the
underlying reasons (“what the statistics do not show” [p. 35]). Most young people preferred
entertainment to news which they found stressful. Mindich claims that as early as the news
balladeers of 17th-century Europe, people whose livelihood depended on the sale of news
learned of the lesson of the need-want continuum, and that those who ignored want did so at a
peril (p. 47).

Entertainment was a cold medium, a term the author borrows from McLuhan (1964), because it
was less engaging and required less emotional investment. It also offered instant gratification
and, especially in the case of serials, immediate resolution. In contrast news, with its objectivity
and detachment, required more mental participation from the reader and was therefore not as
much fun (p. 48).

News producers cannot be accused of not trying, according to Mindich. They tried to “sweeten”
the media (p. 54) to attract more viewers with antics ranging from having comedians as news
sources (so much so that young people consider Jon Stewart a journalist; p. 57) or attractive
news presenters, male and female, who shed off their clothing as they read into a story (p. 55).
These efforts may indeed succeed in attracting a few more readers, but for the wrong reasons and
often with unintended and unwanted effects.

Why some young people follow the news. Mindich calls this group a “half-hidden minority” (60).
Their reasons are simple: pressure and influence. Some people picked up the news habit in their
childhood because their parents read newspapers (p. 66). Others were inspired by their teachers
(p. 67). There were those who began reading much later in life because information mattered
where they worked. Still others simply felt a need to be informed (p. 60).
 Mariano p. 3 of 15

The Internet and the mass private. Among the media choices, the Internet has what it takes to
lure young people to the news. The “coldest medium,” it can provide the depth of print, the
immediacy and media-richness of TV and radio, plus a host of interactive features. Yet Mindich
cites work that suggest that, on the contrary, the Internet promoted isolation and disengagement
(p. 71), and that Internet news followers were less likely to be civically involved, although there
were also findings that stressed a positive effect on social involvement (p. 72).

The Internet has become more customized, more personal, promoting an interest in oneself rather
than in the lives of the faraway, and in politics (p. 78). This results in more personal, than social
activities, hence a decline in civic involvement, which he attributes to the growth of the suburbs
(p. 83).

News and community. What counts is not simply the news consumption, says Mindich, but the
ensuing conversation that constitutes public opinion (p. 90). A tight community with shared
values and experiences can drive news consumption and create an environment in which people
vote. It is the collective experience that empowers individuals. The press has this unifying
power. This is why, he says, general news is crucial to a democracy (p. 110).

Dropped Out

Politics and voting have become the domain of the elderly, writes Wattenberg. So is the news.
Like Mindich, he notes the following: the general decline of newspaper consumption, the drop of
newspaper readership among the youth (20%; p. 14) and the falling consumption of political
news among the youth. Fewer youths followed campaign news in 2004 (34%) than in 1960
(84%; p. 18). Further, very few young people (7% for the big Web sites like nytimes.com; 9%
for local sites) thought it was important for them to read even online news (p. 29).

Network news ratings dropped from 50% in the 1960s to 20% in the early 2000s. Worse, only
8% of young people followed network news in 2004, compared with 64% in 1967 (p. 37). Thus,
the news audience has skewed toward the elderly. The proliferation of “narrowcasting” channels
(those that offer very specialized programming like all-movies, all-cartoons, even all-news) for
making it easier for young people to avoid exposure to political news (p. 34). In fact not too
many young people checked out the cable news channels: 65% said they did so irregularly, and
that they did not really learn about politics from cable (p. 41-42).

Interest in politics was also down as evidenced in following political events like party
conventions. As a result, young people were less informed about politics, from a high of 69% in
1964 to 26% in 1990; in 2004 it was a slightly improved 36% (p. 74).

In 2004, 43% of Americans under 34 voted (p. 99). This was an improvement from the 36% in
2000, and still short of the high of 53% in the 1970s. But the figures were lower in midterm and
local elections. In 2002, only 20% voted in the midterm (“second-order”) elections. Less than
20% of registered 18-34 year-old voters in Los Angeles voted from 2000 to 2003 (p. 114); and
only 3.4% of the same age group did so in the 2003 election in Concord, MA (p. 119).

Is it age, as Franklin (2004) claims? No, counters Wattenberg, but lack of exposure (p. 125). The
author also cites surveys that say more young people no longer feel voting was a civic duty, or
 Mariano p. 4 of 15

guilty if they fail to vote. Also, fewer young people today felt that political participation for that
matter was a very important citizen obligation (p. 133).

Compulsory voting. If young people read news less than their elders, and vote less than their
elders, elderly concerns will overshadow those of the younger generation. Young people should
vote for the simple reason that the law allows them to. Wattenberg goes further to suggest
compulsory voting so that the views of all eligible voters represented. Otherwise, he warns, US
society will end up with a government “of older people, by older people, and for older people”
(p. 159)

[Wattenberg also presents the case for most of the European countries, Canada, Japan, Australia
and New Zealand (although the countries were not reported as consistently) where somewhat
similar trends were taking place.]

Civic Engagement

Voting is one form of political participation. The others are contacting a political official,
protesting, community activism, board membership, campaign work, campaign giving, (Verba,
Schlozman, Brady, and Nie, 1993) and discussion (Claggett and Pollock, 2006). Hay (2007)
identifies four types of political participation in terms of locus (formal/nonformal) and response
(governmental/nongovernmental); voting would be formal/governmental.

According to Wattenberg, civic engagement is a new kind (p. 175) of political participation,
defined as the ability “to influence choices in collective action” (Camino and Zeldin, 2002), the
“interaction of citizens with their society and government” (Fall, 2006). It is also known as direct
citizen participation (Bowler, Donovan, and Karp, 2007), non-electoral participation (Cleary,
2007), civic voluntarism (Verba, Schlozman, and Brady, 1995) and grassroots participation
(Jenkins and Goetz, 1999).

Wattenberg notes that volunteerism in the US has been enjoying a high (30s%) since 1976
(20%). However, this does not automatically translate to activity in the political realm (p. 183).
He notes that many types of civic engagement have little direct even doubtful political relevance
(p. 184). There is a debate in this area though, with those who believe that civic engagement
could lead to political engagement (Bogard, Sheinheit, and Clarke, 2008), and those suggesting it
was an alternative to (Chareka and Sears, 2006), or even better, than political activity.

Mindich likewise takes heed of the rise in volunteerism although his informants gave him reason
to be skeptical. His interviewees told him community work helped make their resumes more
appealing to colleges and that it was a requirement for admission to the National Honor Society
(p. 118).

The following factors have been cited as affecting participation: trust in government (OECD,
2001 and 2003), alienation, empowerment, knowledge (Sloam, 2007), social capital (Henn,
Weinstein, and Hodgkinson, 2007), citizenship skills, civic literacy, political information
efficacy (McKinney and Chattopadhyay, 2007; Hollister, Wilson, and Levine, 2008),
participation in extracurricular activities (Braddock, Hua, and Dawkins, 2007), voluntary
associations (McFarland and Thomas, 2006) and discussions and debates (Klofstad, 2007;
Jasperson and Yun, 2007)
 Mariano p. 5 of 15

Why People (Do Not) Vote

Mindich and Wattenberg point to a low political knowledge as a key hindrance to participation.

Other “costs” – as well as and benefits – are identified.

Riker and Ordeshook (1968) talk of five “satisfactions” of voting: the satisfaction from
compliance with the ethic of voting, the satisfaction from affirming allegiance to the political
system, the satisfaction from affirming a partisan preference, the satisfaction of deciding, going
to the polls, and the satisfaction of affirming one’s efficacy in the political system.

According to Niemi (1976), if voting is an “extremely low cost activity, then benefits from
voting can also be very small and still be larger than the cost” while Hamilton (2009) says young
people are less likely to vote if they believe the costs of voting will have little bearing on the
outcome. According to Filer and Kenny (1980), turnout rises as the absolute value of the mean
gains resulting from an electoral outcome increase and as the probability of altering an electoral
outcome increases, and falls as the cost of voting rises. People, they claim, vote when it is in
their interest to go to the polls.

For Palfrey and Rosenthal (1983), people vote as a matter of citizen duty, private consumption
value, when voting is monitored and there are sanctions for nonvoting, and when they know their
vote will count (individual voter utility). Levine and Palfrey (2007) cite three factors: size effect
(turnout goes down in larger electorates), competition effect (turnout is larger in elections that
are expected to be close) and underdog effect (voters supporting the less popular alternative have
higher turnout rates).

Ferejohn and Fiorina (1974) have termed the power of an individual vote affecting an outcome
as minimax regret (“My God, what if I didn’t vote and my preferred candidate lost by one vote?
I’d feel like killing myself,” p. 535).

For Franklin (2004), it is not a decline in civic virtue or a rise in political disaffection but the
young initiation age. This view is consistent with the observation of Akramov, Gureshi, Birner,
and Khan (2008) that older people tend to vote more.

Other factors cited were skepticism (Henn et al., 2007), education (Bernstein, 2005), marital
status (Wolfinger and Wolfinger, 2008), weather and distance (Feddersen, 2004); even Internet
access (Tolbert and McNeal, 2003), although a contrary view holds that the Internet was
“evidently” undermining civic participation (Livingstone, Couldry Markham, 2007)

Media effects

Kaid, Postelnicu, Landreville, Yun, and LeGrange (2007) found that political advertising raised
political information efficacy among the youth. Another study that Web sites did influence
viewers’ perceptions of candidates (Hansen and Benoit, 2005). Lee (2005) said that media can
reduce political cynicism and promote political trust.

Media exposure also correlated positively with partisanship (Hollander, 2008), community social
capital (Jeffres, Lee, Neuendorf, and Atkin, 2007), civic literacy (Kelleher and Wolak, 2007),
 Mariano p. 6 of 15

citizenship skills and volunteerism (Nichols, Friedland, Rojas, Cho, and Shah, 2006). Pattie and
Johnson (2003) contend that while newspaper readership is related to political knowledge,
increased newspaper reading does not translate into a greater propensity to vote, a notion
opposed by Milner (2004) who argued that in countries where more people read newspapers,
citizens were more politically informed and turnout was higher. Esser and De Vreese (2007)
support this conclusion while Lee and Wei (2008) found confirmation in the converse: that a
decrease in newspaper readership among young people was associated with their decreasing
political participation, but not with a decrease in their political knowledge, in effect contradicting
Pattie and Johnson.

According to Mesch and Coleman (2007) the Internet enabled young people find information
about candidates and gain a better understanding of election issues. Yet for all its potentials, the
new media failed on many report cards: political blogs fell short of successfully targeting young
voters (Sweetser Trammell, 2007), engaging them in a dialogue (Ward, 2007), or creating “much
interaction” between bloggers and readers (Dailey, Demo, and Spillman, 2008). Rosenberry
(2005) found limited use of online techniques in news Web sites to facilitate cyber-democratic
practices (Rosenberry, 2005). For Livingstone et al. (2007) the Internet was not very important in
relation to most young people’s civic and political involvement, a case of a yet unrealized
potential of the new medium as cited by Mindich (p. 33) and Wattenberg (p. 29).

Lerner revisited

In 1964, Lerner found high statistical correlations among urbanization, literacy, media exposure
and political participation. While literacy does affect participation, Mindich and Wattenberg
have serious doubts about media exposure in general. Forty years hence, people definitely enjoy
greater media exposure, but apparently little to political news. Further, Mindich cites the suburb
as one other obstacle to news consumption and participation. Quoting Mumford, Mindich writes
that the suburb was a “collective effort to lead a private life” (p. 83).

Tuned Out, Dropped Out, Ignored?

Mindich says that today’s youth were “thoughtful and passionate and self-reflective” (x), while
Wattenberg noted that they indeed read and had a civic sense (p. 28). Other works show that the
youth have high interest levels in issues and politics (Banwart, 2007; Henn et al., 2007; Sloam,
2007). For instance, Tedesco, McKinney, and Kaid (2007) listed their key issues as the economy
and jobs, terrorism and homeland security, the war in Iraq, education, civil liberties and civil
rights.

Yet the youth are reported to be misrepresented, marginalized, muted (Ardizzone, 2005; Henn et
al., 2007; Sloam, 2007) and that their issues got scant media attention (Bystrom and Dimitrova,
2007), even if another study noted that a recent election campaign tried to appeal to the youth
(Howard and Hoffman, 2007). This affirms the vicious cycle described by Wattenberg: that the
youth don’t follow political news because politicians don’t reach out to the youth because..., and
that the news media don’t reach out to the youth because the youth don’t follow the news
because... (p. 140).
 Mariano p. 7 of 15

Recommendations

Mindich recommends re-regulating US broadcasting. Deregulation, he said, freed the networks

of the public trust and led to the diminution of news programming and coverage (p. 115). Upon
re-regulation, he suggests requiring stations to feature news for kinds, on the notion that the news
consumption was a habit and one best developed in childhood; diversifying media ownership (as
many profit-driven entertainment giants were acquiring the networks) (p. 116), and requiring
online news portals for popular sites (although some like Yahoo! and Hotmail are already doing
this without government compulsion).

Mindich also calls for the National Honor Society to include news awareness, in addition to
community work, and that the college admission test to have a civics component (C-SAT) (p.
118). Further, he suggests that politicians to be required to engage in campaign debates in
exchange for free airtime (p. 121). Lastly, he bats for quality journalism to be accessible to the
youth, but not dumbed-down (p. 123).

Wattenberg echoes Mindich’s call for free TV time (p. 164), but he is also advocating for some
structural changes, like improving civic education and facilitating voter registration, eliminating
the electoral college, and making election day a holiday. His most controversial suggestion:
make voting compulsory, something that has been done in other advanced democracies (p. 167).

O’Gorman (2008) notes that mandatory voting would simplify things, by eliminating the effects
of expensive voter mobilization campaigns. It would also increase turnout and reinvigorate
politics, she writes, but compulsory voting would require amending the constitution. Loewen,
Milner, and Hicks (2008) call for a bit of sobriety, citing the Canadian experience in which
compulsory voting “does not result in learning more about politics, discussing politics more
frequently, or following the news more frequently” (p. 665).

Other studies echo Wattenberg’s call for improving the registration process, election process, and
for better informing the youth. Registration will become easier if it was done in high schools
(Carlson, 2008), even on election day (Dorsey, Morfield, and Falkowski, 2008), and if photo ID
laws were relaxed (Powell, 2008; Segal, 2008). More people could go to the polls if voting were
allowed by postal mail (Jacoby, 2008) or online (OECD, 2003; Stromer Galley, 2003; Vaizey,
2005; Hill and Allport, 2007; Dunlop, 2008), and if election day were to be a holiday (Cheng and
Welt, 2008).

Sloam (2007) calls for better education and information, greater integrity and more engagement
from political actors, and more effort to engage young people. Mailing sample ballots
(McClellan, 2008), door-to-door canvassing (Michelson, 2006) and public discussion of issues
(Bogard et al., 2008) also help.

Franklin (2004) calls for even lowering the voting age to 15. At that age, he argues, the citizen’s
first election experience will happen while she is in school (p. 213).
 Mariano p. 8 of 15

Insight

While Mindich and Watterberg successful argue the case for news consumption and voting
behavior, with political knowledge as a necessary component in between, the same logic may not
be valid in the Philippines. US voting figures pale in comparison with Philippine data. At least
two independent sources say that voter turnout in the 2004 Philippine election was 81%
(Mangahas, 2004; East Asia Barometer, 2005).

It remains to be seen whether indeed political knowledge, or news consumption, among Filipino
voters would be commensurately high, considering the low newspaper circulation figures
claimed by Filipino news publishers and the portion of the population that considers itself poor,
and hence may not be able to afford or may not prioritize the regular purchase of a politically
informative newspaper.

In the absence of local data measuring these variables, one is led to assume that other factors
might also be at work, like vote-buying or simply a high sense of civic duty even one bereft of
the proper information.

Or whether the informed Filipino does vote. (For that matter, neither of the reviewed authors was
able to establish firmly that news consumption significantly raises political awareness, as
compulsory voting in Canada may elevate turnout, but not civic knowledge or news
consumption. [Loewen et al, 2008.]) An informed person may, after all, choose not to vote.
Castillo (1983) cites the importance of free will in determining participation, which she called a
human right in Philippine society. This, she says, includes the voluntary right of non-
participation.

Conclusion

According to Mindich, civic knowledge connects to civic involvement and predicts good local
citizenship (p. 86). An informed citizen is empowered to make wise decisions. To Wattenberg,
political knowledge fosters civic value, helps citizens identify beneficial policies, and promotes
political participation.

On the other hand, Wattenberg warns that an uninformed citizen will be at a sharp disadvantage
in directing politicians in how to deal with issues. They cannot challenge the establishment
without any idea of what is going on (p. 62). Mindich says a government supported by an
uninformed citizenry is not a democracy (p. 127).

Non-news followers, says Mindich, are likely not to vote because they will not know who’s
running, will be ignorant of the candidates’ platforms, and will not be interested in the issues
being debated. Of course, they will not also realize what is at stake (p. 127).

Putnam (1993) described voting and newspaper reading as two of four indicators of civic
community. Not reading the news, says Mindich, threatens the potency of democracy (p. 27),
and not voting, to Wattenberg, seriously compromises it (p. 140). Voting, according to Anderson
and Stewart (2005) completes political engagement.
 Mariano p. 9 of 15

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