Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
himself and his generation, and placed the responsibility for the
darkness of Europe on the shoulders of German youth.4
How many of the audience at Oxford knew the Foreign
Secretary and Chancellor of the University was Edward
Frederick Lindley Wood, who sat for the Ripon Division of
Yorkshire, and that he was one of the chief persons
concerned in promoting the Round Robin? The signatories
sent a telegram to Lloyd George when he was at the
conference in Paris "demanding the utmost severity for
Germany."
Murry says:
Clemenceau knew of the intrigue and the telegram; he was
probably a party to the whole manoeuvre, for the sending of the
telegram deplorably weakened Mr. Lloyd George's position vis-
a-vis himself at the Peace Conference. The sending of that
telegram . . . was politically irresponsible, for it placed the
destinies of Europe in the hands of M. Clemenceau. . . .
The origins of contemporary German youth are to be sought
in Lord Halifax's own past; their spiritual progenitor is Major
Edward Wood, M.P., of the Yorkshire Dragoons.5
The Round Robin and the vengeance telegram were
responsible for the vindictive peace of Versailles. The
British Prime Minister presented a memorandum to the
Conference on March 25, 1919, stating:
... If she [Germany] feels that she has been unjustly treated in the
peace of 1919 she will find means of exacting retribution from
her conquerors. . . . The maintenance of peace will . . . depend
upon there being no causes of exasperation constantly stirring up
the spirit of patriotism, of justice or of fairplay. To achieve
redress our terms may be severe, they may be stern and even
ruthless, but at the same time they can be so just that the country
on which they are imposed will feel in its heart that it has no
right to complain. But injustice, arrogance, displayed in the hour
of triumph, will never be forgotten or forgiven.6
It was Halifax and his friends who were responsible for
creating a condition in which the youth of Germany
4
Quoted by Porter Sargent, War and Education (Boston: Porter Sargent, 1943), p. 288.
5 6
Ibid., pp. 295-6. Lloyd George, Mem. of the Peace Conf., Vol. I, p. 267.
The Peace Conference and Disillusion 257
Apart from the business of the War Office, he was giving his
attention to the counter-revolution in Russia and enforcing the
blockade of Germany. There is no indication in The World Crisis
that he spared time to read the works that were pouring from the
presses of Great Britain, America, and the Continent, dealing
with the causes of the war. In briefing himself to put the case
before his readers, he was guilty of basing his charges against the
foe upon the lying propaganda fed to the people while the
conflict was in progress.
He has nothing to say about the Treaty of Versailles nor much
about the object of the war. This is a peculiar omission, for he
must have realized that the military victory by no means solved
the problems of discord in Europe. He says: "It will certainly not
fall to this generation to pronounce the final verdict upon the
Great War."12 He then lets himself loose in poetic ardor:
The curtain falls upon the long front in France and Flanders.
The soothing hands of Time and Nature, the swift repair of
peaceful industry, have already almost effaced the crater fields
and the battle lines which in a broad belt from the Vosges to the
sea lately blackened the smiling fields of France. The ruins are
rebuilt, the riven trees are replaced by new plantations. . . .
Merciful oblivion draws its veils; the crippled limp away; the
mourners fall back into the sad twilight of memory. New youth
is here to claim its rights, and the perennial stream flows forward
even in the battle zone, as if the tale were all a dream.
Is this the end? Is it to be merely a chapter in a cruel and
senseless story? Will a new generation in their turn be im-
molated to square the black accounts of Teuton and Gaul? Will
our children bleed and gasp again in devastated lands? Or will
there spring from the very fires of conflict that reconciliation of
the three giant combatants, which would unite their genius and
secure to each in safety and freedom a share in rebuilding the
glory of Europe?13
How different it all was, the world knows now! When he
wrote this lyrical account, the ruins in France were
12 13
The World Crisis (one-vol. ed.), p. 848. Ibid., pp. 848-9.
The Peace Conference and Disillusion 261
Russians and the Austrians had met to find a way out of the
difficulty. No one suspected for a moment that he told Grey
what he was going to do.
Asquith in Memories and Reflections tells us: "Winston,
who has got on all his war-paint, is longing for a sea fight
in the early hours of the morning to result in the sinking of
the Goeben."14 Mrs. Asquith records the entrance of
Churchill to the cabinet room—all smiles. The great parade
of twelve miles of ships of the British navy which he was
so proud of made no particular impression upon the enemy;
but when three cruisers were sunk by mines and the great
battleship Audacious was torpedoed, the fleet was at Scapa
Flow to await developments.
Both Fisher and Churchill blundered in an almost in-
credible manner as to anticipating the strategy of Admiral
von Tirpitz. They also underestimated the battle power of
the enemy's ships, and the skill of their sailors. All notions
of a speedy victory had to be revised, and early in the
winter of 1914-15 Lord Kitchener prophesied it would be a
long war.
There was profound all-round dissatisfaction after the
Dardanelles campaign, and Churchill left the Admiralty.
Then came the munitions scandal and, after a bitter con-
troversy, Asquith resigned. When Lloyd George became
Prime Minister, he wished to include Churchill in his
government, but Bonar Law, who was then leader of the
Tory party, protested strongly against such a move. And
when Lloyd George remarked that ' 'Mr. Churchill would be
more dangerous as a critic than as a member of the
Government," Bonar Law replied, "I would rather have him
against us every time."15
In his War Memoirs, Lloyd George quotes from letters
that he received after he appointed Churchill as Minister of
Munitions:
14
Vol. II, p. 26.
15
War Memoirs, Vol. Ill, p. 26; also see supra, p. 246.
The Peace Conference and Disillusion 263
. . . X ------ who opened the subject to me of his own accord
this evening and who has spoken to you, tells me that it will be
intensely unpopular in the Army.
I have every reason to believe the same of the Navy. . . .
He is a potential danger in opposition. In the opinion of all of
us he will as a member of the Government be an active danger in
our midst.
Another Minister wrote at the same time: "Apart from every
other consideration, is it wise for you to have as one of your
Ministers, a dangerously ambitious man? ..." And another
important Conservative Minister wrote me in a similar strain:
"As regards W. Churchill and the Government, I have made
enquiries and from what Z tells me I am satisfied it would bring
about a very grave situation in our Party. . . ,"16
But Lloyd George knew all this before the war began. In
another passage he admits it, and he realized Churchill had
' 'fewer followers than any prominent public man in
Britain."17 The reason, George says, was:
. . . His mind was a powerful machine, but there lay hidden in its
material or its make-up some obscure defect which prevented it
from always running true. They could not tell what it was. When
the mechanism went wrong, its very power made the action
disastrous, not only to himself but to the causes in which he was
engaged and the men with whom he was co-operating. . . .18
The fact, to put it bluntly, is that Churchill's interest in
politics was his own advancement. No matter what the
cause or crisis, Churchill had to be the dominant factor.
And this was well known to his colleagues by his behavior
at cabinet meetings. Nobody ever imagined that he would
play a secondary role in any of the affairs of State.
There was never such an orgy of cant and hypocrisy as
that inspired by the government when the war began. There
was not the slightest excuse for it, for the pretext of
fighting because Germany had invaded Belgium was
sufficient to rally a vast proportion of the
16 17 18
Ibid., p. 27. Ibid., p. 28. Ibid., p. 29.
264 The Churchill Legend