Essay-1

Introduction
Hungary was a former satellite state in the communist era in the period from 1947 to 1989.
Like most of the other satellite states and the eastern bloc it marked an era of communist free
repression in the fields of economic, political and social governance and practices and
earmarked the beginning of a market economy and more importantly freedom for all its
citizens. Through this period Hungary went through two major revolutions, the Hungarian
revolution of 1848 and 1956. The Hungarian revolution of 1848 was encompassed around the
Austrian-Hungary wars, occupation and more importantly germanisation which was popular
during the nineteenth century. The Hungarian revolution of 1956 had more significance in
history as it illustrated the rapid growth in the twentieth century and how ideologies, values
and practices had changed especially in Eastern Europe where they were going through
rollercoaster times in regards to social, political and economic life. The Hungarian Revolution
of 1956 was an unprompted national uprising against the government of the People's Republic of
Hungary and its Soviet allies and their policies which lasted from 23rd October until 10th November
1956. Like any other revolution, the Hungarian revolution of 1956 had many factors and
reasons leading up to this event which were the main catalysts that uncorked this disastrous
and historic rebellion. This essay will dwell deep into the factors that led to the Hungarian
revolution of 1956 and explore what form of entity/s was responsible for this revolution.
The roots and beginnings of the public dissent

After the end of the world war in 1945, Hungary fell under the rule of the Soviet Union and
was occupied by the Soviet Army. During this period Hungary was a free multiparty
democracy, and elections in 1945 produced a coalition government under Prime Minister
Zoltán Tildy.

The rule of the soviets immediately left a negative aroma in the eyes of the public.
The Soviet-supported Communist Party, constantly extracted small concessions in a process
named "salami tactics", by which they slowly sliced through the coalition government to
decrease its influence and power of the nation. In 1949, the Soviets had created a mutual
assistance treaty with Hungary which granted the Soviet Union rights to a continued military
presence, assuring them ultimate political control. This did not sit well with the public and
many dethroned political figures as they knew any form of resistance at that stage was
impractical because the soviets were too strong.

The first signs of authoritarian and unethical acts were witnessed in 1945.
During the elections of 1945, Hungarian State Security Police also known as the AVH was
forcibly transferred from the Independent Smallholders Party to become a part of the
Communist Party. The AVH used methods of intimidation, false accusations, imprisonment
and torture, to suppress opposition to political ideologies, beliefs and practices. This also saw
the end of the multiparty democracy when the Communist Party merged with the Social
Democratic Party to become the Hungarian Working People's Party, and
The People's Republic of Hungary was then declared.

Political, Economic and Social repression

The rise of communism could not be controlled and it was only the beginning of the people’s
unrest and depression.
Hungary started its reign of communism thereafter and became a communist state under the
authoritarian leadership of Matyas Rakosi. This was followed by major operations to
eliminate and remove at least 7000 dissidents, who were denounced as "Titoists" or "western
agents" who believed in socialist ideologies and forced to confess in show trials, after which
they were relocated to a camp in eastern Hungary.

In the early 1950’s it was very difficult for Hungarians to find jobs or adequate housing
which resulted in terrible living conditions. The Security Police forcibly relocated thousands
of people to the east as well as tortured, and imprisoned them in concentration camps and
some were even executed. In agriculture, the situation was even worse. Since
1949, the government had aimed for collectivization, whereby creating one single entity of
farming which was obviously controlled by the state. This forced the peasants to give up their
land, most of which had been distributed to them after the war. The main aim of this was to
acquire property and housing for the Working People's Party members, and for more state
control. This resulted in the poor living conditions like using people for slave labour on farms
and many people died as a result of the living conditions and malnutrition.
The economy was in such chaos because of the poor policies implemented by a group of
Communists where people claim that these policies were blindly copied Soviet economic
principles, with focus towards super industrialization. Much inefficiency in production and
planning of consumer goods led to drastically lowering the standard of living. At the same
time, the government used Soviet based strategies to obtain more and more labour from the
underpaid workers, who had no form of defending themselves, mainly because the trade
unions had been transformed into entities of the state.

Local students were also very discontent with the new education reforms.
The Rákosi government heavily politicized Hungary's educational system to replace the
educated classes. Russian language study and Communist political instruction were made
mandatory in schools and universities nationwide. Religious schools were nationalized and
church leaders were replaced by those loyal to the government. Under Rákosi, Hungary's
government was among the most repressive in Europe.

Rakosis new reforms in all aspects of life such as legislation, laws and policies for education,
employment, land and finance rocked the public to levels which led them to furthermore
oppose the government. Low standards of living engaged the working class discontent,
which resulted in multiple riots throughout this period. Peasants were unhappy with land
policies, students were discontent with academic conditions and that the criteria for gaining
acceptance into university became much harder. This led to Students, authors and journalists
into forming their own unions to fight this ridicule rule.

It is important to note the different views and backgrounds to communism in particular with
this revolution where there were Stalin backed communists and home grown communists.
The Stalinist excesses had ravaged the economy and its people with characteristics of highly
authoritarian leadership which was seen through the eyes of Matyas Rakosi. However there
were home grown communists in particular Laszlo Rajk. Laszlo Rajk was the former
Minister of Interior and former Minister of Foreign Affairs who was executed in 1949
because he was accused of being a "Titoist Spy", a supporter for western imperialism and for
attempting to re-establish capitalism, although later he did confess to these charges.
It is interesting to observe how strong the Soviet Union communist’s ideals were as they
planned to create their own form of imperialism through stringent bureaucracy and dictatorial
leadership. Whereas, Rajk although communist was more liberal and I believe showed specks
of signs of socialism in regards to free association and equal power relations. These traits
were the reason that Laszlo Rajk was liked by most of the Hungarian Public and opposed by
the leading communist party.
Laszlo Rajk’s death along with other victims in the same show trial was another reason the
publics aggravation grew stronger towards the leading party.
Bela szasz one of the survivors of the trial spoke at his graveside stating that his death had
become a warning signal for Hungarian people and the entire world and that he will be
honoured by the hope that he has shone onto them by his passionateness for his beliefs and
ideologies. She also said that the danger that the Hungarian leaders ruled by in terms of rule
by force and of the personality cult must be banned forever.

Matyas Rakosi’s reign was brutal and cynical which encompassed a string of kidnappings,
torture, arrests, imprisonment, poor policies which left the economy in a worsened state and
the execution of around 500 public figures.
In a statement by István Dobi, Chairman of the Praesidium (Legislative body), he stated that
If a regime can be described as a criminal regime then it is not surprising that people which
have been indebted to live under it for years would eventually bring their burning resentments
and concerns into the open. He also mentioned in a speech that “If in this country people have
reason to complain against the inhuman character of the regime and everyone knows that
there was cause enough for bitterness then the villages had many times more reason to
complain than the towns. It would be difficult to say which was bigger - the stupidity or the
wickedness of the Rakosi’s régime’s rural policy.”

It can be said that it was not the notion of communism that enraged the Hungarians but more
the type of communism that was being created and led which was associated with the Stalin
cult. Even communist writers such as Gyula Hay and Tibor Dery spoke out against the Soviet
doctrine of single ruling parties and the interference of the Stalin backed and led cult that had
taken its communist views to new heights by even interfering in everyday literature and art.
Many writers even resigned from executive committees of the writers union with one person
stating” their methods were anti-democratic which paralysed the cultural life of the country”.

The rise, fall and consequent rise of Imre Nagy

The year 1953 marked the death of Joseph Stalin, which resulted in a brief period of
liberalisation where most European communist parties created a reform wing. Imre Nagy
replaced Matyas Rakosi and announced the formation of a new cabinet and the adoption of a
new program. Nagy’s leadership would be a new form of leadership in the form of a “soft"
policy. He gained some popularity in the country because of his involvement in reforms
which took place in 1954, which confiscated large estates and gave that land to the peasants.
He had opposed Rakosi’s ideals, policies and laws very often as he was known to be a
reform-minded communist like the polish communist leader Władysław Gomułka. He
introduced a program of reforms which included increasing the production of consumer
goods and lower prices, thereby raising the overall standard of living. More importantly his
program had the intention to abolish any form of compulsion against workers, to allow
peasants to leave their farms and move freely, to abolish concentration camps, to reduce the
police force and to grant religious and intellectual freedom. Although Nagy was not a
socialist and had many flaws in his policies in comparison to Rakosi in the eyes of the people
he was a blessing and hope for a new dawn. However, this glimmer of
hope was dashed with Rakosi’s re-instatement in 1955 which caused havoc in the people’s
minds and lives as their hopes were shattered with the return of Rakosi and his policies. After
continuos torment and agony under Rakosi's dictatorship all this while, Nagy’s regime was
considered a form of great hope as they experienced two years of de-Stalinisation.
There was a saying at the time of this occurrence: "They deceived us in saying that Stalin is
dead; he survives in Hungary."Not only was there a return to the old policies, but also a
return to the old personalities. Rakosi stated his intentions to reimpose the policies pre 1953,
causing even more distress and detest towards Rakosi and his cabinet.

Another factor that led to this revolution stemmed from Hungary’s close relation to Poland.
On October 22 came news of Poland’s move towards greater independence. This event was
something the Hungarians had been waiting for more than anything else. The progress in
Poland resulted in great passion and joy among Hungarian students and kindled further hopes
of a more liberised and democratic country. This event created great excitement in Hungary
as people had the notion that the start of this revolution would cause a chain-reaction, where
Hungarians could believe that their country will move in this positive direction as well. It is
also seemed to encourage that Hungary would also achieve independence in a peaceful
manner. However to their disappointment it did not turn out as they hoped as Rakosi who was
replaced by Erno Gero on 17th July 1956 was another Stalinist pedigree.
- How Gero was a bad choice, very similar to Rakosi
- Also talk about youth
- Cite all reference with reference lists
- Conclusion

We wanted freedom and not a good comfortable life”, an eighteen year-old girl
student told the Committee. “Even though we might lack bread and other necessities of life,
we wanted freedom. We, the young people, were particularly hampered because we were
brought up amidst lies. We continually had to lie. We could not have a healthy idea, because
everything was choked in us. We wanted freedom of thought …”

One of the most interesting conclusions that can be

derived from Fejto's book (although he does not make the point
himself) is the striking similarity between the rise of Nagy to
power in 1953 and his later return in 1956. In both cases
widespread dissatisfaction with the politicies of Rakosi led to his
replacement by Nagy, who was supported by the "liberal" faction
within the Communist Party, and who announced a sweeping program
of reforms. The revolution of 1956 could not have taken the
form that it did, if it had not been for Nagy's attempt in 1953
to 1955 to introduce a kind of liberalized Communism. The events
of 1953 were, in many waysm a dress rehearsal for 1956.

6. The Youth

One of the most striking lessons of the Hungarian

Revolution was its demonstration of the failure of the Communist
regime to win the support of the youth. In the West, it had
been widely feared that the Communists had achieved considerable
success with the new generation, which had never known democracy
and which had been subjected to constant Communist
indoctrination. But the events of 1956 showed that this indoctrination
was almost a complete failure, since the young workers, peasants
and intellectuals played a leading role in the rebel forces.

An additional source of student dissatisfied was the

way in which the regime was constantly trying to "organize"
their lives. Whatever was not forbidden was obligatory.
Student resentment against this aspect of Communism is illustrated
by the demands which they began to formulate in 1956. They
called for the abolition -- or at least reduction -- of the
courses in Marxism-Leninism and the Russian language, the free
circulation of western literary and scientific works, newspapers,
films, and plays, and freedom to travel in western countries.
They also asked for the abolition of compulsory work brigades
during the summer vacation and for the elimination of the
paramilitary training which started at the age of 12. (During the
revolution this training turned out to have a value which the
students apparently had not foreseen.)

Another important factor in the opposition of the

youth is what Fejto calls a "regenerated nationalism". After
the war the Communists tried to eliminate traditional Hungarian
nationalism and to replace it with devotion to the Soviet Union,
but the attempt backfired. The excessive glorification of things
Russian was disgusting to the youth of a nation with such strong
patriotic traditions. Extreme nationalism, which previously had
been discredited by its association with the old reactionary
regime, now became the natural reaction of a people fighting
against Russian political, economic and cultural domination.

5. Youth Joins in the Struggle -- The Petofi Circle

From then on, the movement demanding democratization

and the removal of Rakosi gained strength. The older Communist
intellectuals were joined in their fight by young Communist
students gathering in the Petofi Circle, which was formed in
March 1956 in the center of Budapest. Started as a branch of
the DISZ, the Communist youth organization, it soon became a
popular forum for animated discussions in which the young
people freely voiced their criticisms of the regime.
The importance of this affair was recognized by Rakosi
himself, who considered it necessary to explain the measures
taken by the Central Committee to the public, particularly the
workers. Delegates of the party apparatus were sent to the
factories, where in special meetings they tried to convince the
workers that Dery and Tardos were agents of the bourgeoisie and
and favored the restoration of capitalism. However, the workers
did not show any enthusiasm for siding with the regime but wanted
to read the condemned speeches before passing judgment. In
response, some writers courageously went from factory to factory

HUNGARIAN REVOLUTION CAUSES, May 29,

The nomination of Erno Geroe as Rakosi's successor

in the post of First Secretary was not a radical change --
the party apparatus obviously was not willing to make radical
change -- but only a compromise. Geroe was known as a
Stalinist, and, to make his choice acceptable, he was surrounded
by moderate "national Communists" such as Kadar and Kallai who,
however, were not Nagy supporters. Although the opposition was
jubilant over Rakosi's fall, it was suspicious of the sincerity
of the regime's intentions. Irodalmi Ujsag stated openly that
only the return of Nagy to power could guarantee true
de-Stalinization and democratization.

HUNGARIAN REVOLUTION CAUSES, May 29,

The nature of these demands showed how far the writers were
surpassing the logical limits to which even a liberalized
dictatorship could retreat.
4. The Impact of Rajk's Funeral and of Polish Events

As the meeting proceeded, other speakers began

expressing more "rightist" demands, such as the end of the
political monopoly of the Communist party, the abandonment of the
Warsaw Pact, etc. Fejto insists" that these "rightist" demands
still did not represent a grave danger to the Communist regime,
if steps had been taken immediately to appease the excited
public. Instead, Geroe made a speech over the radio early in
the evening which sounded to his astounded listeners like a
perfect example of the Rakosi tradition. Rather than announcing
the return of Imre Nagy and other measures satisfying the popular
demands, he launched a tirade against the "counter-revolutionaries"
and praised the "unselfish generosity" of the Soviet Union, His
speech was received by the demonstrating population as a deliberate
insult. At the same time, fights broke out in different parts
of the city.

HUNGARIAN REVOLUTION CAUSES, May 29,

Fejto seems to think that if the Soviet troops had

not been called in, if Geroe had been driven from power, and
if Nagy had immediately announced a broad program of concessions,
the revolution might have remained a peaceful one like the Gomulka
revolution in Poland. But the attacks of the police and the
Soviet forces transformed the revolution from one of words to
one of deeds. Hungarian army units joined the rebels, while
intellectuals, students and workers exchanged their resolutions
for rifles. Once the people were armed, there was no way of
stopping the revolution except by massive force or massive
concessions. Nagy attempted the method of Concessions, but he
went too far for the Russians, who eventually settled the issue
by force.

VII The Character of the Revolution

According to Fejto, the Hungarian revolt can be best

characterized as a popular revolution of national unanimity.
Communists and reactionaries, intellectuals and workers,
students and peasants fought side by side for what they all desired
in common -- the right of the Hungarian nation to sovereignty.
Their unanimous opposition was the result of the ruthless policy
of Russification and Stalinization, which only strengthened
their patriotism and desire for independence.

that the Rakosi programhad brought Hungary economic chaos, political terror, andcultural stagnation.