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Media accountability
in Latvia, Lithuania and Sweden
(Exploratory study)
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Media Accountability / Latvia, Lithuania, Sweden-Exploratory Study TILS/2009
Contents
Introduction 3
• Definitions of media accountability 3
• History of media accountability 4
• Media accountability and the ombudsman 5
• Transparency of global media outlets (U.S. study) 6
• Media accountability in Latvia, Lithuania and Sweden (Exploratory study) 7
• References 8
Description of inquiry 9
• Relevance 9
• Sample 9
• Subject and timeframe 9
• Research methods 9
• Research criteria 10
o Corrections 10
o Ownership 10
o Personnel policy 10
o Reporting policy 11
o Feedback 11
• Results of investigation of Lithuanian newspapers 12
• Results of investigation of Latvian, Lithuanian and Swedish newspapers 16
• Final thoughts 18
• Authors of the study 19
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Introduction
For more than three decades Bertrand studied the media and its role in society. He
often is associated with the concept of media’s public responsibility, which he avidly
promoted. He pioneered the Media Accountability System (MAS) and catalogued
more than 100 measures for strengthening media’s social responsibility and the
public’s trust in the media.
The measures include documents used by journalists to resolve ethical issues (e.g.,
ethical codes) and to interact with the public (e.g., correcting errors), people who
deliberate media issues (ombudsmen, critics, committees for resolving disputes) and
processes (mandatory higher education for editorial staff, required awareness of
ethical norms, sensitivity training regarding certain societal groups, (women,
minorities, etc.). (Bertrand, 2003, pp. 17-22.)
Bertrand’s MAS can be categorized into three areas, depending on who is involved in
the implementation:
(1) Internal: Journalists’ efforts to control quality, traditionally understood as
self-regulation. Newspapers admit mistakes and publish corrections, editorial
staff prepares questionnaires about accuracy and impartiality, editors pen
letters to readers.
(2) External: Activity which takes place regardless of acceptance by journalists or
the media. They include independent media studies, opinion surveys,
alternative media.
(3) Co-operative: Interactive activities involving editorial staff and members of the
public. They include letters to the editor, journalist meetings with the public,
press councils. (Bertrand 2000, 124 pp., Bertrand, 2003, p. 22-24. Von Krogh,
p. 29-39.)
Bertrand did not exclude the role of law to improve media quality. On the other
hand, did not envision the state as an active partner in the process. In his view,
quality would improve if the means to do so were "independent from the
government." (Bertrand, 2003, p. 17.)
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Bertrand offered a very concise definition of MAS: “any non-State means of making
media responsible towards the public.” (Bertrand, 2000, p. 107 .)
Swedish journalist and media researcher Torbjörn von Krogh adds another element
to the definition, calling the relationship between media and constituents an
“interactive process” which should provide for the participation of the latter, i.e.
readers. (von Krogh, p. 27.)
Von Krogh also notes that today’s media accountability systems reflect a compromise
reached more than six decades ago. Indeed, the concept of media’s social
responsibilities was borne from a heated debate in the United States about the role
and purpose of the press.
During World War II, at the behest of Henry Luce, the publisher of Time magazine,
and other influential magazines such as Life and Fortune, the President of the
University of Chicago Robert Maynard Hutchins formed a commission to consider
the function of the press in modern society and make recommendations.
After three years of work, in 1947, the "Commission on Freedom of the Press"
published its conclusions. It said the press bears a burden of social responsibility and
should serve the public’s need to receive the kind of information that will help it make
the necessary decisions about governance. Otherwise, warned the panel, the public
will demand that government take measures to regulate the press. (Swanberg, pp.
214, 262; von Krogh, pp. 13-15; Siebert, pp. 73-104.)
The Commission’s findings reflected popular negative sentiment regarding the press
at the time. U.S. newspapers and magazines were owned by powerful press barons,
who exerted immense influence, but kept hidden from the public eye their own
political ambitions and other interests.1 Critics rang alarm bells about the dangers of
media monopoly to diversity of opinion, the infusion of commercial interests, and the
mix of political and media interests at the expense of the common good.
The conclusions of the Hutchins Commission also mirrored its internal divisions.
Some members favored stricter state laws and regulations, while others argued that
1 Luce was among the press barons and a sharp critic of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. He openly
and repeatedly warned about the government’s influence on the press by its control over news.
(Schudson, p. 167)
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media must be free from government regulatory influence. According to von Krogh,
the panel eventually chose a middle path, deciding that “the media would be held
accountable through criticism, debate, critical scrutiny and a non-governmental
‘media inspectorate’…” (von Krogh, p. 10).
The Hutchins Commission helped pave the way for the emergence of self-regulation,
social responsibility and public accountability in modern journalism. These ideas are
based on the analogy of society as a living organism. Society needs information to
function, just as living things require nutrients for sustenance. The media act as
society’s circulatory system. They deliver nutrients, but also can spread infections;
can nourish, but also poison. In essence, the Hutchins Commission said that media
freedom is not absolute, it can flourish only if it assumes social responsibility.
The Commission’s recommendations were met with harsh criticism from American
publishers and editors. Luce, who funded the panel’s work, distanced himself from
its findings. However, as von Krogh points out, despite the controversy the idea of
media accountability slowly took hold: it became part of the discussion about the
function of journalism and journalists themselves began to implement the concept.
Mass communication theorist Denis McQuail calls the Commission’s work “the first
attempt to establish a basis of considered criticism and prescription concerning the
social role of news media.” Although the dispute over the role is ongoing, media’s
social responsibility has become the “point of reference in the growing trend towards
the professionalization and self-regulation of the press.” In fact, despite the trend in
the late 20th century to reduce media regulation, systems continued to be developed
that “recognized the importance of the press to social life and politics, particularly the
need for independence and diversity.” (McQuail 2003, p. 54-55.)
McQuail also sees a direct link between accountability and responsibility. He quotes a
remark by the Finnish media researcher Kaarle Nordenstreng, who said “while media
professionals speak warmly about responsibility, they remain lukewarm about
accountability”. McQuail then offers his own assessment – “in practice, the first
without the second is rather empty of meaning.” (McQuail 2003, pp. 283)
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The ombudsman institution has its roots in Sweden’s 1809 constitution. According to
international legal expert Linda C. Reif, the Swedish parliament (Riksdag)
established the justitieombudsman (ombudsman for justice) “to supervise the public
administration and judiciary and to prosecute those who failed to fulfill their official
duties.” Eventually, the institution became “a public complaints driven process.”
(Reif, pg. 5) 2
The media ombudsperson concept evolved in the 20th century. The U.S. newspaper
The New York World established a Bureau of Accuracy and Fair Play in 1913. In 1922
the Tokyo newspaper Asahi Shimbun set up a committee to investigate complaints by
readers. In more recent times a news ombudsman was appointed in the United
States in 19673. Today the Organization of News Ombudsman has members in 15
countries, including Estonia4. (ONO)
http://www.jo.se/Page.aspx?MenuId=12&ObjectClass=DynamX_Documents&Language=en
3 The Louisville (Kentucky) Courier Journal and Louisville Times appointed John Herchenroeder, a
Center is affiliated with the Phillip Merril College of Journalism and the School of Public Policy at the
University of Maryland.
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Twenty-one journalism students, their teacher and center employees comprised the
team, which examined 25 English-language news media organizations with a global
reach based mostly in the United States and the United Kingdom. Using quantitative
and qualitative methods the team analyzed and evaluated the transparency of policies
employed by the outlets in five categories:
(1) Corrections: Willingness to openly correct mistakes.
(2) Ownership: Openness about corporate ownership.
(3) Staff Policies: Openness about conflicts of interest.
(4) Reporting Policies: Openness about editorial guidelines.
(5) Interactivity: Openness to reader comments and criticism.
The British newspaper The Guardian and the American The New York Times were
rated as the most transparent and accountable. Rated as least transparent and
accountable were UK television station Sky News and US news magazine Time.
In the conclusions of the study, the authors quote American investigative journalist
Sydney Schanberg6 who observed: “The press calls for transparency by government,
corporations, and everyone else. But here the reporters reject transparency for
themselves, and yet they say they are practicing good journalism. The public needs a
fuller explanation, and that can only come from the reporters themselves.”
Media transparency and accountability are not issues widely discussed in Lithuania.
One reason is the lack of systemic information about the practices employed by local
media organizations.
6 Schanberg is winner of the Pulitzer Prize for investigative journalism. His reporting about the war in
Cambodia and the terror of the Khmer Rouge earned him international recognition. The movie The
Killing Fields was based on his reporting.
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transparent of all the media in the country (Juozapavičius, p. 9, 12-13). The results of
this study prompted TI Lithuania to take a further step. It initiated this two-part
exploratory investigation, analyzing media policies at selected Lithuanian news
organizations and comparing Lithuania’s experience with that of Latvia and Sweden.
The study seeks to identity the standards and rules of conduct that guide the
Lithuanian national press. It also seeks to examine the level of transparency and
accountability in the national Lithuanian press in comparison with media outlets in
the other countries. The authors and TI Lithuania hope this effort will stimulate a
wider public discussion about transparency and accountability in Lithuanian media.
The study was carried out in collaboration with Transparency International Latvia and
Sweden, and with support from the Nordic Council of Ministers Office in Lithuania,
UNDP Lithuania and the German Embassy in Lithuania.
References:
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Description of inquiry
Relevance
The purpose of the exploratory study was to determine a starting point for the public
accountability of news media in Lithuania.
Sample
Media outlets in three Baltic Sea countries – Latvia, Lithuania and Sweden – were
analyzed. The countries were chosen in part because of similarities in their media
systems and reading traditions. The periodicals were selected because of their
thematic universality, functional experience and influence among readers. All of the
newspapers – two in each country – are published daily with universal content, have
been in operation for several decades, and according to annual circulation data, reach
the largest numbers of readers in their respective countries. Ownership was also
taken into account: only the main newspaper of each media group was analyzed. Thus
six periodicals became the subject of the study.
Three additional Lithuanian dailies were analyzed as part of the exploratory study.
They were the country's main business newspaper, a daily with a lengthy publication
history owned by the country’s largest financial/industrial group, and a newly
established newspaper. This enabled comparisons of accountability practices among
different types of dailies.
The six daily newspapers analyzed in the study were: Latvia’s Diena and Latvijas
Avize, the Lithuania’s Lietuvos rytas and Respublika, the Sweden’s Dagens Nyheter
and Svenska Dagblatet. In addition these newspapers were part of the Lithuanian
inquiry: the business daily Verslo žinios, the media group “Achemos Grupė” daily
Lietuvos žinios, and a newly established city newspaper Vilniaus diena (started in the
autumn of 2007).
The newspapers were examined during four time periods in 2008, chosen at random
to extend the sample during a longer time frame. In Lithuania, the time periods were
one week each month for four consecutive months: June 30 - July 5, August 4 - 9,
September 15 - 20 and October 20 - 25. In Latvia and Sweden, the time periods were
four weeks during three consecutive months: September 8 – 13, September 22 – 27,
October 20 – 25 and November 3 – 8. In all three countries only the main body of the
each newspaper was examined; supplements and inserts were excluded.
Research methods
Newspaper practice and transparency were examined during the selected periods by
analyzing the content of the printed versions of the newspapers and visiting their
websites. In Lithuania, researchers also conducted telephone interviews with
representatives of all the newspapers selected to clarify their accountability practices.
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Interviews were conducted with Lietuvos rytas Deputy Chief Editor Rimvydas
Valatka, Lietuvos žinios Editor-in-Chief and Director Valdas Vasiliauskas, Respublika
Director Diana Veleckienė, Verslo žinios Deputy Chief Editor Ramūnas Terleckas and
Vilniaus diena Editor-in-Chief Kęstutis Jauniškis.
Research Criteria
Corrections
Corrections box.
A clearly visible box where the newspaper publishes corrections. An effective way to
correct a mistake is to openly admit the error and correct it.
Ownership:
Easy access to information about ownership of the news organization on its website.
Lists of shareholders of the news organization and other related information can be
accessed on its website. The same information is available in printed form at the
editorial office.
Easy access to information about the owners’ other publishing and personal financial
interests on the media organization’s website.
Information regarding the owners’ shares in other publishing companies,
involvement in the management of other businesses or public areas of life, which
could have a significant impact on editorial policy can be accessed on the website of
the news organization. The same information is available in printed form at the
editorial office.
Staff policy:
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Easy public access to a written version of the media employees standards of conduct.
These standards are available to the public on the website of the media organization.
They are available in printed form for review upon request.
The existence of written codes of conduct, which help avoid conflicts of interest.
Written rules provide guidance for members of the editorial staff in cases when they
have financial interests in companies which they are writing about. The rules explain
how staff should act so as not to allow their personal or family investments to
influence their editorial decisions.
Reporting policy:
Easily accessible written journalistic practices (use of sources, rules on writing about
minors, ethical issues).
Written staff guidelines on ethical principles and rules of conduct which apply in
certain circumstances. How many sources are needed to confirm a story? When can
reporters use politically charged terms such as “terrorist”? These guidelines are
available to the public on the website of the media organization. The same
information is available in printed form at the editorial office.
Feedback:
The ombudsman.
The ombudsman, also known as the public editor or readers’ representative hears
complaints from the public, investigates them and reports on the results.
“Open door policy” encouraging the public to meet with editorial staff.
Special events for members of the public to meet with editorial staff.
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(5) Are newspapers open to reader criticism and do they promote communication
between readers and journalists?
Positive answers to all these questions would mean that the editorial staff works
transparently, openly communicates with its employees and readers. Negative
answers to all these questions would indicate that the editorial staff does not work
transparently, does not seek communication with its employees and readers. The lack
of transparency does not mean the media organization is engaged in dishonest
practices. However, experience shows that a lack of media accountability may create
conditions for such practices, also fosters suspicion, which sows public distrust.
Five Lithuanian daily newspapers published in the capital, Vilnius were examined in
this part of the study: Lietuvos rytas, Lietuvos žinios, Respublika, Verslo žinios and
Vilniaus diena.
Corrections.
Ownership.
Since media are an important source of news for readers about their community,
country and the world, it is important that readers know who owns the media
organization that provides this vital service. It is also important for readers to know
about the media owners' property and financial interests, and their participation in
non-media businesses.
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found no such information about two newspapers - Lietuvos rytas and Lietuvos
žinios. The Verslo žinios website had a reference to the publishers
(www.bonierbusinesspress.com), which publishes information about the owners in
English. The Vilniaus diena website (www.dienamedia.lt) listed the juridical entity
that controlled the paper, but not the names of individual shareholders. Respublika
did not have a website at the time the study took place.
The researchers also attempted to determine whether a typical reader could easily
find on the website information about the owners' financial interests, which could
affect editorial policy, or if it provided details about the control of other publishing
company shares, or participation in other businesses. The researchers did not find
such information on the websites of three newspapers – Lietuvos rytas, Lietuvos
žinios and Verslo žinios. The Vilniaus diena (www.dienamedia.lt) website contained
information about the owners’ media businesses, but researchers found no
information about participation in other businesses. Respublika did not have a
website at the time the study took place.
A Lietuvos žinios representative told researchers that information about the owners
of the newspaper was available at the editorial offices. A Verslo žinios representative
said information about the owners and their property interests can be printed and
provided to those interested.
Staff policy.
Another important area for transparency is the availability of written rules of conduct
for editorial staff when questions or uncertainties arise about proper behavior in a
given situation. Of particular importance is the potential for conflicts of interest. For
example, written rules provide guidance for members of the editorial staff if they have
financial interests in companies about which they write and explain what steps to
take to avoid any influence on editorial decisions related to personal or family
investments.
The researchers found no such written rules of conduct in any of the newspapers
examined. However, representatives of all five publications said their editorial staff
follows Lithuanian laws and the Lithuanian Journalists and Publishers Code of
Ethics. The Respublika representative said editorial staff also must comply with the
advertising standards which are required by law. The Vilniaus diena representative
said staff follows a set of ethical values and an editorial ethics code is being
developed.
The researchers also attempted to determine the presence of rules regarding the
separation of business and editorial functions in the news organization.
Representatives of all five newspapers confirmed that there were no specific rules
addressing the issue, but said legal requirements and the Journalists and Publishers
Code of Ethics guide the editorial staff.
Reporting policy.
Just as written rules of conduct help journalists in their work, so a public declaration
of reporting policy helps editorial staff as well as readers understand the principles
that guide editorial decisions, what ethical values they encompass, how and why
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editorial decisions are made. Reporting policy may be conveyed as written guidelines
or through letters from the editor.
Another way of informing staff as well as readers is to write about editorial decisions
in letters from the editor, explaining in some detail what principles are involved and
what rules apply in the pursuit and preparation of stories. The researchers did not
find any letters from the editor in any of the newspapers examined during the time
periods of the study.
Feedback.
Another form of feedback is letters to the editor. This is a specific place in the
newspaper which publishes readers' statements critically assessing the content of the
newspaper. During the period only one of the five newspapers examined had a letters
section. Researchers found seven letters in Verslo žinios critical of the newspaper’s
content. They were all taken from its website www.vz.lt.
News organizations seeking accountability often open the doors of their editorial
offices to readers, organize occasional or regular meetings attended by editorial staff.
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Such an open door policy enables readers to communicate directly with reporters.
The representatives of the five surveyed newspapers said no special meetings with
readers are organized. However, Lietuvos rytas, Lietuvos žinios and Vilniaus diena
representatives insisted their journalists meet with members of the public. A
representative of Verslo žinios said the newspaper hosts groups of visitors, and five
years ago held a larger-scale meeting with readers. A Respublika representative said
the doors of the editorial offices are open to readers 24 hours a day.
Feedback is also ensured if the reader can reach the journalist directly. Editors
publish the phone numbers and e-mail addresses of journalists, providing the reader
the opportunity to interact with a specific author.
The situation varies in the five newspapers surveyed in the study. Journalists’ phone
numbers are published in Lietuvos rytas, Lietuvos žinios, Respublika and Vilniaus
diena. Verslo žinios does not publish individual phone numbers, but provides the
number for the editorial office and individual e-mail addresses. The other four
newspapers do not publish individual e-mail addresses, only the general or desk e-
mail addresses.
Conclusions.
Four of the five newspapers surveyed during the period did not publish any
corrections, and thus did not publicly recognize any errors in their work. Four of the
five did not publish any letters to the editor critical of newspaper content.
None of the newspapers published extensive information about their owners or their
property interests. None had their own written code of ethics, or rules governing the
separation of the organization’s editorial and business functions, or policy guidelines
indicating how the news organization selects and publishes stories.
Editors did not convey to readers any messages about their information policy
guidelines, there were no ombudsmen on the staffs of newspapers surveyed, none
had drafted questionnaires to readers about accuracy or bias, did not organize
meetings with readers.
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The study examined six daily newspapers in three countries: Latvia’s Diena and
Latvijas Avize, Lithuania’s Lietuvos rytas and Respublika, and Sweden’s Dagens
Nyheter and Svenska Dagblatet.
Corrections.
The study examined the correction of inaccuracies and other errors which occur in
the day-to-day output of a news organization. Researchers sought to determine
whether mistakes were addressed in a visible and clearly marked correction box.
Journalism theory and practice says that the admission and correction of errors
indicates the news organization’s responsibility to readers. Rectification of errors
improves the organization’s reputation, not diminishes it.
During the research period, the Swedish dailies Dagens Nyheter and Svenska
Dagbladet published a total of 26 corrections. Svenska Dagbladet alone made 23
corrections. No corrections were found in any of the Lithuanian and Latvian
newspaper. These results lead to the conclusion that the Swedish news organizations
use corrections to help prevent the dissemination of false information. They ignore
the stereotype that assumes admitting a mistake harms one’s reputation.
Researchers also examined the use of the published rebuttal in accordance with the
laws of each country. This occurs when information published in a newspaper is
incorrect and the person involved replies with a rebuttal indicating which
information is false, when and where it was published, and which assertions
denigrated the good name and dignity of a physical person or the reputation of the
legal entity involved. The rebuttal is published in the newspaper. During the research
period no such instances were found in any of the newspapers surveyed. It can be
assumed that during the research period the news organizations felt they were in
compliance with the law regarding personal honor, dignity and reputation.
Ownership.
Staff policy.
Another important area of transparency is editorial staff policy. Clear regulations and
public access show a desire by the news organization to be socially responsible to
readers. Only two daily newspapers examined in the study confirmed the existence of
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written rules about how to avoid potential conflicts of interest: the Latvian Diena,
which has its own code of ethics, and the Swedish Svenska Dagbladet, which has a
separate set of written rules on avoidance of conflicts of interest. Neither document is
available on the public internet sites of the news organizations. The other four dailies
had no written rules to follow, apart from the each country’s journalist codes of
ethics.
Reporting policy.
Another reporting policy tool is the editor’s letter, which has long been used by many
newspapers to communicate this information. The researchers did not find any
editor’s letters in any of the dailies examined. It can be concluded that this
transparency tool is simply not used.
Feedback.
One form is the ombudsman, also called public editor or the reader’s representative,
who handles complaints about the newspaper’s content. Three of six newspapers
examined in the study said they employ an ombudsman, or person with the same
function. One Swedish publication, Dagens Nyheter, initiated the post in May, 2008.
The other, Svenska Dagbladet, had an editor for quality control, whose function was
to address complaints about the publication’s mistakes or inaccuracies. The Latvian
Diena also had an ombudsman. The Lithuanian newspapers Lietuvos rytas and
Respublika, as well as Latvian Latvijas Avize did not use this form of active feedback.
None of the newspapers had special questionnaires to assess the accuracy and
objectivity of reports by people mentioned in the articles or the readers. Five of the
dailies also do not utilize another active form of feedback – the open door policy.
Although meetings between journalists and readers are an excellent opportunity to
increase understanding between each other, only Latvijas Avize organized such
meetings in various parts of the country. The study results show that newspapers did
not fully use the potential of communicating with readers.
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Conclusions
Latvian and Lithuanian newspapers are just starting to apply transparency in their
work in order to ensure quality and be accountable to their readers.
Final Thoughts
Transparency is not just a way to assess the value of journalism; it itself adds value.
Media quality should be sought through public accountability, not government
regulation.
Media quality should be anchored in a mix of the market, the law and ethics.
In the changing future of journalism newspaper transparency can help enhance its
reputation and maintain reader loyalty.
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Latvia:
Lithuania:
Sweden:
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