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We all drank from the same canteen. Poem by Pvt. Miles OReilly Bold Soldier Boy, Chaplain John J. Hight, 58th Indiana Union Related
63rd Indiana Infantry letter, details scene at Franklin after the battle 63rd Indiana soldier (A.L. Ewing) remembers Franklin 25 years later 63rd Indiana soldiers diary entry, Nov 30th, 1864 63rd Indiana soldiers diary entry, Dec 1st, 1864 63rd Indiana soldiers diary entry, Dec 19th 1864 91st Indiana, John R. Miller letter detailing Battle of Franklin 40th Indiana soldier writes about his action at Franklin 128th Indiana Infantrys account is riveting 50th Ohio soldier writes of Franklin battle, mentions dead and wounded. 64th Ohio soldier writes about Franklin battle 104th Ohio Federal soldiers describes firing at Confederates at Franklin 104th Ohio soldier writes in late November 104th Ohio letter from William G. Bentley, Dec 3rd. 1864 104th Ohio letter from William G. Bentley, Dec 7th, 1864 21st Illinois soldier writes about action at Franklin 117th Illinois soldiers writes about post-Franklin 72nd Illinois, George C. Patterson, KIA at Franklin 12th KY letter, Father and son fought at Franklin Jan 1st 1865 letter The piratical banner of Secession no longer flies over Tennessee Statements by Gen Ruger related to Franklin (Nov 1864) Arthur MacArthur on importance of Franklin Sherman on the advantage of an entrenched defensive position Gen. George H. Thomas report of the Battle Col. Israel N. Stiles report (Union) after Battle of Franklin Gen David S. Stanley served at Franklin
Confederate Related
10th Texas Infantry, Col. Robert B. Young, killed at Franklin 24th Texas Major writes father of 10th Texas (son), announcing his death at Franklin 30th Georgia Infantry, Soldier-letter details Battle 14th Miss., George Estes, Co A, writes about the expected battle 33rd Miss., Letter to widow of CSA soldier killed at Franklin 16th NC Cavalry, December 5, 1864 . . . . bold affair at Franklin 49th TN, John M. Copleys account of the battle of Franklin 46th TN, Hope brothers fought and died at Franklin, letter 63rd VA, soldier writes about Franklin, post-battle Prominent Franklin resident Royce prosecutes claim for loss of home Gen. Hoods Official Report of the Battle of Franklin Captain W.O. Dodd, Reminiscences Of Hoods Tennessee Campaign Major-General C.H. Stevens official after-battle report of the battle of Franklin S.D. Lees official after-battle report of the battle of Franklin Reporting of the losses at Franklin, Confederate Military History
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Here are the words to the poem. There are bonds of all sorts in this world of ours, Fetters of friendship and ties of flowers, And true lovers knots, I ween; The girl and the boy are bound by a kiss, But theres never a bond, old friend, like this, We have drank from the same Canteen! It was sometimes water, and sometimes milk, And sometimes apple-jack fine as silk; But whatever the tipple has been We shared it together in bane or bliss, And I warm to you, friend, when I think of this, We drank from the same Canteen! The rich and great sit down to dine, They quaff to each other in sparkling wine, From glasses of crystal and green;
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But I guess in their golden potations they miss The warmth of regard to be found in this, We drank from the same Canteen! We have shared our blankets and tents together, And have marched and fought in all kinds of weather, And hungry and full we have been; Had days of battle and days of rest, But this memory I cling to and love the best, We drank from the same Canteen! For when wounded I lay on the center slope, With my blood flowing fast and so little hope Upon which my faint spirit could lean; Oh! then I remember you crawled to my side, And bleeding so fast it seemed both must have died, We drank from the same Canteen!
Pvt. Miles OReilly As Mr. Brooks read the poem the reenactors in attendance all drank from the same canteen.
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Union related
Newly discovered letter from 63rd Indiana soldier details scene at Franklin after the battle
Addison Lee Ewing was from Haubstat, Indiana and enlisted on 5/1/62, mustering in to Company C of the 63rd Indiana Infantry with the rank of 1st Sergeant. He resigned on 4/6/65 due to disability. During his service he saw three promotions: 2nd Lt on 10/2/86, 1st Lt on 6/24/64, and finally to Captain on 10/1/64 (As of Co. I). He transferred from Company C to I on 11/6/64. The 63rd Indiana became part of the Army of the Ohio in December 1862, staying with that organization until February 1865 when it was assigned to the Department of North Carolina. The 63rd Indiana saw action at Second Bull Run, East Tennessee, Rocky Face Ridge and Resaca; Dallas, Lost Mountain, the Atlanta Campaign, and Hoods Tennessee campaign, including Franklin and Nashville. At Franklin (30 November 1864), the 63rd Indiana served on the far left Union flank with Israel N. Stiless brigade, along with the 120th and 128th Indiana regiments. These three Indiana regiments faced the onslaught of the Confederates under Scott and Featherston that fateful day. Hundreds of Confederate soldiers from Alabama and Mississippi lost their lives trying to breach the Union left flank near the Nashville-Decatur Railroad as it buttressed up against the Harpeth River. By the time of the Battle of Franklin, Addison Lee Ewing was Captain of Company I of the 63rd Indiana Infantry. Ill say more soon, but here is a partial transcript of the letter Lee wrote to his wife on December 22nd, from Nashville (1864). . . . Day before yesterday [would have been the Dec 20th], we was up at Franklin where there are hundreds of new made graves filled by the enemy. I went up into the old Breastworks where we lay and all over the front of our Brigade which is pretty well doted with rebble graves at our place there is 14 of Co. K of Miss[issippi] laying in a row. I see one grave marked Lt. J.P. See(sic), 55th Tenn. [This was J.P. Seed]. There are horses laying around almost on our works . . . .
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of the woods in fine style, a skirmish line in front and one in the rear. I yelled to my skirmish line to fall back to the works and started myself. Finding I had to cross the range of one or other of two cannons that were planted at angles, I chose my chances to go between them. The cannoneers were excited and not time for one man to get out of the way. When such a good mark as those advancing columns, I gave a leap at the instant. The pieces were discharged and repaired to my company and loaded guns while the men fired. When the advancing line came up within range the infantry behind the works, a sheet of flame leaped forth with death and wounds in it for hundreds of the brave men fighting for an ignoble cause. The whole scene of action was soon covered with smoke that but little could be seen in detail. For about a dozen times the Rebs was led to charge, only to be repulsed with great slaughter. Many of their banners were planted upon our works with the most heroic determination but was met with as determined resistance. The fight lasted for three hours and while it was going on a Reb and Union battery were having a duel overhead with their shells and shot which sometimes passed distressingly low over our heads. At eleven oclock we were withdrawn and crossed the river on a pontoon and railroad bridge. The Enemy discovered our retreat and came crowding down the streets of the town. Our guns opened up on them and must have done them considerable damage. The bridges were burned by our forces and they started on their third night march towards Nashville, near which place cavalry firing again commenced. We arrived in range of its big guns and forts very very tired, though rejoicing in possession of 18 captured colors and near 3,000 prisoners. Source: Eli Lilly Library, Indiana University, Bloomington, IN.
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are camped on solid grassy ground. The night is cool and I think freezing but we are made comfortable by our camp stove which my boy carries and we have a plank to sleep on. Crossing the bridge a man fell off but was near enough to shore to scramble out safe but was bad scared. Source: Eli Lilly Library, Indiana University, Bloomington, IN.
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Source: http://www.civilwararchive.com/LETTERS/miller.htm#dec4
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Thanks to an alert from a blog reader, I want to publish an old eyewitness, firsthand account of the action experienced by a member of the 128th Indiana at Franklin. James G. Staley Through the winter months and on into the spring of 1864, the enlistment for Company F of the One Hundred and Twenty-eighth Regiment continued. This company was enlisted mostly by Capt. James G. Staley, Lieuts. W. C. Kent and Henry G. Bliss. The regiment rendezvoused at Michigan City. Captain Staley s company was full about the middle of March, 1864. While yet at Camp Anderson, Michigan City, the members of this company purchased a fine sword which was formally presented to Captain Staley by the regimental chaplain, Rev. William P. Koutz, of Monticello. Company V was the seventh and the last full company to be enlisted in White County for the three-years service. Its regiment was mustered into the service March 18, 1864, and first took the field at Nashville, Tennessee. In the Atlanta campaign it fought at Resaca, Dallas, New Hope Church, Lost .Mountain, Kenesaw Mountain, Atlanta and Jonesboro. As part of Thomass army it joined in the pursuit of Hood, and at the hard-fought Battle of Franklin, November 30, 1864, its brave captain, James G. Staley, was killed.
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One of Captain Staleys comrades writes of his death and career as follows: In the beginning of the war he responded to the call of our country and served faithfully as a member of the Ninth Indiana for more than two years, lie was commissioned captain of Company P, 128th Indiana, in January, 1864, and in March left the place of rendezvous with his regiment to take part in the memorable campaign of Atlanta. During that toilsome service of marching, digging, guarding, watching and lighting, lasting four months, without the soldiers being beyond the sound of musketry or artillery, lie nobly, patiently, heroically performed his part. On the 4th of October we left Decatur, Georgia, to begin the fall campaign, and after much skirmishing and marching several hundred miles in Georgia and Alabama, we reached Franklin, Tennessee, closely pressed by the enemy in superior force. It is not my purpose to give a description of the engagement, but I will state that the l28th Indiana occupied breastworks near the extreme left of our line; that the enemy charged right up to and planted their colors on our works, and that their dead and dying which filled the ditches, sufficiently proved how bloody and disastrous was their repulse. When the assault was made, Captain Staley was standing up watching the enemy and directing the fire and the use of the bayonets of his men. Just then Captain Bissell, of the same regiment, was shot through the head and fell against Lieutenant Bliss, who, with the assistance of Captain Staley, laid him upon the ground and planed a blanket under his head. This had scarcely been done when some one called out They are coming; again, and all prepared to receive the enemy. As Captain Staley turned to the works, a minie ball struck him in the forehead, and he, too, fell into the arms of Lieutenant Bliss and died almost instantly. There was no time then to listen to parting words. A desperate hand-to-hand conflict was straining every nerve for the possession of the works. The deadly musket shot, the clash of arms as bayonet came to bayonet and sword to sword, the hurried breathing of the men through their shut teeth, their words of encouragement and mutterings of vengeance, with the thunders of the two pieces of artillery that flanked the company, combined to bring into heroic exercise every muscle of the body and every power of the mind. Darkness came on and still the fighting continued. Every man was needed to repulse the desperate assaults of the enemy. The body of Captain Staley was carried to the rear by the stretcher corps and buried in the same grave with that of Captain Bissell, near the large brick dwelling house on the hill south of Franklin. This statement was made by Lieutenant Bliss. The grave where the heroes slept was left unmarked, but to have done otherwise was impossible. Though we had repulsed the rebel army, it was determined to withdraw under cover of darkness, and at midnight we retreated across Harpeth river and abandoned the battlefield and Franklin to the enemy. Captain Staleys remains were recovered and brought home, through the efforts of the Christian Commission, arriving at Monticello on February 7, 1865, and on the 12th were reinterred with appropriate ceremonies. This last of the long-term companies to be raised, as a whole, in White County, saw service after Captain Staleys death at Nashville, in the later pursuit of Hood, at Newbern and Wises Fork, North Carolina, and at other points marking the closing operations of the war. The regiment was not mustered out of the service until early in 1866. Source: Hamelle, William H. A Standard History of White County, Indiana : an Authentic Narrative of the Past, with an Extended Survey of Modern Developments in the Progress of Town and Country (1915). Chicago; New York: Lewis Publishing Co., 1915. p. 186
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50th Ohio soldier writes of Franklin battle, mentions dead and wounded.
Columbia Tenn Dec 28th 1864 Dear Sister, I received a long letter from you today. I reply not because there is anything of importance transpiring just at present, but because when the most happens is the time I am entirely unable to write. Since I was last at Columbia we have had some stirring times. Hood drove us back to Nashville. We had a very severe battle at Franklin during which our Regiment lost in killed wounded & captured some thing over half its men. After that we were in the big fight at Nashville & our company lost its Commanding Officer, a fine man who was shot through the breast & had an arm broken by a musket ball. But the success atoned for all the loss & more. Hood has halted at Columbia again. The rest of the Army has gone down after Hood. How long we shall remain here idle I know not but presume we shall have plenty to do. Sherman has taken Savannah & Hardee has escaped with his 15,000 men & will probably reinforce Hood which will give him a chance to show us considerable fight. But we shall conquer in the end. The right will triumph in the end. Charleston will be taken next and all important Sea ports. Christmas is over & I thought often of the fine times you were having at home. We had rather hard times living on hard tack & sow belly. It is quite cold to night, I have just had an argument on Slavery with the Captain who is for allowing the slaveholders credit for honesty on account of early education and I am not. I would just as take a horse or hoe from one of these men as not. But I must stop writing. Having passed safely through the Battle of Franklin I expect good times for a while. Let me know if any thing new happening and you hear from Thomas. Goodbye. Your Bro. A.M.Weston Asa M. Weston enlisted on 8/11/62 as Sergeant in Company K, 50th Ohio Infantry. He survived the Civil War.
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Directions & inspections Co Your leters too Co A 64 Ohio OVI 3 Brigade 2 Division Harney Corps VIA Nashville Tennissee At the time of the Civil War Joshua Dicken served initially with the 3 month service of Co.H, 21st Ohio Volunteer Infantry. Then in Sept. 1861 he joined Co.K, 49th O.V.I, (being discharged on disability the following year). He was later drafted at the age of 26 on Sept. 29, 1864 for 1 year service with Co.A, 64th O.V.I. Note: the 64th Ohio (at Franklin) was part of Wagners Division, 3rd Brigade (Col. Joseph Conrad), Stanleys 4th Corps. Sarah V. Elder Dicken Papers Transcripts of Correspondence, September December 1864 MS-997 ******************************************* Edited section of his letter related to Franklin (correcting grammar and spelling): . we got along as far as Spring Hill first till the Johnnys (Johnny Rebs) tried to flank us there. We had a quite a dandy old fight there with the mounted infantry. They flanked us there on account of them having about six to one of us. Then during the night (Nov 30th) we fell back to Franklin where we had another thrill of it, that is, a thrill that proved a perfect slaughter to the Johnnies, although we had a good many of our very bravest boys killed. Old Peter Sorg was killed there and a great many others killed. - Joshua Dicken, Co.A, 64th O.V.I. Written on December 21st near Columbia, Tenn., just five days after fighting in the battle of Nashville, and three weeks after fighting at Franklin. In his original letter Dickens says that Peter Sarge was killed. The correct name is Peter Sorg. Sorg was 43 years old when he enlisted on 9/27/64. He was a member of Company A, with Dickens. Reference notes: Jacobson, Sword nor McDonough refer to Dickens or this letter.
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I suppose you have heard the particulars of the Franklin fight by this time, as the papers of this place are full of it but maybe you would like to hear the part that our Regiment took in it, so I will try to explain it. Tho I wasnt in our works during the heaviest of the fight, as I stated before. I was sent back to draw rations but I saw it and Im not particularly anxious to see such another battle, tho it was a great victory for us. Gen Reillys Brigade was in position on the left of the Cumberland pike, our Regiment being 2nd in line on the right. We joined Gen Coopers 2nd Division, 23rd A.C. They connected with the 4th A.C. Col. Casements Brigade of our Division on our left. The enemy charged with 2 Divisions, Gen Cleburne of Hardees old Corps in our immediate front on the left of the pike. I forgot the name of the other General on the right, our skirmish line was about 1/4 mile in advance of the works, supported by Wagners Brigade of the 4th Co. The enemy advanced in two oblique lines, their left in our front almost resting on our works, their right extended along the road joining on the right which was formed in the same manner except that on this side, their right was nearest our lines . . .. They came up in splendid style, our artillery from across the river, throwing shell into their ranks without checking them in the least. The Brigade of the 4th Corps were overpowered in a moment and came rushing back in the wildest confusion over our line almost breaking it. The rebels kept close . . . on them, so that our men couldnt fire until they were within a few yards. When they did open on them, mowing them down by scores, we had several pieces of artillery in the line which poured grape and cannister into their ranks. At last, finding it too hot for them, they fell back one hundred yards, into a ravine, which they reformed and came up again. This time as steady as clock works. They charged right up to our ditch, many of them jumping over the boys heads. Some were shot while standing on the headlogs. Our Co. was the left-center of the Regiment and next to our colors and here the fighting was hottest. The line to our right was, at one time, driven back and the rebels came pouring over the works. I am proud to say, that not a man in Co. G flinched, tho every Co. to the right fell back. Gen.s Reilly, Cox and Schofield were in the most exposed places, trying to rally the men who had fallen back from a misunderstanding of orders. Up they went again, taking their old position and capturing many prisoners. Off to the right, the enemy held our line for sometime but after a desperate struggle, everything was retaken and the enemy fell back a short distance but still keeping up a heavy fire. It was now dark and we expected another attack would be made but they had evidently had enough of it. After the firing had slackened the boys went out in front of the works to help any of our boys who were lying outside. Very few were wounded outside of the works, but you cant imagine the appearance of the field. The ditch was literally piled with dead and wounded and for rods you could scarcely walk without stepping on a body. They laid in every position imaginable. Some were in the act of loading, some drawing the trigger. Our fire had been very effective, nearly all were struck below the breast. Several officers rode their horses right onto the works and horses & riders fell back into the ditch. You can imagine how desperate the struggle was in front of our colors when 5 (stand0 of colors were captured in front of them, the color bearers were all killed. One of them planted his standing in our works and snatched at our colors which were floating there, but our color Sergeant was too quick for him, he pulled them off the works and the reb fell back dead. An officer, said to be Gen. Cleburne was killed in front of our Co. The rebels came over our works by scores, throwing down their guns, they were sent back to the rear and as men couldnt well be spared just then to guard them, I suppose 1/2 of them made their escape as it was. We kept 1,700 of them, you may judge that they were terribly cut-up when after the fight was over several men came over the works with ammunition, expecting to find their men in possession, as they said, they didnt meet any going back except a few stragglers. Officers, who were over the field after the fight estimate their loss in killed and wounded at from 500 to 600, which is a moderate estimate I think. It has been said by men who have witnessed some of the hardest fought battles of the war, that they never saw a more desperate fight. Cleburnes Division we have always heard spoken of, as the flower of the Southern Army, and they boasted that they have never before been whipped. I dont believe that braver men live than they were, but now there are but few left to tell the tale who will ever charge a Yankee line again.
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About midnight we evacuated the place and fell back to this place. We had to leave some of our wounded in their hands as it was so dark that we couldnt find them. Our loss was comparatively slight, about 700 in all, the 104th lost 62 mostly wounded. We had six of our best men wounded, none killed which is very fortunate . . . I will enclose a little shred of our old flag which the Color Sergeant handed me the day after the fight. It is so ragged that it will scarcely hold together but we will prize it all the more for that. We will never dishonor it, the little piece of red is part of a rebel flag we captured. Source: (p. 125-127) Burning Rails as We Pleased: The Civil War Letters of of William Garrigues Bentley, 104th Ohio Volunteer Infantry. McFarland, 2011.
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At least one-half of the rebels engaged endeavored to pierce our center, and came down heavy on Wagners division, which after desperate fighting, gave way, and Maneys division of Frank Cheathams corps got inside our works and captured two guns. Our center was not broken, however, and, better still, Gen. Wagner successfully rallied his troops who charged upon the enemy, recaptured the two guns, and forced the division over the breastworks, capturing an entire brigade and its commander. At half past four the battle raged with unabated fury, the enemy having made during one short half hour four attempts to break our center. Our position was a magnificent one; and the result of these four charges was magnificently grand. All the while the rebels operated in force upon our right, the rebel programme being to pierce our center and crush our right. Before dark, although but a portion of our infantry were engaged, three fourths of our artillery were playing upon the rebel column, who stood their ground like madmen. During all the charges that were made upon our right and center, volleys of grape and cannister were hurled into their lines, and only darkness prevented their sacrifice being more awful. They fought so desperately that the rebel muskets were often thrust through the parapet and head log. The firing in front of our division was not so severe, the rebels charging but twice. By dark they were repulsed, but the firing did not cease till nearly nine. At least five thousand rebels were killed, wounded and captured, while our own loss will probably reach fifteen hundred. We captured seventeen rebel battle flags; some regiments, among which was the 11th Ohio, capturing a half dozen apiece. Gen. D.S. Stanley was slightly wounded in the back of the neck, but did not leave the field until the fight was over. The rebel Gen. Adams was killed, and he and his horse fell into the ditch together in front of the 104th Ohio. Seventeen distinct attacks of the enemy-some of them feints, but mostly real were repulsed. One man was killed and one wounded from our regiment. We have beat the last retreat, and if old Hood wants us he will have to come and take us. Our regiment is in a healthy condition. The boys of company I are generally well. Respectfully yours A.A. Lemaster
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Thomas Whiteside PS Our Co [Company] is on picket tonight. I guess we may have a good time with the Rebs.
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Jan 1st 1865 letter The piratical banner of Secession no longer flies over Tennessee
Letter written by John A. Jackson January 1, 1865, addressed to General Thomas, I feel that the thanks of every Union loving heart, are due to you this bright New Years morning, that the Stars & Stripes now float over Tennessee, instead of the piratical banner of Secession. I have never felt deeper interest in our cause, nor greater confidence that a triumph more signal, and glorious even than that before Nashville will soon crown the Union arms, and redeem our beloved South from the filthy pool of Secession in which she has been so long plunging and clad in clean Union garments she will soon forget the stained and dishonored rags which her leaders for a time have compelled her sons to wear! War is aterrible school in which we all share all suffer the innocent and the guilt but with you Genl to wield our armies I shall look soon for a peace a conquered peace. Source: Live Auctioneers online
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advantage . . . for they were always ready, had cover, and always knew the ground to their immediate front; whereas we . . . had to grope our way over unknown ground, and generally found a cleared field or prepared entanglements that held us for a time under a close and withering fire . . . When the enemy is entrenched, it becomes absolutely necessary to permit each brigade and division of the troops their own protection in case of a sudden sally. We invariably did this in all our recent campaigns, and it had no ill effect, though sometimes are troops were a little too slow in leaving their well-covered lines to assail the enemy in position . . . . Even our skirmishers were in the habit of rolling logs together, or of making a lunette of rails, with dirt in front, to cover their bodies . . . . On the defensive there is no doubt of the propriety of fortifying, but in the assailing army the general must watch closely to see that his men to do not neglect the opportunity to drop his precautionary defenses, and act promptly on the offensive at every chance. William T. Sherman, Memoirs, II, pp. 396-397.
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an aggregate loss to Hoods army of 6,252, among whom were 6 general officers killed, 6 wounded, and I captured. The important results of the signal victory cannot be too highly appreciated, for it not only seriously checked the enemys advance, and gave General Schofield time to remove his troops and all his property to Nashville, but it also caused deep depression among the men of Hoods army, making them doubly cautious in their subsequent movements. Not willing to risk a renewal of the battle on the morrow, and having accomplished the object of the days operations, viz, to cover the withdrawal of his trains, General Schofield, by my advice and direction, fell back during the night to Nashville, in front of which city line of battle was formed by noon of the 1st of December, on the heights immediately surrounding Nashville, with Maj. Gen. A. J. Smiths command occupying the right, his right resting on the Cumberland River, below the city; the Fourth Corps (Brig. Gen. T. J. Wood temporarily in command) in the center; and General Schofields troops (Twenty-third Army Corps) on the left, extending to Nolensville pike. The cavalry, under General Wilson, was directed to take post on the left of General Schofield, which would make secure the interval between his left and the river above the city. Casualty reports
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I. N. STILES, Colonel Sixty-third Indiana Volunteer Infantry. Lieutenant STEARNS, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.
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confederate related
Col. Robert B. Young, 10th Texas Inf., killed at Franklin
White Oak, No Ca January 9, 1865 My Dear Son We have just received the sad fate of your poor Brother and our dear beloved Son, he was killed at Franklin Tennessee on the 30. November We felt anxious all the time about him ever since that dreadful Battle, but it had been so long since, we had hoped he had entirely escaped, but I feared him to hear from. The Adjutant of his regiment Mr. Willingham wrote to your Father. He was buried in Columbia Tenn with Gen Cleburne & Gen Granberry but taken up afterwards to Ashwood the Episcopal burying ground he was interred with Military honors. I suppose he was killed instantly he said there was nothing found on his body it was robbed he had his horse saddle bridle blankets it is hard rendering to relate but thought You would like to hear the last of Your poor Brother We have no more of the particulars God have mercy on his poor Soul I trust he is with his God singing praises to him, ever more done with all this horrible Warfare resting in everlasting peace with his God not ours Gods will be done but I would give anything on earth had I it to have him back Sound in body & mind, he was a noble man refined in all his manners, loved by all who knew him never had an enemy an affectionate and dutiful Son I have prayed night and day for our noble Sons to be Spared to us & come through this cruel War without blemish You are the last Son of our little flock & I pray God he will let You remain with us to Comfort & cheer us in the evening of our days. You are the only one we have now to look to and for our welfare and happiness do for heavens sake take care of Yourself, Your Fathers health is not very good & he is so undecided what course to persue, he speaks of going through the country to Georgia to see after our home whether he can go back and make a crop this Year or not he has rented a house in Spartanburg but does not want to go there I believe to live. He could not rent land enough for his hands to work there and I dont think we can live here in security & contentment. Our furniture has arrived at last in Spartanburg & I will go down with your Father on tomorrow or next day to see after it. We would be so happy to see You, and You must come Soon. Your Grand Mother is in tolerable health Your Father sends much love to You says take care of Yourself. I pray God may ever be merciful to You and Shield You from all harm restore You to us in perfect health & safety Your Mother E. C. Young Do write often we have not received a letter from you since your arrival in Carolina I have written several times. Your Mother E. C. Young [Etowah Valley Historical Society - Cartersville, Georgia]
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Major of 24th Texas writes father of 10th Texas (son), announcing his death at Franklin
Wartime letter of Maj. William A Taylor, 24th Texas Dismounted Cavalry, To the father of the late Col. Robert B. Young, 10th Texas Infantry U. S. Military Prison Johnsons Island State of Ohio Feb 5, 1865 Dear Sir: I have just learned through Capt. Jones of the death of your son Lt. Col. Robt. B. Young. This sad new was not unexpected to me. I hope I am not intruding by writing this letter upon your sorrow, but my Dear sir, his death has brought sorrow to other than those of his immediate family; many will mourn his life and refuse to be comforted because he is not. It is true that in this melancholy event we see the hand of God and know that we must submit, but oh, how hard. I first knew him in Texas (Waco). We were close and intimate friends, in fact, he was my best friend and with you I grieve at his loss. In him you have lost a son, I more than a friend, a brother. Surely it may be said of him, that none knew him but to love him. I know that a more brave and gallant spirit never left this earth. My Texas home, if I should live to return, will not be home without him. His genial spirit, his uniform kindness, his sociability will be greatly missed in the friendly circle. Alas, who can fill his void? We have long been together, in the Army in the same brigade. I saw him last in front of his Regiment, gallantly leading it on, inspiring his men with his undaunted spirit and courage. He fell to rise no more upon the bloody field of Franklin. He died, where the brave die, at his post, and in the thickest of battle. None performed their duty in this war more cheerfully or nobly than he. His love and enthusiasm for our glorious cause influenced all around him. His patriotism was pure, his devotion to his country was deep and heartfelt. He was brave without vanity, generous to a fault, ambitious only as became a patriot, the soul of honor, a true soldier and a gentleman by nature. Tis thus they go, one by one The leaders hail, like autumn frost Where Victory is won or lost. Accept my Dear Sir this poor tribute of respect to the missing of one, loved by yourself, no more than by one, who, to you unknown deeply feels and mourns his irreplacable loss. Thus believe me to be Sir Very Respectly Your Obdt. Svt William A. Taylor Major 24th Regt. Tex Granburys Brigade Army of Tennessee To: Dr. R. M. Young Spartanburg, S. C. [Collection of Young Descendant, Jenece Wade of Dewey, Arizona] Source: http://members.aol.com/SMckay1234/Letters/Taylor.htm contributed by: Young Descendant, JENECE WADE, Dewey, Arizona
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-The Civil War Years Revealed Through Letters, Diaries & Memoirs. Warwick, p. 189. Estes survived the battle. Ten of Estess fellow 14th MS are buried at McGavock.
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I am incompetent to write a eulogy upon such a character, and will only say to you that M. A. Dunn was free from the influence of the many vices and evils so common in Camp which entice so many from the path of rectitude. But did by a well ordered walk and godly conversation make manifest to his comrades that he was a devoted Christian, true gentleman and patriotic soldier. Being kind and obliging, he enjoyed the good will and confidence of all who had the pleasure of being acquainted with him. By this sad bereavement of Co. lost one of its first members, Amite County a good citizen, Ebenezar a worthy member, and you and your dear little ones, a kind and dearly beloved husband and father. Dear Friend, though I join you in shedding a tear of grief, let us not mourn as those who are without hope, for we feel assured that our loss is his Eternal gain, that his freed spirit is now singing praises to our Blessed Savior in the Paradis above where all is joy and peace. O, hat we could truly adopt the language of Paul under this heavy affliction And we know that all things work together for good to them that love God, to them who are the called according to his purpose. Then, how consoling would be the language of our Saviour, Let not your heart be troubled. Ye believe in God believe also in me. In my Fathers house are many mansions: if it were not so, I would have told you. I go to prepare a place for you. And if I go to prepare a place for you, I will come again and receive you unto myself, that where I am there you may be also. Peace I leave with you, my peace I give unto you, not as the world giveth, give I unto you. Let not your heart be troubled, neither let it be afraid. For because I live, ye shall live also. Then, my afflicted Sister, be admonished by the poorest of the poor to look to the fountain whence cometh all our help and strength; Jesus alone can comfort you in all your trails. For the eyes of the Lord are over the righteous, his ears are open unto their prayers. We have the promise of the comforter, and Paul says, Likewise, the spirit also helpeth our infirmities for we know not what we should pray for as we ought, but the Spirit itself maketh intercession for us with groaning which cannot be uttered. And to give us full assurance, our Blessed savior informs us that He maketh intercession for the Saints, that according to the will of God. And so, there remaineth therefore a rest to the people of God, and we have so many sweet and precious promises. Let us therefore come boldly into the throne of grace, that we may obtain mercy and find grace to help in each time of need. I know that the ties of nature are such that you cannot refrain from weeping and though your dear husband cannot return to you, yet you have hope that you may go where he is, and join him in singing a song of deliverance. And may God on tender mercy remember you and your dear Little Ones. May He lead, rule, guide, and direct you safely through this life, giving you that sweet consolation which He alone can give. And finally, through the merits of his dear Son, crown you His (with your dear husband) in his kingdom above where God will wipe away all tears from your eyes; and there shall be no more death, neither shall there be any more pain, but where all is Joy and Peace is the desire of one who wished you well. You have no doubt seen a list of the killed, wounded and missing at the Battle of Franklin, Tenn. on the 30th November 1864. And many more mush have fallen at the Battle of Nashville on the 15th of December from which I have no news from my company.
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When I left Camp I left six messmates whom I loved, four of them, J.P. and C.C. Lea, L.L Anderson, and M. A. Dunn have poured out their lifes blood in defense of their country. R.S. Capell is severely wounded and my dear son, W.H.W. reported captured. Truly, we have cause to mourn but I desire not to mourner. Not wishing to weary you with my imperfection, I close; when at the throne of grace, remember me and mine and believe me to be your friend in deep affliction. John C. Wilkinson [Thanks to Michael N. Pittman MD, descendant of John Cain Wilkinson, for a copy of the letter.]
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W.B. Wall ___________________________________ The 33rd Mississippi lost its flag in the Battle of Franklin.
Collection of the Old Capitol Museum of Mississippi History, Jackson, MS. The 33rd Miss., Company B, were known as the Amite County Guards. The following 33rd men were killed at Franklin. It is likely that Surgeon Wall attended their wounds and/or their deaths: 1st Lt. John Powell, (Acting Major when killed Franklin, Co.B.), Alex Stewart (Co.,B.). For a complete list of the 33rds casualties see this site. Dr. George C. Phillips, Surgeon for the 22nd Mississippi, watching the Battle with Surgeon W.B. Hall on top of a hill wrote, This was the first and only time I ever heard our bands playing upon a battlefield and at the beginning of a chargeWhen within three hundred yards of their breastworks a cannon boomed from their fort (Granger) across the little river north of the town. This seemed to be the signal waited for. A sheet of flame and smoke burst from the entire crescent of the enemys breastworks, answered by the Rebel yell and musketry fire from our men. In a moment the whole valley was so filled with smoke that nothing could be seen but the flashes of cannon and musketry.
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remainder lay down flat on their faces in the ditch to save themselves, and were either killed or captured; but few of those who fled succeeded in reaching their main line. Our lines of infantry swept over their works, annihilating nearly everything before us. This partial victory was quickly won. It appeared as if our troops had received an electric shock, which aroused their enthusiasm to its highest pitch, and the air resounded with loud shouts from our whole army, which almost made the earth over which we were going quake and tremble. After taking this line of works, we made a momentary halt in order to reform our front line, but this was only for an instant; we now pressed closely at the heels of their retiring line, to storm the second. Their batteries immediately opened upon us with a perfect hailstorm of grape and canister, and when within a short distance of their main line, we encountered the abatis, or bois darc hedge, and also the line of cheval-de-frise; here the battery of thirty-six guns a little to our right, and that of twelve guns on our left, all double charged with grape and canister, pointing down our lines from both directions, thus enfilading them both ways from end to end, sent a tremendous deluge of shot and shell through our ranks, and these seconded by a murderous sheet of fire and lead from the infantry behind the works, and also another battery of six guns directly in our front, made the scene of carnage and destruction fearful to behold. This hurricane of combustibles now burst forth in its height of fury, leaving ruin and desolation in its pathway, and nothing could be heard above the din of musketry and the roar of cannon, which was incessant. They fired on friend and foe, for we so closely pressed the retreating line in our front that had they waited for their own men to enter the works we would have gone over with them, and carried all before us. Whenever the dense smoke, in some degree, was cleared away by the flash and blaze from the guns, great masses of our infantry could be seen struggling to get over those ingeniously wrought obstructions, who were being slain by hundreds and piled in almost countless numbers. In the confusion which here ensued, numbers of our forces were thrown farther to the left and near the pike, forming a confused body of soldiers who were totally oblivious to all sense of order, thus giving the battery of thirty-six cannon on our right, the one of six pieces in our front, and that of twelve to our left, full play upon them. The firing of these guns was so rapid that it was impossible to discover any interval between their discharges. The slaughtering of human life could be seen down the line as far as the Columbia and Franklin pike, and where the works crossed the pike the destruction was indescribable. Along that portion of the works in front of the batteries on the right, our troops were killed by whole platoons; our front line of battle seemed to have been cut down by the first discharge, for in many places they were lying on their faces in almost as good order as if they had lain down on purpose; but no such order prevailed amongst the dead who fell in making the attempt to surmount the cheval-de-frise, for hanging on the long spikes of this obstruction could be seen the mangled and torn remains of many of our soldiers who had been pierced by hundreds of minie balls and grape shot, showing that they, beyond a possible doubt, had been killed simultaneously with the panic and consternation which happened upon their reaching this obstruction. The remnant of our lines succeeded in reaching the ditch on the outside of the works, and now became engaged in a hand to hand conflict across the top of the head-logs at the point of the bayonet. The smoke of battle belched forth from the hideous open mouth of this typical volcanic eruption cast a deep shade of gloom over that bright and lovely November eve, darkening the ether from earth to heaven, until a gentle breeze would lift and fan it away. The force and wind of the grape and canister, when fired from the fifty-four pieces of cannon on the Federal works, aided by that of the minie balls from their infantry behind the works, would lift us clear off the ground at every discharge. As the great clouds of smoke had to some extent vanished and I could look around me, I saw to my surprise I was left alone in the ditch, within a few feet and to the left of the battery of six guns on the Federal works, which was still pouring forth its messengers of death, and not a living man could be seen standing on my right; neither could one be seen for some distance on my left. They had all been swept away by that mighty tempest of grape and canister and rolling waves of fire and lead. A Federal, who was running in my front just before we entered the ditch, and a little beyond the reach of my bayonet, was shot dead from the works in front, and fell forward into
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the ditch; in his belt were two large army pistols, which were loaded and capped. I quickly removed them from his belt, and with one in each hand emptied them under the head-logs at the mass of men across the works in my front. The more our numbers became reduced the fiercer the conflict for life, simply too dreadful for pen to describe, and few who entered that portion of the ditch escaped death. When the pistols were emptied, having nothing with which to reload them, I reloaded my gun, and turned towards the embrasure of the cannon, which was a few feet on my right, and tried my best to shoot the artillerymen who were so skillfully and effectively manning that destructive battery, and whose gun swabs would whirl in the air after every discharge, but each time I obtained a glimpse of any of them, and before I could shoot, a cannon would run out and fire, forcing me to take refuge away from it. After getting my face blistered and eyebrows burned off, I abandoned that dangerous place by getting back away from the blaze of these guns. Streams of blood ran here and there over the entire battle ground, in little branches, and one could have walked upon dead and wounded men from one end of the column to the other; the ditch was full of dead men and we had to stand and sit upon them,the bottom of it, from side to side, was covered with blood to the depth of the shoe soles. At the ditch we had to encounter an enfilading fire of musketry from both directions, as well as that in our front across the works under the head-logs. The enemy directly in our front attempted to shoot us by turning their backs to the breast works, taking their guns by the breach and raising them above their heads over the head-logs, so as to point the muzzles downward, firing them at us this way, and having nothing exposed except their arms and hands. We had to watch this and knock their guns aside with our bayonets, which was done several times; many of their men had both hands shot off while making these attempts to kill us. While this fearful battle was raging, a Federal officer on his horse, at the head of a line of infantry, came dashing up to the works in our front, and one of our soldiers in the ditch about ten feet on my left, raised his gun and fired, shooting him off his horse. Among the first whom I saw in the ditch, upon their feet and unhurt, were General Geo. W. Gordon, Lieutenant Colonel Atkins, commander of our regiment, and Captain Williams, of an Alabama regiment; they were only a few feet on my left. These men appeared to be undaunted, and a look of stoic determination had settled upon their weather-beaten faces. South of the Columbia and Franklin pike our troops were in some degree successful in capturing part of the line of works; the Federals who survived this onslaught took refuge behind the works on the north side of the pike, in our front. Our numbers were too weak on that portion of the line to charge the position in our front with any hope of success; however, they succeeded in reaching the brick houses I have described. At the residence and in the yard of Mr. Carter his son was killed dead. He had not been at home for two or three years, and as he passed through the yard and stopped at the door his sister ran and caught him by the hand and attempted to throw her arms around his neck, when a Federal soldier, who had taken refuge in the house, ran up and shot him through the body, killing him dead in the arms of his sister. General Quarles and Adjutant General Cowley, of our brigade, fell near the main line of the Federal works, the former wounded and the latter killed. General Pat Cleburne and his horse were killed while attempting to cross the works, the horse falling on top of the breast works and General Cleburne on the outside of the ditch; both rider and horse seemed to have received a missile of death at one and the same instant. The color-bearer and color-guard of our regiment were all killed near the edge of the ditch; the last man of the color-guard was shot while waving the regimental colors at the breastworks, and fell forward, the flag reaching over within the Federal works, the staff resting across the head-logs. Some brave soldier of our little remnant quickly seized the staff, recovered the flag and carried it off the field. I regret never having learned his name. This deadly strife was destined to be of short duration; as our attacking columns were destroyed and repulsed, the firing became less frequent, except from our batteries in the rear, which were kept active by the fearless and solitary few who survived this bloody encounter.
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The carnage and destruction was so dreadful that the sun, as if loath to longer gaze on this terrific scene, slowly sunk behind the western horizon and hid from view his smiling face; but the stars, more pitying, came forth to keep vigil oer the silent and sleeping dead. As the firing from the enemy in our front began somewhat to abate, sixteen of our soldiers, who were in the ditch some twenty or thirty feet on my left, sprang up and ran out of the ditch, attempting to escape; a whole volley of musketry was fired at them, killing the last one to a man. When they started I raised in a stooping posture, thinking I would run also; but they being killed so quickly caused me to abandon the idea of escape. The few of us who were alive at the ditch were in considerable danger from our own batteries and stray minie balls. We tried to lie down in the ditch; it afforded scant protection, being almost full of dead men. We now fully realized our critical situation, and saw that we had but one choice, if any, left, and that to surrender. Lieutenant Colonel Atkins was requested to surrender the little crowd, but declined, stating that he would rather die in the ditch than to surrender us. Some few of our soldiers, a little further on our left, raised their caps on ramrods, but they were fired upon and riddled with bullets, the Federals refusing to recognize this. Captain Williams then requested some one to hand him a white handkerchief, but not one could be found. One of our soldiers who was fortunate enough to have on a white shirt, tore off a large piece and handed it to him. The captain tied this on the end of a ramrod, and hoisted it over our heads so it could be seen by the Federals. A Federal officer ordered the troops in our front to cease firing, which they did. He came up to the works, looked over and said: Throw down your arms, boys, and come over. I threw my gun and the two pistols as far back toward our lines as I could send them, and as I passed over the works glanced around at my fallen comrades who lay on the ground wrapped in the winding sheet of death, and drew a sigh of regret as I gave them a last sad look, knowing they never again would be aroused by the sound of the reveille from their deep untroubled sleep, but would remain in deaths cold embrace until the last great trump shall sound and call forth the dead from the armies of both friend and foe. pp. 47-61
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Hope brothers both fought and died together at Franklin, for 46th TN, Company D
The 46th TN fought with Quarles brigade, Walthalls division, AOT at Franklin. The 46th TN fought alongside the 1st Alabama; 42d, 48th, 49th, 53d, 55th Tennessee at Franklin. According to Eric A. Jacobson, For Cause and Country (2006); p. 315-16; William and Pleasant Hope were brothers. Jacobson also includes a touching letter from Pleasant wrote to his infant daughter, whom he never saw. April 25, 1864 It is with pleasure and delight that I write you a few lines, which will be the first letter you ever received, and one too which I hope you will preserve until you can read it. By the misfortunes of war, I have been separated from your Momma, but by the blessings of God, I hope to soon return to you, never more to leave you, until death shall separate us. My dear and only child, be a good girl, ever love and obey your affectionate Momma, and dont forget your first letter writer, who has not nor never will forget you, who daily prays to God, in his infinite mercy, to spare, bless and protect you amid the troubles of this world, and should you live to be old, may God bless you and prepare your soul in this life to go to that happy world after death. Your father, P.M. Hope Source: The Carter House Archives
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Prominent Franklin resident Royce prosecutes claim for loss of home during the Civil War
Franklin (TN) August 28, 1865 David Campbell Esquire Dear Sir, I neglected to speak to you yesterday in regard to prosecuting a claim for damages for my wifes property which was destroyed by the Federal army under General Granger. I will therefore make a brief statement of the facts in the case and would like to be advised what steps are necessary to be taken in the matter. The house where we formerly lived was deeded by me and W. S. McLemore (the former trustee for my wife) to myself as trustee for my wife and children some two years before the war The deed was drawn by John Marshall and I had a perfect night to make the deed as I had sufficient property outside of that to meet all my debts and have a surplus. At the time my wife was ordered out of the lines she informed the authorities that the house was her property and she delivered the key to General Grangers Adjutant notifying him that she should hold him responsible for its safe keeping. She had never been required to take the oath of allegiance and of course had never refused [end page one] to take it. She had never been charged with doing any act prejudicial to the U.S. Army and as a matter of fact had done no such act. She had not been off her lot for three months previous to her being sent away, except twice, and no one was with her in the house except my two little girls, one eight and the other six years old. You are aware how the house was destroyed after she left, being hauled away by government wagons to the fort for the purpose of making barracks for soldiers. I estimate the damage to the property at five thousand dollars ($5,000) as I am satisfied it could not be restored for anything less than that amount. If there us any reasonable prospect of obtaining damages I wish to have steps taken immediately to prosecute the claim, and would like to be furnished with papers in proper form if it is necessary for me to certify to any such. All the facts stated here can be proven by witnesses now in Franklin. I am yours very truly, M.S. Royce
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advance, commenced to come in contact with the enemy about two miles from Spring Hill, through which place the Columbia and Franklin pike runs. The enemy was at this time moving rapidly along the pike, with some of his troops formed on the flank of his column to protect it. Major-General Cheatham was ordered to attack the enemy at once vigorously and get possession of this pike, and, although these orders were frequently and earnestly repeated, he made but a feeble and partial attack, failing to reach the point indicated. Had my instructions been carried out there is no doubt that we should have possessed ourselves of this road. Stewarts corps and Johnsons division were arriving upon the field to support the attack. Though the golden opportunity had passed with daylight, I did not at dark abandon the hope of dealing the enemy a heavy blow. Accordingly, Lieutenant-General Stewart was furnished a guide and ordered to move his corps beyond Cheathams and place it across the road beyond Spring Hill. Shortly after this General Cheatham came to my headquarters, and when I informed him of Stewarts movement, he said that Stewart ought to form on his right. I asked if that would throw Stewart across the pike. He replied that it would, and a mile beyond. Accordingly, one of Cheathams staff officers was sent to show Stewart where his (Cheathams)right rested. In the dark and confusion he did not succeed in getting the position desired, but about 11 p.m. went into bivouac. About 12 p.m., ascertaining that the enemy was moving in great confusion, artillery, wagons, and troops intermixed, I sent instructions to General Cheatham to advance a heavy line of skirmishers against him and still further impede and confuse his march. This was not accomplished. The enemy continued to move along the road in hurry and confusion, within hearing nearly all the night. Thus was lost a great opportunity of striking the enemy for which we had labored so longthe greatest this campaign had offered, and one of the greatest during the war. Lieutenant-General Lee, left in front of the enemy at Columbia, was instructed to press the enemy the moment he abandoned his position at that point. The enemy did not abandon his works at that place till dark, showing that his trains obstructed the road for fifteen miles during the day and a great part of the night. At daylight we followed as fast as possible toward Franklin, Lieutenant-General Stewart in the advance, Major-General Cheatham following, and General Lee, with the trains, moving from Columbia on the same road. We pursued the enemy rapidly and compelled him to burn a number of his wagons. He made a feint as if to give battle on the hills about four miles south of Franklin, but as soon as our forces began to deploy for the attack and to flank him on his left he retired slowly to Franklin. I learned from dispatches captured at Spring Hill, from Thomas to Schofield, that the latter was instructed to hold that place till the position at Franklin could be made secure, indicating the intention of Thomas to hold Franklin and his strong works at Murfreesborough. Thus I knew that it was all important to attack Schofield before he could make himself strong, and if he should escape at Franklin he would gain his works about Nashville. The nature of the position was such as to render it inexpedient to attempt any further flank movement, and I therefore determined to attack him in front, and without delay. On the 30th of November Stewarts corps was placed in position on the right, Cheathams on the left, and the cavalry on either flank, the main body of the cavalry on the right, under Forrest. Johnsons division, of Lees corps, also became engaged on the left during the engagement. The line advanced at 4 p.m., with orders to drive the enemy into or across the Big Harpeth River, while General Forrest, if successful, was to cross the river and attack and destroy his trains and broken columns. The troops moved forward most gallantly to the attack. We carried the enemys first line of hastily constructed works handsomely. We then advanced against his interior line, and succeeded in carrying it also in some places. Here the engagement was of the fiercest possible character. Our men possessed themselves of the exterior of the works, while the enemy held the interior. Many of our men were killed entirely inside the works. The brave men captured were taken inside his works in the edge of the town. The struggle lasted till near midnight, when the enemy abandoned his works and crossed the river, leaving his dead and wounded in our possession. Never did troops fight more gallantly. The works of the enemy were so hastily constructed that while he had a slight
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abatis in front of a part of his line there was none on his extreme right. During the day I was restrained from using my artillery on account of the women and children remaining in the town. At night it was massed ready to continue the action in the morning, but the enemy retired. We captured about 1,000 prisoners and several stand of colors. Our loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners was 4,500. Among the killed was Maj. Gen. P. R. Cleburne, Brigadier-Generals Gist, John Adams, Strahl, and Granbury. Major-General Brown, Brigadier-Generals Carter, Manigault, Quarles, Cockrell, and Scott were wounded, and Brigadier-General Gordon captured. The number of dead left by the enemy on the field indicated that his loss was equal or near our own. The next morning at daylight, the wounded being cared for and the dead buried, we moved forward toward Nashville, Forrest with his cavalry pursuing the enemy vigorously. Respectfully, your obedient servant, J. B. HOOD, General.
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General Hood commanded the expedition, with three army corps of infantry commanded by Generals Stewart, S.D. Lee and Cheatham, with Forrest in command of the cavalry. The entire force numbered about thirty thousand. It was as gallant an army as ever any Captain commanded. The long march from Atlanta had caused the timid and sick to be left behind, and every man remaining was a veteran. Then the long and sad experience of retreating was now reversed, and we were going to redeem Tennessee and Kentucky, and the morale of the army was excellent. We hoped to cut off a large body of Federals at Pulaski, but by a forced march they got into Columbia just in time to prevent capture. On the 27th of November we formed around Columbia, the two wings of the army resting on Duck river, Cheatham being to the right. General Schofield retired to the north side of Duck river, and an artillery fire was kept up daring the 28th. General Hood supposed Schofield would remain a day or two on the opposite side of the river, which could not easily be crossed under the fire of Schofields guns. So he concluded to leave General Lee, with two divisions at Columbia, who was ordered to make demonstrations as if to cross the river, while he would cross the river a few miles above, and intercept the rear of Schofield at Spring Hill, twelve miles in rear, on the Franklin pike. Our command moved up and crossed the river (fording it) on the evening of the 28th, about eight miles from Columbia, and early next morning made a detour through a rough country, skirmishing most of the time until, shortly after noon, we reached the beautiful country near Spring Hill. I remember distinctly the beautiful day, and as we got in sight of the little village of Spring Hill the old rugged veterans of Cheathams corps came marching up on our left with their battle flags waving in the mellow sunlight, and we felt., that a long sought opportunity had at last arrived. Lees guns at Columbia kept up lively music, admonishing us that he was meeting his part of the contract. We were satisfied that a few minutes at most an hour would be ample time in which to place our command across the pike, and then the surrender of Schofield would follow as night follows day. The command under Hood had crossed the river that morning about four miles above Columbia, Cheatham in front, followed by Stewart and Johnsons division of Lees corps. We had but little artillery, as the roads were too rough for moving it. It was about 3 or 4 oclock when everything was ready to advance. Every soldier realized that we would have a fight, but the result was not a question. The Federals only had one division at Spring Hill, numbering about four thousand men, while we had two corps and a division of infantry and the greater part of Forrests cavalry. Our force was fully sixteen thousand men, and I think nearer twenty thousand, and it was a fair open field fight. It was said at the time, and I have always believed it to be true, that General Forrest asked permission to place his command across the pike, but was refused. Cheathams corps was put forward and deployed as if they were going to do all the work and have all the glory. I remember how anxiously we sat on our horses on a hillside overlooking the fertile fields around Spring Hill, and expected, in vain, to at least see the battle. But alas! night came on and we went into camp, at first cautioned not to make fires, but in a little time were asleep before good fires, having plenty of forage for our horses from the adjoining fields. General Schofield was permitted to march by that night without firing a gun, and the great and only opportunity of the campaign was lost. Who was to blame for the blunder? No one accuses either General Stewart or Forrest of being in any way responsible. It was either the fault of General Hood or of General Cheatham, in my opinion both were to blame, but the principal fault is at the door of General Cheatham. In giving this opinion, I know some gentlemen present whose opinions are entitled to more weight than mine, will differ with me, and I invite the fullest criticism, hoping thereby to get at the real truth of history. I know it was stated on the field on that ill fated day that General Cheatham was ordered by General
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Hood to take Spring Hill and cut off Schofield, every necessary support being promised him, and that he did not do it. His command was in advance, and naturally he would bring on the engagement. It was not denied at the time by Cheathams friends that he received such orders. It subsequently appeared in the newspapers of the South, and he was charged with being responsible for the fatal mistake, and I have never seen or heard of a denial from him. Finally, General Hood, in his book, Advance and Retreat, charges the calamity on Cheatham, and brings forward strong corroborating testimony to support it, and so far as I know, General Cheatham has never denied it, or in any way questioned the correctness of General Hoods statements. But I do not think Cheatham alone to blame. The General commanding the armies was on the ground and in sight of the pike, and could clearly see the Federals retreating in confusion, and the position was such that he could not but know what Cheatham was doing. There was plenty of time, and he could have seen the order executed before dark. Again, General Hood intimates that the soldiers were unwilling to fight except behind breastworks. Those who witnessed the battle of Franklin on the next day will not allow such an imputation to be made. Even after dark there would have been no material trouble in crossing the pike. General Hood says it got dark about 4 oclock, which is not correct; and then he says there were so many shade trees that darkness was hastened and increased from that cause. It was a clear day and a starlight night, and while there were quite a number of trees just around Spring Hill, the battle would have been largely in a corn field and an open piece of woodland. Schofields command did not reach Spring Hill until 11 oclock at night, and it would have been an easy matter to rout them even at that hour. A soldier has a mortal dread of the enemy in the rear. But we slept, and the Federals marched by without molestation. As I said before, there was not a soldier who did not realize that a golden opportunity was at hand, and every one felt mortified at the inglorious result. We lost confidence in General Hood, not that we doubted his courage, but we clearly saw that his capacities better suited him to command a division. This whole thing was a wretched affair, let the fault be wherever it may. It reminded me more of the death of General Albert Sidney Johnston on the battlefield at Shiloh than any other event of the war. No one doubts but that his death prevented the destruction of Grants army, and a victory such as his life guaranteed on that eventful April day would have produced results such as imagination can hardly picture. So, if we had captured Schofield, as could easily have been done at a trifling loss, we would have taken Nashville without a battle and pushed on into Kentucky, and, while I do not claim that it would have changed the result, yet it would certainly have prolonged the war and thrown an uncertain factor into the great problem. It seemed then, as it looks now as we glance back over the scene, that a hand stronger than armies had decreed our overthrow. On the following morning, at the dawn of day, we were in our saddles, and pushed on after Schofields command, which was rapidly hastening to Franklin. Our division crossed over to the extreme left and approached Franklin over the Carters creek pike, and about 3 oclock P.M. we were on the high range of hills just south of Franklin and overlooking the town. The Federal army was in line of battle in front of the town, and we had a fine view of the situation. The soldiers were in fine fighting trim, as they felt chagrined and mortified at the occurrence of the preceding day, and each man felt a pride in wiping out the stain caused by a superiors fault. I will not undertake to picture or in any way describe the battle that was fought in the old field near a gin house in front of Franklin, that memorable afternoon and evening. No man who took part in it or witnessed it can help being proud of American soldiery. The battle lasted until long after dark, and the two armies at some points came to hand to hand contest. Our artillery was not much used, but the enemy used one battery, situated in a locust grove, with great effect. I do not believe there was any battle of the war to compare to it in severity, considering the number engaged and the time it lasted. The principal destruction was about sundown and a little later.
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Soon after night the Federals commenced retreating, and about one oclock in the morning I went with the advance into town. As soon as it was discovered that the enemy were gone, I made a torch and went over the battlefield. To those unaccustomed to such things, no description can give an idea of the sight. The dead were literally piled up, and to my sorrow I saw that our loss was much the greatest. We had pressed them into their last line, and there the dead lay mangled together. Entire companies were literally gone. And just a little back the gallant old soldier, General Pat Cleburne, lay dead. He was the idol of his command, and a better soldier never died for any cause. Brigadier General Adams was killed, he and his horse falling together, just on the earthworks of the enemy. Our loss was about 5,000 men including five Generals killed and six wounded. I could not but feel that the lives of these men were a useless sacrifice. It seemed to me to be a rashness occasioned by the blunder of the day before. It was an attempt to make good by reckless daring the blunder which incapacity had occasioned the preceding day. Schofield had as many or more men in Franklin than we had. He was gathering strength from all quarters as he fell back, while we were losing. The next morning we should have buried our dead, and those of the enemy, and retired from the State. While we held the battlefield, and the dead of our adversaries, we were disheartened and demoralized. We had witnessed on one day a brilliant flank movement terminate by lying down by the roadside in order to let the enemy pass by, and on the next day saw the army led out in a slaughter pen to be shot down like animals. Soldiers are quick to perceive blunders, and when confidence is destroyed in a superior officer he should be removed. There is nothing so wholesome with a good soldier as perfect confidence in the courage and judgment of superior officers. While the majority of the army believed General Cheatham mainly responsible for the misfortune at Spring Hill, yet General Hood did not escape censure. And when at Franklin the attempt was made to do by storm against an entrenched and reinforced foe, what strategy failed to do the day before, the morale of the army was almost destroyed. But instead of retreating at once and saving the remnant of a magnificent army, we moved up and formed around Nashville. Our little army, now about 23,000 strong, was stretched for miles around the city. We were on the extreme left, near the Cumberland river, and were not strong enough to make a good picket line. The rout and retreat were inevitable. Thomas accumulated an army of 82,000. The only wonder is that he did not capture us all. General Walthall, one of the bravest and best of all our gallant army, with a picked command, and aided by Forrest, covered the retreat and enabled us to get out with 18,000 men. We recrossed the Tennessee river on the 26th and 27th days of December. The campaign would have been brilliant and successful but for the fatal action or inaction at Spring Hill. I am well aware that we can look back after events have occurred and detect errors which it seems reasonable prudence would have avoided; but I have never seen more clearly the opportunity and the error than on the 29th day of November, 1864. What stirring events were then happening! Sherman started on his march to the sea about the same day Hood started to the North. In quick succession reverse after reverse came to our arms until, suddenly, the whole structure crumbled and fell to the ground. Death has drawn his cold mantle over the brave Hood, but he left his version of the unfortunate period about which I have written, and my own conviction is that in the main his story is true. General Cheatham is still living, and surely if General Hood is wrong the truth of history demands that he speak. If what has been written should provoke those familiar with the facts to tell their version I shall be more than paid.
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Everything being made ready, I directed General Pettus to advance, and his command dashed forward at the word, driving the enemy before them by a charge which elicited the warmest admiration of all who witnessed it. Their loss was slight; that of the enemy so considerable that to explain the affair, the commander of the enemy saw fit to attribute to an entire division an attack made by three (3) of its regiments. Having driven the enemy within their main line, General Pettus halted, selected a position to prevent the enemy from interrupting the laying of the pontoons, and was subsequently reinforced by the rest of his brigade and by Holtzclaws brigade of Claytons division. The pontoon bridge was then laid with all practicable expedition. During the night General Pettus reported that the enemy was retiring, and he following with his skirmishers. This was as anticipated, and orders had already been given by General Lee to have everything in readiness to move, coupled with the statement that General Hood had advised him that he was between the enemy and Nashville, near Spring Hill. At daybreak I put my division in motion, in rear of Claytons. Upon arriving at Spring Hill, we were informed that from some cause, which has not been explained, the enemy had been suffered to pass unattacked along the road commanded by the troops which the Commanding General took with him. We were then ordered to push on to Franklin. My division was halted about dusk in three miles of that place, and took no part in the battle. During the night the division was put in position, preparatory to an assault, which it was announced was to be made by the entire army at daybreak. The enemy, however, evacuated the town before the hour for the assault. We then advanced to within a few miles of Nashville, and threw up a line of works my position being on the right and left of the Franklin pike. Several new lines were built, but my position with regard to the pike remained unchanged. Until the opening of the battles around Nashville, nothing of interest transpired in my command, except the part taken by my skirmishers, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel J.B. Bibb, Twenty third Alabama, in a demonstration made by Lees corps. The enemys skirmishers were driven by a greatly inferior force from all of their entrenched positions. My skirmishers were handsomely handled, and did their work with a dash and gallantry which deserve praise. Just before this demonstration, Palmers brigade (consolidated from Browns and Reynolds old brigades), was detached and ordered to report to Major General N.B. Forrest in front of Murfreesboro. It remained so detached from the division until it reached Bear creak, on this side of Bartons station. On the 15th of December the battle in front of Nashville opened. Except some unimportant skirmishing, my division took no part in that days fight; although its position was frequently shifted, and the line greatly attenuated, to fill vacancies in the works caused by the withdrawal of the troops. On the next day the enemy advanced early in heavy force in front of the new line, which we had constructed late the previous night, my division extending its entire length, part of it in two and part in one thin rank, from a short distance to the left of the Franklin pike. The skirmishers of the right of Lees corps, Claytons and mine maintained their positions so well, though in small force, that in their subsequent accounts, the enemy have seen fit to magnify the affair with them into a desperate assault by two corps upon our first line, which was finally successful, but attended with heavy loss. Soon afterward their forces advanced to the assault, principally upon a part of General Claytons line and upon Pettus brigade of my division exposing, in their assault upon Pettus, their flank to a fire from Cummings brigade. Their success the previous day had emboldened them, and they rushed forward with great spirit, only to be driven back with dreadful slaughter. Finding at last that they could make no impression upon our lines, they relinquished their attempts, and contented themselves with keeping up an incessant fire of small arms at long range, and an artillery fire which I have never seen surpassed for heaviness, continuance and accuracy. This state of things continued until evening doing, however, but little damage, my men keeping closely in the trenches, and perfectly cool and confident. Towards evening General Lee sent me information that things were going badly on the left, and that it might be necessary to retire under cover of the approaching night. I at once
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hurried off orders for the artillery horses which had been removed some distance to the rear to protect them from the fire of the enemys artillery, under which they could not have lived half an hour to be brought up. (It is proper to observe that about the middle of the day mist and rain arose, which entirely prevented my seeing anything that was going on beyond my own line.) The messengers had hardly gone for the horses before the break which, commencing some distance beyond the left of Lees corps, extended to my line. Seeing it, the men on my left commenced leaving the works; but, at the call of their officers, returned at once, and held the line until the enemy were in fifty steps of them on their flank and pouring a fire into them from the flank and rear. When the true situation of affairs became apparent, and it was evident that the whole army, with the exception of my division and Claytons, had been broken and scattered, the order for their withdrawal was given an effort being made to deploy skirmishers from my left brigade, at right angles to the works, to cover in some measure the movement. Amidst the indescribable confusion of other troops, and with the enemy pouring in their fire upon their flank and from the front (having rushed towards the break and then forward, when they perceived that the troops on my left had broken), it was impossible to withdraw the command in order, and it became considerably broken and confused. Many of them were unable to get out of the trenches in time and were captured. All this happened in as short a time as it has taken to describe it. The artillery horses of Rowans battery on the left of my line could not be brought up in time, and one of the guns of Cuputs battery was lost by being driven at full speed against a tree and the carriage broken. The different brigade and regimental commanders had sent off their horses, there being no protection for them near the breastworks, and being thus unable to move about more rapidly than the men, were prevented from reforming their commands as quickly as could have been desired and extricating them from the throng of panic stricken stragglers from other commands who crowded the road. This was done at last, and the line of march taken up for Franklin. On the way I received orders from General Lee to leave Pettus brigade at Hollow Tree Gap, to assist in bringing up the rear, and to proceed with Cummings brigade and bivouac near the battle field at Franklin, leaving guards upon the road to stop the stragglers of the army. The next morning, by General Lees order, I returned with Cummings brigade to Franklin, and was there joined by General Pettus with his brigade, which had that morning before reaching Franklin captured a stand of colors. Soon after crossing the Harpeth, Lieutenant General Lee was wounded. When about three miles from Franklin, General Lee moved off with the rest of the corps, and directed me to take command of the cavalry, commanded by Brigadier General Chalmers, which, with my division, was to constitute the rear guard. The enemy did not press us heavily until we arrived near Johnsons house, five or six miles north of Spring Hill. Here I formed my line, having about seven hundred (700) infantry, with the cavalry on my flanks. The enemy advanced rapidly upon me, attacking <shv3_166>me in front. I found it impossible to control the cavalry, and, with the exception of a small force on the left, for a short time, to get them into action. I may as well state that at this point, as soon as the enemy engaged us heavily, the cavalry retired in disorder, leaving my small command to their fate. The enemy, perceiving the shortness of my line, at once threw a force around my left flank, and opened fire upon it and its rear. This was a critical moment, and I felt great anxiety as to its effect upon my men, who, few in numbers, had just had the shameful example of the cavalry added to the terrible trial of the day before. I at once ordered Colonel Watkins to prepare to retire fighting by the flank, and General Pettus to move in line of battle to the rear, with a regiment thrown at right angles to his flank, thus forming three (3) sides of a square. Watkins drove the enemy in his front in confusion, moved at the order which was given on the instant of success by the flank, and charged those on his flank and drove them also. I halted again in about half a mile, formed a line upon each side of the pike, Pettus on the right, Watkins on the left, each with a regiment formed on his flank perpendicularly to his line to the rear, and having made these dispositions moved again to the rear. The enemy soon enveloped us in front, flanks and rear, but my gallant men, under all their charges, never
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faltered, never suffered their formation to be broken for an instant, and thus we moved driving our way through them, fighting constantly until within a short distance of Spring Hill, where we found that Major General Clayton, hearing of our situation, had turned and moved back to our assistance. Here I halted for a time, and Holtzclaws brigade of Claytons division was formed upon Watkins left flank in the manner which I have described. While here the enemy made several attacks, and opened upon us with artillery, but were readily repulsed. This was some time after dark. We finally moved off, and after marching about a mile further, finding that the enemy had evidently become disheartened and abandoned his attacks, I placed the whole command again upon the pike and marched in the ordinary manner until I reached the bivouac of the remainder of the corps. I desire here to record my acknowledgments to the officers and men of Holtzclaws brigade, commanded on the occasion by Colonel Jones, for the timely aid which they so gallantly afforded. Lieutenant General Lee was pleased to acknowledge, in grateful and complimentary terms, the services of my division upon this occasion, and I make no vain boast when I, too, thank them for their conduct, and declare that never did a command in so perilous a position extricate itself by the force of more admirable coolness, determination and unflinching gallantry. On that night I was directed by Lieutenant General Lee to assume command of his corps during his disability. I am greatly indebted to my staff: Major John J. Reeve, Assistant Adjutant General; Surgeon H.M. Crupton, Medical Director; Major J.E. McEleath, Assistant Quartermaster; Major J.H.F. Mayo, C.S.; Major H.M. Mathews, Ordnance Officer; Captain G.D. Wise, Assistant Inspector General; Captain Charles Vidor, Assistant Quartermaster; Lieutenant H.T. Botts, Aid de Camp; Lieutenant G.A. Hayard, Aid de Camp; also Captain W.H. Sikes, Forty fifth Tennessee regiment, and Lieutenant W.E. McElwee, Twenty sixth Tennessee regiment, temporarily on duty at my headquarters, for their most efficient and valuable services, and for their untiring efforts to assist me during this arduous and trying campaign. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, C. H. Stevenson, Major General. Major J. W. Ratchford, Assistant Adjutant General, Lees Corps
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Florence. The enemy occupied Florence with about 1,000 cavalry, and had a strong picket at the railroad bridge. The crossing at this point was handsomely executed and with much spirit by Gibson, under the direction of General Clayton, under cover of several batteries of artillery. The distance across the river was about one thousand yards. The troops landed, and, after forming, charged the enemy and drove him from Florence. The crossing was spirited, and reflected much credit on all engaged in it. Major General Edward Johnson experienced considerable difficulty in crossing his two brigades, because of the extreme difficulty of managing the boats in the shoals. He moved from the north bank of the river late in the evening with one brigade, Sharps Mississippi, and encountered the enemy on the Florence and Huntsville road about dark. A spirited affair took place, in which the enemy were defeated with a loss of about forty killed, wounded and prisoners. The enemy retreated during the night to Shoal creek, about nine miles distant. The remainder of Johnsons and Claytons divisions were crossed on the night of the 30th and on the morning of the 31st. Stevensons division was crossed on November 2d. My corps remained in Florence till November 20th, when the army commenced moving for Tennessee, my command leading the advance and marching in the direction of Columbia via Henryville and Mount Pleasant. I arrived in front of Columbia on the 26th, relieving Forests cavalry then in position there, which had followed the enemy from Pulaski. The force of the enemy occupying Columbia was two corps. They confined themselves to the main works around the city, and their outposts and skirmishers were readily driven in. On the night of the 27th the enemy evacuated Columbia and crossed Duck river. Stevensons division of my corps entered the town before daylight. After crossing, the enemy took a strong position on the opposite side of the river and entrenched, his skirmishers occupying rifle pits 250 yards from the river. There was considerable skirmishing across the river during the day, and some artillery firing, resulting in nothing of importance. On the morning of the 29th Johnsons division of my corps was detached and ordered to report to the General Commanding. I was directed to occupy and engage the enemy near Columbia, while the other two corps and Johnsons division would be crossed above and moved to the rear of the enemy in the direction of Spring Hill. The entire force of the enemy was in front of Columbia till about midday on the 29th, when one corps commenced moving off the other remaining in position as long as they could be seen by us, or till dark. I had several batteries of artillery put in position, to drive the skirmishers of the enemy from the vicinity of the river bank, and made a display of pontoons running several of them down to the river, under a heavy artillery and musketry fire. Having succeeded in putting a boat in the river, Pettus brigade of Stevensons division was thrown across, under the immediate direction of Major General Stevenson, and made a most gallant charge on the rifle pits of the enemy, driving a much superior force and capturing the pits. The bridge was at once laid down and the crossing commenced. During the affair around Columbia the gallant and accomplished soldier, Colonel R. F. Beckham, commanding the artillery regiment of my corps, was mortally wounded while industriously and fearlessly directing the artillery firing against the enemy. He was one of the truest and best officers in the service. The enemy left my front about 2:30 A.M. on the morning of the 30th, and the pursuit was made as rapidly as was prudent in the night time. The advance of Claytons division arrived at Spring Hill about 9 A.M., when it was discovered that the enemy had made his escape, passing around that portion of the army in that vicinity. My corps, including Johnsons division, followed immediately after Cheathams corps towards Franklin. I arrived near Franklin about 4 P.M. The Commanding General was just about attacking the enemy with Stewarts and Cheathams corps, and he directed me to place Johnsons, and afterwards Claytons, division in position to support the attack. Johnson moved in rear of Cheathams corps. Finding that the battle was stubborn, General Hood directed me to move forward in person, to communicate with General Cheatham, and, if necessary, to put Johnsons division in the fight. I met General Cheatham about dark, and was informed by him that assistance was needed at once. Johnson was immediately moved forward to the attack, but owing to the darkness and want of information as to the locality, his attack was not felt by the enemy till about one hour after
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dark. This division moved against the enemys breastworks under a heavy fire of artillery and musketry, gallantly driving the enemy from portions of his line. The brigades of Sharp and Brantley (Mississippians), and of Deas (Alabamians), particularly, distinguished themselves. Their dead were mostly in the trenches and in the works of the enemy, where they fell in a desperate hand to hand conflict. Sharp captured three stand of colors. Brantley was exposed to a severe enfilade fire. These noble brigades never faltered in this terrible night struggle. Brigadier General Manigault, commanding a brigade of Alabamians and South Carolinians, was severely wounded in this engagement, while gallantly leading his troops to the fight; and his two successors in command, Colonel Shaw was killed and Colonel Davis wounded. I have never seen greater evidences of gallantry than was displayed by this division, under command of that admirable and gallant soldier, Major General Ed. Johnson. The enemy fought gallantly and obstinately at Franklin, and the position he held was for infantry defence one of the best I had ever seen. The enemy evacuated Franklin hastily during the night of the 30th. My corps commenced the pursuit about 1 P.M. on December 1st, and arrived near Nashville about 2 P.M. December 2d. The enemy had occupied the works around the city. My command was the centre of the army in front of Nashville; Cheathams corps being on my right and Stewarts on my left. [Editor's note: Nashville battle content removed]. I have the honor to be, yours respectfully, Stephen Dill Lee, Lieutenant General. Colonel A. P. Mason, A.A.G
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Kraig w. mcnutt
Kraig McNutt is the Director of The Center for the Study of the American Civil War (CSACW), which houses his extensive personal Civil War collection. The CSACW was founded in 1995. McNutt has been a serious student of the American Civil War since the early 1980s and has been publishing Civil War related content on the Web since 1995. He publishes two major Civil War blogs; combined they respectively receive tens of thousands of views a month. The Civil War Gazette is a blog of a more general nature, though it tends to focus on the socalled Western Theater of the Civil War. He also maintains and produces the most comprehensive and most visited blog on the Battle of Franklin (www.BattleofFranklin.net). Both of these web sites result in many inquiries each month from his blog readers who are looking for more information on Civil War ancestors, relatives, and research questions on the Civil War. McNutt is related to several Union (Kentucky) Civil War veterans. His children (and wife) are direct descendants of a Union veteran of Franklin. His wife is also related to more than 50 Civil War veterans from both sides, including five Confederate Generals. McNutt is known for his creative use of new media technology. He launched the first Civil War Internet-podcast called Grapevine Dispatches (currently not active). Two of the more technologically creative applications he has created are (1) The Civil War Gazette search engine, and (2) The Battle of Franklin interactive Google map. McNutt is active in historic preservation in his community (Williamson County, TN) and is proud to be a member of the Civil War Preservation Trust. He has lived in Franklin, Tennessee with his family since 2000. He has degrees from Indiana University, the University of Kentucky, and Grace Theological Seminary.
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interaction and contributions to the Williamson County Historical Society has been substantial. Having Kraig in a discussion group raises the bar and broadens the horizon for everyone. Rick Warwick, Historian The Heritage Foundation of Franklin & Williamson County
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