GCST WP Series 7 Youth Perspectives On Security Sector Transformation in Nepal

New Voices Series
No. 7, November 2010
Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation in Nepal

Rajendra Mulmi
Mulmi, R. (2010). Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation in Nepal, New Voices Series, no. 7, November, Global Consortium on Security Transformation (GCST). Available at: http://www.securitytransformation.org/gc_publications.php
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The Global Consortium on Security Transformation (GCST)

Secretariat: Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO), sede Chile Av. Dag Hammarskjold 3269, Vitacura, Santiago, Chile. Tel: +562 2900200 / 2900212 securitytransformation@flacso.cl
Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal
Rajendra Mulmi
Contents
1. 2. 3. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Youth and Security Sector in Nepal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 4 5 5 5 7 7 8 11 11 13 15 15 15 17 17 18 18 19 20 20 20 21 22 23
2.1. Limitations of the Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1. Dening Youth in Nepal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2. Youth and Society: Problems or Solutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3. Youth and Conict: Victims or Perpetrators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4. Youth and Security Sector in Nepal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. Perspectives of Youth in Security Sector Transformation in Nepal . . . . . . . . . 4.1.1. What are the sources of insecurity? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.2. Vicious Cycle of Insecurity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2. Youth and Security: Victims or Perpetrators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.1. How are youth aected by the issues of insecurity? . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.2. Are youth victims or perpetrators? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.3. Why do youth join armed groups? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3. Role of Various Actors in Public Security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.1. State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.2. Role of political parties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.3. Civil society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.4. Business . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4. Role of Youth in Public Security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1. Transforming Security Sector in Nepal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2. How can youth involvement in violence be minimized? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1. Youth's Understanding of Security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
MA
in Development Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton, UK.
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1. Introduction
`Security is a highly contested idea, meaning very dierent things to dierent people' (Luckham, 2009, p. 1). In the post-Cold War period, there has been a shift in understanding security as a much broader concept including human security and citizens' security. The UNDP Human Development Report 1994 pointed security as the wellbeing of communities and suggested that it must include protection from hunger, diseases, violence and repression, as well as consolidation of democracy and social justice (UNDP, 1994). Increasingly, there is a recognition that `security is not just about state but also about citizens' (Abello Colak & Pearce, 2009, p. 11). Thus, transforming the security sector requires foremost a better understanding of how it is perceived by various groups, especially the most vulnerable and insecure ones. Youth are one of the important actors in violent conict. There are wider debates in the literature as to whether youth should be seen primarily as passive victims of warfare or as active security threats (Sommers, 2006). On one hand, the Graa Machel's landmark 1996 submission to the UN General Assembly, the Report on the Impact of Armed Conict on Children, describes the ruinous eects of war on all children and young people. While on the other, the Report of the UN High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change (2004) pointed to youth as a threat to security. Kaplan (1996, p. 16) has long characterized male youth in urban West Africa as òut of school, unemployed, loose molecules in an unstable social uid that threatened to ignite'. Furthermore, there is also a growing literature on `youth bulge' which argues links between the exceptionally large youth cohorts leading to violent conicts and civil unrest (Goldstone, 2002; Urdal, 2004; Brunborg & Urdal, 2005). In either of these scenarios, the juxtaposition is evident; youth have been important as both participants and victims in conicts. Failing to meet their concerns might lead to the dangers of the conict reigniting. Increasingly youth are being recognized as key partners in development decision-making. This becomes evident from the growing presence of youth organizations and the rise of youth advisory boards and committees to international institutions.1 The development community is increasingly being inclusive of and beneting from listening to and understanding youth voices and concerns.2 In the context of researching youth, Cieslik notes `young people's experiences can oer exceptional insights into the character and operations of the institutions, how these are changing, and the links and mismatches between them' (2003, p. 15). Hence, understanding security from a youth perspective, consequently, will help academics, policy-makers and practitioners to devise appropriate frameworks, strategies and programs to address some of the root causes that make youth vulnerable to violence and (in)securities. Nepal is one of the countries characterized by a youth bulge and suered a decade long armed conict. Although youth (15-29 years of age) comprise a signicant 30 % of the overall population, their voices of have been largely excluded from arenas of debate and decision-making. The decade long armed conict has adversely aected youth, compelling many to either join the insurgency or to ee from their communities. Youth were one of the most aected populations by the violence and insecurities during the insurgency. Even after the formal end of the Maoist's
1 The UN Youth Advisory Board, UNESCO Youth Forum, World Bank Youth, Development and Peace Network are some of the examples. 2 The Report on Youth and Millennium Development Goals is one such example. http://www.un.org/esa/
socdev/unyin/documents/youthmdgs.pdf
GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010
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people's war,3 youth in Nepal still continues to be either used or victimized in many big and small violent movements such as those organized by armed groups. In the era of rethinking security as a broader concept of human security, it is recognized that `the narrative of human security should be grounded more rmly in the lived experience of people who are insecure' (Luckham, 2009, p. 3). Thus, it becomes imperative to understand youth perspectives on security transformation to reduce both the victimization and use of youth in violent conicts. One of the very few research carried out with this purpose in Nepal is by International Alert and Friends for Peace (FFP) in 2007. The research carried out in two districts in Eastern Terai had an overarching aim to strengthen youth voices on community security needs and perspectives across dierent identity lines in the Eastern Terai (International Alert, 2008, p. 3). The research was a very good initiative in exploring youth perspective of community security but was exclusive to the concerns of the youth of Eastern Terai. Thus, there is still a need and a gap for an inclusive research to unveil the voices of youth from all segments of the society. This research aims to contribute to the ongoing debate and discourse related to the processes of the security sector transformation from a youth perspective. The research in particular explored youth perspectives to security and the security sector transformation by examining the following four key questions: 1. What is meant by security? How do young people understand security? 2. In what ways and how have the youth been aected by the (in)security issues? What are young people's perceptions of them being participants or victims of armed conicts? 3. What role do various actors play in the public security sector? What role do youth play in public security? 4. How do youth think can the situation of violence and insecurity be transformed in the context of Nepal? As Luckham points out, `rethinking security demands innovative yet rigorous empirical analysis of the sources of insecurity in a world divided by profound inequality and ongoing conict' (2009, p. 3). The research is thus an eort to reach a wider cross-section of Nepali youth to empirically examine how the youth perceive `security' and how the security sector can be transformed to minimize youth participation and victimization in violent conicts. Section 1 provides an overall introduction along with the methodology and the limitations of the study. Section 2 draws on the situation of youth and security in Nepal. Section 3 provides the ndings of the research in terms of the youth perception of security and security sector transformation in Nepal. Finally, section 4 concludes and provides some suggestions.
3 The decade long war in Nepal ended through a signing of the peace agreement between the Government and the Maoists in November 2006. 4 Madhesis are native people living in the Southern plains in Nepal who share their own distinct culture.
Madhesis 4 and ethnic groups and other criminal
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District Saptari Kailali Rukum Kathmandu Total
Tab. 1: Sample Distribution Total n of FGDs Total n of Participants
Male 15 15 10 4 44
Female 1 3 9 2 15
3 3 3 1 10
16 18 19 6 59
2. Research Methodology
The research used the grounded theory approach5 and employed a mix of qualitative methods for data collection. This is an explorative and qualitative small-scale research. The grounded theory approach provides the space `to approach the topic without a rigid set of ideas that shape what they focus upon during the investigation' (Denscombe, 2007, p. 90). A literature review was carried out which helped understanding various conceptions of youth and violent conicts; security transformation; and other similar work in the sector. The research was carried out in a total of 4 selected districts of Nepal. They include Kathmandu (capital), and three other districts; namely Saptari from the Eastern, Rukum from the Western and Kailali from the Far-western Nepal. These districts have been chosen primarily for two reasons. Firstly, they represent the diverse geographical, ethnic and conict aectedness. Rukum was one of the Maoist heartland during the decade long armed conict; Kailali hosts one of the seven major cantonments with the Maoist People's Liberation Army (PLA); Saptari is now the core district for the armed movements in the Terai; and Kathmandu is the large metropolitan capital. Secondly, the researcher is familiar and has visited all of these districts on previous occasions. Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and Key Informants Interview (KII) were the tools used for data collection. A total of 10 Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were organised which were attended by a total of 59 youth including 44 male and 15 female youth. The participants for the FGDs were selected randomly using the researcher's network and contacts in the districts. The FGDs represented a wide spectrum of youth groups including: youth from the political wings, ex-combatants, students, youth from community, youth club members, leaders of youth organisations, migrant labourers and young women. A total of 11 interviews were conducted with representative of youth organisations, student organisations, youth leaders and young professionals in the four districts. Key informants were identied by the researcher. Youth, both male and female, urban and rural, educated and uneducated, rich and poor, participants and victims of conict were taken in the interview sample. The participants of the FGDs came from diverse social, economic and political backgrounds. Most of the youth that participated in the discussions came from rural areas and middle class families. The research, however, did not go in depth exploring their socio-economic backgrounds. Where possible the ages of the participants were obtained.
5 According to Glaser and Strauss, the founders of the theory, grounded theory research is a process of developing the theories on the basis of empirical research; i.e. building up general theories that emerge from the data (Glaser & Strauss in Denscombe, 2007, p. 89).
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Tab. 2:
Youth category Youth in political leaders Youth in army and police Youth in youth organisations
Youth Sample Total n of participants 10 5 25 5 7 7 59
Male 8 4 18 5 2 7 44
Female 2 1 7 0 5 0 15
Unemployed youth and seasonal migrants workers Students Youth in Maoist/ Young Communist League (YCL) Total
The interviews and FGDs were taken using a questionnaire checklist. All the interviews and FGDs were digitally recorded and transcribed afterwards into a word processor. Then the transcripts were coded using the NQvivo8 software for qualitative analysis, where appropriate direct quotations from the interviewees and FGD participants are used to substantiate the line of argument emerged from the data.
2.1. Limitations of the Research

There were few limitations of the study, mostly because of limited resources and scope of the proposed research study. The research is a small-scale research with relatively small sample size. Despite the recognition of the advantages and benets of mixing methods in development research, this study only uses qualitative methods for data collection and analysis. It also suers from the disadvantages of the qualitative research, such as: diculties in establishing the reliability and validity of the approaches and information; diculty to prevent or detect researcher induced bias; and limited scope due to the in-depth, comprehensive data gathering approaches required. While one of the ndings of the research is that the youth perception of (in)security depend on their socio-economic backgrounds and context, thorough analysis of the socio-economic backgrounds of the participants was a missed opportunity.
3. Youth and Security Sector in Nepal 3.1. Dening Youth in Nepal

There is no universal denition of `youth'. Youth can simply be dened as a transitional phase between the childhood and adulthood. However, it is very dicult to determine with an element of precision and exactitude when one ends and other begins. There have been distinct waves of studies that identify youth in various ways: the construction of youth as a `life stage', as a `social category' and as the àge category' (Wallace & Kovatcheva, 1998, pp. 27, 30, 33).
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Fig. 1:
Terms in use by UN agencies
Source: Adapted from Ansell (2005, p. 4) The United Nations denes youth as individuals between the ages of 15-24 (United Nations, 2005). While many international bodies follow this denition, this is by no means applied uniformly throughout the world. Many countries use their own denition with varying age ranges to dene youth (for example, India: 16-35, Philippines: 15-30, and Sierra Leone: 15-35). The denition becomes further blurred, complicated and problematic with overlapping denition of various terms and labels used to denote various human life-stages. Even within the UN, its specialized agencies have overlapping and at times confusing denitions of `children', àdolescents', `youth' and `young people' (see Figure 1). `Youth' in Nepal is a loosely dened term and is used haphazardly even to refer to leaders in their fties and sixties. This is particularly evident in the eld of politics where there is a lack of opportunity for those in the second generation who are waiting for their turn in the political leadership, and who remain `youth leaders' until that happens. Besides, local and international organizations working in Nepal dene youth in a manner that is most convenient and appropriate for their programming. While the international organization Search for Common Ground (SFCG) targets youth up to 25 years old, the local organizations such as Association of Youth Organizations Nepal (AYON) and Alliance for Peace (AFP) dene youth as those aged 16-35. There are other organizations like Youth Initiative and Youth Action Nepal who prefers to dene youth as those between 15-29 years. There have been some eorts in the past on establishing a youth denition. Earlier, the highlevel task force formed by the Ministry of Youth, Culture and Sports in 1995 recommended 15-29 as an appropriate age denition of youth for Nepal (Mathema et al., 1996). The Ninth Plan of the Nepal Government followed the same denition in its policies and programs for youth (NPC, 1997). After much delay, the newly reformed Ministry of Youth and Sports has recently proposed a denition of youth as those aged 16-40 years which was adopted in the National Youth Policy that came into eect during early 2010. However, many youth organization and youth leaders are not satised with this broad denition of youth. A leader of one of the major student political union in Nepal says that this is a result of the pressure from the youth political organizations that tend to be run by older youth. Nevertheless, there is a general acceptance that the UN denition of 15-24 is not very appro-
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priate in Nepal's context. Due to poverty, lack of access to quality education, nutrition and other reasons, Nepali youth lag behind in both physical and intellectual development compared to their western counterparts. Many of them complete higher level education only in their mid-twenties. This implies that the western notion of youth does not translate well in dening youth in Nepal. Although the denition of youth in the National Youth Policy is clear, there is no consensus yet on who the youth are in Nepal. There is clearly a division between the youth-led NGOs and international agencies working with youth who are in favour of a lower age range (15-29 years) and the political youth organizations and political parties who favour the policy denition (16-40 years). The varying understanding of youth in Nepal also largely reects the ambiguity in the denition of youth globally. Hence for the purpose of this study, a broader conception of `youth' is used.
3.2. Youth and Society: Problems or Solutions

Youth have traditionally been viewed as a problem in society both in academic and nonacademic spheres. They are beset by predominantly negative images and frequently presented as èither actively "deviant" or passively "at risk", and sometimes as both simultaneously' (Grin, 1997, p. 17). This view limits the important role that young people could play and the contribution that youth could make in society. Furthermore, questions arise on what exactly the `problem' is. Ìs it the young people themselves, or adult society that perceives them as a threat, vilifying them accordingly' (Garratt, 1997, p. 143)? Increasingly, this `problematizing' perspective of youth has been challenged by the work of many scholars and practitioners (Roche & Tucker, 1997). Roche & Tucker (1997, p. 1) emphasize the need to `rethink youth in terms of acknowledging and respecting the many positive contributions young people can and do make to their communities'. The United Nations has long recognized young people both as a major human resource for development and key agents for social change, economic development and technological innovation (United Nations, 1995). More recently, the role of youth as `solutions' is being increasingly recognized and promoted both by youth organizations and other organizations working with youth. More and more youth and youth organizations are taking a progressive role to contribute to various issues around the world. Increasingly youth are being recognized as key partners in development decision-making. This becomes evident from the growing presence of youth organizations and the rise of youth advisory boards and committees to international institutions. Youth are also being viewed as both potential (and threatening) political actors themselves and in need of political `remedies' (Ansell, 2005). Thus, youth are not only mere objects of development but also the actors in their own lives. Increasingly, the agencies of youth in realizing their role as solutions in the society is both being recognized and highlighted.
3.3. Youth and Conict: Victims or Perpetrators

Mostly the narratives on youth and armed conict t into two broad categories: youth as innocent `victims' of warfare and youth as `perpetrators'. On one hand, there are analysis of protracted conicts which show that youth are subjected to forced labour, recruitment into armies
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or militias, and child prostitution. Many are displaced, separated from their families, or orphaned. Because of violent conict, many youth nd themselves heading households, unemployed, and their traditional livelihoods disrupted. Not only are their daily lives aected, but their futures are also jeopardized. The conclusions generally reinforce the view that young people are primarily vulnerable and, in the case of child soldiers, young people are most often seen as victims and coerced into joining armed groups. In fact, the 1996 Graca Machel report to United Nations was highly inuential in shaping this humanitarian worldview towards children and young people in conict. Many humanitarian organizations focus on the vulnerability and victimization of youth in conict (Watchlist on Children and Armed Conict, 2005; O'Kane & Feinstein, 2008). However, these views contrast with the ndings from ethnographic studies with young combatants which show that youth are not always forced into militant groups, they voluntarily and rationally choose to join armed forces for one or other reasons. Peters and Richards (1998, p. 183) note that `many under-age combatants choose to ght with their eyes open, and defend their choice, sometimes proudly'. Studies show that these motivations come for a variety of reasons ranging from revenge, survival, food and substitute education, ideology, attempts to gain power and gain adult respect, forms of employment, monetary benet, or even peer pressure or adventure (Brett & Specht, 2004; Peters & Richards, 1998). A growing body of literature on `youth bulge' also links the exceptionally large youth cohorts leading to violent conicts and civil unrest (Goldstone, 2002; Urdal, 2004). Urdal denes `youth bulge' as èxtraordinarily large youth cohorts (15-24 years old) relative to the adult population' (Urdal, 2004, p. 1). Not everyone agrees on the youth bulge theory. Some deny these claims and refer to them as `doom-laden prophecies. . . a gross exaggeration and a distortion of reality' (Boyden, 2006, p. 3). However, the increasingly economic studies of civil wars confer that the proportion of young men in a society can increase the risk of rebellion (Collier et al., 2009). The large number of young people particularly young men uprooted, unemployed, and with few opportunities for positive engagement give a pool of potential recruits, making a rebellion more feasible. Thus, there is no surprise that the Report of the UN High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change (2004) also identied youth as a threat to security. The characterization of youth as either `victims' or `perpetrators' in armed conicts is increasingly criticized as being too simplistic and a false dichotomy, as it often ignores a vast majority of young people who do not become involved in hostilities. Sommer's (2006) review of literature on youth and conict point out to `resilience as their most prominent shared characteristics'. Thus, youth's relationship with conict and the war's eects on youth are complex and multi-dimensional and go beyond this dichotomy.
3.4. Youth and Security Sector in Nepal

Nepal is one of the poorest countries in the world, and faces a multitude of problems from widespread poverty to conict, to challenges of governance and a rocky transition to democracy. Ranking 144 (out of 179) in the 2009 Human Development Index, Nepal also ranks 77 (out of 144) in the 2009 Global Peace Index.6 In Nepal, the population of youth between the ages of 15-29 years comprises 26.5 percent of
6 Source: Global Peace Index: http://www.visionofhumanity.org/gpi/results/rankings/2009 and Human Development Report: http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics
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total population. Of them 83 percent live in rural areas. According to the Nepal Labour Force Survey 2009, while the overall adult literacy rate is 55.6 percent, youth literacy among the 15-19 years old is the highest at 86.6 percent followed by youth 20-24 years old at 76.9 percent. Literacy rates of urban population aged 15 and over (77.2 %) are much higher than in rural areas (51.1 %), and among male is higher (70.7 %) as compared with female (43.3 %). Youth make up 36 percent of the total economically active population in the nation's total production. However, the labour underutilisation rate is also the highest for the youth aged 20-24 years (46.0 percent). The youth unemployment rate for 15-24 years age group is 3.5 percent. The comparable rates for those aged 15-24 years in urban and rural areas were 13.0 percent and 2.1 percent respectively (CBS, 2009). The youth unemployment rate has increased from 2.4 percent in 1998/99 to 3.5 percent in 2008 (CBS, 2009). The proportion of youth in the total population is expected to rise slightly in the coming years. Despite their population and their potential, the voices of youth have been largely excluded from arenas of debate and decision-making. The decade long armed conict has adversely aected youth, compelling many to either join the insurgency or to ee from their communities. Youth were one of the most aected populations by the violence and insecurities during the insurgency. Even after the formal end of the Maoist's people's war, youth in Nepal still continues to be either used or victimized in many big and small violent movements such as those organized by Madhesis and ethnic groups and other criminal armed groups. This may be largely due to the general failure on the part of the Government and others involved in recognizing the particular needs and experiences of dierent groups of youth and to reect these in policy and programming. As a result, ùnemployment has increased and the ability of the state to deliver basic services has been signicantly weakened. Now, facing a lack of educational and economic opportunities, young people are disillusioned, frustrated and angry' (International Alert, 2007, p. 1). In Nepal every year about 300,000 people enter the labour market, most of whom are youth. However, the youth unemployment rate is the highest among any age group with 3.5 percent for those aged 15-24 years (CBS, 2008). According to the data compiled by the Ministry of Labour, each year around 200,000 to 250,000 people go for foreign employment, most of whom are again youth. Thousands of youth go abroad every year looking for higher studies and a better future. Today every other youth in the street want to leave the country. There are pulling factors like higher education, work or better opportunities. However, mostly importantly, one of the major pushing factors for youth exodus is the worsening security situation of the country. The youth neither feel secure today, nor do they see a secure tomorrow. So either the youth escapes or get trapped into the cycle of conict and violence. The expression from one of the participants from ANNFSU-Revolutionary7 during a consultation meeting of youth and student leaders in Kathmandu during April 20078 clearly depicts the absence of public security and the subsequent vulnerability of youth to violence in Nepal. The main reason for the decade long war in Nepal was due to the fact that there was no public security in Nepal. The youth were being manipulated; there was lack of law and order, so the party [CPN Maoist] fought against it. No citizen has good
ANNFSU-Revolutionary is the student wing of the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN)-Maoist. The consultation meeting was organised by Youth Initiative (www.youthinitiative.org.np) with the support from DFID Nepal.
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relation with the police. The irresponsibility, corruption in police is deep-rooted in the institution (Youth Initiative, 2007, p. 4). The United Nations denes security as freedom from want and freedom from fear. This implies that secure citizens are those whose basic needs, civic freedoms and identity are guaranteed and who are not intimidated by any internal or external force. National security essentially means the state of the health of the nation within which citizens enjoy life, liberty, property and participation in the productive life of society. Political stability, economic well-being and equitable distribution of resources are its essential preconditions. If any society has a high incidence of death, violence, crime, killing, kidnapping and extortion, whatever the causes, the citizens living there will never feel safe and sound. The security situation in Nepal is one of the most talked about subject in the country today. Although the decade long armed insurgency was brought to an end with a comprehensive peace agreement during November 2006, the transition to peace has been fraught by many challenges. The aspiration of the Nepali people to capitalize the transition opportunity to create a New Nepal has been time and again collapsed. On one hand there are many interest groups are using all means including violent means to voice their demands for inclusion in the new constitution. On the other hand instable government, lack of political consensus, weak law and order have resulted in increase insecurities. Nepal is ranked in the top 9 countries on the list of most dangerous countries for journalists,9 and 8th on the Impunity Index.10 In Nepal generally it is understood that the security sectors mean the Nepal Army, Nepal Police and the Armed Police Force. However, the general perception of people towards the security institutions is not that positive. Many people are not very happy with the work of the police and have very little trust in the police. In a survey carried out by Saferworld,11 out of 66 percent of respondents who stated that they have at least some trust in the Nepal Police, a large number (50 percent) had only `little' trust. Only a small 16 percent said they have `very much' trust in the Nepal Police (Saferworld, 2008). There were many reported and unreported incidents of human right violation from the police during the armed insurgency. That could also have contributed to the general sentiments towards the police. Also in the same survey, more than half of the respondents said that the police was not respected. This is largely due to the bad manners and lack of respect for members of the public, particularly women. People also feel that there is corruption within the police. Furthermore, people also perceive that the policemen are more interested in their own security than that of the public. Therefore, only 22 percent believed that the Nepal Police is reliable or very reliable at bringing those who commit crimes to justice, against 42 percent who rated the police as not very or not at all reliable (Saferworld, 2008).
Source: http://www.pressemblem.ch/10399.html Source: http://www.cpj.org/reports/2009/03/getting-away-with-murder-2009.php Saferworld is an independent organization that works directly with local people as well as through governments and international bodies to prevent violent conict and encourage co-operative approaches to security. http:
9 10 11
//www.saferworld.org.uk
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In Nepal many have viewed questions of public security from a state-building or foreign policy perspective. In the past, some donors provided technical support to the security forces, including arms and equipment, despite persistent human rights violations by the security forces. However, in the post-conict situation, the priority has been shifted to reintroducing the Nepal Police into former conict areas to restore public order and negotiating the integration of former Maoist combatants into a reformed Nepal Army (Watson & Crozier, 2009). In the political discourses, one also nd that there are hesitations to accept the Maoist's People's Liberation Army (PLA), private security companies and dierent armed groups operation in various parts of the country as security providers. However, these institutions, which were not considered as legitimate institutions by the ruling political leaderships in the dierent time phases, claim and assert themselves as security providers to the people (Dahal, 2009). In this security context of Nepal, the Nepal Public Security Study 2007, commissioned by DFID Nepal, gave ve strategic messages: (1) Public security is a wider concept than just focusing on the police and their training/equipment; (2) the style of policing in Nepal needs to change from personal to community orientated policing; (3) leadership in all institutions (including the police and other security sector actors) is critical; (4) international actors can play a key role in addressing these issues providing there is alignment and co-ordination of international eorts; and (5) the rst priority must be to start a national debate on the future security needs of Nepal (Fleming et al., 2007, pp. 2-3). The fth message is an important one and clearly points out the need for all segments of the society including the youth to engage in the discourse to transform the security sector in Nepal.
4. Perspectives of Youth in Security Sector Transformation in Nepal 4.1. Youth's Understanding of Security
The traditional notion of security focuses on the relationship between the structures of the state and society. The literal translation of the word `security' in Nepali is `surachhya'. According to the Contemporary Nepali Dictionary, surachhya means `safety against fear, horror, threats, loss, damage, etc; decent/adequate protection'.12 Similarly, an English Dictionary also denes security as `freedom from risk or danger; safety'; `freedom from doubt, anxiety, or fear; condence'; `something that gives or assures safety'. These dictionary meanings of security too reinforce the traditional notion of security. However, in the post-Cold war period there has been a shift in understanding security as a much broader concept including human security and citizens' security. Security is increasingly dened as human security. The Commission on Human Security conceptualized `human security' in terms of protecting people's vital freedoms from severe threats, in ways that empower people to fulll their strengths and aspirations (Fouinat, 2004, p. 290). The UNDP Human Development Report 1994 dened security as the wellbeing of communities including protection from hunger,
12 http://www.nepalisabdakos.com/index.php?entry_id=5459&srch_in=VF&entry_type=vf_entry
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diseases, violence and repressions, as well as consolidation of democracy and social justice (UNDP, 1994). This research nds that most youth understand security in a `human security' perspective. The various denitions coined by the youth are: `For any person after s/he is born to live life safely and freely is security' (FGD participant, Saptari, Male, Security personnel). `Security is being free from fear, horror and threats' (Individual interview, Kathmandu, Male, 26 years). `Security is the assurance of the present and the future assurance mentally, physically, socially and economically' (FGD participant, Rukum, Female, 23 years). `Security means security, freedom, employment and opportunities' (FGD participant, Kailali, Male, 21 years). `Security means a secure future that ensures rights and proper enforcement of laws, as well as impartial justice delivery system, reduction of impunity and end of criminalization at all levels of society' (FGD participant, Saptari, Male, Youth Club). `Security means people have opportunity to live in free and fair environment without interference of any state or non-state actors or any organized groups' (Individual Interview, Kathmandu, Male, Youth Organisation). `Security means protection of life' (FGD participant, Kailali, 20 years, Youth Club). `Security means security of our borders and national sovereignty' (FGD participant, Kailali, Male, ex-combatant). `Security means to be able to live a human life being a human and having a dignied life' (FGD participant, Rukum, Female, 24 years). Youth also understand that there are various levels of security ranging from individual security, citizens security, public security and national security. Its understanding could be broadened or limited based on these levels. While most youth were concerned about their own individual security and that of their family and society, the youth involved in political parties put more emphasis on national security and security of the physical and economic infrastructures, the security of natural resources, and the security of industries. It is seen that the context of the youth and their socio-economic levels resonate their understanding of security. For an unemployed youth, security rst and foremost is employment and livelihood. For youth who are better educated and have had more exposure, security is a much broader concept that entails his/her personal security to be able to exercise one's human rights and also the implementation of the rule of law. For youth in politics, their huge emphasis is on the national security. Even when asked about their individual security, they would say the national security comes rst: `We are secure only as long as we have a secured nation' (FGD participant, Kailali, Male, Maoist ex-combatant). One general consensus in the understanding of security is the focus on security to live life freely; to create a situation where everyone's life runs without any obstacles: Àlthough security is managed socially or nationally it is experienced at an individual level' (Individual interview, Kathmandu Male, 30 years). GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010 12
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The youth believe that security should be provided by the state, society and family, and experienced at an individual level. There is almost a consensus among all youth that the security situation in the country is worsening. The level is very high in Saptari district in the Eastern Terai, which is also a hotspot for the activities of various armed groups, and low is Rukum a hilly district in the mid-west Nepal, which was once a Maoist hotspot. The security before was much better than what is now. At least people were secure. Now if any one dies, no one will come to see. Earlier if a person dies then people from far away place would know. . . many things would happen. . . a lot of enquiry would take place. But now even if people die no one cares (FGD participant, Saptari, Male, Youth Club). This also corresponds with other studies carried out with youth in Nepal. A recent survey carried out by Alliance for Peace13 (2009) among 3000 youth in Nepal noted that only 8 % of the Nepalese youth believed that Nepal is secure. 47 % of youth believed that the security situation in Nepal is worsening. Only 15 % of the respondents felt secure to reside in Nepal. This is also the case not only with youth but overall. Compared to the survey carried out in May 2007, the August 2008 survey carried out by Saferworld and Interdisciplinary Analysts (2009) showed a remarkable 20 percent (from 57 to 37 percent) decrease in the number of people who think that the country is moving in the right direction. Those who believed, that the country is going in the wrong direction increased by 16 percent (from 13 to 29 percent). Right after the people's movement in 2006, there was more optimism among citizens with regards to security. However that optimism seems to be fading. Compared to the Terai where almost everyone agreed that the security situation in worsening, the youth in the hills feel that it is still not that worse: `. . . the security situation has been degrading. However, it is not that bad' (FGD participant, Rukum, Male, 27 years, Youth Political Organisation). It can be concluded that the youth's understanding of security is also dependent on the context where he/she is living. `Youth' is a highly heterogeneous group, divided along class, gender, ethnic, political, and geographic lines. Even among youth there is some shared understanding but no common meaning of `security'. Youth's understanding of security is shaped by their life experiences. After the peace process in 2006, the eastern and central Terai region has been very volatile with the movement from the Madhesi communities and mushrooming of armed groups. Also the districts in the Terai share open borders with India. These factors increased the level of insecurity among youth in the research districts Saptari and Kailali. Whereas in Rukum, which was one of the key base districts of the UCPN Maoist during their 10 years people's war, the youth now feel relatively secure. The armed groups operating in the Terai do not have a big inuence in the mid hills region and neither are there many sources of insecurity as in the Terai.
4.1.1. What are the sources of insecurity?

The youth came up with a long list of the sources of insecurity in their communities and in the nation as a whole. There are now many reasons why the youth feel insecure. They feel
13 Alliance for Peace (AFP) Nepal is a non-prot, non-governmental and independent organization working for peaceful and democratic Nepal. http://www.afpnepal.org
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pressured from many dierent sides social, political and economic: Èarlier there were threats from either of the two sides [Maoist or the army], but now there are threats from multiple sides' (FGD participant, Saptari, Male, Youth Club). The problems created by political instability, employment situation, accessible education, social acceptance and easy availability of weapons and the perception of the security institutions have created feeling of insecurity among Nepali youth. A large share of the blame is put to the government and the political parties for the worsening security situation. `Because of our own mother parties and the weak security policy of the government there isn't an environment for us to work securely' (FGD participant, Rukum, Male, Political Student Wing). The sources of insecurity that the youth have come up with in various discussions are as follows: unemployment; political instability; worsening law and order; increasing criminality; availability of small arms; political protection to crimes; open border with India; and youth manipulation. Besides, natural disasters; basic human needs; and road transport and trac also came as sources of insecurity: Unemployment: The lack of opportunities and problems of unemployment came as the top most issue that cause insecurity among youth. Political instability: The political instability and uncertainty of the future of the country pose insecurity to youth. Worsening law and order: Due to very weak law and order situation in the country, those who commit crimes can escape without any punishment. There is a growing discontent towards both the justice giving institutions and the security mechanisms whose prime role is to enforce law and order. As a result, the level of impunity is very high in the country. Increasing criminality: In the last 3 years, many big and small armed groups have been in operation in the country. There has been a high increase in the killings, abduction, extortion, and criminal activities, especially in Terai. People are being shot dead in broad daylight. People from rich industrialists to poor villagers are being abducted for ransoms. Availability of small arms: There is also availability of small arms in Terai. Due to open border with India, small arms are easily accessible and are brought in Nepal: `Small arms are so easily smuggled into Nepal from India. They are cheap and their supply hardly goes noticed' (FDG participant, Saptari, Male, 21 years). Political protection to crimes: Nepal is highly politicized country. Almost every sector is politicized. Those who commit crime do so under political protection and even though they are brought into the jurisdiction of law they easily escape. Èven if the workers of the student unions do negative things in the society instead of punishing them, they get political protection' (FGD participant, Kathmandu, Male, Youth Organisation). Open border with India: Especially the youth from the political youth wings and the excombatants put huge emphasis on the border security. They are concerned that the pillars in the border have gone missing and there has been encroachment from the Indian side: `There is encroachment from all sides: political interference, economic interference, interference over water resources, and encroachment of national borders.' (FGD participant, Kailali, GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010 14
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Male, Maoist ex-combatant) Also, the youth point out that the Indian security forces have time and again raped young Nepali girls. The youth who migrate to India seasonally for labour work experience a lot of hassle and extortion from the Indian police. Òn our way back from India, police men come in our train and ask for money. If we don't give them then they beat us' (FGD participant, Kailali, Male, 32 years, Migrant labourer in India). Youth manipulation: One of the prime reasons that youth get into violent acts is because they are manipulated by other forces, especially the political parties. The youth's insecurity comes from the fear of being manipulated by other interests. The emergence of violent youth groups in the form of Young Communist League (YCL), Youth Force and insurgent groups in Terai has worsened the security situation. Èven from schools we are taken to join their agitations' (FGD participant, Kailali, Female, 19 years, Student). Natural disasters: Youth also fear the natural disasters like oods and landslides. Basic human needs: The sense of insecurity also comes from the concern of fullment of basic human needs. Road transportation and trac: Especially in Kathmandu and in the highways road accidents are very high. Youth also feel insecurity due to the mismanaged trac and the high number of road accidents. As seen above there is a wide range of sources of insecurity for youth from fullment of basic needs to the law and order situation of the country. However, the research also nds that `being secured' and `feeling secured' are two dierent things. More and more youth are feeling insecure mentally: Èarlier there were more physical insecurities, now there is more mental insecurity' (FGD participant, Kailali, Male, 21 years, Youth Club). During the Maoist insurgency the youth were sandwiched between the Maoist and the security forces. The fears at that time were being pulled from both the sides for recruitment or being subject to physical threats and harassments.
4.1.2. Vicious Cycle of Insecurity

One interesting nding from the research is that youth are both the source of insecurity and those aected by security. There is a vicious cycle between the insecurity of youth and youth being security threats. The lack of opportunities, unemployment and the range of
youth experience converts youth as a security threats.
insecurities of
4.2. Youth and Security: Victims or Perpetrators

4.2.1. How are youth aected by the issues of insecurity?
In a less developed country like Nepal, the biggest issues of youth are employment and education. Youth's security is aected by the country's political situation, education opportunities and employment guarantees. Almost all the youth in the research feel that youth are aected by the issues of insecurity. First and foremost, due to the problems of unemployment, many youth migrate to foreign lands for studies and/or labour. Those that come from families that can aord to send their children for higher studies go to study. They do not see their future and career in GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010 15
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Fig. 2:
Vicious Circle of Insecurity
the country and would rather go abroad. Those who are less educated and can't aord education go for labour employment primarily to India, countries in the Middle East, Malaysia and South Korea. Those who stay idle and have nothing to do then get easily attracted and trapped into the cycle of drugs, violence and crimes. This includes youth from both rich and poor backgrounds. Èvery other youth you meet in the streets will tell you that they don't want to live here and would rather go abroad.' (Individual interview, Kathmandu, Male, Youth Organisation) A large number of youth also get manipulated by the various political parties and dierent interest groups agitating for their own rights and interests. The large number of youth in the youth wings of political parties and their use in strikes, agitations and movements are examples of youth manipulation. Youth are migrating as students or labourers. Whether it is workers of political parties or the youth in country's security forces, all experience that they have been manipulated by their leadership. The capacities and strengths of the youth are not being able to be used for the development of the country. There is a severe lack of investment into youth development. After the restoration of democracy, we have been able to say about our rights. Also if we are suppressed then we can go to related agency to report. That way we feel secure. However, we feel insecure because the crime has increased and there have been many incidences that make democracy a laugh (Individual Interview, Male, 26 years). The feeling of insecurity also limits the creativity of youth. The future of youth ghting in the name of `people's war' or `madhes liberation' is also uncertain. The sense of insecurity has led to people becoming more aggressive. The increasing participation of youth in criminal activities and political ghts are examples of this. Of the 250 people arrested for various crimes in Kathmandu Valley last year, 122 people were aged between 17 and 25.14 Nepal Police data reveals that reported crimes across the country have increased to 1,797 from mid-May through mid-June compared to 1,460 in the previous month.15 During the 10-year armed conict by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and the pro-democracy protests, young men were at the forefront of the movements. But now, three years
14 15
peopledaily.com.cn/90001/90777/90851/6776948.html
See People's Daily Online, `Crime rate growing among teens in Nepal', October 05, 2009.http://english.
fullNews.php?headline=Crime+rate+up+by+23.82+pc&NewsID=249191
See The Himalayan Times, `Crime rate up by 23.82 pc', July 07, 2010. http://www.thehimalayantimes.com/
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after the end of the conict, frustrated by the political impasse, general lawlessness and lack of opportunities, young people are taking to crime more and more.
4.2.2. Are youth victims or perpetrators?

Almost all of youth in the research agree that youth have been both the victims as well as the perpetrators in Nepal's conict. They are victims because they got deprived of various opportunities socially and have to live through insecurities and undergo psychological and physical torture. But at the same time they are perpetrators as they ll the ranks of most of armed groups. However this size is not very big. `The perpetrators is only a very small percentage of Nepali youth often unaware and not fully convinced of their doings, but were doing so to follow the policy and strategies of the organization they were associated with' (Interview participant, Kathmandu, Female, Political Youth Leader). One common thread running through both the groups, whether victims or perpetrators, is that the majority of youth are largely manipulated by the other people. Thus, they had no choices besides falling into these categories. During the decade-long armed conict in Nepal, both the state and the rebels used them. The state did not address the needs of youth. They became compelled to go in a rebellion and that's why they became victimized. At the same time youth were used by rebel groups to cause violence and atrocities and hence they became perpetrators. In the FGD with the leaders of youth organizations held in Kathmandu, a number of factors that increases the youth's vulnerability to join armed groups were identied. Firstly, youth by nature are `change seekers'. They are looking for justice and want class dierences abolished. They want to get rid of dividing lines. They want to change the way things are for better. If they do not get these of if changes are seen as being imposed from an external party, the likelihood of revolt is high. Secondly, youth are also ìncentive seekers'. Youth want recognition, a voice in decision making, and promises of leadership. If a young person is given a chance to engage constructively in the society, it is less likely that he will join violent activities. Thirdly, they are òpportunity seekers'. Young people want employment and leadership opportunity, in absence of which they could turn to violence. These incentives could work either way. They could be used to ensure security to the youth or to make youth threats to security. What is important is which group the society and the state, or the armed groups and criminal gangs provides this.
4.2.3. Why do youth join armed groups?

Interestingly, many youth join armed groups for a sense of personal and family security. If one is involved in armed groups, then his family has lower risks of getting extorted from the armed groups. Being part of the armed/criminal groups is a way for many youth to provide security to their family: Ìf I want to security for my family, then I also go and join that way (armed groups). If I get involve there at least I can fulll my responsibility of giving security to my family' (FGD participant, Saptari, Male, Youth Political Organisation). Another pertinent reason is that the armed/ criminal groups seem to better understand the need and aspirations of the youth and hence provide them with the necessary opportunities. `When I did not have opportunity who gave me opportunity is that group who are involved there. Although there is no personal motivation, the support from the group and that the group GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010 17
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is doing well leads youth to join these groups' (FGD participant, Saptari, Male, Political Youth Organisation). Especially in Saptari it was found that the armed groups seek out for young victims as potential recruits and capitalize their frustrations and the feeling of revenge to take up arms. Youth who have suered during various political transitions, those who have been victimized from the state, security forces or other parties are vulnerable and therefore easily trapped. The armed groups lure the youth saying that their party will address their problem if they join their group. The incentives are also attractive. There is easy money making, power and status. Especially for the youth who feel that they have been marginalized severely and have nothing to loose, the cost-benet of joining these groups are high. Their life is at risk anyway whether or not they join the armed groups. When they do join, it brings them power, money, status, mobile, motor bikes along with the security of the family. Not only this, the youth also say that the society gives respect to those who are in armed groups: `Being part of armed group therefore brings them status in the communities. One can intimidate others and spread fear. It is a demonstration of power' (FGD participant, Saptari, Male, Security Personnel). For educated youth in the communities being able to aord vehicle, nice mobiles and status in the society is a distant dream, even if they get jobs. They would see other youth from their communities who joined the armed groups `progress' with the material wealth: `Just in two months of joining armed groups, youth see them (youth) riding motor bikes with mobiles and lot of money in the pocket. You don't have to do anything.' (FGD participant, Saptari, Male, Youth Club) The lack of decision-making capacity among youth and peer pressure or peer group dependency also came up as another reason why youth might get into the armed groups. Many times the role models of the youth join the armed groups and that adds up motivation to other youth to join. If my friends or those who I have links with have joined the groups I will support the groups because they are my friends. I'm depended on my group for my decisions because I can't only decide on my own. Whether they have done bad things I will support them whatsoever because they are my friends. My decision will rely on what my friends or the people around me are doing (FGD participant, Saptari).
4.3. Role of Various Actors in Public Security

The youth expressed their views with regards to the role of state, political parties, civil society and the business community to ensure their security.
4.3.1. State
The role of the state came up as the most important. According to the youth respondents, the state has the most responsibility to provide law and order and security to its citizen. Public security is a big area and therefore the state is the ultimate responsible for providing social security. The role of the state includes: Maintain law and order: The state should mobilize the police and army for the physical protection of its citizens and nation. No use of power to overrule the rule of law. It should GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010 18
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also create conducive environment for law and order, and law enforcement agencies have adequate authority to execute laws and regulations with institutional and operational independence. Create and provide employment opportunities: The government should focus on creating and providing employment opportunities for youth. They should create environment so that the closed industries can revive. The government should also promote local industries that can take youth employment. Besides, the government should also focus on youth employment with specic programs like òne youth one employment' and providing youth friendly business loan. Develop and enact policies: The government should also develop laws and policies to full basic human needs, human rights, economic, social, employment, rights to live freely and equally within the law, and protection of religion and culture. Provide justice: The state should provide justice to the victims. Those leading violence need to be identied and punished. They need to be brought within the law. This will help in ending impunity and thus will have positive impact on public security. Regulate border security and open border: The government should develop eective border security plan and increase border security. The government should also take initiative to regulate open border. Address the increasing armed and criminal groups: The government should provide security and control the increase of the armed and criminal groups. They should control small arms and criminal activities. They should also develop and implement national security policy. Besides the state should also: Ensure free and fair administration services; Provide security for businesses and business people; Protect labourers from exploitation; Make the constitution in time and; Safeguard against natural disasters.
4.3.2. Role of political parties

Political parties came up as another important actor for ensuring security, but some youth do not expect a lot from them. It is not that they do not see a role for the political parties, but the youth feel a very high the level of frustration for the political parties and their leaders: Ì have no expectations from the political parties.' (FGD participant, Kailali) Interestingly, what came out in the research is the list of what political parties should not do rather that what they should do in terms of fullling their role for security. The youth were saying out loud that the political parties should stop using bandas (general shutdown) and strikes as a means to protest. They should rather let people work and earn and make their livelihood. They
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should also stop extorting from the industrialists and any other people. The political parties should also stop using and manipulating their youth and student wings for violent means. The political parties and the members of the Constituent Assembly should focus their energy on forging consensus and taking the peace process to its logical end. During the time of research the deadline for the writing of the new constitution was nearing its end. So all the youth wanted the political parties to concentrate on nishing the writing of a new constitution and ensuring the inclusion of the voices and aspirations of all the marginalized groups.
4.3.3. Civil society

The youth see that civil society and the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have an awareness raising and facilitating role. The civil society should play a mediating role between the sides that may hamper social security and facilitate dialogues to foster understanding. It should carry out awareness raising campaigns and support the state for developing appropriate policies and to implement them eectively.
4.3.4. Business
The business community and other professionals should full their responsibilities well. They should act as gatekeepers if the state fails to deliver its commitments. It should also cooperate with the state to ensure security.
4.4. Role of Youth in Public Security

There was a general agreement that youth has an important role to play in public security. The youth who are also seen as threats to the society's security and those who are also behind criminal activities and armed groups could also be as important actors for public security. For this rst and foremost, the youth need to recognize their potential, their role and their responsibilities for public security. As the most aware and educated generation, they can be powerful agents for security transformation. Some of the important roles that the youth see for themselves are: Instead of being used by the political parties, youth should unite for social change. They should rise from above the limited interest of political parties to fullling the dream of building a new Nepal. They should also work as watch dog to the political parties. Youth should be able to distinguish between what is right and what is wrong. There should be unity among youth. Youth should not take part in agitations and in strikes. Instead, they should be involved in social development eorts. Youth should seek to get self employment opportunities. Youth should work to increase public awareness and understanding. Youth should get organized and participate in the activities of youth clubs and be agents for social change and maintaining security. Youth can be gatekeepers and advocates to ensure the rule of law and securing justice. GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010 20
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In cooperation with various local organizations, youth and civil society can run awareness raising programs from the national to the local level; organise programs to put pressure on the government and administration; mediating between conicting parties; and voicing responsible against corruption.
5. Conclusion
`Youth' is a highly heterogeneous group, divided along class, gender, ethnic, political, and geographic lines. Even among youth there is no common meaning of `security'. Youth's understanding of security is shaped by their life experiences. In general, youth's perspective towards `security' is not that dierent from the general perspectives on security. The Safer World study reports that a majority of the people in Nepal have a broader `human security' perspective of security as `freedom from fear' (crime and violence) and `freedom from want' (Safer World, 2009). Most youth have a broader view of security. They dene security as the freedom to live life securely and being free from fear and threats. For them security is also education, employment and livelihood security of both the present and the future. However, there is a stark dierence between how security is perceived by the youth wings of political parties. They take a rather `traditional security' perspective and dene security more in terms of national security, protection of border and national sovereignty. There is a general feeling among youth that the security situation in Nepal is worsening. Unemployment and lack of opportunities came as one of the major reasons for youth involvement into violence. Joining an armed group or criminal gang comes with attractive incentives for youth. It provides them with many opportunities, easy money-making, status in the society and political power. There is a vicious cycle between security and insecurity of youth. One reason many youth join armed groups is for their own security and that of their families. Being part of these groups not only brings extra cash at home, it also ensures that the family is safe from extortion and threats. However, in doing, so they become more vulnerable and insecure. Some of Nepal's security issues are deeply linked to its neighbour country India. Many youth see some of the insecurities in Nepal being imposed by India. The political youth links it to the border encroachment and the political interference and dominance of India over Nepal's sovereignty. The other youth, especially those who migrate to India seasonally for labour work, experience hassle and extortion from the India security force during travelling and crossing border. As a result of insecurity and instability in Nepal, coupled by a lack of employment and livelihood opportunities, a large number of youth are abandoning the country for better future education and jobs. The skilled and competent youth resource of the country is not being able to be channelled for national development. There is a severe lack of investment in youth from the government. Youth feel that there is a lack of government capacity and lack of government interest and concern to address youth. Everyone has a role of play in the security sector transformation. The state is the one most responsible to provide security to its citizens. It needs to bring an end to impunity, have administration that can ensure the rule of law, create well functioning and stable government and
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form corruption resistant administrative mechanisms. The citizens also need to share the responsibility of public security. If the state and the citizens work together, then, to a larger extent, violence and insecurity can be controlled. More importantly, it is not only about giving `security' to people, what is crucial is that the people have to feel `secure'.
5.1. Transforming Security Sector in Nepal

According to Borchert and Oriesek (2004, p. 2), security sector transformation is a process `to strengthen leadership in dealing with new security demands and to establish eective processes and structures commensurate with the new challenges.' Luckham further notes that transforming security requires substantial change in the security institutions responsible for delivering security (armed forces, police, intelligence agencies, paramilitary formations, etc) to ensure they meet the needs of citizens and at the very minimum do not become agents of insecurity in their own right (2009, p. 6). In Nepal's post-conict transition, security sector reform has been one of the debated topics. On one hand there is still the pending issue of the integration of the Maoist ex-combatants into the national army and the transformation of the Nepalese security forces, which traditionally have symbolized the authoritarian state structure. On the other hand, there are basic development challenges of meeting the basic human needs, protection of human rights, ensuring justice and rule of law, and economic growth. Nepal's current security situation is the result of a multitude of issues and problems that the country is trapped in. Based on the literature review and the eld research, it is suggested that transforming security sector requires a lot of eort and attention in changing the following things: First and foremost, there need to be political stability. In the current political scenario of win-loose and political parties not being able to rise above their own selsh interest, the country and its citizen have been the victims. Secondly, the law and order situation in the country is very weak. As a result, there is very high level of impunity. People's awareness of the laws and regulations need to be raised and simultaneously it should be implemented strictly. There need to be improvement in the present judicial system. In the eyes of law everyone should be equal and law should be implemented equally among everyone. The people's trust and faith in justice and justice delivering institutions need to be increased. Thirdly, police and administration should be kept away from political inuence. The criminals should not be released under political protection. There is wide public perception of the police having a bribing culture; that the police worship their bosses and the political leaders as owners and treat citizens as their servants. They take commissions from criminal gangs and are becoming partners in supporting crime and thus increasing insecurity in the country. Therefore, the police and administration need a major transformation. They need to win back people's trust by becoming ecient in their services and becoming pro-citizens. The security institutions should be strengthened both in terms of its physical resources and infrastructures and their knowledge and skills with regards to human rights and citizen's security. Fourthly, the unemployment problem needs to be addressed urgently. It could be done through jobs creation, entrepreneurship promotion, youth-friendly loans, small industries development, GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010 22
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etc. Those youth who are leaving the country for foreign employment need to be well trained and respected. Besides, there need to increased investment in increasing opportunities for youth engagement and use of youth's leisure time. Finally, all the responsible political parties need to come together and work in collaboration and consensus. The constituent assembly (CA) elected to write a new constitution with two year failed to deliver its promises. Now that the CA has been extended for a year, they should focus all its energy towards nishing the major task of constitution writing in time. The new constitution should provide a broader framework and environment to ensure security both to the nation and its citizens.
5.2. How can youth involvement in violence be minimized?

First and foremost, the youth should not be manipulated by anyone. Whatever the motivation, a major reason why youth join violence is because of manipulation by dierent interests. Youth do not take up violence for choice, they are left with no choice and hence forced to take up arms as the best available alternative. Secondly, youth need to be engaged in constructive ways. When youth are unemployed and have a lot of free time in hand with nothing else to do, they get easily attracted in the vicious cycles of drugs, crime and violence. Keeping youth employed will give very little time for youth to get into the cycle of violence. Beside employment, youth can be kept engaged in many other ways, through sports, volunteering, community development, extra curricular activities, etc. Thirdly, there need to be increased investment in youth development building life skills and vocational skills among youth. Life skills will empower youth to take leadership of their own lives and deal with the multiple problems and issues that come in their life. Vocational skills will help them earn a livelihood. Fourthly, there should be strong law and order, and the police and administration should be able to control the criminal gangs and armed groups. Rules and regulations need to be implemented and followed properly and strictly. When there are no or less of these groups it will naturally decrease the recruitment of youth. Fifth, the marginalized youth and youth at risks need to be targeted for some focused programs. It is seen that the youth from the dalits and marginalized communities, who are poor and have very limited opportunities, are more prone to take up arms. Violence becomes a shortcut to making money and getting prosperous. Therefore, programs of education, skills development and employment need to have special focus on these vulnerable youth groups. Sixth, through both formal and non-formal education, youth need to be taught about peace and non-violence. From very early age, the children should learn about peace and non-violence. They also need to get skills for non-violent communications and advocacy. Finally, there need to be policies and programs in place to address the needs and aspirations of youth in the country. Structures and mechanisms need to be built to increase and institutionalize youth participation in governance and decision making. Youth are both a security threat and safeguards of public security. Addressing the needs and aspirations of youth will help reduce youth involvement in violence, and investing in youth development and making youth partners in security sector will facilitate the role of youth in ensuring citizens security. GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010 23
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References
[1] Abello Collak, A. & Pearce, J. (2009). `Security from Below' in contexts of chronic violence.
IDS Bulletin, 40 (2), pp. 11-19.

[2] Alliance for Peace (2009).
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Security Sector Transformation: Why New Risks Demands a New Kind of Security Governance. Booz Allen Hamilton. Retrieved from
www.boozallen.com
[4] Brunborg, H. & Urdal, H. (2005). The Demography of Conict and Violence: An Introduction.
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New Voices Series

No. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation in Nepal

This publication was co-financed by our donors:

The Global Consortium on Security Transformation (GCST)

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

in Development Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton, UK.

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

Madhesis 4 and ethnic groups and other criminal

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

District Saptari Kailali Rukum Kathmandu Total

Tab. 1: Sample Distribution Total n of FGDs Total n of Participants

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

Youth Sample Total n of participants 10 5 25 5 7 7 59

2.1. Limitations of the Research

3. Youth and Security Sector in Nepal 3.1. Dening Youth in Nepal

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

Terms in use by UN agencies

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

3.2. Youth and Society: Problems or Solutions

3.3. Youth and Conict: Victims or Perpetrators

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

3.4. Youth and Security Sector in Nepal

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

4.1.1. What are the sources of insecurity?

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

4.1.2. Vicious Cycle of Insecurity

youth experience converts youth as a security threats.

4.2. Youth and Security: Victims or Perpetrators

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

Vicious Circle of Insecurity

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

4.2.2. Are youth victims or perpetrators?

4.2.3. Why do youth join armed groups?

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

4.3. Role of Various Actors in Public Security

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

4.3.2. Role of political parties

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

4.3.3. Civil society

4.4. Role of Youth in Public Security

Youth Perspectives on Security Sector Transformation In Nepal

GCST, New Voices Series, no. 7, November 2010

3. Youth and Security Sector in Nepal 3.1. Dening Youth in Nepal

3.3. Youth and Conict: Victims or Perpetrators

Journal of International Aairs, 56 (1), pp. 3-21.