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Running Head: SOMALI-AMERICAN IDENTITY

Exploring How Young Adult Somali-Americans Are Constructing Identity in Post-9/11 America Jack W. Turner GeorgeMason University [May 2011] NOTE: Some appendixes removed - JT

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Table of Contents Title Page: ...1 Table of Contents....2 Abstract ...5 Introduction ...6 Rationale..9 Literature Review...9 Brief History of Somalia.....9 Forced Migration and Social Discrimination......................10 Methods and Procedures...11 Qualitative Methodology...12 Mindfulness and Uncertainty13 Experiencing Muslim Informality15 Co-Researcher Recruitment .16 Description of Co-Researcher Demographics..17 Place of Birth, War Memories, and Family Structure....17 Recruiting Through Social Networks...18 Enhancing Trust Through Online Transparency...19 Protecting Confidentiality and Offering Compensation . ..20 Triangulation and Bracketing...21 Interview Environments....21 Interview Question Creation.....23

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Reducing Transcripts into Themes: Orbes Three Phases.....24 First Review: Description......24 Second and Third Phases: Reduction and Interpretation.. ..25 Co-researcher Involvement.......25 Results.....27 Theme One: Maintaining Strong Family Bonds.....28 Family Conflicts and Religious Practices.....29 Parents Talk and Guidance ......30 Civil War and Diaspora.....31 Theme Two: Keep Your Culture......33 Somali-American Communities: Everybodys Watching..34 Qabiil: Intra-Cultural Racism and Politics.....35 Not Black and Politically Black ........36 Theme Three: Keep Your Religion.......37 Wearing Hijab .......38 Theme Four: Privileging Diversity ..........39 The Racial Discrimination Question............41 Dialectic Relationships with Native African-Americans...... .42 Awareness of Racial Hierarchy and Handling It........44 Discussion....45 Family Bonds and Somali-American Identity.....46 Cultural Awareness, Maintenance, and Challenges...48 Diversity: Intercultural and Interracial Friendships.50

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Islam and Intercultural Friendships....53 Religion, Healing, and Allahs Place. ...53 Privileging Diversity and Intercultural Explorations. ...55 The Racial Discrimination Question....57 Conclusion...59 Limitations..61 Implications for Future Research ....62 References.......64 Appendix A.................73 Appendix B..........91 Appendix C.................93 Appendix D...........112

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Abstract Previous research has suggested that thirteen - to - eighteen year old Somali-Americas must negotiate several barriers in American culture in order to attain a successful balance between their Somali culture and mainstream American culture. The barriers include racial stereotypes, post-9/11 discrimination toward Muslims, and the social status of refugees and immigrants. This phenomenological project explores how eighteen to twenty-six year old SomaliAmericans are constructing and negotiating their young adult identities in American culture. Identity theory provides a holistic explication for the way cultural, interpersonal, and contextual factors influence the construction and negotiation of Somali-American identity.

A primary goal of the study has been to describe Somali-Americans interactive experiences of identity from their standpoint, and in their voices. Results from ten participant interviews reveal significant themes related to intercultural identity construction and negotiation during young adulthood. Participants have voiced descriptions of strong family bonds, a sense of obligation to their culture, commitment to Islamic faith, and an attraction to diverse cultural, racial, and ethnic social networks. Implications of the results and suggestions for future research are discussed. Keywords: Somali-Americans, identity, phenomenology, acculturation, Muslim

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Exploring How Young Adult Somali-Americans Are Constructing Identity in Post-9/11 America Previous research in American and Canadian high schools (Forman, 2002; Husain, 2008; Shepard, 2008) suggests that adolescent children of Somali immigrants experience significant challenges negotiating cultural and social barriers existing in their daily living environment. In the United States, thirteen to eighteen year old Somali-Americans are reported to be marginalized by their religion, race, status as children of immigrants, and their youth (Husain, 2008; Shepard, 2008). This project explores identity construction and negotiation among young adult Somali-Americans, eighteen to twenty-six year old, and how this process may be related to the acculturation difficulties reported by Husain (2008) and Shepard (2008). This project advances beyond adolescence and seeks to answer three basic questions. First, how do young adult (18 to 26 years old) Somali-Americans construct identities that function well in communication with non-Somalis and non-Muslims while also functioning successfully within their Somali culture? Second, what effects have their interactive experiences with others, within and outside Somali-American groups, had on negotiating and shaping their identities? Third, what does it mean to be a young adult Somali-American growing up in, and adapting to, American mainstream culture? By asking these questions, this study also seeks to describe, from the standpoint of young adult Somali-Americans, the diversity within and between cultures and what makes intercultural contact effective or ineffective (Hecht, Jackson&Ribeau, 2003, p.6.) Rationale This investigation is important because it could help researchers, educators, and social service organizations better understand how young Somali-Americans experience acculturation between Somali and American culture. The project focuses on providing a space where the voices and perspectives of young adult Somali-Americans can be heard, valued, and understood

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by those of us outside their social and cultural borders. Results from this research may reveal communication approaches and strategies that are more effective at creating satisfying and successful acculturation experiences for young adult Somali-Americans. Similar to Orbe and Harriss (2006) position on successful interracial communication, I believe that learning about and accepting similarities and differences between Somali culture and American culture is necessary to understand how young adult Somali-Americans attain their personal, professional, and social goals from a marginalized position in the United States. This project uses a phenomenological approach (Dewitt, 2007; Martinez, 2000; Orbe, 1998; Sokolowski, 2000), Orbes (1998) co-cultural theory, and the communication theory of identity (Hecht et al. 2003) to discover, explicate, and value thedifferences and similarities between Somali and American culture. This trio of theories and methods has provided the necessary depth and scope to discover and analyze how the noted differences and similarities forge young Somali-Americans identities and shape their adaptation to American culture. First, phenomenology acknowledges the perceived reality of young Somali-Americans as it is experienced in daily interactions and accepts their lived experience as data (Dewitt, 2007; Martinez, 2000), which is referred to as capta by Orbe (1998). Second, Orbes co-cultural methodology serves as a framework for exploring young Somali-Americans intercultural communicationexperiences and how this has resulted in their communication choices and strategies in relation to the dominant culture in the United states. Orbe and Harris (2006) suggest that the dominant culture privileges white European - American cultural values (P.76). Finally, Hecht et al.s (2003) communication theory of identity provides a holistic explanation for the way complex cultural, interpersonal, and contextual factors influence the construction and negotiation of a successful Somali-American identity.

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This project analyzes personal narratives for essential themes, and presents the themes in the voices of young adult Somali-Americans. The main purpose of this study has been to investigate the different ways that young Somali-Americans, as a marginalized group (Orbe, 1998), construct and negotiate their identities between two cultures. Identity is a dynamic nexus of an individuals culture, family relationships, social interactions, and negotiation decisions in relation to other individuals, social groups, and the existing dominant culture (Hecht et al., 2003). This project focuses on identity because it is the culmination and inter-relation of previous value and behavioral decisions that determine an individuals current choices concerning group membership, communication behavior, and personal goals (Hecht et al., 2003; Ting-Toomey, 2005). The project has included my own journey across cultural boundaries into the discursive world of young adult Muslims and Somali-Americans. Impressions of my journey have been recounted to provide richer description and validation for the projects results. I have attended Muslim Student Association (MSA) (Muslim Student Association, 2007) events at George Mason University and events sponsored by the Northern Virginia Community College (NOVA) MSA. I have participated in prayers and lectures on the Quran at the Dar al Hijrah Islamic Center in Falls Church, Virginia (the Dar al Hijrah Islamic Center, 2001). Ihave also interacted and exchanged information with young adult Somali-Americans through social networks such as Facebook (Turner, 2011a) and Blogger (Turner, 2011b). The remaining content of this paper is divided into five sections, followed by references and appendices. A brief literature review is followed by a full description of methods and procedures used to collect data. Next, a results section describes shared themes which have been reduced from participants interviews, using specific quotes from participants for examples. A discussion section addresses the interpretations of themes derived from Somali-American co-

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researcher interviews and triangulates their descriptions with previous research and with publicly available data from Internet social networks. Finally, a conclusion section reviews major points elicited from this project, discusses the studys limitations, and sums up implications for future research. For the remainder of this document, Orbes (1998) co-cultural terms for this projects participants and data derived from participant interviews will be used. Participants in this study are recognized as co-researchers who are primary authorities on their lived experiences and their cultures traditions and rituals (Dewitt, 2007; Orbe, 1998). Data produced from co-researchers interviews and Somali-American online social networks, the accounts ofco-researchers lived experience and the meanings that co-researchers attach to their experiences, are labeled as capta(Dewitt, 2007; Orbe, 1998). Literature Review This section begins with a brief history of Somali-Americans ancestral homeland, Somalia. It then focuses on the common effects of forced migration endemic to the SomaliAmerican population. Finally, it references unique cultural characteristics and social contexts that influence identity construction and negotiation by Somali-Americans. A Brief History of Somalia In the 1980s, an opposition government was formed which eventually pushed Mohammed SiadBarre, ruler since 1969, out of power in 1991 (CIA Factbook, 2011). Without a unifying leader or government to keep clan rivalries under control, brutal clan warfare took over Somalia. Within a year, it was estimated that several hundred thousand people had died, and another 1.5 million (an estimated one quarter of the population) were on the brink of starvation (Putnam &Noor, 1993). An estimated one million Somalis had fled to neighboring countries such as Kenya, Ethiopia, and Yemen (CIA Factbook, 2011; Putnam & Noor, 1993). There has

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not been a government functioning to serve the whole of Somalia in twenty years (CIA Factbook, 2011). Peace has come to Somalia intermittently since 1995, when the United Nations (U.N.) finally withdrew its occupational forces after years of sustaining casualties. A tentative government has been assisted by Kenya since 2000, and it now includes a Somali-American president, Mohammed Abdullahi. The northern-most region of Somalia has declared itself a separate country named Somaliland, and has enjoyed peace and stability for several years. It remains to be seen if Somaliland will be recognized diplomatically by the U.N (Maloof& Sheriff-Ross 2003; CIA The World Fact Book, 2005) Forced Migration and Social Discrimination.Somali-Americans have experienced difficulties common to previous refugee and immigrant populations in the United States, including Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) (CDC, Gozdziak, 2002;Maloof& Sheriff-Ross, 2003;Tran &Ferullo, 1997), acculturation stress (Berry, Kim, Minde& Mok,1987; Shepard, 2008) and deficiencies in language fluency and educational skills (Shepard, 2008; Husain, 2008). Shepard (2008) and Husain (2008) have included Somali-Americans who did not personally experience war environments and refugee camp living. Shepard and Husain both indicate a position that young Somalis share common cultural reference points from refugee trauma and acculturation stress that are passed down in their cultural memory. I have followed the same reasoning in this project. Somali-Americans inhabit a marginal position within American culture due to post-9/11 discrimination against Muslims (Muedini, 2009; Sirin& Fine, 2007; Watanabe &Helfand, 2009; Yee, 2005),continuing racial barriers against people of color (Orbe& Harris, 2006) their status as the newest, youngest, and poorest African immigrants now living in the United States (Husain, 2008; Shepard, 2005; U.S. Census Bureau, 2000), and a stereotyping negative image in the U.S.

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news and popular media (Finn &Hosh, 2011; Hedgpeth, 2011). Most anti-Muslim experiences are reported by people who are of Middle-Eastern descent, or people who have physical characteristics that are presumed to be Middle-Eastern (head covering, swarthy complexion, and so on (Boorstein, 2006). However, Shepard (2008) and Husain (2008) recount Somali-American experiences with anti-Muslim discrimination in U.S. schools, as well as racially-based discrimination (sometimes from U.S.-born African-Americans). In the mass media and news programs, Somali-Americans are referenced mostly in terms of Islamic insurgency threats (Finn &Hosh, 2011) and Somali pirates (Hedgpeth, 2011). These unique and negative factors may provide a significant burden for young adult Somali-Americans trying to negotiate American culture successfully. Methods and Procedures This project became a concrete plan on October 11, 2011, when I spoke with a local Imam, a recognized community and religious leader who may also lead prayers (Imam, 2011). After I described a project about exploring the identity construction of young American Muslims,Imam Mohammed (a pseudonym) quickly and coherently advised me to focus the study on Somali-Americans. He said Somali-Americans were all Muslims1 , or at least he had never heard of, or met, a non-Muslim Somali. Mohammed, who was comfortable being addressed by his first name, referred me to a local American Muslim professor who had researched SomaliAmericans, and suggested I start attending MSA events. From that point, I contacted the Muslim professor, who supported my research concept and also advised me to meet young adult Muslims by attending MSA events. He advised me to communicate about my research project through these interactions and ask MSA executive

During this project, every source of information about Somalis, Somali-Americans and Islam-human sources, blogs and online discussions, journal articles and news items- stated that almost all Somali-Americans were Muslim. No report of a non-Muslim Somali-American has emerged from any of these sources during this study.

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committee members if they knew any Somali-Americans. I jokingly referred to this conversation as my marching orders. I contacted Muslim Student Association (MSA) officers and other members at George Mason University and Northern Virginia Community College by attending their scheduled events. I explained the research project and asked for introductions to Somali-American contacts. I attended six MSA events over about six weeks to help build a trusting relationship and support for the research from the MSA community. I also attended six or more prayer meetings at the Dar al Hijrah mosque to become more familiar with Muslim cultural practices and religious rituals. While I was attending Muslim events to make contact with Somali-Americans, I created an Internet social network presence to reach out beyond the geographic area of northern Virginia to Somali-Americans in other states. More details about the online web pages used for the project are in the Co-Researcher Recruitment section because it became a significant factor in attracting female Somali-Americans to the study. Another unexpected benefit of the online promotion was that it created another important reference point for demonstrating respect and legitimacy to potential co-researchers. The qualitative methods used in the project are discussed next. Qualitative Methodology Following qualitative methodology, specifically phenomenology, I have been the principal investigator, interviewer, and data collection instrument for this study (Creswell, 1998). This projects data collection demonstrates phenomenological theory in respect to the observer (me) and the object, or phenomenon, being observed, which includes my co-researchers, Muslim rituals, and so on (Sokolowski, 2000). According to phenomenological theory, the act of observing and the phenomenon being observed create a dynamic and recursive experience

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(Sokolowski, 2000). Phenomenology embraces subjectivity and proposes that observation of an object, or phenomenon, creates an experience of reality that is the total sum of the observers individual history and culture, the context of the observation (such as time and place), and the object (Sokolowski, 2000). Thus, the researchers perception of reality is never completely separated from what, or who, he is studying (Sokolowski, 2000). An assumption of phenomenology is that researchers are immersed in the lifeworld they are observing (Orbe, 1998). A phenomenological perspective has guided my exploration of the religious culture of Somali-Americans as a way to understand and acknowledge how SomaliAmericans standpoint and communication behaviors inter-relate with Islamic beliefs and values (Dewitt, 2007; Orbe, 1998). Respectfully exploring Muslim communal space also has helped create a trusting relationship with the Muslim community that surrounds Somali-Americans. During my exploration, I have practiced ethical intercultural communication, and fully disclosed my role as an interested and respectful researcher at all times (Martin, Nakayama, & Flores, 2002). Another major component of phenomenology and co-cultural theory (Orbe, 1998) is the reduction and refinement of participants accounts of their lived experiences into essential structures of meaning or essence (Martinez, 2000; Orbe, 1993). The essence of a persons lived experience, the meaning created and how it is understood by that person in his or her culture, is discovered by linking co-researchers experiences to a specific understanding or meaning. When the interview transcripts have been scrutinized for shared meanings until the smallest number of meanings (usually a phrase or short sentence) are related to the smallest number of shared experiences, an essence has revealed itself. An essence is important because it describes a relationship, communication strategy, value, or belief that is uniquely bound to the studys participants (Creswell, 1998; Hecht et al, 2003; Orbe, 1993).

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The qualitative methods I have used in this project are much different from my undergraduate experience using quantitative methods (Creswell & Miller, 2000). Primarily, this has been the case because the qualitative method has required much more attention to my interactions during data collection. For example, an essential part of Orbes (1998) co-cultural approach is reflexivity, or the self-reflexive process (Creswell & Miller, 2000). Being reflexive means not only reflecting on ones perspective and bias while performing data collection, but also examining ones motivations and cognitive processes that lead up to decision-making and judgments (Orbe, 1998) I enacted my understanding of reflexivity by regularly and consistently questioning whether or not I have described communication experiences in the voice of the participants, and not my own. I made it a regular practice to record my impressions and understandings after every MSA event; when I had a conversation with another Muslim I had just met; after any social interaction that was significant in some way; and after most of the interviews. In this way the, meaning and importance of reflexivity revealed itself step-by-step during the project. The significance of practicing mindfulness and handling communication apprehension is discussed in the following section. Mindfulness and Uncertainty The personal interactions within the Muslim and Somali-American cultures I have experienced as a human data collection instrument have involved learning and negotiating cultural differences and navigating different cultural spaces. This relates to another important concept for communicating across cultural boundaries: mindfulness. Mindfulnesshas beendescribed by intercultural communication researchers Ting-Toomey (2005) and Gudykunst (2005) as demonstrating respect for, and maintaining consistent attention to, another persons culture.

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During this project, I have endeavored to be mindful at all times by demonstrating openness and honesty, asking questions about Islam politely, listening attentively, sharing my knowledge about the value Somali and Islamic culture, and always participating in events dressed in a suit and tie. Literally, mindfulness has been a component, and a function, of this human data collector. I have been especially concerned with building trusting relationships with people who could be potential recruits for the study and/or people who could introduce me to potential coresearchers. This has included any Muslims I have interacted with at MSA events, at lectures on the Quran, and at prayer meetings or other functions at the mosque. In fact, much like the uncertainty of intercultural communication theorized by Gudykunst (2005), I was continually anxious about committing an embarrassing or, even worse, offensive faux pas during my initial interactions with Muslims and Somali-Americans. My anxiety was abated substantially by several weeks of sincere kindness, generosity, friendly curiosity, and openness to diversity offered by my many Muslim benefactors. The pleasant surprise of open and informal communication practices in Muslim culture is discussed next. Experiencing Muslim Informality.One day I was invited into the office of the mosques white haired and bearded director, who is a Mufti Sheik: Mufti meaning he is a qualified interpreter of Islamic law, and Sheikh meaning he is a respected elder and speaker (Mufti, 2011; Sheikh, 2011). Come, sit, he said, and gestured with his hand toward an empty chair next to another slightly graying man in a prayer cap, brown leather jacket, and blue jeans. The Mufti Sheikh, wearing a prayer cap and ankle-length thawb, a long-sleeved cotton robe, laid lengthwise on a small couch across from me and asked ,So, you have a family? The other man turned out to be a construction contractor who had another career back in Egypt as a physical therapist. I enjoyed a pleasant conversation about my research and various religious issues with these two

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gentlemen, the Mufti Sheikh dozing intermittently between friendly questions and quotes from the Quran. My experiences with the Muslim community - at MSA events, prayer meetings and Quranic lectures at the mosque eventually imbued me with positive expectations about future interactions with Muslims of all races and ethnic backgrounds, and with Muslims at all levels of status and authority. On a couple of occasions, I stayed at the mosque after a prayer meeting and spent several hours relaxing and studying in the comfort of this spiritual place. I was never alone, because as co-researcher Omar (pseudonym) has stated: You know, in a mosque, there's always somebody there for all five prayers. There's always somebody there, something going on during the day. I think in a Christian church, people arent there. There's a lot of time when the church is empty. I'm not sure about that. Is that true? I can only speak from my experience in the context of the Muslims I have interacted with at George Mason University, Northern Virginia Community College, and the al darHijrah Islamic Center. If these groups are a normal example, it is quite easy for me to understand why Muslims are not only outraged, but feel real emotional pain at the way Muslims have been stereotyped as primitive, violent, and oppressive (Friedlander, 2004; Yee, 2005). After the tragic attacks of September 11, 2001, I experienced for some time a fear of individuals I thought might be Muslim. My experiences in Muslim communities have completely alleviated that fear, with the practical caveat that there will always be a few misguided, destructive people in any community. The projects co-researchers are described by demographics and family history in the next section. Co-Researcher Recruitment Co-researchers for the project have been recruited after receiving approval from George

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Mason Universitys Human Subjects Review Board. (Appendix A)Multiple recruitment strategies have been used, including personal introductions through MSA members; the creation of Somali-American Identity Project Facebook (Turner, 2011a) and Blogger (Turner, 2011b) pages to promote the study on the Internet; and multiple links to my professional and educational contact information I have used snowball sampling whenever possible, through face to - face interactions and through Internet interactions. I have been inspired to try online interviews by Dewitts (2008) use of an online format for conducting focus group interviews. Description of Co-Researcher Demographics(Appendix B) The projects purposeful sample (Frey, Botan, & Kreps, 2000) is composed of four female and six male 18-26 year old Somali-Americans. One co-researcher is finishing high school, six are completing one to three years of their bachelors degrees, two are finishing bachelors degrees, one has completed two years of college and is currently unemployed, and one is a professional counselor with a masters degree. Half of the co-researchers are employed full or part time or work without salaries for non-profit organizations. When given a choice between American, African, African-American, Muslim, Somali, and Somali-American identities (adapted from Shepard, 2008), eight co-researchers chose Muslim as the identity most salient to them. One co-researcher chose Somali-American as most salient, and one chose African-American first and Muslim second. Place of Birth, War Memories, and Family Structure. Three co-researchers were born and raised in northern Virginia, six were born in Mogadishu, and one was born in London, England. Five of the immigrant co-researchers are from families who fled the civil war in Somalia as forced immigrants or refugees. One participant has personal memories of civil war violence and the resulting family upheaval; one has personal memories of refugee camp life; and the others have heard civil war and refugee narratives from older siblings and parents.

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All of the co-researchers have large, extended families. In some cases, they have met people who are introduced to them as aunts, uncles, and cousins that they have been previously unknown to them. Three of the co-researchers have divorced parents; two co-researchers have single mothers who remained unmarried after the fathers death; and one of the co-researchers has parents who have remain married while living in separate countries. Four of the ten coresearchers have married parents who live together. Family structures have been affected by the Somali diaspora. Four of the co-researchers have described their extended families complete exodus from Somalia, naming relatives in Sweden, Norway, and Eastern Europe. Six co-researchers have anywhere from a few relatives to many relatives still living in Somalia, and twoco-researchers have visited relatives in Somalia the past five years. The next section opens up the topic of using online social networks for recruiting co-researchers for research studies. Recruiting Through Social Networks In order to promote dialog about Somali-American identity between myself and SomaliAmericans, I created a Facebook page (Turner, 2011a), Blogger website (Turner, 2011b), and Twitter account (Turner, 2011c) dedicated to attracting young adult Somali-Americans to an explorative dialog about Somali-American identity This type of promotion is in line with social networking strategies described by Brogan and Smith (2009) and is being used to recruit participants for other studies. For example, companies are now offering social networking services to medical researchers for the purpose of recruiting participants for medical trials (Sfera, 2011). The blogger page (Turner, 2011b) functions like a web page, with an About the SomaliAmerican Identity Project opening page , and several other pages explaining in more detail the projects goals and displaying the projects Informed Consent Form, and other project

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documents. Every Blogger page (Turner, 2011b) is linked to each other and to other web pages such as the projects Facebook page (Turner, 2011a) and my professional information on a LinkedIn page. By practicing complete transparency with my educational and professional information, I basically showed as clearly as possible that I had nothing to hide. In the next section, trust issues and the use of transparency with online web pages is discussed. Enhancing Trust Through Online Transparency. Having nothing to hide has been an important issue ever since an MSA executive member and a co-researcher both stated, separately, that I needed to be careful around Muslims because they might think youre a spy. (Personal conversations with author, November, 2010 and January, 2011). The project web pages have coordinated links to Somali-American YouTube videos, the present research project documents, and previous academic research about Somali-Americans in a professional display (Turner, 2011b). It has been obvious to any viewers that a respectable amount of consideration, research, time and energy went into creating the web pages. Together, the factors of professionalism, transparency, and interesting links created a perception that the project was serious and respectful toward Somali-American culture. I interacted with a number of Somali-Americans through the projects Facebook page (Turner, 2011a). Internet capta has contributed significantly to the triangulation (Creswell & Miller, 2000;; Frey, Botan, & Kreps, 2000) of interview capta provided by co-researchers. In particular, because female Muslims are often limited in their interactions with males (El-Amin Naeem, 2009; Evans, 2010), I conjectured that Internet and phone interviews would work best for this segment of the sample group. Since three female co-researchers outside of Virginia were recruited and interviewed in exactly this way, it would appear that electronic communication channels may be a productive strategy for future intercultural interviews.

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Even though the Blogger website (Turner, 2011b) has not been used so far as a communal communication site by young Somali-Americans, it has turned out to be a significant symbol of legitimacy for potential co-researchers who visited the page. I found the power of such a symbol on the perceptions of a group a generation younger than me intriguing as a persuasive strategy and baffling from the viewpoint of my age-related culture. The Twitter account (Turner, 2011c) connected me with a few Somali-American teenagers and a Somali-American radio show host, but did not result in recruiting any co-researchers. The next section discusses the protection of co-researchers confidentiality and the need for offering compensation to co-researchers. Protecting Confidentiality and Offering Compensation. For personal interviews, informed consent was obtained from co-researchers in person by this researcher. Internet coresearchers read the informed consent agreement on the Blogger page (Turner, 2011b), and I discussed it in detail with each co-researcher. Online co-researchers then gave their consent verbally to the researcher and sent a signed, printed copy to the researcher by mail or email attachment. All co-researchers received a copy of the Informed Consent Form as well as a detailed information statement fully explaining the research project (Appendix A)co-researchers were asked if they had any more questions or concerns at the end of each interview. Confidentiality has been maintained by keeping access to all documents strictly limited to myself and my adviser. All audiotapes, video recordings, and transcripts have been kept in a locked facility at all times when not being analyzed by this researcher. All co-researcher names used in this project report are pseudonyms in accordance with the informed consent agreement. No co-researchers or potential co-researchers have at any time been misinformed or misled in any way during this study. At any time during the study, anyone viewing the web page sources or holding a signed consent form could have contacted my university adviser and/or employer to check my credentials.

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After two uncompensated co-researchers completed their interviews, I had no contact from potential co-researchers for two weeks. Compensation was offered in order to attract participants to the project within the planned interview schedule. One $25.00 gift card, or a $25.00 donation to a charitable or non-profit organization of their choice, was offered to coresearchers who completed a 45-60 minute interview. Compensation was mailed tocoresearchers one to two weeks after they completed the interview, or a $25.00 contribution was sent to their non-profit of choice. Triangulating sources of data and the bracketing of personal bias is discussed in the next section. Triangulation and Bracketing Other sources of information have contributed to the validity of this study. By using triangulation (Creswell, 1998; Frey, Botan, & Kreps, 2000), capta from the interviews has been compared with data from Somali-American Internet discussion forums and blogs, SomaliAmerican educational videos, previous research on refugee and immigrant populations (including Muslims), and news stories concerning Somali-Americans. Triangulation serves an important role in qualitative research by providing similar data from multiple sources, providing additional validity to the researchers interpretations of capta (Creswell & Miller, 2000). During data collection and analysis of interview transcripts, I have bracketed or set aside, my personal opinions and judgments by concentrating on the unique character, perspective, and experiences of each context and each human being (Dewitt, 2007; Orbe, 1998). In accordance with Orbes (1998) co-cultural methods, I acknowledge that at the present time I am a fifty-five year old heterosexual male of White European descent, married with two adult children, and holding spiritual beliefs that correlate well to Zen Buddhism. If pressed for a description of my culture, I would say that my worldview is informed by a liberal, Southern, and Christian

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upbringing that has been broadened significantly by my travels and experiences as the child of a a U.S. military officer. I found bracketing, also called invoking the epoque (Martinez, 2000), to be a difficult challenge when it came to reading about Islamic prohibitions on female behavior and hearing them reified during lectures about the Quran and Muslim identity (El-Amin Naeem, 2009; Evans, 2010). Particularly, it was difficult to bracket my personal opinion when it came to issues of personal safety. For example, it is forbidden for Muslim women to be alone with a single man, because a third person Shaytan(Satan) will be present to encourage sinful behavior (Evans, 2010; Authors personal conversations with MSA members, 2010). In fact, MSA members have been lectured that it is prohibited in Islam for a man to walk a young female Muslim student to her car at night, even if the intent is to insure her safety (Evans, 2010). Shaking hands with a non-Muslim female at a business meeting has also been defined as an act prohibited by rules against touching anyone of the opposite gender except your spouse (Evans, 2010). Despite my incomprehensibility of a few singular occurrences such as this, on the whole I found the Muslim environment and the participants life stories so fascinating that I seldom dwelled on my personal viewpoint. As Orbe and Harris (2006) have made clear, sometimes the best approach in communicating outside your comfort zone is to accept that you will not understand everything you hear. The next section discusses the format used for interviewing participants. Interview Environments. Interviews were conducted in three different environments during the project. Six face-to-face interviews were conducted at different geographic locations, including George Mason University, Northern Virginia Community College, and an Indian restaurant; two interviews were conducted by telephone; and two interviews were conducted with Skype video calls (one with the video turned off, at the request of the female co-

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researcher). Different environments were used in order to take advantage of electronic communications and to demonstrate respect for co-researchers comfort, particularly female participants. All interviews were recorded with a digital voice recorder that made MP3 file storage possible. All voice recordings were transcribed. Interviews lasted from fifty minutes to two and one- half hours. Most interviews lasted about ninety minutes. Interview Question Creation Interview questions (Appendix A) were mainly related to Hecht et al.s (2003) communication theory of identity and Husain (2008) and Shepards (2008) research findings about cultural barriers experienced by Somali-American adolescents. Interview questions that were related to the communication theory of identity (Hecht et al., 2003) inquired about personal and family history; relational and social communication; communication within and outside of Somali American culture, and values and beliefs. Interview questions that were based on Husain (2008) and Shepards (2008) research included languages and language fluency, experiences of racial and religious discrimination, 9/11 experiences, and diversity of friendships and social groups. Some questions related to identity were adapted from Hackshaw (2007) and asked whether or not co-researchers perceived a more salient affinity with native African-Americans or with American Muslims. Questions asking co-researchers to switch places with native AfricanAmericans and white European-Americans were created independently by this author. Many coresearchers who imagined what it was like to be a member of a different cultural group gave enhanced descriptions about their perceptions and beliefs concerning African-Americans and white-Europeans. Additionally, some responses about being Somali-American changed , or were more descriptive, after this exercise .

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Interview questions were created to collect capta about young adult Somali Americans communication standpoint derived from their lived experiences; accounts of Somali culture; perceptions about white-European American and African-American culture; accounts of Muslim culture; and how these experiences influenced their construction and negotiation of identity. Questions were specific and open ended, meaning that questions elucidated specific experiences of interpersonal and intercultural communication and provided space for co-researchers to describe the meaning of their experiences in their own voices. After each interview, I reviewed notes to evaluate how well questions were providing the data needed for the project. Ineffective questions were omitted, some questions were changed, and some were added to provide deeper and more detailed descriptions of experiences. For example, as a theme ofqabiil (tribalism) emerged, I began asking a question about tribalism and allowing for open discussion about this issue. By the third interview, questions for each interview remained essentially the same. I transcribed each interview and, as described in the next section, I followed Orbes (1998) co-cultural method of reducing the transcripts into themes. Reducing Transcripts into Themes: Orbes Three Phases First Review: Description. During the periods between interviews, I made notes about some specific incidents and experiences from each interview that reflected aspects of identity construction and negotiation. I became aware of redundancies in the interview questions and of questions which did not provide the capta the study was attempting to discover. In accordance with the concept of following emerging themes from the interviews, I omitted redundant and unproductive questions and clarified others (Dewitt, 2007, Orbe, 1998, Witteborn, 2007). By the third interview, certain themes had emerged that would remain consistent in later analysis, and more would emerge from the reduction process.

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I followed three steps outlined by Orbe (1998) during the descriptive phase of reduction. First I transcribed all interviews (Appendix C, example of completed transcript), andread each transcript individually without making notes. Second, I highlighted words, phrases, and narratives that appear to be essential to the lived experiences of co-researchers. In the case of the present study, these experiences will be related to questions about identity construction and negotiation through personal interactions. In the third step of the description phase, I bracketed themes from the first transcript before moving on to the next transcript. More or different themes are expected to emerge from each new transcript, because each co-researchers lived experience will point out their individual standpoint, including how they view the worlds around them and shape their own reality; how they perceive others and how they think others perceive them (Dewitt, 2007); and how they negotiate who they are in the different contexts of their worlds (Orbe, 1998). I read most of the transcripts a second time in this phase to be certain I was following Orbes (1998) method correctly. Second and Third Phases: Reduction and Interpretation. For the second phase of reduction, I read every transcript again to become more familiar with themes highlighted in each transcript. Ieliminated themes that were not essential to participants lived experiences, and I began to consider specific themes that were consistent across all interviews. After completing this task for each transcript, I advanced into the third phase of theme reduction (Orbe, 1998). In the third phase of reduction, I started to interpret themes that had been identified, and discovering how they connected with the viewpoints of different co-researchers. I reviewed essential themes drawn from interviews and constructed concepts that demonstrated how the themes related to one another. Reflexivity, how one starts with an initial interpretation and

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interrogates that interpretation, became more familiar a process as I continued from one transcript to the next and back again (Dewitt, 2007; Orbe, 1998). As suggested by Orbe (1998), I used creative thinking to explore how broad concepts might explicate the themes more logically and thoroughly in the voices of the co-researchers. Unique phrases began to emerge that described how the themes were interconnected and related from one co-researchers experience to the other. During this phase, a unique and unexpected theme I labeled Privileging Diversity began to emerge. Orbe (1998) states that once a researcher has completed this process, he should understand that a complete reduction of the themes is not possible, because the phenomenological approach assumes that the researchers involvement with the capta is intersubjective. Orbe states that in the phenomenological method, the researchers worldview is a continuous and dynamic part of the interpretive process, to the extent that interpretations of capta are similar to an ongoing dialog between the researcher and the data. In this sense, the reduction can never be completed because the conversation is never completed. The conclusion of the phenomenological process provides researchers with an understanding of a specific groups standpoint and voice by thoroughly examining their reports of day-to-day experiences. Phenomenology (Sokolowski, 2000), which recognizes multiple perceptions of reality, and Orbes (1998) co-cultural theory, allow researchers to bring a marginalized groups voice and perspective into the dominant cultural discourse. Orbes cocultural approach acknowledges the lived experiences of marginalized groups as an acceptable form of data (Dewitt, 2007), or capta. Co-researcher Involvement. Four co-researchers volunteered to review and evaluate the themes and interpretation produced by this study. Two co-researchers, Hanad and Sufia (pseudonyms) were available for a three-person phone conference with the author on April 28,

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2011. Hanad and Sufia read the thematic analysis I sent to them by email, and we systematically discussed each theme in a fifty-minute conversation, verifying the accuracy or inaccuracy of its language, voice, and viewpoint. As a result of this consultation with my co-researchers, some changes have been made to the final analysis. My co-researchers, for example, judged a theme about privileging the fathers personal advice over the mothers, labeled Wisdom of the Father, to be unrealistic. Another theme had poignantly described a perceived helplessness and isolation experienced by native AfricanAmericans. The first example was omitted from the themes because of my co-researchers invalidation, and the second because a transcript review revealed it did not reach enough saturation from participants transcripts (Creswell & Miller, 2000). This procedure helped validate the studys findings because it verified the most important dimension of the analysis: The unique voice and standpoint of my co-researchers. According to Dewitt (2007, pp. 89) this method values the perspective of the Othered, uncovers unknown and useful information, and has practical application for fostering productive dialogue. Results This section lists and describes four main themes reduced from co-researcher interviews. The themes were derived from questions and prompts about communication and social behavior occurring around culture, religion, race, ethnicity, family members, social groups, and beliefs and values. The questions were based on findings from previous studies by Husain (2008) and Shepard (2008). They also correlate with concepts proposed by Hecht et al.s (2003) communication theory of identity. The four main themes are Maintaining Strong Family Bonds, Keep Your Culture, Keep Your Religion, and , Privileging Diversity. The main themes are bridging concepts or frameworks that interconnect several subthemes. The main themes and sub-themes have been expressed through co-researchers

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descriptions of communicative experiences and social interactions related to identity construction. Examples of co-researchers lived experiences, voiced in their words, provide a glimpse of their construction of reality and their negotiation of identity within that reality (Dewitt, 2007; Orbe, 1998; Witteborn, 2007). Each main theme is presented in a separate section with its sub-themes and quotes from co-researchers that demonstrate the themes. All coresearchers names are pseudonyms. Theme One: Maintaining Strong Family Bonds I first named this theme Keeping the Family Together, but after revisiting the transcripts, Maintaining Strong Family Bonds appeared to be a better representation. Maintaining Strong Family Bonds reflects how family members stay connected to each through difficult and challenging experiences, such as forced and voluntary migration, the diaspora from Somalia, and internal family conflicts. Hanad, an ambitious eighteen year old male born in northern Virginia in his last year of high school, had started a non-profit organization two years before with a high school friend to help children in Somalia. Hanad recounted how his family of divorced parents, two grandparents, five sisters and four brothers worked together and stayed together through hard times. I have eight brothers and sisters. We live together with our parents and grandparents. In the past we were pretty poor. We were on food stamps and stuff like that. In 2008, we have three college graduates with jobs in the house. Thats why were middle class now. We all contribute everything to the family. Ali, an intelligent, friendly, and funny twenty-six year old from a family of divorced parents and six adult siblings, sprinkles his answers with American slang terms like dude and bro. Sounding somewhat world-weary, Ali has experienced his baby sisters shooting death while fleeing the civil war and his familys decline from upper class privilege to middle class

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status. Ali admires the strong bonds to his extended family that saved the rest of his immediate family from perishing after they fled from the civil war in Somalia. I had an aunt that I never knew [before]. We sent her here [the U.S.] for surgeryand she just stayed. Whenever we were at a place that had communication, she sent us some money. So, the older people came first. She got a house in Ohio, and we went to Ohio. Brave woman. She saved the whole family. Omar, a proud and assertive twenty year old college sophomore with married parents, two sisters and four brothers, spent eight years in Egypt with his family before immigrating to the U.S. in 1998. His older siblings remember running from gunfire with two-week- old Omar in their mothers arms. Like many co-researchers, Omar often described how cultural and religious values reified by his familys internal communications connected with perceived obligations to his relatives. Here, Omar has recounted an experience that demonstrates the importance his parents placed on helping family members in need: My mother's brother got in trouble in Sweden and my father had to go to Sweden and help him. He was there for a long time helping my uncle, and the company he works for said he had to come back or they would have to fire him. And my mother and father said, You know families are more important than this job. So my father lost this good opportunity in order to help my uncle. Family Conflicts and Religious Practices. A consistent sub-theme related to strong family bonds has been the maintenance of those bonds despite serious conflicts between the parents and their children. Aasha, a smart, independent 22 year-old female university senior born in Mogadishu, has married parents, three younger sisters, and one younger brother. Aasha has recently left her parents house to live on campus so that she can feel more comfortable not wearing hijab, the head covering most Somali-American and American Muslim women wear as

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a symbol of religious commitment. Aashas conflict with her parents values extends to a dialectic relationship with her religion, with Somali culture, and with her concept of selfexpression. Aasha has stated, I have a hard time with how strict my parents were. I could only go out at certain times, and come back at certain time. During the winter break I could've stayed on campus. I decided instead to go back and live at home [during the break] so my mom I just wanted her to feel like I'm still around. For me, I first rejected [hijab] because I felt for a long time that I cant express myself. My mom and my dad expected me to wear hijab, and long skirts and long shirts and so on. It was like, a sort of self-expression that doesnt make any sense. So I wasn't able to do any of that. Walii, a gregarious and energetic twenty-five year old male university senior with a single mother (his father died over twenty years ago) and four brothers, remembers living in a refugee camp and how much he liked his ten years in Islamabad, Pakistan before moving to northern Virginia in 2001.Waliis description of one of his familys conflicts, and its resolution, has been typical to this group of co-researchers. My mother and brothers [and I] stayed together. It was a conflict between what my brothers wanted and the way my mom sees the world. Parents would think, I'm going to lose my kids in the society. They're not going to practice their faith. We had to constantly tell my mom, No I'm not going to do that. So after that, it turns out that it's not that bad after all (laughs). But if I got married right now, and my brothers moved out, I would be the first one to move back with my mom. That is a cultural thing. We would never have our parents in the old folks home or something like that.

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Parents Talk and Guidance. Many co-researchers talked about having regular, open communication with their parents about moral values and behaviors that are acceptable or unacceptable. This was also tempered with open discussions about international events and politics. Some co-researchers deferred to one parent for guidance with serious problems, while others commented that both parents were equally approachable for discussions and advice about serious matters. Zahra, an optimistic and resilient eighteen year old female college freshman born in London, England and now in Massachusetts, has seven siblings and married parents who currently live in separate countries. Her father lives in New York City and her mother (with five of her younger siblings) lives in Kenya. Despite the geographical separations, Zahra feels close to her immediate and extended family. She recounts how her father has been the talker, the parent most likely to encourage conversation, in her family. In my family, ever since I was a little kid we would sit down and talk about our day with my father. Wed tell him something that happened, or try to explain something. Were talking about drugs and alcohol, how it affects people, stuff like that. About drugs, my father would say Well, I don't do that stuff and I'm happy. So you know, you don't have to do that stuff. Civil War and Diaspora.Hanad suggested that Somalias civil war might be a major theme for Somali-Americans, because We just got here in the early nineties , and were still new in this country [and not far removed from the war]. Co-researchers such as Omar and Walii related the civil war to stress on family bonds, the diaspora from Somalia, refugee experiences, lowered socio-economic status, and narratives about perseverance. A history of civil war and diaspora appears to permeate, implicitly and explicitly, many co-researchers current worldview. Personal memories, family narratives, and cultural memories of Somalias continuing violent

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struggle are indicated in co-researcher interviews as a cause for despair over personal and political losses as well as a reason to be proud for persevering through disastrous circumstances. Alis story is a tragic, and, unfortunately, common war refugee narrative (Tran &Ferullo, 1997; Godziak, 2002). Because he is the one co-researcher who has recounted his conscious experiences with personal losses from the civil war, it is appropriate and valuable to give some extra space for Alis narrative. Ali: Yeah, I remember my little sister got shot. We were in one of those dumpster trucks, you know? We were traveling, and somebody blocked the road and tried to rob us. And so the driver just took off [through the roadblock]. And they indiscriminately fired into the back of the truck and my little sister got shot, and she died. What's really weird about that, man, like, I mean, when you think about something like that. The whole family was happy that it was her, because she couldn't help You know she was a baby and she couldn't help in danger and stuff like that. You know, it's the difference between what if my father or mother died, or if we Because we're helping were fetching water and stuff like that. You know it's a hellhole when you have to decide, when you're thinking like that. At least she was so young, and she was not vital for survival. Most of my family is here, or in Europe. Iwould say that most of my family, ninefive percent, are out of there [Somalia]. Like dude, Having a chauffeur and then having nothing, it's kinda hard to get used to. My father was a [highly-skilled, well-paid professional] back home. When we came to the United States, he met someone, and my mom and him got divorced. Theres a lot of tension, you know, being in a new country, so he just took off. He couldn't handle it. My mom was like, Get a job!, and my father was like, I'm a professional!

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Like, I'm not going to be holding doors for people. Everyone hates him, because we did not have anything and he just kind of disappeared during a really bad time. Walii fled the civil war with his single mother and three brothers. Walii has recounted his familys experiences in a refugee camp, and the culture shock he felt moving from one culture to another. Walii stated, Yes, my mother and brothers stayed together. In the refugee camp, some mothers would tell the camp officials that their husband was dead-killed in the war-so they could get a visa to leave faster. Even if the husband was living in the camp, they would say he was dead, because [the officials] assumed that if he was alive, he was still fighting. So it was faster if youre a single mother. Going to Pakistan was culture shock at first, because the other kids had never seen black people for, and thought they were covered with dirt and tried rubbing your hands. But, they turned out to be very generous. Theme Two: Keep Your Culture Co-researchers consistently expressed that holding on to Somali culture was important in their daily lives. Language use, specifically speaking and reading the Somali language, emerged as one of the most consistent factors influencing the maintenance of co-researchers culture from one generation to the next. Sufia, a loquacious, energetic, creative twenty-three year old college sophomore, has divorced parents living in two countries - her father in New York City, and her mother in India. Sufias sister lives not far away with their aunt , and she has four brothers in Kenya, and one brother in Europe. Sufia speaks fluent Hindi with her mother every day, and fluent Somali with older relatives living nearby and with her aunt in Norway. Sufia describes the importance of language to her generation.

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For those of us who left when they were very young, we don't even remember the culture. Theres no memory of the country, so there's an element of holding onto the culture, because that is all that you have. The language, thats the only thing that distinguishes you from other cultural groups. If you don't speak the language, Somalis will tell you. right to your face, If you are not speaking the language you are not one of us (laughs). Aasha shares a similar experience with her parents: With the language, my parents always enforce the fact that they like, want [my younger brother] to speak both languages, to speak Somali and things like that. Comments by Hanad and Omar are notable because they appear to reflect aspects of a collective culture (Hofstede, 1980). Also, I was impressed by the similarity of Hanad and Omars comments, and the fact that they are spoken by two very different people. Hanad stated, I think [everybody working together, helping each other] is much better than going off and being alone-a much better way to live. Omar stated, It's better to get along with people than to be alone. Keeping Somali culture is important to me because we Somalis, the young ones, wont remember important people in our history and our Somali culture. Somali-American Communities: Everybodys Watching. Only two co-researchers reported this particular aspect of Somali-American culture, but their descriptions of two northern Virginia Somali-American communities were consistent and detailed. Also, Omar and Aashas experiences were remarkably similar to Shepards (2008) findings from SomaliAmerican youth in Boston. Omar stated, Yeah, everybody knows everybody. Like, if the neighbors see somebodys son do something bad, they're going to tell them. That's not good for the younger generation, they don't like that. It gets really annoying (laughs). The older generation, they stay outside, walk around. They will look at you for the longest time you know, trying to

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figure out if you're Somali or American or something like that. They will just stand there and look (laughs). Asha stated, You always feel like every Somali individual is judging you in a sense, or scrutinizing you. It leads to something like teens thinking Where are the spots I can go to where there arent any Somali people, so it doesn't affect my mom? Qabiil: Intra-Cultural Racism and Politics. There is a hostile, alienating, and prejudicial aspect to maintaining Somali culture that has been described by many coresearchers. It is an ethnocentric tribalism, called racist by Zahra, Sufia, and Omar, and known as qabiilto Somalis and Somali-Americans. Aasha recounts a typical narrative. It's like, maybe this lady's son wanted to marry the other familys daughter and they're from different tribes back in Somalia, and those tribes don't marry each other. And they'll say something like, Well our daughters in school and whatever, and they'll keep it from happening.Tribalism is very much alive. People say it isn't, but it's very much alive. Ali, mostly cheerful and funny during his interview, turned suddenly grave when the subject of qabiil was raised. Ali recounted another narrative typical to this group of coresearchers: That qabiil is responsible for the war that has caused so much damage to Somalia and its people. When asked about tribalism, Ali stated: That's a subject I stay away from. I am so anti-tribal. I think it's what took our country down. It really sucks. The younger people in college right now, they could care less. You hear the older people talking about, We need to build that city back up. And I'm like, Were in America. The whole family is here, who cares? A lot of people care about family ties and bloodlines. I really hate them, man. Look what they did to the country, a

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nice country. Like, I went from having a bidet in my house to shitting in the woods and dodging bullets because some people, greedy people, wanted power. Not Black and Politically Black. To clearly identify the cultural groups described in co-researchers language, I have used Sufias definition for a group commonly known as African-Americans: African-Americans are people who are from Africa, but they have been here for a really long time. I have labeled the group Sufia has described as native AfricanAmericans. African-Americansis a term most often used by co-researchers to describe morerecent immigrants from the African continent. Black is a termoften used neutrally to mean native African-Americans, but sometimes co-researchershave used Black derogatorily to mean gangsta, ghetto, or low-class native Africa- Americans. Guleed, a philosophical, inquisitive, and friendlytwenty-one year old male university sophomore born in northern Virginia, has a smallfor a Somali family of married parents, one sister and one brother. Guleed has described a significant component of maintaining Somali culture in this projects sample group, among one and a half generationas well as second generation Somali-Americans born in the U.S. One and a half generation refers to co-researchers born outside the U.S. who have lived in the U.S. for five years or more, and second generation means borne and raised in the U.S. (Husain, 2008). With one exception, co-researchers have uniformly described their conscious cultural differentiation from American Blacks. Here, Guleed describes his experience with native African-American and immigrant Africans. A lot of Africans dont identify themselves as [native] African-American. They say No, Im African. I dont know when there was this consensus on whats Black, you know, who that encompasses-African-American, Black, Negro. Ive always considered myself as African-American. But youll hear a lot of Somalis saying Oh you know those Blacks(looks down over his glasses and lowers his voice)

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and Ill say, You know, were black to. Arent you black? You sure look black to me (laughs). Is it because of different cultures? I dont know. Ive had some of my black friends whove said, you know, youre not really black (laughs). How am I not black? Im African and Im American. Im American! I dont think [my friend] was trying to classify [me]. He was saying, Youre just not one ofus (laughing). A concept related to this theme that emerged from many interviews is one I have labeled Politically Black. When it comes to racial identification from dominant (particularly white European) American cultural members and institutions, Somali-Americans in this study unequivocally express a conviction that white European-Americans perceive them as native African-Americans or low-class Blacks.Sufia and Zahra, who have never met, spoke each others viewpoint almost word-for-word. Sufia stated, The first thing they see in this country is your color. If you're black, your black. I don't think they differentiate between immigrants and black people and native-born African-Americans. Zahra stated, When you're black, people won't take the time to figure out what you are. They think you're black, you are black. Theme Three: Keep Your Religion Husain (2008) has reported that religion is a major influence and on the daily lives of Somali-Americans, a foundation from which family and community relationships are defined and built. Shepard (2008) has stated that religion was more important to Somali-American adolescents than she had expected before starting her research. In this project, all co-researchers have described the strong influence of Islam on their moral values and beliefs, gender role expectations, andpatterns of social communication. Co-researcher Maka has clearly described other co-researchers commitment to Islam in her transcribed remarks.

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Maka, a confident, mature, religious twenty-six year old female with a masters degree in social science, lives with her mother in Massachusetts (her father died in 1989) and works as a professional youth counselor. Maka has described open, tolerant personal beliefs which are thoroughly informed by Islamic teachings, and by her hajj to Mecca in the previous year. Maka has expressed the ideals of inclusiveness and acceptance intrinsic to Islam and to Muslim communities: My religion is first, so I feel most strongly about anything that affects Muslims. I went on Hajj to Saudi Arabia in 2010. And you know, you do not have nationality or race when you go to Mecca. You check that at the airport (laughs). Everybody is saying, there is no race, no nationality. Everybody is there to worship God, and everybody is there to complete their task. Everybody is wearing the same clothing. My strongest values are Islam. There is no God but God. There is one God and Mohammed is his messenger. What we try to do in Islam, is we do not judge people. Sufia, who often described Allahs guidance in her life, surprised me with a broad, nonjudgmental perspective on moral values that sounded almost secular. Sufia stated, You don't have to be religious to have good moral values. Islam helps me be a better person, but it is not the main component that makes me a good person. Wearing Hijab. As described by co-researchers and Muslim teachers, hijab is modest dress for men and women that covers most of the body. For most Muslim women, it means covering the head as well, and for some the niquab, or veil covering the face (El-Amin Naeem, 2009; Evans, 2010; Ibrahim, 1997). Hijab is a highly visible message in American culture that transmits to public onlookers the fact of a womans commitment to Islam. Three female coresearchers wear hijab and one co-researcher has, for now, rejected wearing a head scarf.

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Females that cover are called hijabis(El-Amin Naeem, 2009). Makas description reflects the comments of the other hijabis in the sample group. The scarf is something we are required to wear. God told us to wear it, so we have to do it. You don't have to do it. But, it's in the Quran and we are supposed to. Normally in my religion you start wearing [hijab] at puberty, but I wanted it to be my decision. So I waited until I was 18. I got a lot of support from my non-Muslim friends when I explained it to them and I really appreciated that. But [my parents] never forced me to wear hijab. They just had faith that I eventually was going to get it, which I did (laughing). Considering the small size of the sample group, it is interesting to note that Sufias experience with hijab is virtually the opposite of Aashas (pg.27). Sufia states: My mother didn't teach us that we have to do that. So I read the Quranfor a year. I came to believe that I should be wearing hijab. My sister said, You don't actually have to do it, and I said, But I want to! Sufia has also offered an insightful explanation for how Somali and American cultural members identify women wearing hijab through a lens of their values and beliefs. Sufia has stated: There is a thing in the Somali community where the girls that cover are considered the good ones, and the girls that don't cover are considered the bad ones. Non - Muslims who see women that don't cover think that women who do cover are the oppressed ones. I think it has much more to do with your character than what you're putting on your head. Theme Four: Privileging Diversity All co-researchers have expressed in various ways a preference for membership in multicultural or intercultural social groups rather than membership in Somali-only groups. Both

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one and a half and second generation co-researchers generally do not align their identities with native African-American culture, nor do they try to assimilate to white-European American cultural expectations or stereotypes. Many co-researchers also noted that they lived in culturally diverse neighborhoods and/or attended culturally diverse schools. I have labeled this unexpected theme as Privileging Diversity. All co-researchers in this project described themselves directly or indirectly as openminded and interested in other cultural groups, several reporting close friendships outside the Somali-American community. Five out of the ten co-researchers remember several years of immersion in other cultures due to their families migrations. Previous immersion in other cultures may have encouraged these co-researchers to privilege membership in multicultural social groups. However, the otherco-researchers, three of them born and raised in northern Virginia, have not experienced immersion in other cultures (Abukar has been outside the U.S., but that was a family trip to Somalia). Zahra has described how she confidently looked beyond differences when she was a child. Zahra continues to experience and explore the differences between her culture and others with an optimistic perspective. Zahra states: I wouldnt be like- Oh, Im different, and get all depressed or something. If the kids were playing, Id go play and if the kids were doing something, Id go do it too. I wouldnt like- just because Im different, or just because they dont like me, that doesnt stop me from doing what I want to do. Being different is not always a bad thing. No matter who you are, Somali, Muslim, or anything, you might have to work hard, get through a lot of obstacles. It's the little things that you do every day that will show people.

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Hanad and Guleed, both American-born, describe the same type of multicultural friendships that appear to be privileged by co-researchers born outside of the U.S. In fact, Hanad is the one co-researcher who expresses his discomfort with social groups that are mono-racial or mono-cultural. Hanad states: If Im in a group thats all one race I feel more uncomfortable. Publicly I try my best not to avoid Hispanics, Caucasians and other races and ethnics. Over the years, Ive noticed a pattern of how I can relate more to Asian-Americans, Africans, and blacks. Guleed names several cultures among his friends. I found it necessary to keep careful notes during interviews in order to keep track of the many cultures my co-researchers listed among their friends. Guleed states, My best friend is half Egyptian and half Caucasian-he speaks perfect Arabic. Another good friend is Somali. A Sudanese, a Kurd. Those are my close friends. Out of the close circle, I have a wide variety of friends-Hispanics, Asians. Maka has described an exceptional amount of diversity in her immediate family that has heightened her sensitivity to, and appreciation of, other cultures. Maka has reported that she spends a lot of her free time socializing with her family. Maka states: My uncle's white, so I do know how white people see black Muslims, because we can talk about it. We didn't change anything in my family in regards to white people, or any other type of people who are family. My uncle has been to Somalia, and he speaks Somali. [My aunt and uncle] look after the grandkids. And they get the kids presents for Muslim holidays, and the kids give aunt and uncle Christmas presents out of respect for their religious holidays. The Racial Discrimination Question.Seven out of ten co-researchers in this study had a difficult time remembering any sort of experience with racial discrimination. Zahra, Sufia, and Omar reported clear incidents of racial and/or religious discrimination, but their experiences

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were were the exception in this sample group. When an experience of taunting or some form of imposed inequality was related to their race or skin color, co-researchers often stated they did not know if it was really discrimination or just another way to bully someone.Only after further prompting did a few stories emerge regarding experiences that co-researchers thought might have been racial discrimination. Here, Hanad relates a typical experience shared by co-researchers. Well, when I was ten or eleven years old, we would cross a big fence to go over to a higher class neighborhood to play basketball with some friends. Most of the people were Caucasian. This old lady stopped me and my younger brother one day and questioned us very severely about where we were from and what we were doing there. Then she told us to get back to our side of the fence.. . she said we shouldnt be there, didnt belong there. I think that was racism, but its the only time I can remember an experience like that [authors emphasis]. Abukar, a self-described happy and quiet twenty-year old university junior born in northern Virginia and having married parents and three sisters, truly surprised me with his ignorance of native African-Americans experiences with racism. I mentioned that every native African-American I have known had not one, but usually multiple personal stories about being discriminated against because of their race. Abukars response was to study my face. After a moments thought, Abukar said, I find it kind of hard to believe that African-Americans have all got stories about being discriminated against - experiences like that. Dialectic Relationships with Native African-Americans. This group of young adult Somali Americans has described a dialectic relationship with native African-Americans. They describe appreciation for native African-Americans history of slavery and their struggle for civil rights, and they express admiration for civil rights leaders like Martin Luther King, jr. and Malcolm X. Co-researchers have acknowledged that culturally they do not have the burden of a

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history of slavery and the struggles required to attain the socio-political powering this country. Ali described a common perspective among the projects co-researchers when he stated, If it weren't for the other African-Americans, I wouldn't be here. Its because of the struggles they went through that I'm actually able to be here. On the other hand, some co-researchers have described Somali American immigrants tendency to recognize West African physical features among native African-Americans. According to co-researchers, East Africans, including Somalis, have historically felt some sort of disrespect for West Africans, and this can extend to native African-Americans. Co-researchers have stated that some Somali Americans think West Africans, and native African-Americans with similar features, have been corrupted or diminished by their history of slavery. Omar has recounted his rejection of a common ghetto greeting, for lack of a better term, because of his perception that it insinuates an unsavory connection to slavery. Omar states; "One thing Somalis say, theyll say Hey, what's up nigga? And I say Hey, I'm not a nigga. Like, I'm African. And Ill say Hey bro, where do niggas come from? And they'll say, From back in Africa, and I'll say, People from East Africa [includes Somalia] were never slaves. [Some Somali-Americans] are just ignorant. With us, were not supposed to be offended when somebody says nigga. It's just a term. Friendships, Several co-researchers named native African-Americans among their friends, and two coresearchers reported close, long-term relationships with native African-Americans friends. However, with the exception of Ali, co-researchers describe distinct differences between native African-Americans and Somali American cultures. Friendships between Somali Americans and native African-Americans young adults were basically described in the same way as friendships

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between Somali Americans and Asian Indians, Sudanese, and other Muslims. Among my coresearchers, nine out ten described no particular membership in native African-American culture. Awareness of Racial Hierarchy and Handling It. Co-researchers have described an awareness of their position in the social hierarchy of race in the U.S.(Orbe& Harris, 2006), and they appear to have no illusions or misconceptions about their status as children of African immigrants. Concomitantly, they have expressed no bitterness or anger about being less privileged or wielding less power than members of the dominant white-European culture (Orbe, 1998). Additionally, this small group of co-researchers has described their communication experiences with other cultural members, including white European-Americans, as generally comfortable and even-sided. This group of young Somali-Americans seems to perceive racial inequities as a challenge they can work with more than a problem they are powerless to solve. Most co-researchers described racial discrimination as a problem more applicable to native African-Americans, while at the same time acknowledging matter-of-factly that their status as children of AfricanAmerican immigrants is not high in American culture. Guleed describes a viewpoint on the social hierarchy of race in the U.S. that has been explicitly and implicitly expressed by severalco-researchers. I'm not bitter against any one group in that hypothetical food chain where some people are better off than me. Just because Caucasians arent interested in the problems of immigrants it doesnt mean that their callous or their jerks. Youre thrust in that role; it's just not your main priority. I can understand why that happens. On the other hand, Aasha described a communication strategy Orbe (1998) refers to as Overcompensating (p. 16). Aasha recounts her parents advice about dealing with racist attitudes.

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The way my parents raised me, they said You're going to see racism in your life, but it's the way you deal of it. If you let that person make you feel inferior, then they win. So, like from an early age, I was taught that I had to be better than, and I had to be on time. If work was at 7:20 I had to be there at 7:00. I better not give anybody any excuse to deny me anything I wanted to do, any goals I wanted to accomplish. You had to be exemplary. However, Sufia describes a perception closer to most co-researchers, that white European Americans are closed off from other cultures and too dependent on cultural perceptions transmitted to them by mass media images. [White people] are in a country that has never had interaction with other places. Your perceptions are very narrow. You have images of Muslims only from what you see in the newspaper or on television that are not always accurate. You have images of black people that they are in the ghetto, they are prison, and so on. Finally, Omar demonstrated an intercultural or pluralistic viewpoint of white European Americans and their distinctive characteristics. Omar stated. What I like about white people is, they're not too different from Asians, because they're both smart and they both have one goal. The difference is that Asians don't take action, they are quiet. They don't stare at you. But white people, they like separate youindirectly. You come [looking for] a job from a white boss, and they say Well, we don't have anything right now. Well call you The next section discusses the interpretation of themes reduced from co-researcher interviews. Discussion This section reports my interpretations of the themes which have emerged from my coresearchers interviews. Previous research and publicly available data from Internet sources, including social networks, is used to triangulate the capta from co-researchers. The themes are

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interpreted mainly through this projects framework of communication identity theory (Hecht et al., 2003), Orbes co-cultural theory, and the findings of Husain (2008) and Shepard (2008). It is important to note Orbe and Harriss (2006) observation that there is a great deal of overlapping and intersecting between the relationships, values, personal and cultural histories, and lived experiences that develop together into a personal identity. There are so many intersections, according to Orbe and Harris, that these variables of identity are impossible to isolate from each other. This interpretation of co-researcher capta follows the organization of experiences from my co-researchers perspective, which means that significant factors of identity construction such as family conflicts, religion, and culture often are melded together into one dynamic and dialectic experience. Aasha, for example, recounted this type of layered experience when she described her rejection of hijab (p. 27). The point here is that identity and its negotiation are not composed of clearly demarcated influences and straightforward logic: We are human beings, after all. In order to describe my co-researchers standpoint on construction and negotiation of identity in their voices, this interpretation at times may exhibit contradictory values, beliefs, and experiences, all described by my co-researchers. Maintaining Family Bonds includes staying connected to family members through difficult experiences like forced and voluntary migration, family conflicts, and lack of employment and financial resources. It includes parental guidance about racism and perseverance, and family communication, and the civil war/diaspora. Family Bonds and Somali-American Identity Hecht et al. (2003) and Ting-Toomey (2005) point out that family structure is one of the most important factors in creating and maintaining cultural identity. The stronger a familys bonds are, the more likely a familys cultural practices and beliefs will be maintained from

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generation to generation. Hecht et al.s communication theory of identity proposes that cultural identity exists in a shared space where larger cultural structures intersect with, and dominate, the smaller distinctions of a familys structure. Personal identity is strongly influenced by a salient cultural identity and is constructed and negotiated through interactions with family members, members of the same culture, and with members of other cultures (Hecht et al., 2003; TingToomey, 2005). According to this perspective on identity, strong family bonds described by my co-researchers may have helped to reify a well-organized foundation of meaning from which coresearchers could confidently negotiate their identities. Eight out of ten co-researchers have stated that their primary reference for identity is the practice of Islam and membership in the Muslim community (also known as the ummah, or worldwide Muslim community). Alternatively, Hanad stated, Somali-American describes who I am and Ali has self-identified as African-American. Somali culture and Islam are so intertwined that it is often difficult to separate them, and the personal identities co-researchers have described have been permeated with Muslim culture. A Muslim/Somali identity monitored and encouraged by parents, has given most co-researchers in this project clear rules and boundaries for proper moral behavior, gender-specific behaviors, and an appreciation for other cultural groups (Ibrahim, 1997). Ting-Toomey (2005) points out that social identity (Tajfel& Turner, 1979) is defined by communication with others outside the family. Ting Toomey states that family communication reifies values, defines power relationships, teaches acceptable emotional expression, and demarcates gender-based behaviors. Among the 10 core assumptions of identity negotiation theory, three have been significant to the interpretation of this projects capta: 1) emotional security, 2) creation of predictable interactions across different contexts, and 3) creating trust and feelings of being understood, respected and valued (Ting-Toomey, 2005). These assumptions

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about family communication are played out for young Somali-Americans in a Somali-American produced documentary, Cultural Collision, that reifies traditional Somali relationships and interactions (Jama, 2010). Strong family bonds and membership in the Islamic culture and community creates a vital sense of belonging and emotional security from which my co-researchers have been able to confidently construct and negotiate their identities. Predictable interactions across several contexts are possible for co-researchers within the ummahof Islam as well, and a logical progression from such predictable interactions could be accepting less predictability over time in order to exchange more information with the dominant culture of the U.S. Finally, strong family and community connections forged by migration, refugee experiences, constant vigilance, and shared values, has helped co-researchers experience feelings of trust, understanding, and respect from the people in their daily lives. Cultural Awareness, Maintenance, and Challenges Keeping Your Culture is about maintaining traditional relationships and gender roles, about the Somali community works with families, and how communities can sometimes feel annoying and dysfunctional. The negative side of tribal networks is revealed in this category, and dialectic relationship between Somali-Americans and native African-Americans emerges in this theme (Benson,2006). Somali American communities described by co-researchers are remarkably similar to descriptions in Shepards (2008) study of adolescent Somali-Americans in Boston . According to Shepard, everyday communication within the community, being the most frequent communication, reifies communicative practices, norms, rules, roles, and accepted behaviors in the Somali American community. Shepard states that older Somali-Americans continually observe and monitor young adult Somali American's behaviors and interactions, exercising a

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powerful disciplinary gaze similar to Foucault's (1991) concept of panopticism. This is basically the same narrative shared by Omar when he described the older generation standing watch in the neighborhood and reporting any wrongdoing to the younger generations parents (p. 31). Shepard also describes the community relationships she has observed between Somali-American children, parents, and families as a collective culture (Hofestede, 1980) that plays a significant role in growing up as a Somali-American. Community is a basis for friendships and social group membership; identification of ingroup / outgroup boundaries (Tajfel, & Turner, 1979); and intracultural and intercultural communication strategies. From a communication theory perspective, when young SomaliAmericans recognize shared values and beliefs outside the boundaries of their family relationships and attain cultural awareness, the location of their identities moves into a larger communal sphere (Phillipsen, 2002). A larger communal space secured by common values and religious traditions adds complexity to young Somalis concepts of membership and belonging. At the same time, a communally-shared location offers a relatively safe, monitored interactive space among other cultural members to continue a more nuanced construction and negotiation of their identities (Phillipsen, 2002). This concept of moving through communication environments incrementally to develop personal identity has some similarities to Erik Eriksons (1968) popular theories about identity formation (Orbe& Harris, 2006, p.72). I have created a structural diagram to help explicate a process of Somali-American identity being carried progressively into larger discursive spaces for further construction and negotiation (Appendix D). Diversity: Intercultural and Interracial Friendships Lee (2006) and Orbe and Harris (2006) have stated that in their searches for relevant literature about intercultural and interracial friendships, there was little to be found. Fortunately,

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their research studies have provided data that helps explain the process of creating culturally and racially diverse friendships. Lees (2006) study of intercultural friendships found that languages, food, cultural values, and cultural beliefs of others were popular interests for individuals involved in intercultural friendships. While exchanging information about their respective cultures, participants created a comfortable flow of conversation that often would evolve into an educational experience. Participants in Lees study were able to use this open and friendly discursive space to explain the inaccuracies of stereotypes about their cultures. Orbe and Harris (2006) have stated that stereotypes are one of the most significant barriers to interracial friendships in our country, because American society is preoccupied with notions about race and racial stereotyping. Co-researchers in this study have shared different attitudes and perceptions regarding native African-Americans: some reflecting stereotypes, some indifferent, and some indicating warm friendships. According to Orbe and Harris, sensitive historical issues like slavery and racial discrimination should be acknowledged with honesty and with sensitivity to racial members feelings and perspectives to have a worthwhile and successful interracial friendship. Although most co-researchers in this project have a expressed a dialectic relationship with native African-Americans, their communications with native African-Americans about things like not being Black, have been described as open and honest. Lee (2006) identified several types of breakthroughs occurring in the development of the intercultural friendships he studied, including (1) positive regard and respect for other peoples culture; 2) self-disclosure; 3) networking between different cultures; 4) exploring cultures and languages; 5) emphasizing similarities and exploring differences; and 6) resolving conflicts. Zahra has described how she confidently acknowledges cultural barriers and looks beyond differences to resolve conflicts that may arise from other peoples perceptions that differences are undesirable. Zahra stated,

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Being different is not always a bad thing. No matter who you are, Somali, Muslim, or anything, you might have to work hard, get through a lot of obstacles. It's the little things that you do every day that will show people. According to Lee, (2006), intercultural friendships create a relational identity that is unique to the shared reality, or mini-culture, constructed by interactions, information exchange, and lived experiences shared in the friendship. This reality exemplifies the values, rules, and emergence of an intercultural friendship and helps maintain the friendship. Lee states that relational identity provides rules for behavior within intercultural relationships in much the same way as a countrys culture defines rules of behavior for its citizens. Lee states that relational identity should be considered an important, if not critical, component of a successful intercultural friendship. Based on Orbes (1998) descriptions of co-cultural communication behaviors, the identities young adult Somali-Americans have constructed and negotiated through intercultural and multicultural interactions and relationships may have resulted from their use of three strategic co-cultural communication practices. First dispelling stereotypes includes interpersonal and small group interactions characterized by honest, spontaneous representation of self, or just being yourself, that counter myths about a groups attributes. Second, communicating self is a communication strategy used to interact with dominant culture members openly and sincerely, and requires a strong self-concept. Third, intragroup networking involves identifying and working with other co-cultural members who share common philosophies, convictions, and goals. (Orbe, 1998, p. 17). Orbes (1998) co-cultural communication behaviors describe the kind of social activism recounted by at least three co-researchers. Maka counsels young adults and interacts with diverse cultural and religious discussion groups. Hanad, co-directs a Somali educational non-profit and

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works with other Somali-Americans and financial donors who support the non-profit. Finally, Sufia, also runs a small non-profit related to Somali culture, tutors Somali adolescents, and works with a social justice non-profit. Hanad, Guleed, and Maka indicated a certain reality defining their intercultural friendships and memberships in social groups. Hanad stated, If Im in a group thats all one race I feel more uncomfortable. Guleeds description of his closest friendships has reflected several of the breakthroughs stated by Lee (2006): My best friend is half Egyptian and half Caucasianhe speaks perfect Arabic. Another good friend is Somali. A Sudanese, a Kurd. Those are my close friends. Maka has described an exceptional amount of diversity in her immediate family, and described the diversity of cultures she exchanges information with on a regular basis. Makahas described a certain mini-culture (Lee, 2006), created by her network of intercultural, interracial, and inter-religious friendships. My uncle's white, so I do know how white people see black Muslims, because we can talk about it. I have many friends in the Muslim community of different ethnicities from different countries. Irish, Americans, [native] African-American Muslims, white Muslims, some of my friends are Jewish, some Catholic. Some are Baptist. I love to talk about interfaith dialogue. I'm involved in a lot of roundtable discussions about different cultures and religions, stuff like that. One of my Jewish friends that I went to college with actually converted to Islam. I would say that I have a well-rounded diverse amount of friends who are Muslim and non-Muslim. Islam and Intercultural Friendships According to Orbe and Harris (2006), much research about interracial friendships suggests

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that similarities are an important factor. Similarities include affiliation with the same school, living in the same neighborhood, membership in the same church, speaking the same language, being the same age, and so on. This brings up the question of what similarities the young adult Somali American co-researchers in this study are sharing with intercultural friends and their intercultural social groups. The most prominent similarities in intercultural friendships derived from co-researchers capta are 1) being Muslim; 2) immigrant and/or refugee status and the lived experience associated with them; 3) school and neighborhood affiliation; 4) age; and 5) gender. Being Muslim is the most salient similarity defining co-researchers intercultural and interracial friendships. Being Muslim creates a shared worldview influenced by Islamic values and beliefs, particularly the equality of all races and ethnic groups as described in the Quran 49:13: O mankind! We have created you from a male and a female, and made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another (emphasis added). Islam exists for this studys co-researchers as a framework to organize meaning from lived experiences and Islamic values shape the perceptions and realities of co-researchers. Abukar describes a typical perspective shared by all co-researchers in this study when he stated, My religion is who I am. I guess I believe it is our purpose in life. If you don't have a religion, you have a lack of purpose. Religion, Healing, and Allahs Place. A notable characteristic about religious faith and spirituality deserves some attention because it may serve a deeply healing purpose in the lives Somali-Americans and other Muslim immigrants not touched on in this study. Gozdziak (2002) has provided health services to Albanian Muslims refugees who had fled the war in Kosovo and were being resettled in thein the United States. Gozdziak (2002) found that the

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Muslim faith and spirituality of Albanian refugees gave them the power of acceptance and a standpoint from which to identify themselves not as victims, but as survivors. Gozdziak (2002) has reported that religion and spirituality are powerful tools for treating Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and symptoms of acculturation stress (Berry, Kim, Minde, &Mok, 1987) commonly experienced by refugees relocating to the United States (Tran And Ferullo, 1997). Additionally, Gozdziak points out that Western medical care providers have consistently devalued and misunderstood the important role of religion and spirituality in healing trauma and providing comfort to refugees. Godziak points out that American Vietnam war veterans had labeled PTSD as a spiritual disease, but spiritual aspects of treating PTSD have been ignored by western military physicians. McMichael(2002)found that Somali women refugees in Australia focused their sense of belonging on spaces of worship and social spaces shared with other female Somali refugees. The Somali women maintained a daily schedule of five prayers, setting a spiritually-based rhythm to their daily lives, meal times, house cleaning, social time, and so on. Shoeb,Weinstein, and Halpern(2007)reported the same relationship to time and space among Iraqi Muslim refugees in Dearborn, Michigan. Muslim refugees of different races and ethnicities, in geographic locations on either side of the world, have organized the meaning of their experiences and daily living in the comfort and solace of prayer rituals located in Allahs Place. Being Muslim also carries with it some built-in flexibility and encouragement for learning about and exploring other cultures and religions. Muslims are taught about most other major religions, and can often quote from the Christian Bible and speak authoritatively about, among other things, Buddhism (Evans, 2010; Hajjaj, 2011a).Zahrah dispels the stereotypical perception of Islam being inflexible and intolerant of other religions (Friedlander, 2004; Muedini, 2009) when she states,

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Being Muslim is just being like any other religion. Just because your Muslim doesn't mean you have to restrict yourself from anything. You can go out there and learn about different religions and cultures, and why people do what they do and why you do differently. And I mean, being educated in that way does help (laughing). It really does help (laughs) with your faith, you know. There's nothing else, I guess. Oh, accepting other religions-theres nothing against that in Islam. Privileging Diversity andIntercultural Explorations.Privileging diversityhas been the most interesting and unexpected theme to emerge. It is one of the primary foundations of Islams inclusive, empowering equality for all members(Hajjaj, 2011b; Ibrahim, 1997). One influence on this theme may be the diversity of people in Somalia, which is more diverse than I first realized. Co-researcher Ali has stated, In Somalia, you have every shade. You have people that are really light-skinned, straight up Arabs. You have people that look like they're from West Africa, Syria or Lebanon or something. Theyre all Somalis. Historically, privileging diversity has a successful history in the homeland of Somalia. For example, The Somali Youth League (SYL) was formed in 1943. The SYL objectives were to unify all Somalis, to create opportunities through education, to develop the Somali language, and to safeguard Somali interests (Somali YouthLeague, 2011).Farah highlights this fact in an article about young Somalis and Somali-Americans trying to bring peace back to Somalia. His article includes plans minimizing problems with qabiil (YouTube 2006), and trying to use clans and tribal relations for a constructive, working together, mutually beneficial governmentFarah stated, Why were the SYL successful, and how did they maneuver the clannish minds of the Somalis? The SYL understood the power of diversity (emphasis added) within the team and they

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ensured that major clans were represented as they established constituencies of friendship and trust between Somalis. (Farah, 2010). From this projects results, privileging diversity and rejecting less diversity-especially socializing only with other Somalis-may be young adult Somali-Americans most beneficial way to adapt to other cultures. In not only accepting diverse cultures, but encouraging interaction with them, young adult Somalis may gain social and political capital while simultaneously not giving up anything from their mother culture that they wish to keep. Young adult Somali-Americans in this study seem to have negotiated identities and standpoints that provide optimum benefits from both of the cultures they inhabit. Abukar, Omar, and Zahra has described Somali-Americans in concentrated populations, such as the Somali-American population in Minnesota, that do not appear to be attracted to diversity, or to privilege diverse cultural relationships. According these co-researchers, SomaliAmericans in Minnesota stay amongst themselves because they have a dense population where they can continue to speak their native language and they do not need to pursue social relationships friendships and companionship - outside the Somali American culture. Abukar has pointed out that recent Somali American immigrants seem to prefer it that way. Abukar has stated They have locations where all Somalis get together. They seem to have less reason to assimilate, to learn English. Ones that just came over just talk Somali, so everyone they associate with is Somali. That works for them. On the street you dont have to know anybody by name. They address you in Somali for brother or sister. Brother is aboowe [uh-bow-uh] and sister is abaayo [uh-bay-ow]. For this sample group, privileging diversity represents anempowering and constructive step that positions them in locations outside of insular Somali-American cultural borders.

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Beyond those borders, interaction with other cultures and social structures are obviously more likely. An abundance of opportunities for defining and negotiating their identities also exists beyond the borders of Somali-American culture. Privileging diversity clearly differentiates this projects of co-researchers from young adult Somali-Americans in Minnesota described by Abukar, Omar, and Zahra. This driving identity characteristic appears to have motivated co-researchers to reach beyond the boundaries of Somali American culture, to claim membership in a larger cultural presence while still retaining their Muslim faith and Somali culture. Privileging diversity might create more communicative opportunities for a successful aAmerican acculturation experience by providing an open-minded appreciation for other cultures not always exhibited in co-researchers descriptions of Minnesotan Somali-Americans. They have been able to maintain Somali American culture as well as acculturate, or take from American culture that which they need (Berry et al., 1987), which helps them function in American culture and construct successful identities that were with American culture, with interactions concerning dominant culture. So the significance of privileging diversity for this projects sample group cannot be overstated. The Racial Discrimination Question Seven out of ten co-researchers in this study had a difficult time remembering any sort of experience with racial discrimination. From my standpoint as a white-European male, I have been quite perplexed by young adult Somali-Americans responses about racial discrimination. Even though I had read some of the few studies in extant literature that address racial perspectives held by immigrants of African descent, I have to acknowledge my lack of understanding concerning this issue. I also acknowledge that this lack of understanding is at least

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partially due to my, until I became aware of it, unconscious and ill-informed assumption that all people of color shared a clear awareness of racially discriminating behaviors. Some research indicates that other immigrants of African descent exhibit the same perspective as Somali-Americans in this project. Hackshaw (2007) reported that first generation West Indian and Caribbean participants felt little cultural connection to native AfricanAmericans and experienced little awareness of racial discrimination. However, second generation West Indian and Caribbean participants, born in the U.S., perceived themselves in the same racial position as native African-Americans and reported feeling discriminated against because of their race. In contrast, second generation Somali-Americans in this projects sample have been just as likely as one and a half generation Somali-Americans to be unaware of racial discrimination. One co-researcher, Sufia, described another layer of perception defining a competitive relationship between native African-Americans and recent immigrant Africans that has also been reported by Esses, Dovidio, Jackson, and Armstrong (2001). Sufia stated, I get this from my African-American friends. When they see African immigrants, they think [the immigrants] are coming here to take their place. They think that immigrants from the African continent come here looking down on native African-Americans because of their history of slavery. [Native African-Americans] don't have a concrete culture traced back to the African continent. African immigrants are very proud of their culture and they can trace it right back to where they just came from. So finally, nativeborn African-Americans are thinking, If African immigrants are coming here to take my place, and they're looking down at me because of my history of slavery, then I don't have any reason to like them.

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When the older generation says they don't see discrimination, and if you don't get the thing you're trying to get, it's something you're lacking, [its because] they don't have the roots for seeing discrimination. Younger Somalis who grew up here are more aware of it, racism. Because most of the co-researchers appear to describe a successful negotiation of American culture-whether born here or not- it is possible they are sharing lived experiences that have shaped and constructed successful, highly functioning Somali-American identities. These co-researchers stay connected to their families, despite conflicts, divorce, deaths of fathers, and long separations of space and time. They connect regularly and stay connected with their immediate family and a vast network of other family members. These young adult SomaliAmericans have strong commitments to their families and equally strong convictions that their families support them unequivocally. This group of co-researchers maintains their culture through their family, religion, and sometimes annoyingly tight community structure. They keep their religion, a religion that locates their suffering and forced migration within a history of such challenges and constructs for them an identity of survivor instead of victim. Finally, this research suggests that successfullyacculturated young adult Somali-Americans privilege interactions that bring them memberships in diverse cultural relationships, friendships, and social groups. Conclusion One research result from Husain (2008) and Shepard (2008) has no bearing on this project and will be noted here. Husain and Shepard have reported that adolescent SomaliAmericans they have studied experienced difficulties with language skills and educational proficiency that negatively affected their acculturation into American society. Nine of the ten

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young adult co-researchers in this study have college and university experience and one is planning on going to college next year. This projects co-researchers have not reported any current problems with language and educational abilities. This research has explored three basic elements of young adult Somali-Americans experiences. First, I inquired into how young adult Somali-Americans have constructed and negotiated identities that function well within their Somali culture and with interactions outside their culture. Second, I inquired into the effects of intra-cultural and intercultural communication on negotiating and shaping Somali-American identity. Third, I explored, with the assistance of the studys participants, the meanings young adult Somali-Americans interpret from their experiences growing up in, and adapting to, American mainstream culture. Every co-researcher seemed to be sincere, truthful, and interested in sharing information about themselves, Somali American culture, and Islam. I believe the bluntness that Somali Americans are apparently renowned for, at least by the co-researchers in this project, assisted in the collection of capta. I found it refreshing and stimulating to the interviews when coresearchers were quite comfortable talking about race and cultural differences assertively and politely. The core proposition of the communication theory of identity is that identity is a communication process and that identity should be conceptualized as a negotiation in which messages and values are exchanged (Hecht et al., 2003). These messages shared symbols and are a component of enacting identity. Your identity determines your behavior by defining who you are and what it is you should be doing. From this project, I have come to view personal identity as a dynamic intersection of family relationships and history, cultural values and beliefs, and a compilation of interpersonal experiences, intercultural relationships, and contextual factors. All of these components are used to construct and negotiate identity in certain contexts and

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situations, and the salience of each factor, reacting holistically with the others, determines the identity which emerges. In the phenomenological method, the researchers worldview is a continuous and dynamic part of the interpretive process, to the extent that interpretations of data are similar to an ongoing dialog between the researcher and the data (Orbe, 1998, p. 23). This projects holistic nature has positioned the researcher inside the living culture and society of participants and has promoted a socially active inquiry into their communication of identity (Zuberi, 2008). At times during this project, I felt like I was in a conversation directly with the culture of the participants. When I was analyzing themes from my co-researchers capta, it was as if their history, language, family lines, struggles, beliefs and values were expressing themselves to me through a conduit of human translators. The concept of culture being carried almost biologically by human beings through their lives and reified through their daily discourse had become a palpable phenomenon: The work of refiningcommunication strategies for constructing identity had revealed the living nexus of identitys components. In this sense, the reduction may never be completed because the conversation may never be completed. Limitations A small purposeful and essentially self-selected sample resulted in a group mostly middle class and well-educated, bright, industrious and motivated. Several co-researchers are socially active in non-profits and school programs. It may be that the uniformity of this group of coresearchers is due to their own shared interests in promoting more knowledge about Somali and Muslim culture within the dominant cultural of the U.S. Seven out of ten co-researchers reside in northern Virginia, which they describe as very diverse, and the three co-researchers spread between Massachusetts and Michigan also describe interacting in diversely populated schools, towns, and neighborhoods. Future research with a larger young adult cohort of Somali-

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Americans using quantitative methods would help to validate if the findings of this project are generalizable to larger samples of Somali-Americans and to other immigrant populations Because I am white European American, I will never be completely confident that my race and culture did not limit the amount of information exchange that occurred between myself and my co-researchers. However, I can report that all co-researchers stated at the end of each interview that they had learned something about themselves, about Somali American culture and American culture, and/ or about African-American culture. The immense complexity of overlapping and intersecting personal, familial, cultural, social, and contextual factors that influence identity construction and negotiation created an immense and sometimes confusing and frustrating amount of information to process and analyze. This is both an advantage and limitation. The advantage has been the ability to create a holistic concept of identity construction and negotiation as it proceeds and evolves across family and community environments, across and between cultural and racial borders, through time and space, and by interactions with religious and spiritual beliefs and values. The limitations have been that each level and category of interaction involved in the identity development process could easily fill a doctoral dissertations amount of research, so this project provides a useful, holistic analysis that is limited in scope. Implications for Future Research First, I will repeat again how perplexing and interesting like a puzzle I find the difference in perceptions about racism and racial discrimination between Somali-American coresearchers and native African-Americans. Ambiguities and dialectic logic seem to permeate each cultural groups perceptions about racial discrimination and about each others identities and socio-cultural memberships. Several questions beg to be answered, including this one: Is it easier for African immigrants to acculturate into American culture when they are not aware of

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racial discrimination? If so, how does that work? Is it worse for African immigrants acculturation if they are unaware of racial discrimination or they minimize discriminatory experiences? If so, how does that work? This project has provided enough of a theoretical basis and previous research data for a useful interpretation of the capta derived from the projects interviews. More research on the dynamics of identity negotiation between and through progressive levels of interaction and information exchange could possibly produce new or more nuanced communication theories about intercultural and interracial relationships and friendships. As noted before, there is a paucity of research on intercultural and interracial friendships, so this area is open and waiting for more investigation. The mass media can have a powerful influence on the construction of identity because it transmits a continuous barrage of racial messages through television, magazines, books, movies, and music (Orbe& Harris,2006). A significant number of these messages play on negative stereotypes of marginalized cultural groups like young Somali-Americans (Forliti, 2011; Jama, 2011). Various mass media theories such as cultivation theory (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, &Signorielli, 1986) indicate that this can strongly influence individuals and societys perceptions of race, ethnicity, foreigners, immigrants, Muslims, and Somalis. Mass media messages, because of their repetition over time and reification in the general discourse of the dominant culture, can negatively affect marginal culture members self-image and self-esteem (Gerbner et al., 1986; Orbe and Harris 2006). Mass media representations of Muslims and Somalis are one of the challenges to constructive development of identity faced by young adult Somali-Americans in the dominant culture of the U.S. In fact, co-researcher Hanad has co- created a non-profit to help Somali schools because there was a lot of pain and suffering, and all you saw on the news was pirates, and

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terrorists on the news. We felt like we were being overwhelmed by negative images coming from our country. Future research in a socially active role could compile a temporal log of mass media representations about Somalis, their culture, and their characteristics from newspaper and magazine articles, television news stories, movies and books. A content analysis could provide evidence for Somali-Americans perceptions that their culture and country are negatively stereotyped in mass media and show the intensity, accuracy, and longevity of such stories. A second aspect of socially active communication research would be to offer communication consulting assistance to various Somali-American groups. This could help them create a more positive dialog with dominant culture members and voice positive messages about Somalis and their culture within the discourse of mainstream American culture. .

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Germany, June 16, 2006 Retrieved fromhttp://www.allacademic.com/meta/ p89507 _index.html Maloof& Sheriff-Ross (2003). Muslim refugees in the United States: A guide for service providers. [Culture Profile No. 17]. Retrieved from http://www.cal.org/ co/muslims /muslim_refugees_final.pdf Martin, J., Nakayama, K., & Flores, L. (2002) Ethical issues in intercultural communication.In J. Martin, K. Nakayama, & L. Flores (Eds.) Readings in intercultural communication: Experiences and contexts, 363-371. New York: McGraw Hill Martinez, Jacqueline M. (2000). Phenomenology of Chicana experience and identity: Communication and transformation in praxis. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. McMichael, Celia (2002). Everywhere is Allah's place: Islam and the everyday life of Somali women in Melbourne, Australia. Journal of Refugee Studies, 15 ,171-188. Retrieved from http://heinonline.org.mutex.gmu.edu/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/jrefst15&div =19&collecti on=journals&set_as_cursor=62&men_tab=srchresults&terms= journal| refugee|studies&type=matchall Muedini, F. (2009). Muslim American College Youth: Attitudes and Responses Five Years After 9/11. Muslim World, 99(1), 39-59. doi: 10.1111/j.1478-1913.2009.01252.x Mufti (2011).Mufti.Reference.com. Retrieved from http://www.reference.com/browse/Mufti+ Muslim Student Association (MSA)(2007). Muslim Student Association, George Mason University home page. Available at http://www.gmu.edu/org/msa/ Orbe, M. P. (1993). Remember, its always whites ball: A phenomenological inquiry into the African American male experience.Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Ohio University. Retrieved from http://mutex.gmu.edu:2048/login?url=http://proquest.umi.com .mutex.gmu.edu/pqdweb?did=744963631&sid=1&Fmt=6&clientId=31810&

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RQT=309&VName=PQD Orbe, M P.(1998). Constructing Co-Cultural Theory: An explication of culture, power, and communication. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Orbe, M P., Harris, T.M. (2006).Interracial communication: Theory into practice. Mason, OH: Thompson. Phillipsen, G. (2002). Places for speaking in teamsterville. In J. Martin, K. Nakayama, & L. Flores (Eds.) Readings in intercultural communication: Experiences and contexts. New York: McGraw Hill, 192-201. Putman, D.B. & Noor, M.C. (1993).Somalis:Their history and culture: Refugee fact sheet No.9. Washington DC: Center for Applied Linguistics [ U.S. Department of State, Refugee Service Center]. Updated:02/18/04. Retrieved from http://www.cal.org/co/somali/ stoc.html Sfera, D. (February 28, 2011) Clinical trials: How will social media and digital technology shape patient recruitment in 2011? quora.com. Available at http://www.quora.com/Clinicaltrials-How-will-social-media-and-digital-technology-shape-patient-recruitment-in-2011 Sheikh (2011).Sheikh.Reference.com. Retrieved from http://www.reference.com/browse/sheikh Shepard, Raynel M. (2008). Cultural adaptation of Somali refugee youth. New York: LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC Shoeb, M.Weinstein, H.M., Halpern, J. (2007) Living in religious time and space: Iraqi refugees in Dearborn, Michigan. Journal of Refugee Studies20,441-460. doi: 10.1093/ jrs/fem003 Sirin, S. R., & Fine, M. (2007). Hyphenated selves: Muslim American youth negotiating identities on the fault lines of global conflict. Applied Developmental Science, 11(3), 151-163. Retrieved from http://web.ebscohost.com.mutex.gmu.edu/ehost/

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detail?vid=6&hid=12&sid=cac0e58e-9da8-47b7-991b-622383599be3%40session mgr4&bdata=JnNp Somali YouthLeague.(2011). In Encyclopdia Britannica.Retrieved from http://www. britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/553875/Somali-Youth-League in Somalia: Sokolowski, R. (2000). Introduction to phenomenology.New York : Cambridge University Press Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979).An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations. Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole Ting-Toomey (2005). Identity negotiation theory: Crossing cultural boundaries. In Theorizing About Intercultural Communication, Gudykunst, W.B. (Ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 211-233. Tran, T.V.; Ferullo, D. L. (1997). Indochinese mental health in North American: Measures, status, and treatments. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, 24, 3-19. Retrieved from http://heinonline.org.mutex.gmu.edu/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/jrlsasw24 &id=1&size=2&collection=journals&index=journals/jrlsasw Turner, J. (2011a). Jaak Turner/the Somali-American identity project.Available at http://www. facebook.com/pages/The-Somali-American-Identity- Project/185239088178136? created#!/profile.php?id=100002064118404 Turner, J. (2011b). The Somali-American identity project. Available at http://somaliamerican identity.blogspot.com/ Turner, J. (2011c). SomaliProject. Available at https://twitter.com/#!/SomaliProject U.S. Census Bureau. (2000). Profile of selected demographic and social characteristics: People born in Somalia. U.S. Census Bureau. Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/

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population/cen2000/stp-159/STP-159-somalia.pdf Watanabe, T., &Helfand, D. (2009, November 12). Muslims in military balance fighting, faith.Los Angeles Times, A1.Retrieved from http://www.Lexisnexiscom.mutex.gmu. edu/ us/lnacademic/results/docview/docview.do?docLinkInd=true&risb=21_T80288060 06&format=GNBFI&sort=RELEVANCE&startDocNo=1&resultsUrlKey=29_T8028790 533&cisb=22_T8028806013&treeMax=true&treeWidth=0&csi=306910&docNo=1 Witteborn, Saskia (2007). The expression of Palestinian identity in narratives about personal experiences: Implications for the study of narrative, identity, and social interaction. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 40, 145-170. doi: 10.1080/08351 810701354581 Yee, James (2005). For God and country: Faith and patriotism under fire. New York: Public Affairs YouTube (Dec 2, 2006). Comments on YouTube video about Somaliland.YouTube.com Retrieved from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2y03sKdL3A&feature=related Zuberi, T. (2008).Toward a definition of white logic and white methods.In T. Zuberi& E. Bonilla-Silva (Eds.) White Logic, White Methods. New York: Rowman& Littlefield.

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Participant Interview Questions 1. Please tell me something about yourself. 4. Who do you call your family (Mother, father, brother, sister, aunt, uncle, etc.)? 5. What language do you speak with your family members? a. With Somali-American adults older than you who are not relatives? 6. What language do you speak with Somali-Americans in your age group who are not relatives? a. with Somali-Americans younger than you? 7. Do you often interact with non-Somali-Americans? 8. Do you often interact with non-Muslims? 9. Please talk about your experiences with non-Somali-Americans who are Muslims. 10. Please talk about your experiences with non-Somali-Americans who are not Muslims. 11. How would you answer the question "Who am I" when: a. You are with Somali-Americans who are 1) relatives, 2) friends, or 3) for the first time. b. You are in your 1) regular mosque, 2) a different mosque,3) a new mosque. c. You are with Muslim friends who are not Somali-Americans. d. You are meeting Muslim/s who are not Somali-American for the first time. meeting you

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e. You are with friends who are not Muslims and not Somali-Americans (if applicable). f. You are meeting people, or a person, who are not Muslims and not SomaliAmerican for the first time. 12. Please talk about your experiences with the types of people mentioned before. 13. Are there times you feel like you are American / not American, Somali / not Somali, Muslim / not Muslim? How do you experience that?

14. . Are there times you act like you are American / not American, Somali / not Somali, Muslim / not Muslim? Can you recall an experience? 15. Are there times you want tobe American / not American, Somali / not Somali, Muslim / not Muslim? Please talk about an experience you have had. 16, What are some of your strongest beliefs and values? a. Who taught them to you? b. How did you learn them? Did you have experiences which reinforced your and/or values? c. Do you express your beliefs and values to other Somali-Americans? How? Is it important to you? To them? d. Do you express your beliefs and values to Muslims who are not Somali- Americans? How? Why? Is it important to you? To them? Why? belief

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e. Do you express your beliefs and values to non-Muslims who are not SomaliAmericans? How? Why? Is it important to you? To them?
Adapted from Husain, A. (2008) The impact of religiosity, ethnic identity, acculturation and discrimination on the self-esteem and academic achievement of Somali youth in the United States, pp. 216. and Dewitt, L.J. (2007) The other side of othering, pp. 137.

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Appendix D
Dominant U.S. Culture

Interaction with dominant cultural members and social groups without underlying cultural memories of racial discrimination and indigni ties of slavery. Opportunities for constructive inter cultural communication strategies: Dispelling racial stereotypes and Communicating Self (Orbe, 1998).

---------------------------------- ---------------------Privileging Diversity

Comfortable with social groups of mixed race & ethnicity. Broader opportunities for negotiat ing identity & intercultural social networks. Separation from history of racial discrimination. Minimization of racial discrimination experiences. Dialectic relationship with native African-Americans; Awareness of racial hierarchy in U.S. & perceived ability to negotiate attainment of goals within the hierarchy.

--------------------------------------------------- --------------------Islamic Practices

Ideal values of tolerance & acceptance toward other cultures and cultural members. Opportunities for intercultural communication & identity negotiation. Sense of belonging & membership in larger, worldwide ummah ; ritualized behaviors with family, community, friends, & religious leaders.

-------------------------------------------------------------- -----------------Somali Culture

Reifies cultural values & beliefs, gender roles, & negotiated position of individual identity. Community is a basis for friendships & social group mem bership; identification of ingroup / outgroup boundaries; and int racultural and intercultural communication strategies. Qiibal , tribal/family membership defined. Non-Alignment with native African-American culture.

-------------------------------------------------------------- --------------------------Strong Family Bonds

Construction & Negotiation of Identity: Gender roles, acceptable emotional behavior, discipline, cultural values & beliefs, cultural memories, sense of belonging & membership. A basis for intercultural communication strategies, support for strong self-concept. Communication flow and presence of feedback loops between organized communication structures. Semi-permeable membranes that moderate information e xchange between cultural/social structures.

-----

The most significant, salient components of identity construction and negotiation are at the base of the pyramid, starting with Strong Family Bonds. Salience decreases with distance from Family Bonds.

Figure 1. A Structural Model for Successful Construction & Negotiation of S omali-American Identity
Adapted from; Hecht, M., Jackson, R., & Ribeau,S. (2003). African American communication: Exploring Identity and nd Culture, 2 Ed. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates ; Orbe, M P. (1998). Constructing Co-Cultural Theory: An explication of culture, power, and communication. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage ; Ting-Toomey (2005). Identity negotiation theory: Crossing cultural boundaries. In Theorizing About Intercultural Communication, Gudykunst, W.B. (Ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publica tions, 211-233. 2011 Jack Turner

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