Volume 3, Issue 27

Korrik 04 , 2011

Our Words Weekly Issue

N E W L I F E J E T A E R E

SPECI AL POINTS OF I NTEREST: Albanians in Montenegro waiting for Godot? No Sided articles and no restriction for our members, our guest and our friends. Latest needs for our community and the latest resolutions Our Free Voice through our words.

Albanians in Montenegro Waiting for Godot? By Cafo Boga & Stefan Wolff (pg.8)
Why are we here, that is the question. And we are blessed in this, that we happen to know the answer. Yes, in this immense confusion one thing alone is clear. We are waiting for Godot to come Let us not waste our time in idle discourse! Let us do something, while we have the chance! It is not every day that we are needed. But at this place, at this moment of time, all mankind is us, whether we like it or not. Let us make the most of it, before it is too late!Samuel Beckett, Waiting for Godot Who are the Authors of the Paper Cafo Boga is a senior executive with a stellar professional career spanning multiple industries including public accounting, banking, investments, information technology, business process outsourcing, and real estate. In 2001, i-flex solutions, ltd. (an Indian software company and a subsidiary of Citigroup) recruited him to establish operations in the United States and Canada. Mr. Boga served as the companys chief operating officer and chief financial officer, and was a member of its Board of Directors until 2009. In this capacity he spearheaded finance and operations for what became a $250 million plus company providing software solutions and services to the financial service industry in the United States, Canada, and South America before the company was acquired by Oracle. Mr. Boga currently leverages his business expertise to perform business consulting and to handle real estate investments. Mr. Bogas career includes expertise in domestic and foreign bank operations as well as corporate management. He has leveraged a breadth of financial and corporate acumen to deliver achievements in high-level transactions such as new business start-ups, corporate acquisitions and integrations, and Albanian-American Enterprise Funda prestigious appointment he received from former U.S. president Bill Clinton. He currently serves on the Board of the Albanian American Development Foundation, the Albanian American Chamber of Commerce, the International Virtual e-Hospital Foundation, and the EDEN II School for Autistic Children. Born in Montenegro of Albanian descent, Mr. Boga was always interested in the plight of Albanians in Montenegro and has previously written on this topic. By teaming up with a world-renowned expert on ethnic conflict resolutions, Stefan Wolff, he hopes that together they can contribute to broader reforms for the benefit of everyone in Montenegro, including Albanians who have lived in this region since antiquity. Mr. Boga holds a Bachelors in business administration from Bernard M. Baruch College, City University of New York. He is also a certified internal auditor and a certified public accountant.

Cafo Boga & Stefan Wolff

infrastructure development, including all aspects of financial and operational management. He has conducted business in Canada, England, India, Chile, and all the Balkan countries. As a multicultural executive, he speaks fluent Albanian and Serbo-Croatian, as well as basic Russian, Italian, Slovenian, and Spanish.

I N S I D E T H I S I S S U E :

Cafo Boga & Stefan Wolff (in English)

Faqe 1,8-16 Faqe 1-2, 18 Faqe 2-3, 4-5

Vdiq Shkrimtari Vasil Tabaku,Mimoza Rexhvelaj, Gresa Pirana, Neki Lulaj, Metju Aref, Aida Tuci Ahmet Murati, Pilo Zyba, Silvana Berki, Vepror Hasani, Ilir Seci, Agim Desku, Zhrozh Send Ali Asllani, Ahmet Murati, Sofie Ziri, Kujtim Stojku, Vullnet Mato, Mentor Thaci,

Stefan Wolff is a political science professor at the University of Birmingham. He is a specialist in contemporary security challenges Mr. Boga has been a highly visible leader and has written extensively on ethnic conflict, in the community, the founder of Albanian international conflict management, and state -American Culture Foundation, and a building. Among his 15 books are Ethnic charter member of the National Albanian Conflict: A Global Perspective and The American Council. For the past 14 years, European Neighbourhood Policy in Perspeche has been a member of the Board of tive (2010, with Richard Whitman).

Faqe 5-7 9

VDIQ SHKRIMTARI TEKI DERVISHI NGA GJAKOVA (fq. 2)

Dielli nuk ndrin dhe ver ska m! Shkruan: Idriz Morina Mikut tim Teki Dervishi - Kurr se kisha menduar q do t shkruaja dika t till pr Ty Teki, aq m tepr kaq shpejt, besoja se po ta kaloje smundjen edhe nj dekad do t kishim pran. Para se ta kem shkruar kt shkrim, keq apo mir m ndje! I prndjekur - I kthyer n heshtje dhe gur. Njerzor e miqsor, por dhe shok e mik me do njeri. Njerzit nuk kishin grada, nuk kishin ofiqe, nuk kishin pushtet dhe nuk kishte inferior, por t gjith vetm nj emr kishin, njerz. Shumkush mund t mos jet afruar n shoqri me t duke menduar pr madhshtin e tij, por q t gjith do t jen gabuar, ai ishte m njerzori, pavarsisht se kush si do t mund ta ket akceptuar, mjaftonte t njiheshe. Ai ishte i gatshm t dgjonte ti rrfeshe, por t magjepste me rrfimin. I burgosur q n mituri, ai do t kaliste shpirtin ashtu si ia kishte idealizuar burrrin shqiptare babai i tij. Edhe i kamur krenar, por edhe i varfr e skamnor - krenar, i paprkulur. Kjo ndodhi ather kur familja e tij psoi pasi babai i tij ishte shprehur kundr komunizmit, ndrsa ndshkimi kishte pasuar jo vetm me konfiski-

Faqe 6-7 7, 8

Adresa Anetaresimi

Faqe 8

P a g e

O u r

W o r d s

VDIQ SHKRIMTARI TEKI DERVISHI NGA GJAKOVA (fq.18)

min e pasuris, por edhe me mbylljen e veprimtaris s pakt, nj dyani t vogl n Gjakov. Dhe e tra vetm pr nj fajl goje, q t gjith t tjert e kishin thn. Por, burri kurr nuk rren, e thot at q e mendon kudo dhe kurdo, pavarsisht ku ndodhet dhe peshs apo pasojs q ka, padiskutueshm, nj koncept lirie, q Evropa vshtir se do ta arrij, kurr! Kjo ishte rruga q do t prcillte gjer n vdekje, por q do t shkonte npr burxhe, q 17 vjear, ende nxns dhe m pas n rrugn e tmerrshme t kampit t prqendrimit n Goli Otok, burgun m t rnd t komunizmit n ish-Jugosllavi. Dhe nj prndjekje, e cila nuk do ti shqitej kurr, as n Kosovn e paslufts. Pse gjith kt prndjekje? UNMIK-u po ma bn, policia e UNMIK-ut, kuptohet bashk me disa t tan, q u jan vn n shrbim. Si su ndaln njher? Pas pak, heshtje, dhe ktheheshe n nj shkmb, q nuk trandej, kurrizdrejtuar n karrigen prball kompjuterit, dhe slvizje si nj gur nga aty, dhe n heshtje shkruaje... pr t nesrmen! Politika, Rugova dhe Grvalla Para se t shkonte n burg, ai pat fatin t takonte n shkolln e mesme edhe Ibrahim Rugovn dhe Jusuf Grvalln. Por, q ather ai nuk ishte pajtuar me pikpamjet e majta, aq m pak me Enver Hoxhn. Kto koncepte e kishin lkundur dhe kishin ndikuar edhe tek Jusuf Grvalla, q m von t reflektonte, dhe t shihte prtej Shqipris s Enver Hoxhs. Sa sillej muhabeti te Rugova, me gjith krenarin, e pranonte se Rugova ishte unik n politik, dhe kishte ditur si dhe pse t vepronte ashtu. Megjithat Rugova ishte nj gjeni, i ka ditur kto, i ka njohur t gjith. Me ndje kujtonte momentin para se Rugova t merrte vendimin q t pranonte ofertn pr ta udhhequr LDKn, duke kujtuar edhe detajin, q njri nga miqt i kishte thn, Mos u b kryetar se do t vrasin!. Po ashtu, e kujtonte momentin se si krejt papritmas dhe n trysni, n mbyllje t konkursit pr drejtor t Teatrit Kombtar, kishte pranur t bhej vetm pse ishte nj zgjedhje e Ibrahim Rugovs. Por, m me ndje e tregonte nderimin q ia kishte br Rugova, kur ia kishte ndar medaljen e Lidhjes s Prizrenit. Ne kemi qen shok, miqt m t ngusht! Ndrsa, m pas tregonte se si kurr nuk kishte pranuar t bhej pjes e politiks, as e trups s Presidencs. Un mbeta disident, i vetmi n t gjitha koht! Dshira I lodhur nga vuajtjet, paknaqsia q ia shkaktonte m shum se do gj, ndjenja se dukej i pakuptuar sa duhej dhe m shum i keqkuptuar, shum shpesh nuk pushonte s prsrituri: Do t doja ta kisha nj shtpi t vogl, dhe aq pak para sa t jetoja, dhe vetm t lexoja dhe t shkruaja. Oh vetm kt dua! Kjo ishte dshira e fundit e t fundmeve dshira q njeriu i krkon nga jeta, duke shmangur tej, politikn dhe vet prditshmrin nga e cila tashm qe trandur shum fort. Aq fort sa dhe mua lexues

Aida Tuci SHKRUAN

Sa vler kan rrnjt tona, kujtimet e s kaluars? Shum, sipas Aldo Renato Terrusit, q pas 44 vjetsh ka vendosur t rikthehet n vendin e shqiponjave n Shqipri, n vendin mm apo n vendin njerk. sht kthyer mbrapa n koh ka grmuar t kaluarn n krkim t identitetit. Ka grmuar pr t gjetur rrnjt e familjes s tij, n nj udhtim historik. Misioni i tij final nuk ishte aspak letrar, por shum m shpirtror: ai kishte ardhur t gjente eshtrat e t atit, pr ti kthyer n vendlindje, n Itali. Romani Rikthmin n Vendin e Shqiponjave, nj biografi e autorit Aldo Renato Terrusi, mbart fakte nga e kaluara e shum italianve q u burgosn dhe vdiqn n burgjet komuniste nn regjimin e diktatorit Enver Hoxha. Libri sapo ka dal n treg n Itali dhe ka ngjallur interes, kur prmes drams personale t nj familjeje jepen dshmi historike pr fatin e shum t huajve q u dnuan dhe vdiqn n burgjet komuniste nn regjimin e Enver Hoxhs. Autori premtoi se libri do t dal n treg edhe pr lexuesin shqiptar.Nj prej tyre sht dhe financieri italian Giusseppe Terrusi, babai i Aldo Terrusit (autorit t librit), q u b nj nga drejtuesit e Banks Italiane n Shqiprin e viteve 30. Enver Hoxha, i cili do t bhej pak vite m von udhheqsi komunist i shqiptarve, kishte rn n dashuri me italianen e bukur Aurelia, por kjo e fundit ia kishte falur zemrn bashkatdhetarit t saj Giuseppe Terrusit. Pas ca vitesh Giuseppe dhe Aurelia martohen, por djaloshi i ri Hoxha duket se nuk ia kishte falur dot italianks refuzimin n vitet e rinis. Regjimi komunist q u vendos n Shqipri pas prfundimit t Lufts s Dyt Botrore e gjetn iftin n Shqipri.Enver Hoxha tashm ishte zgjedhur udhheqs dhe situata kaotike q u krijua menjher pas lirimit solli dhe arrestimin e Giuseppe Terrusit, i cili u drgua n burgun e Burrelit. Nj nga financiert m t rndsishm t Banks s Italis, i cili ishte dhe nj ndr antart e Kshillit Administrativ, q themeloi n vitin 1925 Bankn Kombtare t Shqipris, do t vdiste n burgjet komuniste. Pas 44 vjetsh, i biri Aldo, rikthehet n vendin e tij t lindjes (nw vitin 93), me misionin: kthimin n atdhe t eshtrave t t atit.I shoqrua nga xhaxhai, ai fillimisht vendoset n Tiran, ku takon prfaqsues t skuadrs kombtare t futbollit, q fituan Ballkaniadn e vitit 1946, miq dhe koleg t vjetr t babit. Prmes kujtimeve t tyre, ai jeton me t atin. Udhtimi ka vazhduar m pas n Durrs dhe Vlor. Atje takuam familjar t t burgosurve q kan njohur baban, ku disa ish-t dnuar na dhan informacione pr t. Njri prej tyre kishte qen prezent edhe n momentet e fundit t jets n burgun e Burrelit- shprehet Aldo Terrusi. Romani i tij fotografon nj periudh historike dhe t dhimbshme dhe gati -gati e panjohur, q kan prjetuar shum italian q ishin rezident n Shqiprin e asaj kohe.

V o l u m e

3 ,

I ss u e

2 7

P a g e

Kush eshte Sevime Nebija!!!

(2004)-Pjesmarrese dhe titullare e lidereve te rinje ne seminarin Lider te rinje Struge (2003)Perfaqesuese nga rinia e Maqedonise dhe udheheqese e punimeve Paq Tolernce - Konflikti ( LUFTA) 2001 Kumanove Gjilan. (2006) Perfaqesuese e nxenesve nga shkolla e mesme Vlerat etnike Presheve Bujanovc , (2006 -2009) Udheheqese dhe prezantuese e punimeve ne Levizjen - Emancipimi I gruas Shkup Kumanove Struge (2004-2009) Nenkryeyare ne Levizjen Rinore JETA prezentim i punimeve Jeta dhe Vdekja : Devijimi i Rinise Reziku Sot :Morali dhe Etika - Religjionet dhe vlera - KumanoveGjilan-Presheve 2010 /15 /mars - Perfaqesuese e studenteve shqiptare ne Maqedoni -Ohr UNDP Projekti "Nj votues SEVIME NEBIJA nga KUMANOVA - nj flet votimi", Shkolla Dimerore - trajnimin e studentve t vitit Arsimimi : Shkolla e mesme e kryer par universitetit Gjymnaz HUMANIST BILINGUAL 2010 nentore Ligjeruese studentore ne seminarit -FRACAIS) Fakulteti _Kirili dhe nderkombetare - Tirane -Prishtine-Presheve-ShkupMetodi fakulteti I Drejtesise drejtimi seminari Trekendeshi i shqipetareve shqiperia e Shkencat Politike 2008-2009 bashkuar. 2. Univerziteti Shteterore I TetovesDiploma(t) e fituar(a) gjat aktiviteteve : Fakulteti Juridik Gjyqesore 2010ARTET 2011 2005-2008 Aktrim drama Rinia multietnike Kualifikimet e arritura profesionale dhe Shtepia e Kultures Shkup , monodrama Nene nuk Diplomat e fituara ; jam jetime Shtepia e Kultures Kumanove Titujt -Seminaret dhe punimet shkenArt figurativ Vend te pare nivel Komunal,vend te 3 core nivel republikan : 2002-2008 -Sport Lojtare ne klubin fudbollistik femerore Shqiponja -Shkup dhe Kumanova -Kumanove : Lojtare ne klubin Hendbollistik Gjorje Petrov Kumanove Shkup, 2004-2008 Kumanove valltare dhe kengetare ne Shoqjaten Kulturore Artistike Bajram Shabani si dhe ne SHKA Naim Frasheri . 2007 Poezi Shqiperi mos na le e shperblyer ne vend te pare nga Shoqjata e Historianeve ne Maqedoni (SHHM) 2007 Proza Amanetin e deshmoreve e shperblyer me vend te dyte nga nga Shoqjata e Historianeve ne Maqedoni (SHHM) 2005 Shkup Kendim Perfaqesuese e shqiptareve ne Maqedoni ne festivalin Le Chanson francophone 2005 .... 1997 -2008 Antare ne Grupen Letrare artistike Kumanove Lendet dhe diplomat e fituara : 2002 Kumanove Revista Matematikore Plusi shperblen me vend te pare nivel Komunal, 2004 Shqiperi- perfaqesuese nga nxenesit e Maqedonise ne Garat Nderkombetare Matematikore- Shqiperi -Vlore 2003-Gjeografi Gara shteterore me titull Meritore 2003- Kimi, GJ.Shqipe, Informatike, Gj. Maqedone, titull Nxenese Meritore Aktivitet Profesionale : 2003 Maqedoni Gara nderkombetare Elektro-teknike -vendin te dyte. 2004 - Maqedoni Gara nderkombetare Ndertimtari vend te trete Kryetari i Shoqates Vasil Tuporovski Kariera Politike (2008-2010 )Maqedoni -ShkupNenkryetare nivel republikan ne Partine Demokracia e Re FDR(Forumi Demokrateve te Rinje) (2009-2010) Zedhenese ne Komunen e Kumanoves per partine Demokracia e Re (2009-2010)Kandidim- Keshilltare ne Komunen e Kumanoves (2010-2011) Perfaqesuese e Keshilli qendrore ne Biblioteken e qytetit-Kumanove-Shkup. (2005)- Pergjegjese e Gazetes Ura e rinise finansuar IPK Mbreteria e Hollandes - Kumanove (2007 -2009) Perfaqesuese e Shqiptareve ne Maqedoni -org. DROM Integrimi ne shoqeri Maqedoni-Bosnje- Shqiperi (2009-2011) Forumi i Gruas Perfaqesuese ne qytetin e Kumanoves . (2009-2010) perfaqesuese shqiptare ne seminarin nderkombetare Partite e djathta Gjermani Konrad Adenauer Foundation 2011-Maqedoni -Perfaqesuese e organizates Zerit i Rinise , Udheheqese e grupes politike shoqerore Stop Partive Ditore Kombi mbi te gjitha

Dr. Metju Aref, Gjuha shqipe mbetet nj fosil i gjall

nuk ka shkruar asnjher asgj!) por ajo e nj lufte tjetr, t asaj t fillimit t kolonizimit grek n 680 para ers son. Ja pse epopeja e lasht pellazgjike (zemrimi i nga ky alfabet pr t zvendsuar alfabetin arab t turqve. Logjikisht, si Akilit) u quajt Iliad (nga emir do t kishin mundur t gjallonin gjat i qytetit Ilion). E gjith kjo lexohet ksaj periudhe t heshtur (1200-800) qart ose midis rreshtave n t gjitha shkrimet antike, pra edhe n madje edhe asaj t mparshme poemat epike t quajtura (>2000 para ers son)? Si mundeshin ata t dilnin nga ky hi, nga ky homerike, n teogonine e Hesiodit dhe n shum tekste t autorve no mans land grek? Duhet antik grek. Pr t provuar kto, provuar, m s fundi, se ska pasur kam shkruar vllimin tim t dyt : kurr luft t Trojs midis grekve dhe pellazgve midis 1193 dhe 1183 Greqia Mikeent = Pellazgt ose (dat kjo e shpikur prej matematikanit zgjidhja e nj enigme. Pr t kurorzuar t trn, pasi t sillen Erastoten n shekullin III para ers son!) por q ishte fjala pr nj epope t gjitha provat, duhet t ndrhyj shum t lasht (Zemrimi i Akilit kriteri gjuh. Pra, duhet filluar me historin dhe jo me gjuhn. t transformuar prej pushtuesve helen n Iliade) q tregon pr disa Grekt n Ballkan, n Egje, n prleshje midis fiseve pellazgjike (n Azin e Vogl dhe n Itali ishin Iliad ka pellazg n t dyja kampet!) nj pakic qeverisse E pata gabim q botova, t parin, librin dhe t knduara nga qyteti n qytet tim Shqipria. Duhet ta kisha prej rapsodve t famshm ose filluar me t dytin ( Greqia . aedve, poetve epik. Epopeja e lasht pellazgjike zemrimi i Akilit Dhe me t vrtet, pr t provuar q gjuha shqipe sht m e lasht u quajt Iliad nga emri i qytetit Ilion Lufta e vrtet e Trojs sht ajo se gjuha greke duhet m par t e pushtimit prej helenve t vrtet provohet q etnia shqiptare ka gjalluar (prmes trako-ilirv t rreth 680 para ers son i pjess ndrfutur) para grekve dhe se veriperndimore t Anadollit t kta t fundit jan pushtues q sotm, q dikur quhej Ilion. Pra, zun Ballkanin, Egjeun dhe Azin nuk sht Troja e lasht e treguar te e Vogl pas shekullit VIII para Odiseja e famshme e Homerit (q ers son. Nuk mund t thuhet ka shum gjasa t ket jetuar, por q Dr. Metju Aref: Gjuha shqipe mbetet nj fosil i gjall Permes Alfons For a kurrsesi (si po lexoj andej-kndej) q grekt jan flurim i nj etnie moderne t kryqzuar dhe q greqishtja kurr nuk ka qen e folur para kohve moderne! Qysh nga mesi i shekullit VI para ers son, nga koha e Pisistratit, dalin tekste greke me shfaqjen e poemave epike, t dala nga tradita gojore pellazgjike (t ripunuara pr ti shrbyer shtjes s pushtuesve t rinj), t transkriptuara n kt greqishte t vjetr q po lindte. Nuk duhet harruar se grekt n Ballkan, n Egje, n Azin e Vogl dhe n Itali ishin nj pakic qeverisse, pra nj elit q shkruante n gjuhn e vet (edhe pse ishte bastarde, domethn e dal nga nj przierje e holl dialektesh pellazgjike - jonian/ atike, eoliane, arkado-qipriote dhe doriane dhe nga semitoegjiptiane). Grekt, me koh, ndrtuan nj etni t przier dhe nj gjuh t prbr. Por, meq nuk ishin shum (pakic etnike e tipit semitik n krahasim me pellazgt bjond me sy t kaltr, si na thot Homeri te Iliada), kjo przierje mbeti e atmuar dhe pak e prhapur. Dhe me t vrtet, si pohon Herodoti (shekulli V para ers son), joniant ishin pellazg t br helen pasi msuan greqishten. Pra, greqishtja gjallonte n kt epok megjithse e przier. Drejtuesit dorian (veanrisht spartant) qen t vetmit helen t vrtet. Herodoti vet pohon se drejtuesit (mbretrit) dorian ishin me origjin egjiptiane. N Spart, mbreti dorian Agios IV pohonte se kishte nj spartan pr tre periek. Por, e dim se Periekt, Hilott dhe Penestt ishin ilir t nnshtruar autoritetit t Sparts. Ata shquheshin si puntor (forca pune) n shoqrin spartane: ushtar, bujq, zanatinj, skulptor, etj. Mirpo dor, dort do t thot n shqipe duart domethn krah pune, pra, ata q punojn me duart e tyre. Me koh spartant morn emrin e popullit t nnshtruar: ata kan pranuar dhe asimiluar qytetrimin e t mundurve. Pra, jan gjith kto przierje (etni dhe gjuh) q lindn grekt e ardhshm. (vijon) A i zhdukn grekt gjurmt e ktij qytetrimi prej t cilit u frymzuan dhe e morn kulturn ? Po, meq nuk ka asnj shkrim t ksaj periudhe t gjat, t quajtur Motet e errta. Pr fatin e tyre t keq krimi nuk qe i prsosur: ata nuk e kan menduar se nj dit do t zbulohej se emrat e mitologjis dhe fjal t

tjera t greqishtes s lasht do t shpjegoheshin me dialektin geg t Shqipris s Veriut. Dhe nuk e zhdukn dot gjuhn shqipe, q, sot, sht mjeti kryesor q ka br ti hiqen pett lakrorit! Nga: Shoqria "Bashkimi Shqiptar" Permes Alfons Fora Nga Matieu Aref: Gjuha shqipe mbetet nj fosil i gjall

P a g e

O u r

W o r d s

HARRESA INSTITUCIONALE PR MASAKRN E TIVARIT - 1945! - Sokol Bylykbashi

donasit (prkatsisht ushtria dhe politika Jugosllave e Titos), shovenist e antishqiptar t prbetuar e Vepr autentike me vler t mueshme historike t prirur nga urrejtja patologjike pr t zhdukur qenien fizike e biologjike t popullit shqiptar. Vepra historike Vepra publistike - shkencore e autorit Azem zakonisht mbshtetet n fakte e HajdiniXani, paraqet ngjarjt m t dhembshme e argumente t regjistruara nga t m tragjike, golgotn e kalvarin e vuajtjeve t dhenat arkivore. Mirpo si thot ushtarve t rinj shqiptar t Kosovs dhe trojeve Prof. Mehmet Halimi, nuk ka fakte e tjera etnike shqiptare, gjat Lufts s Dyt argumente m t forta, m t besueBotrore, t titulluar, Letr e hapur institucioneve shme, m autentike e m reale, sesa t Kosovs, pr ndriimin dhe sensibilizimin e kur fakt e argument sht vetm Masakrs s Tivarit, t Dubrovnikut, t Trogirit, njeriu, prjetues i drejtprdrejt i vrasjen dhe masakrimin e ushtareve shqiptar krijimit t historis. gjat rrugs pr n frontin e Adriatikut, q nga: Shkupi, Prizreni deri n Istri, n pranvern e vitit Prandaj vet fakti se kemi t bjm 1945. Vepra n fjal paraqet besnikrisht e n me nj autor t veprs n fjal i cili mnyr autentike rrugtimin e marshimin e sht prjetues i drejtprdrejt n ket kobshm t karvanit t ferrit, q bart me vete ngjarje tragjike, vepra fiton vler t vdekjen, duke filluar q nga: Dibra, Krova, lart historike. Autori i ksaj letre t Gostivari, Tetova, Shkupi, Kumanova, Bujanovci, hapur, duke qen njri ndr pjesmarPresheva, Prizreni, Kuksi e Shkodra deri n: rsit e ktij marshi t kombshm, i Tivar, Dubrovnik, Trogir e Istri, n vorrin kolekcili kto ngjarje t trishtueshme i pa tiv, q kishin prgatitur serbo - malazezt e maqe- me sy, i dgjoi me vesh dhe i prjetoj N 65 vjetorin e Masakrs s Tivarit thell n zemr e me shpirt, duke hequr t zinjt e ullirit bashk me vllezrit e vet. Ndaj syrit t tij t ndishm nuk i shpetoi asgje pa par e shenuar n mnyr autentike, si prjetues dhe mbijetues i ktyre ngjarjeve tragjike. Azem Xani edhe n momentet m dramatike, kur ndodhej nn kufoma i lar me gjak dhe veten e shihte t vdekur, mendonte: a do t shptoj ndonjri i gjall pr tiu treguar shqiptarve n Kosov pr kobin e zi q prjetuan djemt e tyre n Tivar. Tivari varri m i madh i shqiptarve (1945) Tivari sht nj ndr varret m t mdha n Ballkan, n historin e Lufts se Dyt Botrore, ku m 1 prill 1945, nga forcat ushtarake jugosllave t Brigads s X malazaze, n komandn e Gosha Markoviqit, njsi tjera ushtarake, paramilitare, civile, mantillbardh, puntor, qytetar t Tivarit dhe lokaliteteve prreth, m arm zjarri dhe arm tjera t ftohta thika, spata, kmesa, kosa, shkopinj, trfurq hekuri e mjete tjera, pr m pak se 60 min. masakruan n mnyr m mizore 4310 ushtar shqiptar q ishin duarthat, aq m keq viktimat ishin bashklufttar t Aleancs antifashiste. Trupat e ushtareve shqiptar t vdekur dhe t gjall deri sa ishin n jet (t plagosur), u dogjn e u hodhn n det, varreza masive, moale, humnera e shum prej tyre, npr male, moale dhe humnera ngelen ushqim per qn, kobra t zi dhe bisha t egra. Dubrovniku, ku m 17 prill 1945, n kazerm ushtarake, n BABIN KUK, t Dubrovnikut, ishin vendosur 1400 - 1700 ushtar shqiptar pr t pushuar dhe kinse pr ti br prgatitjet e fundit pr n frontin e Istres dhe t Neretvs, pasi iu kishin mbyll dyert e dritaret nga jasht, shrbimi sekret (OZNA) Jugosllave sipas skenarit me materje kimike helmoi dhe si pasoj, u ngulfatn dhe gjeten vdekjen 1340 ushtar shqiptar. (vijon javen e ardhshme)

PACIENTT NGA SPITALI N MES DY

leaders, Serb Intellectuals started supporting the war too; causing animosities and fear between neighbors and friends, yet, during the war, many Serb civilians were not guilty of the wrong politics of their leadership. In many cases ordinary citizens helped each other giving PATIENTS FROM shelter and food to Albanians. In turn THE HOSPITAL after the war, many Albanians proBETWEEN TWO tected and gave shelter to Serbs. At CHURCHES the beginning of April, 1999, the Honoring the Hippocratic Oath and health neutralpatients expelled ity were violated by Serbs doctors from the General Hospital in Peja and nurses. The majority of the Albanian population was surprised by HIPPOCRATIC OATH AND HEALTH NEU- the hostility of Serb health professionals towards them, as they were TRALITY VIOLATED mistreating patients and colleagues Peja, a small city located in West Kosovo is just because they were Albanians. All known as entrepreneurial, cultural and religious Albanian patients and health profescenter of Kosovo. It is also known for its sionals were expelled from the hospineighborly, friendly relations between different tal. Patients and staff said that they ethnicities and religions. The majority, 93% of were following the signs from God population are Albanians. About 7% are Serbs, that was leading them to join the Montenegrins, Bosnians and the Roma people. Catholic Church. But, thanks to the The city is known also for its good regional hospi- nuns and Don Lorenzo all patients tal, which offers secondary health services, and is were saved. located between the Orthodox and Catholic After the war, tens of thousands churches. Positioned between the two churches, Albanians returned home. Peja was and serving the majority of the Albanian populalike a ghost city. Almost, everything tion, health professionals and patients for decades was destroyed and killed. More than felt safe and blessed. This was the common feel11.000 houses burned and thousands ing for all ethnic and religious groups in Peja. of civilians, elderly people, women During 1998 and the beginning of 1999, all these and children missing. Dead bodies have tragically changed. The Serbs started the war were scattered unburied and dead in Kosovo violating long standing interethnic animals were found in the wells. relationships and trust. The entire Albanian popu- Water was scarce all over the city and lation was under attack and was expelled from when found people were afraid that Kosovo. Albanians couldnt believe what the the water was poisoned. There was no Serbs were doing to them and were bewildered to food, no shelter and fear of land find out that health professionals and religious mines. During the war, only about leaders were supporting killings and ethnic clean- 1.000 Albanian Peja-citizens -out of sing policies. Serb politicians and the Orthodox 120.000- lived in the city, hiding in Church wanted Kosovo without Albanians. The their basements. very same church, where Albanians worshiped for Mixed feelings, unanswered quescenturies, a church they had protected with confi- tions, emotions and consequences of dence and trust had turned to be unsafe, dangerous war will remain in Kosovo for a long place. time after the war to be carried on Serb leaders led the nation to war within its own through generations to come. There neighbors. Joining the political and religious were many questions that matter but The more we know about our human rights, the less we will abuse the human rights of others Orthodox Church exists in Peja since the XIII century. During the centuries Albanians have protected the church. Some Albanians are honored by the church to become Vojvoda WALL THAT DIVIDE (Serb Honorary Title). The church was visited Albanians belong to three religions: Mus- by the majority of the population and was introduced to the foreigners as an important lim, Catholic and Orthodox. Christianity cultural site of Kosovo. was embraced by Albanians in the first During the 1998 and 1999 and to this date the century AD when St Paul influenced church had closed its doors to Albanians. Christian thinking. Galatians and CorinUnfortunately, its religious leaders are not thian Letters were written by St Paul considering reopening them, having built a mentioning Illyria (the legend that tells high wall around the church, walls that divide that he visited Durres). For centuries the neighbor from neighbor and from people of people of Illyria lived in peace with their good will. Hopefully, Serb politicians and neighbors and during the seventh century religious leaders will soon start to destroy welcomed Slavs from the Carpathian these segregating walls. In United Europe, Mountains. Respect for guests and forsuch walls are being destroyed and a vigorous eigners are deeply rooted in Illyrian/ educational process aims to stop intolerance, Albanian tradition and culture, the guest discrimination and violence and preventing being perceived as a messenger of goodan environment of revenge. will. Varies forms of: peace education, conflict In the ninth and tenth century Southern resolution, education for democracy, multipart of Albania embrace the Orthodox cultural and diversity training programs, not religion. At the end of fourteenth and the to speak of human rights education and a beginning of fifteenth century the Balkan process of learning human rights as a way of was invaded by the Ottoman Empire and life at the community level, are being spread the majority population was converted to Islam. Because of their religion, language all over the world. The essential and unique and cultural tolerance Albanians were able role of teachers, educators, priests of all religions, journalists, community leaders, to survive and preserve their national identity for centuries. Religions being holy opinion makers and politicians is to undermine and eliminate the environment of reand important in all nations are essential venge to have us all, learn, know, own and for Albanians. During history four Popes realize human rights. We must all join were of Albanian origin: Clement XI women and men alike- in developing a de(1700-21), Saint Eleutherius (175-189), Saint Caius, (283-296) and John IV (640- mocracy that is a delivery system of equality, economic and social justice, without discrimi642). Mother Theresa, Noble Peace Prize recipient, is from Kosovo and of Albanian nation, guided by the holistic framework of human rights for all. origin. During the Second World War all This out of our sorrow and pain must be the Jews in Albania and Kosovo were saved vision and mission of Kosovo and be its and the number of Jews was increased in clarinet call to the world Take down the Albania at the end of the war. Because of walls that divide!! this unique contribution in saving Jews Albanians are honored by the state of Only by having your children learn about the Israel with: The Order of Righteous crimes done in ours and other countries, we Nation. Albanians are known to promote religious can prevent the creation of an environment of revenge and build a political culture based on tolerance and during history they have human rights. protected and saved people of different religious, believing that religions can be Neshad Asllani, MD Pej/Kosov instrumental in preventing wars. The the most important one was: How to start a new life?

V o l u m e

3 ,

I ss u e

2 7

P a g e

Shkrime nga Vullnet Mato

nga lufta e prgjakt, ngriti monumente pr njerzit m fatkeq, djegur e pocaqisur nga tmerri dhe plagt, ku ai skuqi me gjak t gjith kohn e vet. Rendi pas vdekjes mes plumbash n stuhi, nga prtej Atlantikut, gjer n malet Pirenej dhe e mbylli me plumbin n zemrn e tij, kolosi i gjall n letra, Ernesto Heminguej. BUKURIA Q SHRON ZEMRAT Urbani i ngarkuar rnd uturinte m rnkim. Udhtart e unazs ishin kthyer n sardele. Ngjitur meje miku m ankohej me trishtim, se analizat e zemrs kishin dal me probleme. Aty pran ra nga qielli nj bukuri e praruar, q t merrte mendjen n do moshe t ishe. Njerzit prqark vshtronin si t paralizuar, nga qafgjata me sy e buz t magjishme. At ast i mekur prej saj i thash mikut tim: Pa shiko, o Bardhi, mrekulli ka br zoti! Oh, mua m dhemb zemra e spo gjej shrim, ti se po m thua pr ca gjra kot s koti... Kjo nuk sht gj koti po shihe ka br zoti, se ta largon dhimbjen m mir nga do kurim dhe t gjitha vuajtjet e tua t duken pika loti, po sodite kt krijes marramendse pa ngurim! Si asnj her tjetr pshertiva duke rnkuar: Ah, moj nna ime, q ke vdekur e sm dgjon, t kishe mundsi t m mbaje t konservuar, dhe ta lindje vezn time dyzet vjet m von... Ajo ktheu vshtrimin papritmas nga ne t dy sikur t kishte marr befas nj mesazh qiellor. Miku im u trand prbrenda, u prplit n sy nga ata syt e saj magjik me rrezatim meteor. Pas ksaj ne treguam barsoleta dhe pim raki. Bardhit si dhembi zemra, trishtimi ishte fshir. Bukuria e asaj vajze i kish dhn shpirtit t tij, besim t plot pr jetn dhe humor mjaft t mir M PRESIN MIQT E PYLLIT Kam ardhur srish n parajsn me pisha, mes pyllit me kaftan t gjelbr veshur. M presin gjith miqt e par q kisha, n kohn kur jetova mes tyre i fshehur. mujt te kryet, mbi lulet e nektarit duke krcyer valle. Qukapikt trokasin dyerve n zgavra t rreshtojn milingonat e pritjes jasht. Zhapinjt alpinist m dfrejn me gara, kush ti shkoj trungut te maja e lart. Ketrat atlet krcejn te arenat mbi pem dhe m tregojn nj ast iftimin e dashur. Laraskat gajasen dhe zgjojn lepujt q flen, t m shohin nga ferrat e gjumit syhapur. Krmijt m tregojn antenat te brirt, duke incizuar kngt e bilbilave t mbl. M ushqejn me oksigjen pishat dhe shtogu, teksa mendoj se pylli me miqt e mjedisit, jan mbretria e paqes m t prsosur, q i duhet njeriut pr qetsimin e shpirtit. KAMBANA E ALARMEVE T VJETRA

PORTRETI I HEMINGUEJIT Portret si Hemingueji nuk ka t dyt. Nj fytyr t ngjashme mundet t gjesh, kur flen katr zogj: hunda, buza, syt, n fole zogu t thurur me fije t lesht. Tregimtarit t madh me libra botuar, nga lind e perndon dielli mbi tok, nuk i gjendet afrsia e stilit t shkruar, as shkrimtar n gjah ti bhen shok. N brezin e humbur

Kjo kamban alarmesh e kohve t muzgta, Zogjt me gjuh cicrimash Mllenjat klloka me nn nj lis m flasin, t vegjlit e foleve, degprdredhur kuptoj m thon me m brohorasin me rrinte zgjuar. tingujt e mbl. uurima npr Majmaleve u rnNuk dua prkthyes bimsh shkurre. donte dhe kafshsh, Dhelpra del nga strofka me peshn e gjith kodet e tyre i deshiveshur topmodele luftrave, froj n zemr. dhe m tregon mantesi kupa e metalt lin me gzof lkure. e nj qielli t Bari m flet me gjuht shqetsuar. vesuar nga yjet Breshkat ekspozojn dhe m tund krcejt e holl tatuazhin e shpins Gjmimi i saj ushme petale. dhe mbi gjethe t thata tonte Fluturat m valvitin flanxitojn kmbt. mes reve me shi

Poem nga Lasgush Poradeci, sjelle nga Sofie Ziri (vazhdon javen e ardhshme)
Ah, Sokrat, Sokrat, Sokrat, Tunde Tempujt e Greqis Nga prbindshit mashtronjs Ujqrit e Mitologjis. Ti mi miri, ti mi urti, Ti mi drejti i gjth Greqis, Vdiqe prmes errsirs, Linde prmes Historis. Qani male, qani fusha, Qaj ti, moj Greqi e e vjetr, Qaj, o moj Evrop e re, Se nuk vjen nj Sokrat tjetr. Jo: se vjen dhe prap vjen, Vjen pa rreshtur dit e nat, Vjen duke ndriuar botn, Jo me fjal po me shpat. Shkuan vjete dhe qindvjete, Shkuan edhe mijvjete T nderon, Sokrat njerzimi Mirnjohs jetpasjete; Shkuan edhe fluturuan Npr rruzullim pa an; Ti, Sokrat lind e rilind Prmes bots anemban.

Shkrime nga Silvana Berki (fq.17)

edhe ata e vshtronin me t vetmen shpres...q dikush do tua mirrte gjakun. N ann tjetr t kodrs dukej nga larg shtpia e hasmit, q atij sa her e shikonte i errsoheshin syt sikur te shikonte vet dreqin. Tani ajo shtepi vrtet i dukej si grmadhe...Hasmt nuk jan m t bekuar se fisi jon- ngushllohej e mendonte tek e shikonte ashtu shkret, me nj grua q po e rriste djalin e vetm, vetm dhe vjehrrn e saj plak q m shum ishte me kemb n varr se sa e gjall. Hasmi...! Me mashkullin e mbetur t asaj shtpije Cdo mngjes e dgjoja spaten e tij t ishte rritur bashk, ndrsa tani....! Tani i godiste ajrin duke car dru, thua se po duhej ta vriste, tja merrte jetn atij shokut bnte dru pr t gjith dimrat e m t ngusht, ndryshe do t ishte gjithardhshm. Gjaku, dhe hasmria e mon i turpruar, i nncmuar nga fshatart kishin ln ashtu krcu t vetm...pa prreth e miqt q e njifnin. Edhe hijet e njeri, pr at as fati nuk i kish dal n familjes s tij q i endeshin npr cdo der. Npr krahin thuhej se ai ndrr e cdo nat si fantazm, nuk i hiqte mustaqja burrrnd ishte martuar me dot nga koka. Zri i tyre e zgjonte netve hasmin...dhe as mndja nuk i shkonte t errta, si ulkonj q ulrin kur del hn t gjente grua e t shtonte familjen me e plot, e si nj kumbon kisheje q kmvoglush. E kan nmur fisin tonbon n zi. Po fundja...pse duhej ta vriste ngushllohej kur ishte vetm, ndaj mndjen aq shum? Ai shoku i tij, e kishte askujt si shkonte ndrment q kishte br at gjm, ai ishte shkaktari i asaj nevoj pr ndihm, pr nj prkujdesje. plage t madhe q i hapi atij edhe vetes s Tani, jetonte me t kaluarn, i kujtovet. Tani dergjet n burg, e me siguri heshin xhaxhai, baba nna e t gjith t mendonte se do ti shpetoj plumbit t tjert kur luante po ke ai oborr ke i cili hakmarrjes sime..por Jo... or joooo. Se nuk kishte luajtur dikur i lumtur me kut l un t vdessh as nga burgu e as nga shrinjt e vet. Tani...ata i shikonte tek Zoti e as nga tjetr kush. Nuk mund ta treteshin aty afr kodre dhe e dinte se glltis kt turp q ma le n der e kt vrer q ma derdhe n sofr e q ma helmoi shpirtin prjet. Me kto mendime zgjohej prdit, e me kto mendime i mbyllte syt n erresirn e frikshme te shtpise s tij, ngelur si kafke e pa jet. ..... Brraaauuuu.....dgjoi krcitjen e oxhakut prej t cilit u zbraz nj sasi e madhe tjegullash t cilat prhapn nj pluhur mbyts n t gjith dhomn. Ai u ngrit pothuaj duke krcyer nga krevati, dhe ashtu me rrobet e gjumit doli prjasht duke u kollitur. Ishte akoma pa zbardhur dita dhe e ndjeu menjher ajrin e freskt. Ndrsa po vshtronte nga catia se mos dikush kishte hipur atje, dgjoi nj rnkim q mezi dgjohej. Filloi t hec me hapa t leht nga vinte zri, por akoma spo e kuptonte prej ku vinte. Dikur u ndal. Zri ju duk si nj z fmije, por me nj ngasherim mbyts...sikur t kishte frike se mos e kuptonte dikush. U afrua pr ke fiku edhe pse aty nuk kish dashur kurr t afrohej, ja kishin ndaluar q i vogel at vnd, dhe e kish pas frik gjithmon at fik: thuhej q atje tretej njri nga vllezerit e tij i cili kishte vdekur fmij para se ai t vinte n kt jet. Arsyen kurr se kish marre vesh. U afrua. Dhe pa se dy sy fmije e vshtronin me tmerr. Ju afrua dhe ashtu pr ti hequr frikn i foli but: Hajde, hajde ngrihu. Hajde ma jep doren xhaxhitdhe pa pritur prgjigje e kapi nga dora dhe e trhoqi drejt vetes. Kuptoi se dora e djalit ishte br akull, ndaj e vshtroi me vmendje gati per ta pyetur sa kohe kishte qn atje jasht n mes t nats, dhe c,bnte aty ke FIKU ky fmij i huaj?. N vend t pyetjes e trhoqi drejt shtpise, sepse pa q djali dridhej. Kur hyri brnda vuri re se dhoma ishte mbushur me pluhurin q kishte derdhur oxhaku ndaj kerkoi nj rrob q t fshinte dy karriget pran tavolins. E uli djalin n njrn prej tyre, dhe duke nxjerr paketn e duhanit u ul pran tij pa br z. Ti ishe n cati more djale?-e pyeti ashtu befas duke e vshtruar femijn n sy.. Jo, nuk isha un, t betohem q nuk isha un - u shkreh djali n t qar dhe duke u betuar drejt tij. Po mir, e pe ti kush ishte lart n cati- vazhdoi pyetjen ai, dhe kureshtar.. N vend t prgjigjes, djali uli syte dhe heshti me syt gjith lot. Ai nuk e ngacmoi, por vazhdoi t thithte cigaren thell e duke pritur q djali t fliste vet. Ishte gati n prfundim t cigares, dhe dhomn e kishte pllakosur nj heshtje e rnd ndaj u b gati t fliste ai i pari, kur n at koh dgjoi kaposhin e par q zgjonte cdo mngjes. . Hhhmmm mendoi, ndoshta e pyes ndonjher tjetr dhe duke e kthyer veshtrimin nga djali i tha: U zbardh tani, t duhet t shkosh n shkoll me siguri djal i mbar. Hajt, shko dhe dgjo...ke ai fiku q t gjeta sot, nuk dua t t shof m. N rregull? N vend t prgjigjes, pa q djali vetm filloi te hecte jashte ders dhe nuk i tha asgj. Pak i cuditur po e

P a g e

O u r

W o r d s

BALETI I DRERIT TE PLAGOSUR nga Vasil Tabaku

Gjithsesi, tashm fati i vajzs ishte n duart e ndrkombtarve, por ne u prpoqm t kontaktonim dhe t jepnim mendimin ton, por me sa vrejta, gjithka ishte e kot, ndrkombtart e kishin marr vendimin dhe ata gjithsesi nuk mund ta benin publik, as neve nuk na e komunikuan. Kuptohej, ishte sekret. Ngjarja e rnd me djaloshin serb, kishte dhen nj leksion t forte pr sigurin e personave nn krcnim, aq m tepr kur bhej fjal pr raste t ksaj natyre. T nesrmen ne muarrm vesh se Helena ishte shpur pr kurim n nj nga klinikat e famshme t Shteteve t Bashkuara t Ameriks, po se ku konkretisht, kt nuk na e than. - Kur t jet shruar, ajo do t komunikoj vet me ju, na komunikoj zdhnsja pr shtyp e UNMIK-ut.Ajo ishte nj vajz simpatike bjonde me nj theks t anlishtes amerikane.Vajza nuk iu prgjigj asnj pytjeje tjetr tons dhe t gazetarve t cilt e kishin rrethuar... Kjo gj na krijoj nj gjndje t zymt.Un edhe pse kisha njoftuar at nat brenda ors, gjithka kishte ndodhur pikrisht nn hundn e rojave t armatosura t UNMIK-ut, ku nuk mungonte kontrolli dhe serioziteti i nj ushtrie serioze dhe tejet e fuqishme, por ja q gjithka kishte ndodhur sa hap e mbyll syt. Krimin e kishte konstatuar infermierja e turnit t tret, e cila kontrollonte pacientt dhe kur kishte par nj vazhd gjaku nga krevati i Milloshit gjer tek dera e jashtme. Ajo e llahtarisur kishte krkuar ndihm, por ishte tepr von.Autori i krimit, duke marr me vete trofen e prgjakur, kokn e prer, ishte larguar pa ln gjurm. -E prbindshme,tha Amundsen, nuk mund ta prfytyroj nj gj t till si mundet njeriu t arrij gjer ktu, far shkall urrejtjeje mund ta nxis njeriun t bj nj masakrim t till? -Mos u trego naiv, i thash mikut tim nordik, ktu sapo ka kaluar nj nga masakrat m t mdha t njerzimit, a e di ti miku im se jan prer mijra koka njerzish nga etnikt serb dhe paramilitart? A e di ti se jan djegur njerz t gjall?, A e di ti miku im se sht goditur fmija n barkun e nns me bajonetn e pushks dhe sht nxjerr prej andej dhe sht hedhur pim dheSyt e Amund- dokumentar por edhe fotosen ishin rrmbushur me grafik.Amundsen, midis t lot tjerash kishte dhe materjalet pr denoncimin e grupit serb me n krye babain e Millosh Dosjet e zeza Sushiovi n krimin kundr familjes se Helens.Po ashtu dhe deponimet e drejtprdrejta t vet Helens,vllait t saj dhe disa bashkqytetarve. Dosjet q m kishte sjell Milloshi at dite n Tiran, i hoqa nga zyra ime dhe i nisa drejt Arkivit Shtetror. Atje ishin m tepr se t sigurta.Ndrsa materjalet q mi dhan n Prishtin, ku ishin dhe disa poezi t Milloshit, t shkruara rishtas, i mbajta n shtpi. Do t gjeja rastin ti botoja mbase dhe t prmbledhura n nj libr m vete..Aty kishte dhe ditirambe dashurie pr Helenn, t cilat, pr hir t s vrtets ishin perla lirike. M n fund dosjet do t udhtonin drejt Hags.Nj Ne kishim prpunuar komision i posam, i morri mjaft materjale. Shumica n dorzim. N fakt ne ishim ishin akuza t drejtprdre- munduar t bnim nj pun jta, nj pjes bazoheshin serioze me grumbullimin e n rrfime direkte, t materjaleve autentike, incizuara apo dhe t tregime t drejtprdrejta, filmuara.Miku im nordik, rrfime, denoncime, fotografi kishte grumbulluar nj t marra n vendet e ngjarsasi t madhe materjali jeve, ku ishin br krime t prbindshme si dhe mjaft materjale t tjera.Saranda kishte grumbulluar mjaft fakte tronditse, veanrisht nga rastet e prdhunimeve t femrave kosovare nga paramilitart serb dhe ushtarakt. Nj pjes e ktyre femrave kishin mbetur shtatzna, nj pjes kishin dshtuar, nj pjes i kishin lindur fmijt edhe pse ata ishin nj kryqzim midis serbit dhe shqiptares, pra me armikun m t egr, shum prej vajzave duke ndjere triumfin e nns mbi hakmarrjen , i kishin nxjerr n drite fmijt e ngjizur n trupin e tyre. Ky ishte fati, nuk ke se ti bsh ,thoshin ato shpesh,faj kan kto krijesa, ato jan pjes e jona e jets dhe e fastkeqsis son, por asnjher vet fatkeqsia , ndaj dhe i duam, jan mish nga mishi yn N shumicn e dshmive kishte shum raste t rrmbimeve t personave nga gjumi, (vazhdon javen e ardhshme)

n rrug? A e di ti? -Mos, t lutem,mrmriti Amundsen, i di t gjitha, por ato sikur u larguan paksa n koh dhe kjo e tanishmja m duket gati e pabesueshme. Pastaj e njohm Milloshin, e bm mikun ton, prjetuam m t ngjarje, hngrm dhe

Mimoza Rexhvelaj, Gresa Pirana, Mentor Thaci, Pilo Zyba, Ilir Seci, Zhorzh Send
Mimoza Rexhvelaj Imazh Kmbt m jan gjakosur duke te krkuar ty. E ti si nj hije here afrohesh,here largohesh. Zgjas duart t kap po s,t arrij... Kjo hije nuk me plqen m bn t vuaj. Po vazhdoj t kerkoj imazhin tnd..... Gresa Pirana Ti dje un sot E di gj diku dgjova bota qnka me rrota Un ,ulur e lumtur T vret buzqeshja ime ?! Hm ,e di .. E po zemr, ti dje un sot shiko dhe knaqu..!!! T t pres ?! kush un ?! dikur ndoshta sot hapin tim ti vshtir do e zsh Andaj Ti, ti asgj ato pika loti krokodoliane mbaj pr vete fytyr engjllore ik tutje, mask e veshur T vras un ty ?! hm, harrove ,ti e bje gjithnj. Skender Korca Kalendar i pa datuar A thua kam pyetur Sa t shenjt jetojn? A thua kan dgjuar Lumturimin e nj shpirti t rn? ...befas n tokn e kmbs sime Pse shekulli shikohet si hajdut sy zhveshur e pa krip rrqethur prej leckash lkure shkronjave q t neveriten ...kur prmendet emri N vend t shekullit t ri kpuct e reja ja falin djallit pr nj thash e thn ...sot jetohet Kur piks s shiut ja marrin virgjrin e ln amanet kur askush nuk thot je i pastr si lot N orn n cep t dymbdhjetave nuk ndrrohet ky shekull m njsohet dita me numra bosh Vizitort e varrit t shenjtve bhen viktim e pluhurit t rn Njeriu dhe un njeri besojm n ligjin e rrem Dy gjysma jete bjn nj jet e tr ato q lexohen pa ironi e shoh shpesh, Zhorzh Send sot me hesape matematikash maraze, Pas kaq vitesh pa t par PER Mbledhur me veten tnde e me to komunikohet kam nj hall, ENDRREN..PRANG T zbritur nga qielli me boten e veten, N foton e kujtimit vetm A Shumzuar me mua kur jam me ty me Tokn e Jetn, ti nuk qesh Ty je gjysma ime se Plis i kan thn, Por un vetm pr Pranga t mbrtheu Kalendar i pa datuar e Plis na kan ln buzqeshjen tnde paskam koha n duar, Munguar pa mua dhe Olis sot e kem, mall.... Valixhen e ndrrave ta Vrar e Plis tbardh, koks vm! mori me vete. Ti e ndoqe shikimtrishIlir Seci Eh, ironia n sarkazm, tuar, Mentor Thaci N SHTPIN E e sarkazma nndshkim, N robot ta kthyen jetn LIS ME PLIS! MARTIN CAMAJT kur veten e mbush maraz, tnde. O Iliri, do marrsh vetndshkim, Eriks, bashkshortes s Trung-Lis, se Plisi, ashtu si u b, Poetit Ec somnambul n terrin nprjetsi, dot nuk zhbhet m! Gjithkafs i vinte era e zi, Koks Plis! Dukagjin Ditnett t gjitha njlMbretri, Dranja dhe Temali aty loj. Pilo Zyba Dardani, Mollosi, ..., Iliri, Oda e burrave me qilima Me kraht e ndrrs PR BUZQESHJEN n Lashtsi Antike, Peje s`fluturon dot. TNDE epiendr jetike... N ball t oxhakut LaMe pranga n duar, jo, Kur t tjert qeshnin me huta s`fluturon. n Plis t bardh Zeusi, humorin tim Nga lkura e Buallit t thon, edhe Ezopi, Ti ret hidhje n qiellin e Drinis Dhe ndrrat shtohen nj qebesa dhe Homeri, syve serioze, Dor e nj artisti anonim nga nj, me Plis t bardh Nderi, Aty qndronte heshtje dhe Q e kishte qitur belaja n Dhe prangat frymn ua Pirro e Agroni, trishtim, Evrop zn. se pasksh thn Nostradamusi, Un mendoja se bheshe Mungonte vetm i zoti i dikur tash s voni, xheloze... shtpis Me spango mban valixspari, Fill, qysh moti, Kishte dal hen tnde, Jeta pasksh zn Kurr st kuptova e t pr pak koh Rnkimi pa z, vall kujt kah Adriatiku-Joni! mbaja mri, Ta krkoj t Madhin se i vlen? Pse pllumbi buzqeshje ishte vonuar Cepin e spangos shtrnPo po, pasksh shkruar edhe sfluturoi asnjher, N kreshta t Krujs gon n duar, Thoti, Tani shikoj fotot dhe i Fluturimi i shkabs ku Bn ta trheqsh, s`e si i pasksh diktuar vet Zoti, uditur rri ngrin kthen dot mbrapsht. ai kryesori, i vetmi, Ti, pse heshtje kur gjithnj E fillon Valixhen me ndrra e Hyji-Hyjnor, qeshnin t tjer?... ndrra dimrore. sheh tek hapet, me shkronja pellazge, ALI PODRIMJA Endrrat derdhen varg e kumbim arbror, Foton e mbaj mbi tryez, e varg.

V o l u m e

3 ,

I ss u e

2 7

P a g e

Prplasja n Uashington pr Epirin e Veriut

arl Hart (Charles C Hart), president i Miqve Amerikan t Shqipris, ishambasador i SHBA-ve n Shqipri n vitin 1926, politikan i holl, historian me dijeni t thella dhe kundrshtar i rrept i padrejtsive u ngrit si mal madhshtor, sidomos n prag t mbarimit t Lufts s Dyt Botrore, kur pushtetar epror grek, brenda dhe jasht vendit, zun t shurdhonin botn se i quajturi prej tyre Epir i Verut i prkitksh Greqis. Me dredhi e dinakri t grekt, ata po gnjenin botn dhe po bnin me vete edhe politikan amerikan t dors s par; ndr ta edhe senatorin me shum pesh, Pperin. Kundr gjykimeve t tij ngriti zrin i dgjuari arl K. Hart dhe e detyroi t mbyllte gojn. N njrn prej letrave t veta t botuara n Washington Post t 1 marsit 1946, Peperit i shkruante: Keni shpallur se do t bheni mbrojts i fushats pr drejtsi t Komitetit Grek, i cili lufton pr krkesat greke t zhdmtimeve t lufts, kur do t bhen traktatet e paqes me shtetet e Ballkanit. Si zakonisht, senator Pepperju dridheni nga zemrimi pr padrejtsit q i jan br GreqisLvizjen e Drejtsis pr Greqin e polli K. Dhiamandpullosi, ambasadori grek n Uashington dhe kryetari i makins s propagands s organizats imperialiste greke n SHBAJu jeni n nj shoqri t keqe. Miqt Amerikan t Shqipris nWashington Star t 23 korrikut t vitit t kaluar kan br krkesa pr zhdmtime lufteedhe t viktimave t tjera t Musolnit: Shqiprin, Jugosllavin dhe EtiopnJu, senator, thoni se drejtsia pr Greqin ka 4 qllime; i 3-ti ndr ta sht Kthimi i Epirit t Veriut Greqis. Kjo deklarat arrin t thot q t vuloset qysh tani nj prpjekje grabitqare kundr Shqipris s varfruar, pr t ciln Greqia ka 32 vjet q po bn mos; ky i kshtuquajturi Epir i Veriut sht Shqipria e JugutKrkesa ka qen gjithnj kaq qesharake, sa q vendimi kundr Greqis sht dhn tri her rresht. N gushtin e 1923-it, Lidhja e Kombeve drgoi n Greqi nj komision pr t prcaktuar n vend kufirin grekoshqiptar. T gjith antart e atij Komisioni; - 4 italian dhe nj prkthyes shqiptar, - u vran pa mshir ditn q arritn n Greqi. Kjo qe mnyr greke pr t zgjidhur n at koh nj grabitje kufiri Kt her u prdor nj metod m e strholluar; dora e vdekjes q u prdor kundr Komisionit t pafat t vitit 1923, u zvendsua me ju dhe shum nga kolegt tuaj. (vazhdon Javen e ardhshme)

Mithat Frasheri nga Uran Butka (Vazhdimi)

Mid'hati q e njihte jetn politike t Shqipris dhe t Europs, madje prej andej u kshillon deputetve shqiptar nj politik t urt ekuilibriste t qendrs, e cila i shrben m mir Shqipris, pa ekstremizma t marra dhe pa konservatorizma t verbta. "N Parlament kombi do t bj strvitjen e tij politike, gjith duke shfaqur zotsin pr nj edukat t till. Provim i vshtir, pa dyshim, sadoq kuvendet, pleqsit, gjyqet kan qen prej institucioneve m t vjetra t vendit. N kt deg t jets shoqrore, problemi m i rnd sht t mbajturit e nj mase t urt, pa dashur njeriu t bjer marrzisht n aparencat trheqse t nj ekstremizme t marr, as edhe ta lshoj veten e tij n mefshtsin patologjike t nj konservatorizme t verbr, prtace dhe egoiste". Mid'hati gjakon pr tolerancn, mirkuptimin dhe dialogun, si mjete demokratike e humane. Ai t paslufts. Pr shtje madhore, si ishin ato t lufts lirimtare apo t zgjedhjeve politike, M.Frashri inicion dhe bn kompromisin si nj mundsi apo nj zgjidhje e mundshme. Shembull i qart pr kt sht Kuvendi i Mukjes, ku u arrit nj marrveshje me prmasa kombtare ndrmjet Ballit Kombtar dhe Frontit Nacionallirimtar, mbi bazn e tolerancs e t kompromisit pr nj luft t prbashkt kundr pushtuesve, pr nj Shqipri t lir, demokratike dhe etnike. S dyti, vepra e Mid'hat Frashrit dhe vlera edukative e saj, prputhen plotsisht me jetn dhe moralin e tij personal. Do t sjell vetm nj shembull. Mid'hat Frashri dha dorheqjen nga qeveria e Ismail Qemalit m 30 mars 1913, duke themeluar kshtu institucionin e dorheqjes n shtetin shqiptar. Ai shkoi n Elbasan, kt radh, n detyrn e thjesht, por t shenjt t msuesit t shkolls fillore (1913-1914), duke dhn shembullin e shrbestarit. Nga ky moment u lidh ngusht me msuesin, e nderoi at dhe figurn e arsimtarit. "Edhe tani kam bindjen, i shkruan ai nj msuesi elbasanas, se karriera e msuesis sht ajo, nuk them vetm m e mira, por edhe m knaqsiprursja. Esht nj detyr modeste, pa buj, fort e lodhshme, por q t jep nj prehje shpirti, se do dit, do muaj, do mot shohim me syt tan pemn q po rritim me aq mundime". M 20 janar 1914, Mid'hati u bn thirrje qytetarve msimdashs t Elbasanit, q, n shenj mirnjohjeje pr shrbimet q i ka br kombit shqiptar, miss Edith Durhamit, t'i blinin nj stilograf t florinjt. Q t kishte prfaqsim sa m t gjer kjo shenj nderimi, Mid'hat Frashri kishte menduar

q do atdhetar do t paguante vese 5 qindarka, kshtu t blihej me ndihmn e sa m shum shqiptarve. Kshtu, ai edukonte solidaritetin dhe demokracin e gjer. Kt stilograf prej ari ia dhuroi miss Durhamit, nj prfaqsi e qytetit t Elbasanit, e prbr nga Mid'hat Frashri, Gligor Cilka, Dr.Ruzhdi Beu dhe Taqi Buda, kur ajo zbriti n Vlor n muajin gusht, 1914. Mid'hati ishte kujdesur q edhe mbishkrimi i dhurats t ishte sa m prfaqsues: "Zonjs Edith Durham, shqiptart mirnjohs, 1914". (vazhdon javen e ardhshme)

sht kundr mendsis dhe praktiks totalitare q kundrshtari politik t konsiderohet armik dhe t luftohet si i till pr t'u eliminuar si ndodhi me fashizmin dhe komunizmin gjat Lufts s Dyt Botrore dhe me sistemin komunist

Serbian playing with Kosovo deals by Ahmet Murati (English pg. 8)

Serbian playing with deals with Kosovo Translated & Written by Ahmet N Murati At yesterday's meeting said that agreements have been reached in principle for some issues opened in previous meetings, but nothing is signed. First talks are not in the interests of the Albanians as likely as I and many other Albanians will not even think of going to Belgrade to drink coffee. Why do we need to drink coffee from butchers who cut us, killed us, raped us for over a century. In short, the mutual trust can be built not by throwing the back of all events that have occurred to us that we were not the attackers but were victims. Agreement in principle accepted by all three parties, must first pass through the Serbian government in Belgrade, then the parliament in Belgrade, and perhaps would later put a referendum aimed at removing the blame from politicians to say EU that we are here to deal, but people will not. Because in all likelihood the result of the referendum will be manipulated in order to delay the concrete realizations for the benefit of us and them. Agreements which have not the precise terms to be implement are not useful for us all. Points in which it agreed in principle are free movement of citizens, civil registry and diplomas issued by universities in Kosovo. These all are a blessing that comes to us, namely the citizens of Kosovo Albanians of the Presevo Valley who have studied for years in Pristina. But let us examine in detail the points in which the tripartite agreement in principle was reached. a) Free movement of citizens According to representatives of the Serbian delegation, movement will be available to citizens of Kosovo, "good news" for us, but how will it be implemented in reality. Kosovar citizens who are equipped with Kosovar documents such as identity card, passport or driver's license issued by relevant institutions in Kosovo, when they arrive at the administrative line between Kosovo and Serbia (intentionally not said boundary but administrative from his side) Serbian policemen will control whether Kosovo's documents are valid, did not have expired or have any prohibition or impairment, and then based on the time that he applies the relevant document he/she/ they could be travel as they obtain a certificate for each. This document issued by the Serbian police in the administrative line between Kosovo and Serbia is valid for the whole territory of Serbia. On the other hand if you go by car which is registered with the license plate of the Republic of Kosovo (RKS) and not UNMIK then those license plates must be removed and placed a temporary license plate "probne tablice" and RKS license plates must be removed and placed temporary license plates. But, how can travel by car from Kosovo to Serbia, if there is any product that is produced in Kosovo (Made in RKS) can not be inserted into Serbian territory. So, if you are leaving in that direction to make sure that your car does not have anything that has the label Made in RKS. This practice at least since six years that is in place, and how it can be called an agreement when there is nothing new. However, I would not like to go to Serbia. b) Civil Registry - At this point during a particular time frame have moved around various voices that whether the copies of civil registry records and the cadastral or they will be brought here. Now let's see what have been talked but if you Kosovo's side has accepted copies of Kosovo's civil registry then this deal should be abolished automatically. Until now, it is known now that civil registry of citizens of Kosovo are located in different cities of central and southern Serbia, for example civil registry of the Gnjilane area is in Bujanovac, and surprisingly it is found in the basement of the district court (state object). But let's analyze why Serbia has stolen the books of the civil registry and of the cadastral. There are two reasons why these books were stolen from Kosovo. During the years after 1912 when the territory was annexed by Serbia, the Serbian government and Montenegrin Kingdom tried to change the demographic structure of the region, and divided the different lands to Serbs and Montenegrins who

P a g e

O u r

W o r d s

Albanians in Montenegro Waiting for Godot? By Cafo Boga & Stefan Wolff (in English from pg. 1)
Bridging the divide between academia and policymaking, Mr. Wolff has been involved in various phases of conflict settlement processes in Sudan, Moldova, Sri Lanka, and Kosovo. He is the author of the Handbook on Power Sharing, Self-governance and Public Participation and of the forthcoming Handbook on Guarantees in Conflict Settlements. Montenegro was founded as a state under its present name during the 15th century, continuing the tradition of the Illyrian state of Genta or Zenta, later the Roman state of Dukla. During next three centuries, the Republic of Venice dominated much of the costal area, which became known as Albania Veneta. Following Ottoman invasion much of todays MonMr. Wolff is a graduate of the tenegro fell under Ottoman University of Leipzig, the control, except the costal University of Cambridge, and the London School of Econom- area, which remained under the Venetian control. With ics and Political Science. He writes here in a personal capac- help from Russia, the central Montenegro (the Slavic ity as an independent acaspeaking area) was able to demic, expressing his views maintain its quasionly and not those of any independence during the institution with which he is or Ottoman Empires reign in has been affiliated. the Balkans; its independence was formally acknowlIntroduction edged at the Congress of It is surprising that some dont Berlin in 1878, which also even know about the Albanians brought about a substantial expansion of its territory at in Montenegro, though they the expense of Albania. have been living in this area since the antiquity. As a matter After World War I, it was absorbed into the Kingdom of fact, the Albanians ancestors, the Illyrians, laid the very of Serbs, Croats, and Slofoundations of modern Monte- venes, which later became the Kingdom of Yugoslavia negro. in 1929. Montenegro was also later part of various incarnations of Yugoslavia, until it regained its full independence from the federation of SerbiaMontenegro in June 2006. following conflicts in its regionprimarily the Balkan wars of the early 20th century, World Wars I and II, and the dissolution of the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia as Montenegro is a small country with a population of well as the collapse of Yugoslavia after the Cold approximately 630,000 War. Albanians minority people. Montenegrins and status within Montenegro, Serbs are the predominant there- fore, is not a matter ethnic groups, together forming about 74 percent of of choice, but one of the population. Albanians in historical circumstance: inhabiting a contiguous Montenegro account for approximately 8 percent of homeland, nations were divided between expandthe total population. They ing nation-states either in live in relative compact settlements along the Mon- the process of direct territorial contests, as a tenegrin-Albanian border, consequence of post-war which stretches at times further inland to the eastern border changes, or after the disintegration of outskirts of the Montenemultinational states. grin capital of Podgorica. Albanians in Montenegro are a national minority National minorities living (members of an ethnic in European host- states group who live within a have been tolerated citihost-state, but are simultazens at best. But in most neously ethnic kin of ancases, they continue to other, often neighbouring suffer the consequences of kin-state. As such, Albanipast and present disans belong to a type of crimination. At the same minority group that is very time, it is a widely held widespread across Europe. belief among academics Its country was created and and policy- makers that shaped by the redrawing of members of national Europes political map minorities deserve and require specific legal protection in order for them to express, maintain, and develop their own identities without fear of discrimination or disadvantage: Persons belonging to national minorities have the right freely to express, preserve and develop their ethnic, cultural, linguistic or religious identity and to maintain and develop their culture in all its aspects, free of any attempts at assimilation against their will." This fundamental assertion of national minority rights was approved by the participating states of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) at the 1990 Copenhagen Meeting on the Human Dimension. Section IV, Article 32, of the Copenhagen Document that resulted from the meeting details particular rights of minorities such as: The right to establish and maintain educational, cultural, and religious institutions and organizations (including the right to participate in international non-governmental organizations); The right to profess and practice their religion; and The right to establish and maintain contact among themselves and across borders.

The signatory states of the CSCE further committed themselves to protecting the ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and religious identities of their minorities and to creating conditions in which these identities can be promoted, including, appropriate local or autonomous administrations corresponding to the specific historic and territorial circumstances of their minorities, wherever possiThe right to speak their ethnic ble. language freely in private and in public (including the right The approval of the Copento disseminate, receive, and hagen Document in 1990 access information in that was not accidental. After language); the Eastern Bloc collapsed

Serbian playing with Kosovo deals by Ahmet Murati (English from pg. 7)
were sent to various contingents intended to change the structure demographics of Albanians in the Albanian province that Serbia annexed. The civil registry records show all details precisely how many people are born, are married, their children, how many of them died, when they died etc.. Using the taking of it to Serbia many of their crimes that are hidden that are made from 1912 respectively since 1878. By hiding them, Serbia is trying to swell the number of Serbian residents in Kosovo in all data even in the civil records that were made earlier than that of 1981 others not at all taken into account as they are manipulated in ethnic basis. Related to cadastral data, the reason for their stolen of Kosovo is to cover the transfer of property in criminal way that have been made since 1912 until today that a property somewhere in Kosovo sold several times, after Albanian lands are swallowed up by the agrarian system that applied Serbia after the Second World War. Most of the properties of the Albanians who were taken illegally from Albanians without any compensation were provided to the Serbian people. And then after a time they have to resell their properties to Albanians. With the acceptance of Kosovo's civil registry, then we will have the opportunity to extract specific data than there were residents in Kosovo until 1999. From these documents it can be drawn many other data that speak to the period since 1912 respectively 1878, as will be seen in all records for residents of Kosovo who are registered are born but do not have data on death while in reality they are not alive because they have been killed in various forms of inhumanity. c) The diplomas issued by educational institutions of the Republic of Kosovo - This point is valid for the Albanians living in Presevo Valley that have studied the Kosovo institutions. So far non-recognition Kosovo's diplomas has greatly influenced the migration of Albanians from the area, namely the violent change of demographic structure of the region for their benefit. Now, with the acceptance of these documents, these youngsters could compete in various vacancies ranging from education, to the industry. This, in a word increases the welfare of the Albanians living in Presevo Valley. Conclusion Recognizing Serbian politics and diplomacy, since over centuries, it is unlikely that such agreements will see the light in the near future and they might never will be able to see the light. This clearly shows once Serbia has signed many agreements they didn't respected them, among them we may mention the case of the Second World War when German Nazi forces landed in Serbia, the Serbian Government made an agreement that Serb forces marching in Albania, as a reward for this gesture they would grant Kosovo to Albania. The Albanian young ladies from the region. But what is important to spell it here is that the signatories of the agreement since then has been a state of war have had to write up the agreement in the form of tattoos, with the return of Serbian forces in the territories they kill their own representative and destroy the body, perhaps they burn burned the corps so there wouldn't be any trace of tatto. And the deal was gone. As can be the based for the ceasefire agreements in Bosnia and Kosovo, there are never respected by the Serbian side. So, as these deals will not Nazis came to Serbia, the see light for the good Serbs fled in Albania went people of the region. up to the Durrs and Tirana, and then returned to Serbia, but some remained there and married

Serbian courts in Serbia has been issuing falsified property documents in order to damage Albanians financially. This has been applied several times throughout history, we've always been a victim because we have not been where to complain.

V o l u m e

3 ,

I ss u e

2 7

P a g e

JU PREZANTOJME AGIM DESKUN CIKEL ME POEZI NGA AGIM DESKU

MALLKIMI I FJALS Vetm ti bashkon emrin tim me Tiran e Prishtin prms autostrads ,Ti, arkitekti i saj, dr.Ibrahim Rugova e nga aeroporti ,Adem Jashari nisemi t haprojm shqip me zjarrin e ndezur t flakadanit t liris, ta ndritim scilin shkmb deri n Malsi e amri aty ku rri n pritje fjala shqipe Agim,,Liridon,Shqipron,Shqipd on me vite e vite duke e pritur edhe emrin tim Bashkim me miken shetisim e lutemi pr sciln udh t saj dhe flasim mbrmjeve me lott e shqipeve pran zjarrit t rujtur e mbuluar me hirin e eshtrave t strgjyshrve q luftuan si kapedan me Marko Boqarin e Agim Desku hyn n radhn e atyre krijusve q veprimtarin e vet poetike e kultivon me sukses pr t rritur dhe pr fmij. Ai, duke shkruar vjersha t bukura, n mnyr simbolike kndon pr njrzit e shquar t kombit dhe pr ata t pens, kndon pr shpest, por edhe pr jetn plot t papritura me tema e motive t llojllojshme, t cilat kan karakter edukativ. Prmes nj perceptimi t qart poetik, ai na orfon nj piktur t gjall pr jetn n prgjithsi. Me imagjinatn e tij Desku, n mnyr specifike i prjeton dhe i vulos motivet reale, t cilat trajtojn aspekte t ndryshme dhe ofrojn njohuri pr shum an t jets. Pra, ai derdh frymzimet duke folur me zrin e tij dhe duke thirrur me plagn si prkatsi shpirtrore .Fokusi poetik i prqendrohet n nj objekt poetik: qenia,qenia si objekt thelbsor i ides dhe msazhit.Kshtu, nprmjet vargut autori Desku arrin t paraqet kompleksivitetin e qenies ,relacionet t saj me gjithsin ,me vetveten;shfaqjet e ndryshme t saj dhe vendndodhjen n koh e hapsir .N vargun e tij arrihet t shkrihet biografia e autorit me biografin e qenies.Qenia q paraqitet nuk sht e prcaktuar dhe kjo sht nj e arritur tjetr e tij ,sepse ka ln mundsin e identifikimit t secilit lexues me at poezi.Brenda ktij subjekti ngrthehen edhe shpresa,edhe zhgenjimi,edhe qndresa,edhe prkujtimi,edhe reagimi i nj shpirti,i cili gjen prehje vetm n synimet e poetit,i cili shquhet pr kah vargu dhe poezia e shkutr,t cilat sot jan edhe shum t preferuara.Mirpo ,duke pasur parasysh se vargu dhe poezia e till do prgjegjsi t veant,ai ksaj eshtje ia del dhe krijimtaria e tij na servohet si shum e qlluar dhe me fuqin e mesazhit shumdimensional. Agim Desku u lind n fshatin Siqev t Klins n vitin 1957. Shkolln fillore e kreu n Ujmir, gjimnazin n Klin, kurse SH.L-n (gjuhn dhe letrsin shqipe) n Gjakov. Deri m tash ka botuar tri vllime me poezi . Pshpritje drite 1995 (Pr t rritur), Knga e pranvers 1996 (vjersha pr fmij) dhe N cilin varg mbes 2007 sht antar i Lidhjes s Shkrimtarve t Kosovs dhe i klubit letrar Karagai t Pejs. Agim Desku jeton dhe punon (msimdhns n SH.F XH.Kada) n Pej. lirin q e pritm me vite si dhurat nga zoti . Jo,sht kjo fjala q i ruan ata nga do mallkim npr sciln pjes t trupit t popullit tim jan lirimtart jo,m nuk do t burgoset i tr nj popull q e do lirin q i do ata martir si zotin,si shqipen e flamurit tim. Po,sht edhe kjo fjal q i puth n ball i ruan n zemr scilin emr dhe scilin gur q e bn mur e bn kala edhe liri edhe Shqipri. U LARTSUAT N FENIKS ( mallkimi i lirimtarve) Kur atdheu pyeti pr ju atyre poetve t shpresave q zgjuan Evrop e bot ,ku jan, ku jan gurt e thyer t Koshars dshmitare e pasqyrs sime dhe tani do t irrem mndurisht nuk due t m mallkojn lirimtart mua jo eh, un i ruaj me fanatizm ,vrasjet, masakrimet e Bajlozit t zi,edhe ju t gjith edhe bota i ka par, nse harresa ka hyr n mendjet tona, historia nuk e di a do t na fal, nse pr lirimtart nuk e ruajm, n do koh n sciln sofr ton nga nj vend pr nj kmb q ju ka mbetur nga luftrat apo edhe njrn dor nse ju ka mbetur ndonjra. Po,po ata jan ktu me shqipet ,haprojm bashk prap npr sciln fole t tyre edhe n paq edhe n luft n Evrop ndoshta jan t huaj se edhe ajo ishte e huaj me shekuj pr ne. Ktu jan n do arom lulesh m ne edhe ne jemi m ta si shtat thuprat e legjendave jemi zjarri i Prekazit e kulla e Gllogjanit prher me lirin jemi m lirimtart,n sciln fole t shqipeve,jemi. VITET E RRUGTIMIT TIM N rrugtimin tim me vitet meditoja me atdheun do dit flisja numroja ort e ditt ndrroja lum lumin ngrohtsin e zjarreve t Prekazit dhe i pyesja ku e kishin burimin gurt e Koshars n ciln tok jan rritur ata gur q dikur ishin mur e sot jan liri n sciln fole t shqips. JETA N njqind vite krkoja fatin tim n ciln zemr paska hy n ciln val te detit noton njqind vite udhtoj her n tok e her n det pranverat m ndalin t marr pak arom luleve q m dalin prpara n udhtimin tim t pafund. NDRR Sikur ndrra t fliste humbjen tnde nuk e duroj do t vrapoja n do vend pr t`i krkuar fluturat n qiellin e kaltr ku s`mund t vie askush dashurin time pr ta marr. Nga dritarja i shikoj ret nga vijn dhe shiun q e sjellin si lum sikur m ngjajn n pika loti npr fytyrn tnde kah rrjedhin e zemrs sime i japin pak ngrohtsi diku pak ndrr diku pak dashuri. Nat me shi N kt nat pa hn vetm shiu m bn shoqri n kt nat m shi vall s`ka m dashuri. Dashurin e mori shiu e hodhi diku n lum syt e saj t zi a thua u fundosn n thellsi a m lan mua n`vetmi n kt nat shoh vetm zi. PA LAMTUMIR Ti e zgjodhe kt fjal q dhmb n do cep kohe n buzqeshjen time aty ku pushojn pulbardhat n detin plot val edhe ndrr po ta shihja kt fjal do t ikja diku n prrall bashk me lulkuqet q nuk vniten n asnj pranver ti e zgjodhe kt fjal q e shuan do dashuri q kishim dikur un e ti. SHFLETOJ FUNDIN E DASHURIS Sonte e ndjej nj nat pak m ndryshe q dika fsheh nga un e nga hna pikllimin ia vjedhin dashuris. N heshtje dgjoj pak simfoni knga m thot s do gj paska edhe fund, por zemra t gjitha kto me dashuri i mund. Nj shikim N cilin shikim mbeta kt nat m cilin sy ndeza nj qiri m ciln rreze shndrrita vetmin dashuria kt nat m`i mori shikimt n kt nat ndezi qirinj t i shikoj kah fluturojn shqipet maleve e dashurive tona. Dashuri pr ditarin tim Nuk e di cila dashuri m n fund do t vij ajo n dukje t par si fotografi n pasqyr apo ajo pr ditarin tim q udhtojm deri n amshim. Nat N dhomn time t puns m bn shoqri kandili rrjedhin vargjet pr botn e gotn asgj s`mund t ndryshoj nse nuk e shkruaj poezin q hyn e del nga shpirti ather un dhe bota do t ndryshojm. PRANVERAT SHQIPTARE E kam pr zemr ta dua Shqiprin deri n Preshev,Malsi e amri pa liri. N Kosov si n Shkup e Tetov jemi Shqipri. Sot e kam pr urat T`i lutm Zotit t`i ruaj shqiptart nga t kqijat e shpirtit t vetvets nga kjo pik e dobt e jona dhe shroji paqi uratn o zot nga mendjemadhsia apo nga vuajtjet e robrimit shekullor nga liria e vonuar e prgjysmuar pa lirin e amris. Pas shum viteve e kuptoj Fishtn dhe Konicn q e deshtn Shiprin ma shum s vetn. Sot i kuptova edhe martirt prse u bn Atdhe e Shqipri t ndriturit n prjetsi. Emra t shkruar me shkronja ari Ushtri lirimtare n scil1n zemr e emr t fisit tim shqiptar Edhe n Malsi Preshev.

me vashat suliote me varret npr sciln lagje t amris motr t ln kujtim nuk e di pr ciln koh sot apo nsr e di s fjala ma gjn udhen e emrit tim deri t ti amri dhe nj dit n sofrn shqiptare do t ngritim dolli me kupat t mbushur plot me ver e do t mallmi pr pak liri. MALLKIMI I HNS Pr do nat rri i zgjuar duke ruajtur kujtimet e lirimtarve shklqimin e drits s syrit tim q sot e shoh lirin ,e ndjej thell n shpirt n vargjet e mia kan zn vendin e miks vetm ktu i ruaj ato kujtime nga mallkimet e njeriut q rri e pret t shprthejn vullkanet e cunamet nga mallkimet e hns t`i shuajn dritat tona,ndrrat tona

kur vijn lirimtart ju ishit ktu n do cep atdheu dhe u bt pasqyr lotsh gzimi t scils nn e motr prag e votr t shqipeve dhe scila lule pranvere ishte pr ju npr sofrat shqiptare ruhej nga nj vend e nj cop buk npr do zemr kndoheshin kng e poett thurnin vargjet e zemrs pr kthimin e juaj si fitimtar ndaj Bajlozi t Zi edhe n syt e Evrops u lartsuat n Feniks dhe legjend e gjall e bots mbar ,JU, e sot ku sht atdheu i lirimtarve ku jan ato lule parnvere q arom e tyre m bnte ta dua atdheun , ta jetoja jetn n nj sofr t ulur m ta , ku jan vargjet e

P a g e

1 0

O u r

W o r d s

Albanians in Montenegro Waiting for Godot? By Cafo Boga & Stefan Wolff ( English from pg. 8)
in 1989, minorities rights and protections have become recurring political issues in central, eastern, and southeastern Europe. Not only did the dissolution and disintegration of multinational states lead to the creation of new host-state minorities, but also liberalization and democratization in these states set the stage for competition among new or redefined groups. Group interests were increasingly defined in ethnic terms, and ethnic groups claims to resources and security became influential factors in domestic and international politics across the region. by their minorities and by third-party states recognizing them, and by international and regional organizations offering them membership, although, some after a considerable delay. for their nations independence. The reality of what has since transpired has fallen far short of their expectations; most Albanians now find themselves disillusioned about their future. Montenegros privatization process and economic reforms have created significant social dislocations, economic hardship, and corruption, all of which has contributed to rising tensions between Albanians and Montenegrins. These tensions could easily escalate, which could, in turn, spread to other nationalities and minority groups, threatening the very existence of Montenegro. A heightened conflict also could seriously destabilize this still volatile region, which includes Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Serbia, and Kosovo. A weak economy has exacerbated tensions between the different ethnic groups in Montenegro as each group fears it will lose access to resources that are already scarce. These tensions, albeit not violent ones, are likely to persist into the future and need to be addressed through longterm preventive efforts such as a renewed focus on the political status of Albanians in Montenegro. The purposes of this paper are to: examine the current situation in Montenegro and that of the Albanians within it; analyze what specific grievances this community has; and identify possible solutions that can address these grievances in a way that anchors Albanians in Montenegro and prevents the country from destabilizing. Such results also would help Montenegro attain one of its key foreign policy goals: integration into the European Union. The paper begins with an outline of the current situation in Montenegro with respect to the protection of national minorities in law and policy. We then discuss Albanians specific grievances in regards to the current state of affairs. The second part of the paper lays out a range of options for protecting national minorities, drawing on a broad range of examples from comparable situations across the Western Balkans region and beyond. We conclude with some recommendations on a sustainable approach to addressing Albanian grievances in Montenegro moving forward in a constructive and inclusive manner. 43 percent of the total population, the new official state symbols adopted by the legislature in 2004 and by the constitution in 2007 are based on the royal standards of King Nikola. To Montenegrins he is a national hero, a leader who managed to establish good relations with powerful European nations and Russia and achieved recognition of its nations independence in 1897. However, he was also a ruthless leader who embroiled his country in a series of wars between 1862 and 1878. He carried out these wars under the banner of liberation from The Current Situation in the Ottomans, but with the ultimate goal of expanding Montenegro Montenegrin frontier and Montenegro gained inde- acquiring an outlet to the pendent statehood in 2006 Adriatic Sea, primarily at the following a referendum in expense of Albania. Albanians and the other minorities which a majority of the who suffered under Nikolas population, including rule have difficulties acceptmany members of nonMontenegrin ethnic com- ing him as a national hero of munities, voted in favor of the new Montenegro. dissolving the regions The preamble to Monteneunion with Serbia. gros Constitution identifies Broadly speaking, most the nationalities and national ethnic Montenegrins minorities of Montenegro strongly supported the Montenegrins, Serbs, BosniMontenegrin governaks, Albanians, Muslims, ments drive toward Croats and others as citizens independence. Albanians and other ethnic minorities of Montenegrofree, equal, mostly favored independ- and loyal to a civic and democratic Montenegro. The ence, though some had expressed doubts concern- new Constitution changed the countrys official language ing their status in an independent Montenegro. from Serbian to Montenegrin, but also recognizes Serbian, The voting results show Bosnian, Albanian, and that Montenegro would Croatian. Gender equality not have been able to right has become a separate achieve its independence without the Albanian vote. category under the Constitution, while other rights, which have already existed in Following the countrys the Montenegrin legislation, declaration of independsuch as the right to asylum, ence, the Montenegrin free access to information, Parliament issued a new and the right to conscience constitution in 2007. According to the Constitu- (the right to object serving military or other duty involvtion, Montenegro is an independent and sovereign ing the use of arms based upon religious grounds or state with a republican personal conviction) are now form of government. Furthermore, the Constitu- guaranteed by the Constitution. For the first time in tion states that Montenegro is a civil, democratic, history of the Montenegro the and ecological state based new Constitution gave preceon a social justice and the dence to international laws over the countrys own laws. rule of law. But despite the fact that ethnic Montenegrins only account for While determining that the official language in Montenegro shall be Montenegrin, the Constitution also notes that the Cyrillic and Latin alphabet shall be equal and that Serbian, Bosniak, Albanian and Croatian shall be in official use (Article 13). Special minority rights, whose exercise is subject to further legislation, are detailed in Part II, Chapter 5, and include: The right to exercise, protect, develop and publicly express national, ethnic, cultural and religious particularities; The right to choose, use and publicly post national symbols and to celebrate national holidays; The right to use their own language and alphabet in private, public and official use; The right to education in their own language and alphabet in public institutions and the right to have included in the curricula the history and culture of the persons belonging to minority nations and other minority national communities; The right, in the areas with significant share in the total population, to have the local self-government authorities, state and court authorities carry out the proceedings in the language of minority nations and other minority national communities; The right to establish educational, cultural and religious associations, with the material support of the state; The right to write and use their own name and surname also in their own language and alphabet in the official documents; The right, in the areas with significant share in total population, to have traditional local terms, names of streets and settlements, as

The regional environment in which these dynamics unfold continues to be shaped significantly by hostility, mistrust, and resentment in both majority -minority and interstate relations. At the same time, the unprecedented involvement of the international communityespecially of European and transatlantic regional organizations as Confronting these issues, well as the United Nations governments have had to and its sub-organizations formulate and implement has helped sustain crucial policies that address a wide conversations around mivariety of minority-related nority rights and protecissuesfrom separatist detions. While the commitmands to EU accession condi- ments made around these tionalityas one part of creat- issues are often vaguely ing more fair and open sociedefined, third-party organities. Against the background of zations can offer a lot of foreign and domestic policy value by mediating talks goals, governments have had to and helping to define acstrike a balance between the countability in regards to interests of their majority and these commitments. minority populations. Often the majority sentiment is more Despite the fact that the traditional and nationalistic protections of national while minorities top priorities minorities has been a highinclude equal rights and recog- profile item on the agendas nition. of international organizations, NGOs, and national The former Yugoslavia has governments, progress in seen this type of interest conmany cases has been increflict play out more often than mental at best. Albanians in most other regions. Here the Montenegro, for example, debate on how best to achieve have seen much political such a balance of diverse and change in the Western often competing interests has Balkans over the past two taken place in a setting shaped decades but little improveby the character and consement in their own groups quences of violent conflicts situation. They are worse within and between several off in certain aspects than states. Moreover, with the they were during the comexception of Albania, all the munist regime in former states of this Western Balkans Yugoslavia. Having been region are essentially new subjected to discrimination states. That is, they had to for almost a century in the build up or create their identivarious incarnations of ties as individual statesrather Yugoslavia, Albanians than merely redefine themwelcomed the democratizaselvesand obtain legitimacy tion process and hoped it both domestically and interna- would usher in a new dawn. tionally. In this context in They expected to work with particular, questions concernMontenegrins and other ing minority rights have played communities as partners in a crucial role: they have deter- building a new democratic mined, to some extent, the and multi-ethnic state, and acceptance of these new states thus voted overwhelmingly

V o l u m e

3 ,

I ss u e

2 7

P a g e

1 1

Albanians in Montenegro Waiting for Godot? By Cafo Boga & Stefan Wolff ( English from Page 10)
well as topographic signs written in the language of minority nations and other minority national communities; The right to authentic representation in the Parliament of the Republic of Montenegro and in the assemblies of the local self-government units in which they represent a significant share in the population, according to the principle of affirmative action; The right to proportionate representation in public services, state authorities and local selfgovernment bodies; The right to information in their own language; The right to establish and maintain contacts with the citizens and associations outside of Montenegro, with whom they have common national and ethnic background, cultural and historic heritage, as well as religious beliefs; and The right to establish councils for the protection and improvement of special rights. The right to access mother-tongue education is separately regulated in decrees on primary and secondary education. Explicitly, the Constitution of Montenegro prohibits forced assimilation and obliges the state to protect persons belonging to minority nations and other minority national communities from all forms of forceful assimilation (Article 80). While this is a fairly impressive constitutional entrenchment of minority rights, significant shortcomings exist in terms of translating these constitutional commitments into law and policy. A Law on National Minorities has been under discussion for many years; interethnic controversies have kept it from passing. As a result, a newly adopted law specifically addressing minority rights has already been contested as unconstitutional. The absence of a specific minority law in Montenegro and the earlier failure to adopt and implement the federal law concerning minority rights has created a significant level of ambiguity in regards to these issues. A recent report by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe states that in the opinion of the Venice Commission, the wording of some provisions of the constitution, especially, those dealing with human and minority rights, could be further improved and brought closer to the wording of the convention for protection of Human rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Discrimination against ethnic communities has always been a problem in Montenegro; it is particularly widespread in the case of Roma. Local authorities often ignore or tacitly condone intimidation and abuse of Roma, some of whom are internally displaced persons (IDPs) from Kosovo. In 2007, 76 percent of Roma were illiterate, 80 percent did not speak the local language, 90 percent were officially unemployed, 40 percent had no access to public utilities, and 90 percent lived below the poverty level. Even though the unemployment rate had slightly improved from 95 percent in 2005 and 2006, the situation had worsened in terms of illiteracy and language competence. An additional problem is police harassment of members of ethnic communities, particularly of Roma and Albanians, who suffer from ill treatment and, in some cases, torture at the hands of police officers. The government does fund minority-related projects, but resources for such projects are very limited. For example in 2006, the government allocated 17,000 to the Roma Presence in the Labour Market program and 35,000 to the Second Chance project, while the Ministry of Education and Science supported a program for scholarships for Roma pupils in secondary schools and allocated 14,000 for minority education purposes. Other communities, including Albanians, receive even less state support and thus remain heavily dependent on foreign support. By law, minorities are entitled to autonomy of cultural institutions and the freedom of religious expression. In the sphere of education, culture, and information, measures have been implemented to enhance equality through tangible projects and programs. The Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Media, for example, assists ethnic minorities in publishing magazines and books in their own language; presenting programs of folklore, traditions, and practices; and cooperating with institutions in their kin-state. Specific media programming for minorities remains rare due to a lack of relevant legislation. The Albanian community is the only one in Montenegro that has received access to minorityspecific broadcasting and media in recent years. As the Advisory Committee of the Council of Europes Framework Convention on National Minorities pointed out: national minorities in Montenegro merit increased attention in the on-going process of developing a public broadcasting service. Radio Montenegro broadcasts programs in Albanian twice a day for 10 to 15 minutes each. There are also private and commercial radio stations that broadcast in Albanian. In addition, Radio Montenegro broadcasts 24 shows a year intended for the Roma population. A large number of printed media are published in Albanian, Croatian, Romani, and Bosniak. The Montenegrin Commission for Education of National and Ethnic Groups approved the use of textbooks in minority languages and allows 15 to 20 percent of the teaching to be done in minority languages. Albanian is used at all educational levels, while the education of other minorities, such as Bosniaks and Croats, happens within the single educational system because their languages are essentially the same. Education in the Albanian language relies heavily on textbooks translated from Serbian and devotes little space to Albanian history and culture (2.5 percent of the classes in primary schools and 5.9 percent in secondary schools). The establishment of teacher training in Albanian has caused tensions between the Albanian community and the government. At first, the government opened an Albanianlanguage section in Niki in 2003, but Albanians boycotted it, saying it was too far from major Albanian settlement areas. The program reopened in 2004 in Podgorica with 45 students and faculty from the University of Montenegro and the University of Shkoder in Albania. Political representation of minorities in Montenegro is guaranteed by law. In practice, it takes place both through minority political parties and their inclusion into mainstream parties. Ethnic Albanians, Muslims, Bosniaks, and Croats participate in the political process and their parties, candidates, and voters participate in all elections. In 1998, five out of seventy-eight seats in the Parliament were set aside for Albanian voters. These five seats were to be elected in polling stations in districts populated predominantly by Albanians. In 2005, a total of 11 members of ethnic minority origin were elected to the 75-seat Parliament and three minority members were appointed to cabinet positions. By 2006, the number of ethnic minority members in the 81-seat Assembly had gone up to 14, but their number in the cabinet dropped to two. In 2007, minorities political representation improved slightly, with 16 minority members in the Assembly and two in the cabinet. In July 2006, the Constitutional Court struck down a law that would have added reserved seats for Muslims, Bosniaks, and Croats. Grievances of Albanians in Montenegro Against this backdrop of minority policy in Montenegro, it is not surprising that the countrys Albanian community has significant grievances about its situation. The Government of Montenegro has failed to change the paradigm of written and unwritten policies of previous regimes, which in substance were designed to colonize lands inhabited by Albanians and squeeze non-majority populations out of the country. Sadly, these policies have been largely successful, reducing the Albanian population in Montenegro by almost half since their territories were annexed by Montenegro. This decline continues today. This process has not involved open violence, but was instead managed through demographic engineering: withholding basic services; confiscating thousands of hectares of land; limiting access to education, employment, and political participation; encouraging Albanian emigration from Montenegro; and privileging those Albanians willing to renounce their language and culture. Even those rights guaranteed by Montenegros Constitution are not realized in practice or are otherwise circumvented by laws (municipality or otherwise) that are clearly unconstitutional. The difference between law and actual policy is striking in almost every aspect of Albanian life in Montenegro. The Albanian community in Montenegro, so fare, does not harbor any secessionist claims against the state in which they live, but their desire to play a full and active part in building a liberal, democratic Montenegro and contributing to its integration into the European Union are hampered by the countrys denial of basic minority rights. Albanians remain second-class citizens in many respects and are not accepted as equal members of Montenegrin society. They have little recognition or protection of their distinct history, language, and culture. Even though the Albanian-populated lands that were annexed by Montenegro pursuant to the Treaty of Berlin are clearly delineated areas with a long history of Albanian culture and tradition, Montenegro has never sought to develop a policy to preserve the Albanian language, culture, and heritage in these areas. To the contrary, there has been a long tradition of changing the local demography of these lands by bringing in nonAlbanian settlers and by putting pressure on the Albanian population to assimilate into Montenegrin culture and society. Education Montenegros denial of basic minority rights is most evident in the education system, where everything that is Montenegrin is disproportionately glorified and almost everything Albanian is omitted, downplayed, or actively demonized. As one Albanian puts it: First they teach their children to hate ours, then our children to hate themselves. Albanians demand that they should have equal rights to use their own language and develop their education systems in the areas they live in. However, most of the school textbooks continue to be printed in Slavic (Serbian or Montenegrin as it is now called in Montenegro) and university education is offered

P a g e

1 2

O u r

W o r d s

Albanians in Montenegro Waiting for Godot? By Cafo Boga & Stefan Wolff ( English from Page 11)
only in Slavic. Albanians have long insisted that denying them university education in their own language has hindered their national development. As previously mentioned, several formal requests by Albanians to establish a Teachers College in the Albanian language within the University of Montenegro have been denied by the government. Instead, the government has offered to open a Department of Albanian Studies in a city that has only Slavic speakers (the University of Nikshiq/Niki), rather than in Albanian population centers like Ulqin, Tuz, or Tivar. The quality of education in Albanian elementary and junior high schools is very poor. The curriculum, for example, is established by the state in a centralized manner. A very limited number of classes cover Albanian history, literature, music, and arts. Albanian students are instead forced to learn about the history and culture of Slavic nations. From the fifth grade to the eighth grade, students spend just 3 of 120 hours in history class studying Albanian history. This is equivalent to just 2.5 percent of their class time. In high schools, the percentage is slightly better: 10 of 170 academic hours (or 5.9 percent) are dedicated to Albanian national history. In Slavic schools, Albanian national history and culture are not taught at all. Most Albanian schools are in such deplorable condition that hardly any meet the minimum state requirements for holding classes. The Montenegrin government has done nothing to improve these conditions; to the contrary, it has hampered an effort by the Diaspora in the United States to help improve or rebuild some of the schools. In addition, pursuant to applicable laws and regulations, the administration of the schools and the admission policy is to be established and managed by the school council. However, in many high schools with mixed nationalities (such as the one in Tuz), the Ministry of Education disregarded the councils decision and opted for offering more classes in the Slavic language. This was done despite the fact that most of the students were Albanian and had successfully passed the entrance exam. Another interesting phenomenon is that, despite the collapse of communism more than 20 years ago, Albanian schools are still named after communist heroes and events, while other schools across the rest of Montenegro have been renamed since the 1990s. Requests from Albanians to change the names of their schools have been denied. The Albanian Language The Albanian language is recognized as an official language only in Ulqin, which has a predominantly Albanian population. In spite of the areas demographics, official documents are issued in the Montenegrin language (though some are translated into Albanian). With the exception of school transcripts of students who have attended Albanian-only schools, no official documents are issued in Albanian. Bilingualism in Ulqin is applied only to local institutions, whereas the state institutions speak only Montenegrin. Inter-institutional correspondence in Ulqin is predominantly conducted in Montenegrin even though the people involved are Albanians. Albanian linguist Haxhi Shabani reached a conclusion in his book, The Endangerment of Albanian Language, that the Albanian -speaking population uses the Albanian language far less today than it did 10 or 15 years ago. This is due in large part to the increasing use of the Montenegrin language in written communication. Now the only time the Albanian language is used is when it is spoken out loud between Albanians. In communicating with Montenegrins, Albanians use only Montenegrin, even though most Montenegrins living in Ulqin understand Albanian. Road signs and city names in Albanianpopulated areas are mostly in Slavic; in only a few places are they also in Albanian. The signs to Orthodox monasteries are all in Slavic, although some of them have Albanian origin. Most importantly there are absolutely no signs for Catholic or Muslim religious buildings or monuments. chures and other marketing materials designed to develop tourism in Montenegro contain almost no mention of Albanians and their culture. To the outside world, Albanians are all but invisible. and the Assimilation of the Albanian Population As already noted, following the provisions of the Treaty of Berlin that were ill-fated for Albanians, one of the primary objectives of the Government of Montenegro has been to change the existing ethnic structure within annexed Albanian lands. Hundreds of Slavic families were brought in to colonize Albanian cities as part of the governments plan to mechanically change the demographics of both the cities and their suburban areas. The goal was to suppress Albanian culture until it would simply cease to exist. Regrettably such policies, which were in place during King Nikolas regime (1860 1918), continued to some extent during the existence of Yugoslavia, and are still practiced in todays democratic Montenegro. Here are some explicit examples of the misuses of Albanian land in Montenegro: The establishment of a new settlement in Karabushko Pole near Tuz for 500 nonAlbanian Muslim families from the northern part of Montenegro; The Municipality of Podgorica granting 500 real estate lots to a commercial enterprise to solve the housing problem for its workers. The properties are located in an Albanian- populated territory near Dinosha and Mileshi, lands that lawfully belong to Albanian owners with valid deeds in their possession. Albanian landowners have filed lawsuits, but the courts decision has been continually postponed; The additional granting of land to a commercial enterprise promising to employ young peasants from all over Montenegro, although the lot is situated right next to Tuz High School and was dedicated by the predominantly Albanian community for expansion of educational infrastructure. The Municipality of Podgorica ignored the primary dedication of this land and the proposal to build an elementary school there; The allocation of a strip of land called Plantazhe to build 170 apartments and houses along the TuzPodgorica road near a Muslim graveyard. The government expropriated this land in 1975. According to the Law on the Return of the Property, the land should be returned to the legitimate owners; however, their demands have been ignored; The expropriation of an olive tree orchard that has historic significance; it was used during the Yugoslav regime as the site for an army base. The army destroyed hundreds of olive trees to provide military personnel with luxurious apartments and firewood. Since the Yugoslav army has gone, the property has not been returned to its rightful Ulqin owners. Instead it was transferred to the state. In effect, ownership of the Albanian land will now transfer to Montenegrins, Serbs, and others; The expropriation of the most valuable lands in the Municipality of Ulqin for the purposes of promoting tourism. Lands within the two beaches - Plazhat, Valdanos, Ada, and other parts with potentially rising value were transferred to the state without any compensation to the municipality; and The most vital enterprise in Ulqin, the salt factory, was also transferred to the state and then privatized so that a close relative of Milo Djukanovic, former prime minister of Montenegro, could become the owner for a negligible price. Apparently, plans are now underway to drain the area and build thousands of highclass condominiums and apartments on it without any consideration for sustainable development or

International standards of minority protection, particularly those of European Union, are unequivocal about the fact that it is a governments responsibility to provide financial support for Another interesting phecultural activities that nomenon is the correction preserve the national of Albanian surnames from heritage of all its citizens, the previously Slavic verregardless of their race or sion into Albanian by origin. While this responbasically using Albanian sibility is implicitly acpronunciation and the Latin cepted in the extensive alphabet. The issue stems catalog of national minorfrom the time of King ity rights in the MonteneNikola who, upon annexagrin constitution, governtion of these territories ment funding for cultural inhabited by Albanians, activities of nonforcefully modified their Montenegrin communities surnames by adding suffices is extremely limited; like ic or vic to make therefore, the opportunithem sound Slavic. Regard- ties for Albanians in less of the fact that now all Montenegro to pursue any citizens have the constitumeaningful governmenttional right to have their supported cultural activity original and unadulterated are limited as well. Albasurnames, some are still nians in Montenegro have denied this right by excuses no national institutions to such as our computers develop their folklore, dont have such letters. ethnology, and ethnograThere are still Albanians in phy. They have no naMontenegro of the same tional theater, national arts surname whose names are gallery, publishing houses, listed in two or more vermedia centers, or national sions, creating problems institute devoted to prewith travel documents and serving the Albanian other official records. language and culture. Except for a weekly newspaper, Koha Javore, The Albanian National all other publications of Academy and Cultural books, journals, and Institutions magazines have been substantially financed Although Montenegro claims to be a multicultural through donations contributed by foreign organizastate, not one Albanian tions, NGOs, and Albaniinstitution in the entire ans from Montenegro country does empirical research aimed at gathering, living abroad (mostly in the United States). A radio studying, and preserving station and a television Albanian culture and heritage and presenting it to the station that broadcast in Albanian, established by world. In addition, the private individuals, are Ministry of Culture and struggling to stay on air. Tourism has not financed any serious cultural or scientific project concerning Changes in the Structure of Albanian Territories the Albanian heritage. To the contrary, tourist bro-

V o l u m e

3 ,

I ss u e

2 7

P a g e

1 3

Albanians in Montenegro Waiting for Godot? By Cafo Boga & Stefan Wolff ( English from Page 12)
ecological consequences. A World Bank study and other international studies have described this area as ecologically significant for birds migrating from northern Europe. It is one of the resting points for the birds during their winter migration to Africa. There are many similar efforts designed to change the demography of Albanian-populated areas. Albanians recognize that in a free and democratic society, its the right of all citizens to choose where they live, and that property owners have the right to buy or sell to whomever they want. But Albanians object when the state undertakes measures designed to change the demography of these areas without any consideration for the local inhabitants and sustainable development. The Decentralization Process and Local Self -Governance Following the collapse of communism and the implementation of democratic principles in Montenegro, Ulqin was the countrys first municipality to establish a democratically elected local government. However, to counteract Ulqins newly acquired municipality rights, the state of Montenegro enacted laws that essentially centralized the rights of local governments and stripped the municipalities of many competences and rights that should fall under their authority. While this centralizing move by the government may have had some plausible explanations, it is economically and politically harming to the Albanians in Montenegro. For example, the Municipality of Ulqinthe only municipality governed predominately by Albanianshas no authority to manage, explore, and directly benefit from its natural resources. Ulqin also has no authority over its judicial system, education system, health centers, or police departments. These are just a few of the municipal matters over which the local Ulqin government has no control. The municipalitys powers essentially consist of collecting sales taxes and maintaining the citys sanitation systems. Ulqins authority was much stronger during the communist regime. Directors of all state institutions are now appointed by the central government without local input and with minimal consideration for the professional capacities of the appointees. Decisions regarding appointments to state institutions are primarily based on appointees political affiliations. Similarly, appointments that local governments are responsible for filling have become bargaining commodities for local political parties in order to form coalitions. Albanians in other Albanian-populated areas have not been able to establish or reorganize their own communities, although such rights are constitutionally guaranteed, representing a basic step toward self-governance. The law on local self-government states that local populations are guaranteed the right to participate in decisions concerning their own needs and interests. The organization of local communities is determined both by the Constitution of Montenegro and the laws of the Republic. It is important to recognize that, pursuant to Montenegros law on local selfgovernance, a municipality can be established where certain prescribed conditions for realizing the rights and duties of the local inhabitants, their immediate and mutual interests, and their economic and social development are met. In establishing a municipality, important starting points to consider include: the historic development and traditions of the region; whether the proposed municipality represents a geographically and economically integrated entity vis--vis the local population; the number of inhabitants in the area; the organization of services of immediate interest to the local population; natural gravitation toward a civic center; development and economic conditions; and other reasons or conditions important to the citizens of the area for the realization of their mutual interests and needs. Two feasibility studies of these factors were independently conducted in the Malesia-Tuzi region. Both confirmed that the region satisfies all the historical, legal, economic, and other criteria prescribed by law for it to become an independent municipality and a local selfgoverning unit. Moreover, under the Constitution of Montenegro and international conventions for the protection of human rights and civil liberties, members of national and ethnic groups are guaranteed the preservation of their national, ethnic, lingual, cultural, and religious identities. Albanians strongly believe that in the region of Malesia-Tuzi, which is populated predominately by ethnic Albanians living on the land of their ancestors, these protections can best be assured by affording citizens the rightguaranteed to them under the Constitution of Montenegroto form their own municipality and assume responsibility for their own governance and affairs. Regardless of these facts, the central government has ignored several applications and written requests by Albanians for the formation of the Malesia municipality with its center in Tuz. This is a typical example of the double standard used by the Montenegrin government when dealing with ethnic Albanian issues vis-vis those of ethnic Montenegrins. For example, the government approved the municipality of Andrievica, a city entirely populated by Slavic inhabitants that has a much smaller territory and fewer resources than Tuzi and Malesia. Economic Underdevelopment During the Ottoman Empires occupation, the well-established trade and artisan industries in Montenegros Albanianpopulated regions made them some of the most developed areas in the state. Unfortunately a long history of little or no investment in the development of these areas has allowed them to slip into poverty. Likewise, the independence of Montenegro and its democratization process did not bring much change for the Albanians living there. In fact, it made things worse in many respects, completely ruining what few enterprises had previously been productive. Albanians were thus left with few choices in order to survive: use Albanian generosity to help one anotherincluding relatives living abroador emigrate in search of a better life. The municipality of Ulqin provides a good example of this economic destruction. Hotels that were once full of European tourists are now dilapidated or have been demolished. Other enterprises were privatized; essentially their assets were sold through political connections at nominal values, forcing businesses to fail. Municipalities most valuable real estate has been expropriated by the state and is being sold to investors through long-term leases and other arrangementswithout local consent or direct compensation to the municipalities. Similar conditions are prevalent in other Albanian areas including Tuz, Kraje, Plave, and Gusi, where previously profitable enterprises have ceased operations. In all fairness, the same has happened with other enterprises throughout the country. The economic state of Montenegro today is a growing concern. There is hardly any production; the country relies almost exclusively on tourism and trade, including the sale of real estate and other assets. The absence of a functioning economy gives rise to corruption and the black market, both of which flourished during the civil unrest in former Yugoslavia. Unemployment is high throughout the country, but Albanians are suffering the most due to a lack of access to government jobs. Over 20 percent of Montenegrins are employed by the state, as compared to only 10 percent of Albanians, which are employed mainly in Albanians-populated municipalities and localities. Albanians are underrepresented in the department of justice, internal security, and certain ministries. This is contrary to the international norms to which Montenegro has subscribed and a major concern for Albanians. Qualified Albanians are employed mainly by the educational and informational institutions within the Albanian sector and rarely by the state institutions of Montenegro. Despite the current economic difficulties, Montenegro has tremendous potential to develop its economy, particularly tourism and related sectors of the economy. The Montenegrin government has managed to attract foreign investors including Russians, western Europeans, and Canadians, who recently bought properties along the Adriatic coast, supposedly for building high-class resorts for celebrities and other wealthy individuals. While these plans are admirable and promising, such plans should also include Albanian-populated areas, which compose the most beautiful part of the coast. Rural areas are still a major concern for Albanians in Montenegro. Without government intervention to develop these areas and bring economic opportunities to the people living there, high emigration rates will continue until these areas are completely empty. Regrettably, that has already become a reality in many Albanian villages. Biased Application of Laws Montenegro has enacted a number of important laws that on the surface meet international standards, but are either not fully implemented or are circumvented by other statutes or local municipality laws. The gap between what is legally declared through laws and what is implemented in practice is evident in every aspect of life in Montenegro. The biased application of laws affects everyone in Montenegro, but Albanians are affected the most. For example, following the referendum on independence (which included significant contributions from Albanians), the Constitutional Court on July 17, 2007, revoked two important paragraphs of the Law of Minority Rights and Freedoms. This law had guaranteed representation of Albanians in the Montenegrin Parliament. But the court declared that establishing a system of guaranteed representation for minority groups is unconstitutional because the articles are inconsistent with the principle of equality enshrined in the 1991 Montenegro Constitution. Considering the wording of the new constitutional text in 2007, a system of reserved seats must not be considered unconstitutional; but so far, the dispositions of national minorities political representation have not been reintroduced. Another example of an unfairly applied law is the law known as Morsko Dobro, which means sea wealth. The law purports to regulate the development of the coastal zone. On the surface, this is a good law, but one can argue that it is also an unconstitutional mechanism designed to allow the central government to exploit municipality and private lands without fair (or any) compensation to municipalities. In the city of Ulqin, in which Albanians are a majority, the coastal zone under the control of

P a g e

1 4

O u r

W o r d s

Albanians in Montenegro Waiting for Godot? By Cafo Boga & Stefan Wolff ( English from Page 13)
the government extends 2.5 kilometers inland. However, in other cities along the Montenegrin coast, the states control extends just six meters inland. Because of this discriminatory law, the most beautiful parts of Ulqins coastal area (i.e., Ada, Valdanosi, Long Beach, the Buna River) are expropriated from the municipality and are being sold by the government with 99-year leases. Similar discrimination is found in the draft of the Law for the Territorial Organization in Montenegro in which Albanians in Tuzi are denied the right to reinstate their town as an independent municipality. When the Montenegrin government finally filed formal charges, they did so against the entire group for Violations of Human Rights and Civil Liberties planning crimes of terrorism and insurrection, yet In a society with developed according to court proceedcivil rights, judicial process ings, the government failed to produce a single piece of is based on the democratic conclusive evidence. Morevalue that an accused person is innocent until proven over, it is not clear why the government initiated this guilty, not guilty until action or which branch of proven innocent. The case the government authorized of Operation Eagles Flight involving the arrest these arrests. Some believe that this incident was fabriof several members of an cated to break the link alleged terrorist cell in between the AlbanianMalesia is an example of American Diaspora and the how Montenegro has vioAlbanian community in lated judicial process: the Montenegro. The growing state allowed the media to strength of this link Abuse of the law is also evipublish state evidence emerged in an effort by the dent in the privatization procagainst the accused before residents of Albanianess in which local authorities the trial began in order to are hardly involved and owner- impact the publics opinion. inhabited Malesia to reclaim the municipal status ship rights are essentially of Tuzi, which was taken ignored. One example of this Just days prior to the 2006 away by the Montenegrin abuse of power is the privatiza- election on September 9, government in 1957. Whattion of a production facility the Montenegrin Special ever the case may be, this and 500 hectares of land, sold Police and fully armed at 6 cents per square meter to a SWAT teams apprehended action was a degrading act relative of Milo Djukanovic, fourteen Albanians-, includ- by the Montenegrin government. Acts of this nature are the former Prime Minister, ing three who had dual not in the best interest of the according to the factory work- American citizenship and country and they hamper ers and the local population. who at the time were on efforts of those who are Despite the fact that the area vacation visiting their working to build a multiethsurrounding the factory is birthplace. According to nic state, including most of wetlands with significant media reports, during this the Albanian population. importance to the European action, the men and their bird migration, the owner familiesincluding seniors, Moreover, this type of wants to build high-priced women, and childrenwere measure can evoke further animosities between Albahomes and condominiums physically abused and also nians and Montenegrins. If there, completely altering the robbed by the police. The Montenegro intends to be a ecological and demographical next day, the government democratic country, its makeup of the area. A number released a statement to the government has a responsiof the hotels that were suppos- press stating that the men bility to adhere to the rule edly privatized lay dilapidated were part of a terrorist or demolished, and no one group that was preparing to of law and to protect the knows whom to hold account- overthrow the government. freedoms and human rights of all its citizens regardless able. Local citizens were left For three months they out of investment opportuniremained in prison without of their race or ethnicity especially with regards to ties, except during initial being charged with any its large ethnic Albanian privatizations when workers criminal offense, and yet population living in the land received vouchers representing they were routinely identiof its ancestors. their share of the enterprise, fied in the Montenegrin based on government-approved press as terrorists, thus formulas. Enterprises were violating their presumption Emigration then intentionally mismanaged of innocence. During this to make the vouchers essentime, they were humiliated, Albanians in Montenegro tially worthless. That way the have been struggling to beaten for hours at a time, informed investors with govforced to remain in various protect their identity from ernment connections could the day their lands became positions for prolonged acquire them for a nominal periods of time, and starved part of Montenegro in 1878. value. Albanians from DiasImmediately following the for days. No one knows pora who submitted bidding annexation, a large number exactly why they were proposals were all turned down arrested and what the govof Albanians moved to for one reason or another; (e.g., ernments motivation was neighboring cities in Albadue to an offer to acquire Hotel for apprehending them. nia, such as Shkoder, Durres, and Lezhe. According Otrant, equity ownership in Otrant Komerc). to Dr. Nail Dragas testimony to the Congressional Human Rights Caucus on October 20, 2003, this emigration was massive. For example, 413 households with more than 3,000 family members moved to Shkodra from Ulqin between 1878 and 1880. Ulqin lost 35 percent of its population, which caused a sizable shift in the demographic makeup of that city and damaged its economy. The Montenegrin government welcomed this Albanian exodus since it planned to bring thousands of Slavic families to Ulqin as colonists to change the ethnic structure of the city and its surrounding areas. Political pressures exerted on Albanians during the existence of Yugoslavia was coupled (as noted above) with economic deprivation, causing a mass emigration immediately after World War II and again throughout the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. There are no statistics on the number of Albanians from Montenegro who live abroad, but the number is undoubtedly larger than that of those living in Montenegro, according to Diaspora estimates and listings. Most Albanians from Montenegro live in the United States, predominately in Detroit, Chicago, and the Tri-State area of New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut. Such mass emigration has changed the ethnic structure within most Albanian -populated areas. For example in Plave and Gusi, the Albanian percentage of the total population has dropped from 83 percent in 1908 to just 21 percent in 1991. Based on the past trend, it is probably even lower by now. Similar phenomena have occurred in other areas such as Malesi, Kraje, Shestan, and Ana e Malit. Many rural towns have been abandoned due to a lack of resources and economic viability. mand a certain level of territorial self-governance and meaningful participation in the wider policy *** process in order to have greater control over their Albanian grievances about their situation in Montenegro own affairs and the develare very real; they stem partly opment of their country. from history and partly from Territorial Selfthe current situation in the governance country. But rather than seeking to point the finger of blame in any direction or As a mechanism to manage look back in history, the population diversity, territopurpose of this paper is to rial self-governance has offer options for a construcbeen widely applied across tive and sustainable solutions Europe. Five different to these problems. Hence, the forms of territorial selfnext part of this paper looks governance can be found: to comparable cases in the Western Balkans and beyond Confederation: extensive to identify potentially suitable self-rule without institutionmodels for addressing Albaalized shared rule. This is nian concerns in Montenegro. an empirically rare form of voluntary association by The Management of Popu- sovereign member states that pool some competences lation Diversity in the (e.g., defense, foreign Western Balkans and Beaffairs, and currency manyond: A Comparative agement) without giving Perspective executive power to the Albanians in Montenegro are confederal level of government. Relevant examples a national minority living compactly as a local majority include Serbia and Montenegro under the terms of the in their historical homeland. This homeland is adjacent to 20032006 constitution (which was never fully the border of their kin-state, implemented), and SwitzerAlbania. Given the trajectories of European history, this land between 1291 and is far from a unique situation. 1848 (Switzerland formally retains the term confederaSimilar circumstances also tion in its official name; apply to French-speakers in Italy, Germans and Lithuani- functionally, however, it is ans in Poland, Hungarians in a federation). The relationship between Republika Slovakia, Serbs in Kosovo, and Swedes in Finland. These Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina also and other cases offer important insights into how differ- resembles a confederal arrangement, but also has ent countries manage such increasingly clear federal instances of population characteristics. diversity within a liberal democratic context. Federation: extensive selfApart from a general commit- rule with institutionalized shared rule. In contrast to ment to non-discrimination confederation, this implies a and human and minority constitutionally entrenched rights (which are relatively standard mechanisms for the structure in which the entire territory of a given state is management of population diversity and are enshrined in divided into separate political units, all of which enjoy constitutions across the certain exclusive executive, region and beyond, albeit with varying levels of policy legislative, and judicial powers independent of the implementation), two other central government. The mechanisms have been widely applied: territorial self most commonly cited contemporary example of a -governance and power successful plurinational sharing. In the majority of federation is Canada. Rerelevant cases, groups de-

V o l u m e

3 ,

I ss u e

2 7

P a g e

1 5

Albanians in Montenegro Waiting for Godot? By Cafo Boga & Stefan Wolff ( English from Page 14)
cent developments in Belgium, as well as the prolonged inability to form a federal government, have cast some doubt over the long-term viability of that federation, even though there is no suggestion of a violent disintegration. Historically failed federations are those of Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union, and Czechoslovakia. Federacy arrangement: constitutionally entrenched extensive self-rule for specific entities. The main distinction between a federacy arrangement and a federation is that the former enjoys similar powers and constitutional protection as federal entities, but is distinct in that it does not necessitate territorial subdivisions across the entire state territory. In other words, federacy arrangements are a feature of otherwise unitary states. Examples include the land Islands (Finland), South Tyrol (Italy), Gagauzia (Moldova), and Crimea (Ukraine). Devolution: extensive self-rule for specific entities entrenched in ordinary law. Like federacy arrangements, devolution can be applied to selected territories in a unitary state. In contrast to federated entities, however, the degree of legal protection is weaker in the sense that it is easier to reverse, and it extends only to protection by regular laws versus constitutional ones. The primary example here is the United Kingdom with its four devolution settlements (London, Northern Ireland, Scotland, and Wales). Northern Ireland enjoys additional international legal protection of its status through the Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland (the so-called Belfast Agreement of 1998), to which the Northern Ireland Agreement was appended. Decentralization: executive and administrative powers at the local level. Guided by the principle of subsidiarity, decentralization refers to the delegation of executive and administrative powers to local levels of government. It does not include legislative competences. Recent examples of the application of this form of TSG as a mechanism of conflict resolution in divided societies include Macedonia (under the 2001 Ohrid Agreement) and Kosovo (under the terms of its 2008 constitution and related Athisaari legislation). Apart from these examples, the broader trend across Europe is that 50 national and other minority groups have in the past demanded some form of territorial self-governance, of which 36 have some such status: There are nineteen federacies, seven decentralization arrangements, five federations, and three devolution arrangements. Looking more specifically to the Western Balkans region in which Montenegro and its Albanian community are deeply embedded historically, politically, socially, and economically; the picture is quite similar. Among the regions national minorities, Albanians in Greece, Greeks in Albania, and Serbs in Croatia are the only three groups that do not enjoy any particular form of territorial self-governance. On the other hand, Albanians in Macedonia and Serbs in Kosovo benefit from extensive decentralization arrangements; Bosniaks and Croats in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Hungarians in Vojvodina have federacy arrangements in place; and the State of Bosnia and Herzegovina is itself a federation. Territorial self-governance is only a meaningful mechanism to manage population diversity if it involves substantial competences. In this sense, the specific nature of the arrangement is less important: federations can be highly centralized with few real competences in the purview of the federal entities, while decentralization can be designed in such a way that it provides for very substantial autonomy in decision making for local communities. The latter point is well illustrated by Kosovo and Macedonia, where local administrations enjoy wide-ranging powers within their respective constitutional and other legal frameworks. These additional frameworks include competences for education, economic development, and various aspects of cultural policy such as maintaining links with and receiving support from their respective kin -states. At the same time, the most successful device for managing (and preventing) potentially violent conflict in such cases has historically been a federacy arrangement (i.e., constitutionally entrenched extensive self-rule for national minorities). Power Sharing As noted earlier, territorial selfgovernance is not the only mechanism by which population diversity can be managed successfully. In order to contribute to a sustainable settlement of potential conflicts, the self-rule that it implies is normally combined with measures of shared rule. Power sharing is thus another important dimension of ensuring that minority communities can meaningfully participate in managing both their own affairs and the overall development of the states in which they live. Power sharing in Western Balkan countries happens both at the local level (that is, in ethnically diverse self-governing territories) and at the national level. Power sharing mechanisms include guaranteed representation in the government and/or parliament of a self-governing entity. Such is the case in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the District of Brko, where certain decisions are also subject to qualified or concurrent majority voting. As far as power sharing in central government institutions is concerned, guaranteed representation in the central government is a feature of the power-sharing arrangements in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Macedonia. Qualified or concurrent majority voting procedures apply to a limited number of decisions in these three cases as well. The combination of selfrule and shared rule has almost become a standard now for managing a wide range of minority conflicts involving geographically compact communities. Older examples include Belgium (and within it Brussels) and South Tyrol (with its nested consociations at the provincial and regional levels). Both of these examples stand out for their longevity (the recent protracted government formation in Belgium notwithstanding). More recently, Gagauzia in Moldova has had an arrangement in place since 1995 under which senior officials from the autonomous government are coopted into the national government. Farther afield, the 2005 constitution of Iraq involves power-sharing mechanisms, as do provisions under the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Agreement for Nepal. Power-sharing and territorial self-governance arrangements also operate in Bougainville (Papua New Guinea) and have made a significant contribution to conflict management in Sudan under the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement. A Model for Montenegro: Status, Competences, and Guarantees As the illustrative overview of grievances among Albanians in Montenegro has indicated, the situation in this country is far from satisfactory. Albanians identity as a community here is seriously threatened by a number of interrelated factors including the denial of citizens rights and protection from discrimination, lack of meaningful opportunities for political participation, economic underdevelopment, assimilation pressures, and steady emigration. While the mistreatment of Albanians in Montenegro goes back generations and there is a historical dimension to it, bemoaning past injustices will not help bring about meaningful reforms moving forward. More importantly, contemporary opportunities need to be created and explored to improve the situation of Albanians in Montenegro and also to make Montenegrin democracy fit for the challenges of the 21st century. Potential benefits include Montenegros aspiration for induction into the European Union, an aspiration widely shared across all of its communities. The problems that the Albanian community experiences relate to questions of status, competences, and meaningful guarantees for a fully implemented legal framework that regulates status and competence issues. The comparative experiences that other countries have had in managing population diversity offer examples of what might be considered sustainable approaches to managing the challenges that have arisen in Montenegro. Status: Territorial Selfgovernance and Power Sharing Given the size and territorial concentration of the Albanian population in Montenegro, as well as the overall ethnic and territorial demography of the country, the most constructive approach to the question of status for the Albanian A territorial reorganization of Montenegro that introduces large regions as intermediate layers of governance (similar to Spain) with exclusive competences and possibly differential statuses in terms of the powers they exercise (similar to Iraq). In this scenario, all Albanian-majority districts could become part of a single region, recognizing their historically rooted distinctiveness and constitutionally entrenching this kind of selfgoverning status. Other regions could be created to incorporate Serbian-majority and Montenegrin-majority districts, possibly more than one for each community to achieve approximate equity between regions in terms of their population size. In such an arrangement, Podgorica could also become a region; capital cities often have special territorial status (e.g., Washington, DC; London; Berlin; Canberra). These regions could be represented in a special chamber of parliament, or representatives of their governments could be coopted into the national government in order to complement self -rule with shared rule. (This option may require a redrawing of local/municipal borders.) A federacy arrangement specifically aimed at a single territorial entity comprising all Albanianmajority districts (possibly after a redrawing of local government borders). Such single-federacy arrangements have traditionally worked well in places like the land Islands in Finland, offering wide-ranging autonomy (self -rule) and combining it with specific mechanisms of coordination and cooperation with the central government (the land Delegation). Alternatively, or additionally, co-optation could ensure an appropriate level of shared rule to anchor the selfgoverning entity firmly in the common state, as it has in Gagauzia in Moldova. community is to find a feasible and viable territorial selfgovernance arrangement. Bearing in mind the different options available (from confederation to decentralization), here are three options that deserve closer examination:

P a g e

1 6

O u r

W o r d s

Albanians in Montenegro Waiting for Godot? By Cafo Boga & Stefan Wolff ( English from Page 15)
Decentralization would require no particular changes to the current territorial organization of Montenegro in principle. However, it would require that: the existing law on the territorial organization of Montenegro give due consideration to the formation of Albanianmajority municipalities and that it be implemented and applied in a fair and equitable manner; that substantial and meaningful competences be assigned to municipalities; and that these arrangements be properly guaranteed in the Constitution and legal order of Montenegro. While Albanians, under this option, would not be able to form a single selfgoverning entity incorporating all or most members of their community in Montenegro, they would gain significantly enhanced status and control over their own affairs (provided that meaningful competences are assigned to municipalities). Moreover, in line with similar provisions in Kosovo, it should be left to municipalities to cooperate with each other in the execution of some or all of their competences, thus creating opportunities for Albanianmajority municipalities (as well as others) to work more efficiently and effectively for the well-being of their citizens. Territorial self-governance can only be meaningful and sustainable as far as managing population diversity if it involves substantive and well-resourced competences. Comparative practice offers a reasonable guide to the kinds of competences that self-governing entities should acquire: public services, urban and rural planning, environmental protection, economic development, fiMoreover participatory nances (including the right power sharing could be to decide, collect, and spend extended to parliamentary municipal revenues and decision-making procereceive appropriate funding dures, requiring qualified majorities for the passage of from the central government), communal activities, legislation affecting in particular minority commu- culture, sport, social secunities, such as legislation on rity and child care, education, and health care. Delanguage, education, or pending on the nature of the cultural policy matters. To arrangement chosen, comthe extent that specific legislation affects particular petences may also extend to inter-municipal and crossmunicipalities, concurrent border cooperation. majorities could be required; that is, legislation would only be passed if Enabling minorities to supported also by a majority maintain cross-border of deputies representing the contacts with their ethnic constituencies affected. kin is a very important competence for national This could also apply to the minorities and is widely ownership, exploitation, and practiced across Europe. So sustainable management of too is allowing minorities to receive support for their natural resourcesa key various concerns (e.g., issue for Albanians in education, cultural developMontenegroand special arrangements should be put ment, preservation of their Beyond the few power-sharing in place to give local munative language). The fact mechanisms touched on above nicipalities a say in these that this right and practice is in relation to the regionalizanow widely recognized is matters. While ownership tion and federacy arrangealso demonstrated by the should be shared by all ments, additional provisions Montenegrins, local munici- fact that the OSCE High can and should be introduced Commissioner on National palities should be able regardless of the precise nature participate in decisions on Minorities has issued its of the self-governance arrange- how natural resources are Bolzano Recommendations, ment eventually adopted. exploited. They should also which deal with precisely While current arrangements this issue. receive a fair share in already provide for Albanians revenues gained and have to have reserved seats in the significant input into poliThe constitutional entrenchParliament of Montenegro, cies that ensure the sustain- ment of these competences there is at present no arrangeability (and renewal, as it and of adequate central ment for their participation in applies) of these resources. government funding for government or for any formal their exercise is equally role in Parliament (such as important for the proper Competences speaker or deputy speaker functioning of decentralizapositions, or the chairmanship The earlier overview of tion arrangements and thus of parliamentary committees). grievances that Albanians in for their overall contribuGiven the ethnic diversity of Montenegro have with their tion to the constructive Montenegro as a whole, specurrent situation provides a management of population cific provisions just for Albani- reasonable guide to the diversity. ans to be represented in this competences that will need way may not be feasible, but a to be assigned to one or Guarantees broader set of provisions might more self-governing, Albaspecify that particular posts or nian-majority entities. a proportion thereof be filled by members of national minorities. A different strategy for selecting chairs of parliamentary committees could be the application of a mathematical formula, like the dHondt system, which offers a sequential method for selecting chairs based on the strength of political parties in a parliament. No system of territorial self-governance and no allocation of competences can fully engender the support and commitment of national minorities unless it is secured by proper guarantees in a countrys constitution and other domestic legal orders, as well as international law, where relevant. development, culture, local finances, education, social welfare, and health care. A law on financing of local selfgovernment will be adopted to ensure an adequate system of financing to enable local governments to fulfil all of their responsibilities. local economic development, local finances, communal activities, culture, sport, social security and child care, education, health care and other fields determined by law. While the revised Article 115 (1) constitutionally entrenches the competences of local self-government units, Article 114 (5) provides guarantees by determining the procedures according to which relevant laws are adopted (or amended), including by qualified-majority and concurrent-majority votes in Parliament. The latter procedures cross over into political institutions governing the participatory dimension of powersharing arrangements. Similar procedures are enshrined, for example, in the 1998 Agreement on Northern Ireland and a range of other settlements. These procedures often apply to core issues of vital interest to specific communities (also referred to as vital interest legislation). Yet power sharing also has a representation dimension: rules and regulations governing the representation of different parties within different institutions of government, such as the legislature, executive, judiciary, civil service branches, or armed forces. The Constitution of Kosovo, for example, guarantees minorities representation in Parliament, the central government, and local governments. A third area of sustainable management of population diversity concerns human and minority rights provisions. Guarantees here often occur in multiple forms simultaneously, including human and minority rights laws, special domestic and possibly international oversight mechanisms, direct applicability or incorporation into domestic legislation of international and regional standards, and,

This provides guarantees for territorial self-governance at several levels and in different In line with the options for ways. First, it prescribes the a sustainable approach to specific nature of the selfmanaging population governance arrangement as diversity in Montenegro, local self-government (rather the proposed institutional than as, for example, a fedarrangements that require eration). Second, it anchors guarantees go to the core the extent of competences for of the Albanian commulocal self-government by nitys concerns: territorial listing them and by making self-governance, two reference to two regional dimensions of power standards: the European sharing (representation in Charter on Local Selfthe core institutions of the Government and the principle state and the rules that of subsidiarity in effect govern decision-making within the European Union. procedures there), and Third, it provides a further human and minority rights guarantee in the form of provisions. specific constitutional amendments, also detailed in When it comes to guaran- the Ohrid Framework Agreement as follows: tees for territorial selfgovernance arrangements, the specific nature of Article 114 (5) Local selfarrangements is less government is regulated by a important than how they law adopted by a two-thirds are institutionalized. The majority vote of the total two most common channumber of Representatives, nels for doing so are a within which there must be a states constitution and majority of the votes of the ordinary legislation. For total number of Representaexample, the 2001 Ohrid tives claiming to belong to Framework Agreement for the communities not in the Macedonia includes the majority in the population of following provision: Macedonia. The laws on local finances, local elections, boundaries of municipalities, A revised Law on Local and the city of Skopje shall Self-Government will be adopted that reinforces the be adopted by a majority vote of the Representatives attendpowers of elected local ing, within which there must officials and enlarges substantially their compe- be a majority of the votes of tencies in conformity with the Representatives attending who claim to belong to the the Constitution (as communities not in the maamended in accordance jority in the population of with Annex A) and the Macedonia. European Charter on Local Self-Government, and reflecting the princiArticle 115 (1) In units of ple of subsidiarity in local self-government, citieffect in the European zens directly and through Union. Enhanced compe- representatives participate in tencies will relate princidecision-making on issues of pally to the areas of public local relevance particularly in services, urban and rural the fields of public services, planning, environmental urban and rural planning, protection, local economic environmental protection,

V o l u m e

3 ,

I ss u e

2 7

P a g e

1 7

Shkrime nga Silvana Berki (perfundimi) (nga fq. 5)

veshtronte tek hecte, ndrsa djali mbasi kishte hecur 50m e ktheu kokn shkarazi dhe e vshtroi prej atje larg pr nj cast. E ndoqi me veshtrim derisa i humbi ke shtegu i cili t conte neper rrug t fshatit. Dita u ngroh goxha, dhe mbasi hngri mngjesin e vet, veshi kpuct, rrmbeu edhe bocen me ushqim dhe u nis drejt qytetit. Rrugs, mundohej tu shmangej vshtrimeve dhe ndonj prshendetje npr dhmb t ndonj fshatari t tij. Jua dinte mndjen ndaj nuk donte ti ballafaqonte m. E dinte se c,prisnin t gjith prej tij, dhe duke hecur npr diell u zhyt n kujtime, n ate dit kur e mori qart mesazhin e t gjithve. At dit ishte nisur ashtu i vetmuar pr n qendr te fshatit. Kishte koh q nuk dilte andej, dhe vetmija e kishte pushtuar t trin. Kjo ishte arsyeja q e mori guximin t shkonte t pinte nj kafe atje ke kafeneja ku mblidheshin pothuaj t gjithe burrat. Ju afrua nj karrigeje ku ishin ulur disa moshatar t tij dhe mbasi porositi kafen, nxorri duhanin pr tu shprndar t gjithve rreth tavolines. Tu rrit nera, pati dgjuar prej tyre kur trhiqnin cigare e nga ana tjetr i vuri re ti hidhnin nj nnqeshje t fshehur nn mustaqet e tyre. Biles, kur kamarieri erdhi ti jipte kafen, ja la at n tok e jo n tavolin si t gjith burrave. Kjo e kishte drrmuar shum shpirtrisht. Ai e kuptonte ishte ligji i kanunit q e dnonte derisa t merrte hakun pr familje e tij. Por ai kishte vendosur t vuante derisa t vinte dita. Smund ti vriste hasmit djalin e vetem akoma krthi, ndrsa vet hasmi vuante dnimin n burg. Ushqimet q i conte me siguri do tja ruanin shndetin q t dilte shndosh nga burgu, e ashtu nuk do t kish nevoj t vriste at fmijn e tij krthi. Me kto mendime hecte rrugs, ndrsa pa se i ishte afruar goxha qytetit dhe zhurma e gjinkallave q e lodhnin me muzikn e tyre si nje kor pa ndrprerje po shuhej dalngadal. .................. E bej une edhe pastrimin e WCve zoti drejtor. E bej une. - i kerkoi i burgosuri nr: 27, qe ti shtonin edhe nje pune tjeter. Drejtori u kthye nga rojet e burgut duke i pyetur, pse si keni dhene nr. 27 te kryej nje sherbim ketu?- Dhe u habit kur degjoi se ai i burgosur, kishte marr persiper edhe pun t tjera, dhe t gjitha i kryente me vullnet. Kjo i terhoqi vemendjen ndaj mbasi ndenji vetem ne zyren e tij filloi te kerkonte dosjen e nr.27 kureshtar per ate njeri. Qnkrka nga keta pr hakmarrje- mendoi. E ju marrte dreqi me gjithe kanun. Tani me siguri rri urt, e mendon se duke punuar shum do ti shkurtojme dnimin? He, he, sa te jem gjall un jo- po mendonte drejtori me vete ndersa thirri njrin nga rojet : Nr. 27 dua t ma sillni ktu, nga ora 14.00. Tek po hynte brnda, pa se i burgosuri, e vshtronte me nj dhimbje n fytyr. Nuk duhej te ishte i vjetr edhe pse koha dhe qndrimi e tregonin shum m tepr. Ke qn 2 vite ktu -ju drejtua duke e par drejt n sy. - Po, kam dy vite q jam burgosurLexova dosjen tnde, dhe pash q jeni futur per hasmeri, kishit bere kasaphane me sa kuptova. Keshtu ne kallep, s,me dukesh aq trim sa te pershruanin ne dosje, meqensese ketu, te gjithe e ulin hunden- filloi ai ti fliste me teper sikur i burgosuri te mos ishte ne dhom. Me vjen mire, qe punon dhe je njeri i rregullt ketu ne burg me sa kuptova edhe nga stafi mire , mire ben. Por nje gje dua qe ta heqesh nga mendja. Mos mendo se do te ta ulim denimin ne se punon e sillesh mire. Ne vend qe te degjonte ndonje fjale nga goja e te burgosurit, nje kundershtim, nje sqarim apo dicka qofte...ai pa se si nga fytyra e tij filluan te rrjedhin lote, dhe lote qe spo i ndaleshin pa e marre as mundimin me te vogel sikur edhe te kthente koken pakez nga drejtori. Drejtori po e veshtronte i befasur nga ky shperthim vaji, aty... ne heshtje dhe nuk di c,ndjeu. Edhe ai, ashtu pa folur nxorri nje cigare dhe u kthye nga dritarja e filloi te veshtronte jashte. Pa e kthyer trupin ne drejtim te burgosurit vazhdoi ta ngacmoje: C,do te besh po te dalesh prej ketej? Do te vazhdosh hakmarrjen? Ne se une nuk dal sa me shpejt, hasmi do te me vras djalin e vetem. Eshte i vetmi mashkull i kulles atje jashte qe ka ngelur. Po te dale une, ai me vret mua e jeta e djalit shpeton. Kjo eshte arsyeja pse punoj qe ta kryej denimin sa me shpejt- i foli ai me nje ze te mbytur, te qete e te shtruar. Drejtori, pa levizur nga vendi degjoi fjalet sikur ti kishin dale nga fundi i dheut dhe ngriu ne vend pa ditur cte thoshte. I mbrthyer nga ato q dgjoi, nuk deshi te thyente ate bised q mezi filloi prej te burgosurit, biles kishte frike edhe t lvizte nga frika se ai nuk do t vazhdonte t fliste m. E dgjoi krejt historin e atij t gjori, se si fisi e kishte shtyre t merrte hak, n nj hak q ishte kthyer pothuaj n nj luft e n te ciln askush nuk kish dal i fituar. Tani, ai robtohej q t dilte sa m shpejt i gjalle, e ta vrisnin. E tmerrshme mendoi dhe u kthye nga i burgosuri, ku tani pa se sa i humbur i dukej ai i shkret. (Vazhdon Javen e Kaluar)

Albanians in Montenegro Waiting for Godot? By Cafo Boga & Stefan Wolff ( English from Page 16)
where applicable, direct access to relevant international courts. Such guarantee mechanisms are built into the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords for Bosnia and Herzegovina. Apart from the broad guarantees built into the General Framework Agreement on Peace, the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Annex 4) provides for the direct applicability of various human and minority rights mechanisms, as does the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and its Protocols and the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. A separate Agreement on Human Rights (Annex 6) provides for the establishment of a Human Rights Commission, consisting of a human rights ombudsman, initially appointed by the OSCE Chairman-in-Office, and a Human Rights Chamber, eight of whose fourteen members were initially appointed by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe. These eight were to come from countries other than Bosnia and Herzegovina or its neighbouring states. Annex 6 also issued an invitation to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, the OSCE, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and other intergovernmental and regional human rights organizations to monitor closely the human rights situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, through the establishment of local offices and the assignment of observers, rapporteurs, or other relevant persons on a permanent or mission-by-mission basis, and to provide them [i.e., the monitors] with full and effective facilitation, assistance and access. The Constitution of Kosovo, similarly provides for the direct applicability of international agreements and instruments in the area of human and minority rights and is given priority over provisions of laws and other acts of public institutions, including: The Universal Declaration of Human Rights; the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and its Protocols; The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and its Protocols: The Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities; The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women; The Convention on the Rights of the Child; and The Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhumane or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. The direct applicability of these international instruments often includes the application of their respective monitoring and reporting mechanisms, as well as access to complaint procedures and legal redresses within the national and international judicial system. This can serve as a further mechanism for guaranteeing the full and faithful implementation of agreed provisions, as well as for dispute resolution. Depending on the precise nature of the governance arrangements eventually adopted for an enhanced management of population diversity in Montenegro, a significant range of options exists for guaranteeing the proper implementation and sustainability of these arrangements. These options should include a constitutional anchoring for minority rights, including references to relevant international instruments, specific provisions for the status and competences of self-governing entities in the Constitution and relevant legislation, and provisions that require qualified or concurrent majorities to change these constitutional and/or other legal provisions to this effect. Mechanisms and procedures for dispute avoidance and dispute resolution should also be created, such as a parliamentary commission to preview any legislation that might have an impact on members of minority communities and a specific mandate for the constitutional court to resolve disputes over the exercise of competences between the central government and the selfgoverning entities. Conclusion While focused on the Albanian community in Montenegro, the intention of this paper is not to create an exclusive Albanian arrangement in Montenegro, but rather to contribute to a broader reform of governance arrangements for the benefit of all of Montenegros communities. However, the authors do not presume that this offers a blueprint solution that can be uniformly applied across Montenegro. Having analyzed the current situation in Montenegro, itself partly a consequence of previous conflicts that stretch back almost a century, and the grievances that Albanians in the country therefore rightly have, we have emphasized the importance of looking forward rather than backward, of finding a constructive approach to solutions that are sustainable into the future rather than apportioning blame for past and present failures. The analysis and recommendations in this paper are meant to compose one particular set of options, rather than represent the only prescription for future governance arrangements in Montenegro. They are presented as they relate to Montenegros Albanian community, and within a context of current minority governance arrangements in Montenegro that are more broadly lacking in sustainability and that bear the potential for protracted conflict between the different communities that exist there. Seen from this perspective, the authors invite all of Montenegros communities minorities and majorities alike and their political representatives to engage in fresh and innovative thinking about the future of a liberal, democratic, and multiethnic polity.

WE ARE ALSO ON THE WEB WWW.NEWLIFEAACO.ORG

Non Profit Charitable Organization

N E W

L I F E

J E T A

R E

1774 - 76 street Suite D3 Brooklyn, New York 11214 Phone: 718-594-0511 Fax: 201-795-4795 E-mail: Endri@newlifeaaco.org

Cdo njeri mund te behet anetare dhe te bashkoet me misionin tone per te krijuar nje shtet te vogul ketu ne kete continent te madh. Te ndihmojme njeri tjetrin qoft dhe me nje keshille te thjeshte. Kjo eshte nje thirrje per te informuar njeri tjetrin plus dhe per projekte te ardhshme qe jane ne pune e siper. Se shpejti nje Shkolle Shqipe Anglishteje dhe nje vend ku te gjith njerezit te gjejn nje strehim nga cdo hall apo nevoje. Bashkimi ben fuqi dhe Zemra e Vullnetarit nuk ka cmim.

Building a Future One Person At a Time...

VDIQ SHKRIMTARI TEKI DERVISHI NGA GJAKOVA (nga fq.2)

t dashur, kur m kujtohen ato dhimbje q ndjente Ai, m rrjedhin lott. Dhe rrjedh ti lot i vakur n shpirtin e flakruar, se i prjetshmi atdhe sht fishkur me t ndjerin Teki. Amaneti E kishe ln duhanin. Pasi kishe djegur edhe nga pes pako n dit rockets me 40 cigare, n shum momente mrzie, mrzie t zez, si ta citoja jo rrall ato dit kt varg bodlerian, sa her q m pyesje, se faz t rnd po kalonim dhe m thoje, shum mrzitshm, shum...ehhh, e kishe ln duhanin. Nuk ngrije m asnj got, asnj gllnjk. U bre nj pacient i disiplinuar, barrat i pije me koh. Gjra q kurr thuaja as q i kishe menduar ti bje. Pavarsisht q vdekjes nuk i druheshe, dhe gazetaria m nuk t motivonte, ve fatit t Kosovs, prve analizave q bje dhe parashikimeve q jepje, doje t jetoje, t prmbyllje botimin e librave, q as erekun se kishe t botuar, ndonse dy veta tashm kishin br jo pak pun n mbledhjen e shkrimeve letrare dhe nj pjes t tyre, ta sistemonin, Shaip Beqiri dhe Hasan Hasani. Shumher thoshe se mbase m mir do t ishte ta lije gazetarin dhe ti ktheheshe botimit t veprave, sepse friksoheshe se do t mbesnin t shkaprderdhura, ashtu si ishin shumica t botuara si fejtone, si pjes t veanta t nj trsie apo poezit t botuara her pas here. Borxhi Teksa t dukej se veprat do t mbesnin shprndar, t botuara n media andej ktej, planifikuam q t fillonim me botimin e publicistiks q nga kthimi Jot n Bota sot. Fillova mbledhjen dhe sistemimin e tyre, por ato ishin nj libr gjigant, q po t botoheshin n nj libr, nuk do t mjaftonin as katr mij faqe. Prball ktij mali librash, nga i cili m e pakta do t mund t dilnin 10, dhe vetm duke i redaktuar me ngadal dhe me konsultimin e vijueshm me Ty, do t mund t reduktoheshin me koprraci n 4 apo 6 libra, fillova ta marr m shtruar shtjen. Por, brenda pak ditsh shndeti Juaj do t prkeqsohej dhe detyrimisht do t shkonit n spital. Edhe aty duke qndruar m pyete se far kisha br? T t thosha se po t prisja t dilje nga spitali mu duk e pamatur pr gjendjen q kishe, dhe heshta. Ndrkoh, q vrtet shpresoja se s shpejti do t dilje dhe do t mund t nisnim sistemimin, por kjo dshir mbet n fillim, dhe nj borxh q

duhet prmbushur. Ska ver Ah, as dielli kt vit nuk po del, ska pranver, ska ver, pa diell, kur do t del ai i bekuar, ... shum ftoht...sikur e kan me mua. Dhe vrtet teksa t hedhim sot nj grusht dhe, ne miqt dhe dashamirt e tu, ende vera nuk ka ardhur n Kosov. Ishte vrenjtur, zymt, shum zymt, por sot, si t ish kiamet fare, edhe pse thon se kur bie shi, sht bereqet, sht paqe. N t kaluarn luftrat kurr nuk bheshin n shi. Respektohej dshira e Zotit, Zeusit, Krshnas, Jehovait apo Allahut fardo emri q ti kishin vn ata! Lamtumir!