Journal of Contemporary China (2003), 12(35), 299318

Images of China in the American Print Media: a survey from 2000 to 2002
ALEXANDER LISS*

American societys images and perceptions of China have had several recurring themes over the years. In the past, some of these have included the perception of China as a potential market for American goods and as a potential supply of converts for American missionaries. These images changed during the years of diplomatic isolation of the Cold War, turning the Chinese into a vast horde of reds, a faceless, invincible mass that threatened all of Asia. In the post-Cold War world, SinoUS relations face an uncertain future. The time is not far off when there will again be two superpowers, and there is the potential for conict between them. In this new era, it is interesting to examine what images of China have emerged in contemporary American society. The goal of this paper is to do just that. By examining articles about China in four major American daily newspapers, over a three-year period, a rough sketch emerges of how China is perceived to the average reader of these four publications. These images, while interesting in their own right, also provide a valuable benchmark for the direction of SinoUS relations. Overall, it seems that, just as in past periods of rivalry, negative images of China overwhelm the positive. But, before we can conclude that the current relationship is also one of competition, there are also some signicant images of a country whose future lies entwined with the US in a partnership, not a battle. If we can take the articles of this study as a representative slice of American society at large, the general trend seems to be one in which, although China is sometimes viewed in a harsh and critical light, there is still hope for the two countries to come togetheror even for China to become more like the United States.

The relationship between the United States and China works on many levels and involves many actors. The phrase SinoUS relations usually brings to mind an image of interaction between the governments of each country. Yet, if we merely examine the diplomacy between the two countries, then we are left with an incomplete picture of the forces that affect how the nations engage each other. A key element to consider is the relationship between the two societies. Popular opinion and popular perceptions of each culture in the eyes of the other are far
* Alexander Liss is an M.A. student in the Asian Studies Program at the Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University. His undergraduate work was also done at GWU, where he majored in Japanese Language and Literature. In between graduation and the start of his graduate program, he worked in Japan as an English translator for a large Japanese clothing company, and also as an English teacher. In the future, he hopes to study abroad in China before receiving his M.A. His interests include ultimate frisbee and ne dining. ISSN 1067-0564 print/ISSN 1469-9400 online/03/020299-20 2003 Taylor & Francis Ltd DOI: 10.1080/1067056022000054614

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more subtle elements to consider, yet they are no less important than the ofcial acts of government, and indeed, may even be more so. Analyzing these cultural perceptions is a complex task. Neither the culture that is perceived nor the one that does the observing is a static, unchanging entity. Looking at American perceptions of China is a difcult task that requires considerable leeway in our denitions of America as well as of China. Therefore, we must look through a broad medium, such as newspapers, if we are to observe how China is portrayed to the average American. Newspapers reach tens of millions of Americans every day. They are widely considered a trusted and credible source of information concerning topics that may be touched upon only briey on television or radio. Some of the biggest ones in the US have national distribution, and a wide and deep impact on the minds of their readers that cannot be underestimated. It only stands to reason that the way in which these major newspapers portray a certain topic, or a certain country (like China), can have a profound effect on the forces that shape interaction between two societies and the international relations between two countries. The focus of this paper is to examine how China is portrayed in four major American daily newspapers: the Washington Post, the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, and the Wall Street Journal. These four papers are arguably the most prestigious and trusted sources of daily international news in the country. In examining the periodicals in question, as much information was revealed about the style and peculiarities of that publication as it was about the portrayal of China in the American media. The broader question, though, was to examine the reoccurring themes and images in the American medias portrayal of China. We will examine how these newspapers present the Peoples Republic of China, and this involves the subject of the articles as well as their tone. Looking through a two-year range, from 2000 to 2002, we can see that, although each paper has different qualities in its reporting style, the overall theme of the major news dailies is to portray China in a negative manner. There are a few basic recurring themes that arise in this negative school. They are: a focus on the coming conict between the United States and China, a focus on the coming conict between the PRC and Taiwan, a focus on Chinas human rights abuses and/or repressive political system, a focus on Chinas internal instability and unrest, breakdown within the social order, and backwardness and corruption within the political system. The vast majority of the articles from these papers, in the period examined, had a theme that t into one of the categories described above. Those articles that had a positive tone, although much fewer in number, tended to focus on the rising promise of the China market and Chinas economic growth, economic reform to Chinas outdated command economy, cultural change within certain urban centers, and, more recently, diplomatic cooperation in the ght against terrorism. The New York Times, the Washington Post, and the Los Angeles Times can all be described as belonging to the negative school in their coverage of China, though each paper, of course, has slight differences in the ways in which it presents the PRC. In contrast to these three, the Wall Street Journal, due no doubt to its role as a business newspaper, largely focuses on the positive aspects of China, or more 300

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specically, its economic promise and its economic modernization/reform programs. In contrast to the numerous articles from the three papers above that focused on Chinas seemingly endless human rights abuses and its autocratic political system, the Wall Street Journal tended to give its coverage of the PRC both a positive subject matter as well as a positive tone, though there were some articles that portrayed the PRC in a harmful light. Unfortunately, when all four of these papers are placed together and examined as a representative sample of the American print medias portrayal of China, we nd a deep-rooted bias towards negative news coverage of the PRC. Now, let us look in depth at the articles in question to examine the image of China that is presented to the American reader. Part one: negative images of China As we noted before, there were six recurring themes in the negative images of China: great power rivalry with the United States, inevitable conict over the reunication of Taiwan, breakdown of domestic law and order, human rights abuses and a repressive political system, widespread social unrest, and corruption within the political system. Examining these themes one at a time will allow us to meticulously construct the harmful ways in which China is presented in the American print media, and how much damage this is doing to future relations between the two countries. Rivalry/impending conict with the United States The United States and China certainly have different national goals. Areas of cooperation are intermingled with areas of competition, and the two countries are denitely rivals in certain areas. This rivalry is held back by a large number of issues over which the two powers see more or less eye-to-eye. Unfortunately, looking at the way this relationship is depicted in contemporary American newspapers, a great amount of time and effort is devoted to predicting an inevitable conict between the United States and China. The vast majority of articles surveyed portrayed Chinas diplomacy to be irrational and confrontational, its military to be expanding and preparing for a confrontation, and its long term goals to be nothing less than unchallenged hegemony in Asia. For example, one New York Times article from March 2002 concerning Chinas response to the US nuclear policy review is described as a typically angry protest concerning US declarations of sovereign state power.1 Another article in February of this year, concerning the Chinese refusal to let Japan salvage a ship sunken in the Chinese economic zone, depicts China as aggressively seeking to overtake Japan as the major Asian power.2 After the EP-3 incident on Hainan Island in April 2001, the New York Times began a series of news articles devoted to the issue, each one titled Collision with China.3 Another article from October 2000 identies
1. Reuters News Service, China bluntly rebukes U.S. over nuclear policy review, New York Times, (17 March 2002), p. A16. 2. James Brooke, China bars Japans salvage of ship, New York Times, (9 February 2002), p. A6. 3. Various authors, New York Times, (118 April 2001), Section A, various pages.

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China as not only willing, but eager to use force to reunify Taiwan and ght the spread of American hegemony in Asia.4 Much attention is given to China as a threat in the Washington Post and Los Angeles Times as well. Articles from the Washington Post are quick to focus on Chinas increase in defense spending,5 even though neglecting to mention that Chinas defense spending, in both real terms and as a percentage of the GDP, is much less than that of South Korea or Japan.6 An October 2001 article also portrayed China as having a destabilizing impact on Asia: frightening its smaller neighbors as it grows into a military power.7 Articles on the Hainan Island incident 8 featured a similar perspective on the situation to the New York Times, and Chinas involvement in the Shanghai Five was described in July 2001 as aimed at dividing America from its allies and potentially aiding American enemies in Central Asia, such as Iran.9 The Los Angeles Times, meanwhile, provides a somewhat more balanced perspective. Articles that deal with China as a threat also present the more nuanced aspects of Chinas development into a world power. For example, an article from April 2002, while showing Chinas growing ability to disrupt the status quo in Asia, also detailed its attempts to peacefully integrate into the Asian system.10 Los Angeles Times coverage of the Hainan Island incident, especially, showed Chinas own interest in preventing a conict, and its ultimate willingness to cooperate.11 Another article from April 2000 showed Chinas willingness to resume diplomatic activity with the US in the wake of the sensitive Belgrade Embassy-bombing incident.12 A discussion of potential cooperation to hedge mutual perceptions of each other as a threat was shown in a December 2000 article detailing a meeting on military-to-military exchanges.13 And nally, of all the subjects of the study, the Wall Street Journal showed the least interest in portraying China as an emerging threat. Some articles emerge, covering such topics as Chinas increased defense expenditures,14 and the limits of SinoUS cooperation against terrorism,15 but for the most part the attention of the
4. Eric Eckholm, China blames Taiwan and U.S. for military tension in region, New York Times, (17 October 2000), p. A19. 5. John Pomfret, China raises defense budget, Washington Post, (5 March 2002), p. A10. 6. Oliver Rohlfs, Whos got what, where, Asiaweek.com, (9 June 2000). http://www.asiaweek.com/asiaweek/ magazine/2000/0609/security.map.html . 7. Rajiv Chandrasekaran and Doug Struck, Nations across Asia keep watch on China, Washington Post, (19 October 2001), p. A23. 8. Thomas E. Ricks, Anger over ights grew in past year; proximity riled China, Washington Post, (7 April 2001), p. A1. 9. Constantine C. Menges, Russia, China and whats really on the table, Washington Post, (29 July 2001), p. B2. 10. Ching-Ching Ni, Village is Chinas edgling Davos, Los Angeles Times, (14 April 2002), p. A1. 11. Henry Chu and Robin Wright, SinoU.S. economic ties may keep lid on crisis, Los Angeles Times, (11 April 2001), p. A12. 12. Henry Chu, U.S., China, quietly rekindle key discussions, Los Angeles Times, (12 April 2000), p. A1. 13. Times Wire Reports, China talks with US, leads to military visits plan, Los Angeles Times, (1 December 2000), p. A1. 14. Charles Hutzler, China to boost expenditures on defense, other programs, Wall Street Journal, (3 March 2002), p. A12. 15. Andrew Higgins and Charles Hutzler, Antiterrorist war leaves China upstaged, Wall Street Journal, (19 October 2002), p. A11.

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Journal is focused on the economic promise that the opening China market has to offer. This trend will emerge again later, as we will see in the subsequent analyses. To summarize the ndings in this area, the New York Times and the Washington Post give the most attention of the four to showing the danger China poses to the United States as an emerging geopolitical threat. The Los Angeles Times, meanwhile, aims to explore the nuances of the relationship that reveal China both as a threat and a potential partner, while the Wall Street Journal largely avoids any discussion of China as a threat. Coming conict over Taiwan The future of Taiwan is, of course, an issue of critical importance to the Peoples Republic of China. It has publicly stated that it is willing to use force to reunify the two countries should Taiwan publicly declare independence. The 199596 Taiwan Strait Crisis was a public display of Beijings commitment to assert itself should Taiwan become too headstrong. Unfortunately, some inuential sources within the American print media have taken Beijings threats to heart, without examining the nuances of the situation. As with the previous theme, the New York Times and the Washington Post take the most outspoken role in portraying China as aggressive and dangerous. The Los Angeles Times displays a more critical analysis, showing Chinas stake in needing to talk tough on the Taiwan issue. The Wall Street Journal, meanwhile, with its pragmatic analysis of the situation, creates a positive image of China, or at least, one not consumed with fear of the PRC. The New York Times quickly zeroed in on a PLA commanders promise, before the 2000 Taiwanese presidential election, to deliver a blood soaked battle to prevent the island from declaring independence.16 Other coverage seems focused on such topics as military exercises, bellicose rhetoric from Beijing, or other threats to Taiwans de facto sovereignty.17 The New York Times also presents numerous examples of Chinas desire to increase its capacity to threaten Taiwan, and anger at those developments which reduce that capacity, like arms sales or the development of a missile defense system.18 Another story from May 2001 described the plight of American citizens who were detained on charges of spying for Taiwan.19 The Washington Post presents a similarly negative picture of Chinese political posturing towards the island. There seems to be a focus on China as an aggressive and hostile country. A March 2000 article mentions threats made about the consequences of a pro-independence policy, meant to coerce the results of Taiwans upcoming election;20 another from November 2000 mentions Chinas attempts to procure weapons and military hardware that can allow it to threaten US
16. Eric Eckholm, China army renews threat against Taiwan separatism, New York Times, (7 March 2000), p. A10. 17. Eric Eckholm, China prepares big exercise near island facing Taiwan, New York Times, (2 June 2001), p. A6. 18. Elisabeth Rosenthal, China voices muted distress at U.S. blow to ABM pact, New York Times, (14 December 2001), p. A15. 19. Eric Eckholm, China charges U.S. citizen with spying for Taiwan, New York Times, (18 May 2001), p. A5. 20. Clay Chandler, China threatens voters in Taiwan; Premier issues warning near election, Washington Post, (16 March 2000), p. A1.

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forces in the Taiwan Strait.21 Chinas diplomatic posture towards the island is also portrayed as stiff and inexible, always refusing to recognize the de facto independence Taiwan has enjoyed for the last 50 years, and maintaining Taiwans status as a renegade province of the mainland.22 The Los Angeles Times treatment of the issue, in contrast to either of the former, displays more range when dealing with the issue. To be sure, Chinas bellicose rhetoric and threats are duly noted, as in an article from March 2002.23 There is also, however, treatment given to the increasing exibility Beijing has shown in its diplomatic relations with Taiwan, especially in light of failed threats against the island that only reinforced the PRCs image as a bully.24 Moreover, the Los Angeles Times takes a deeper approach to the situation, showing the sensitivity and importance of the Taiwan issue to China, and how a weak stance towards Taiwan could create problems for the ruling Communist regime.25 Additionally, articles in the Times also show how increasing commercial ties are pushing the two sides together despite their differences.26 This themeeconomic integration bridging the political gulfis the crux of the Wall Street Journals coverage of the Taiwan issue. Not surprisingly, with most attention focused on this, the Journals treatment of the Taiwan Strait issue stands out as the most optimistic of the four papers surveyed. The growing commercial links between Taiwan and the mainland cover many different sectors. Examples include nancial, as in a March 2002 article concerning Taiwan banks opening up shop in Shanghai;27 energy, as in a December 2001 article on joint oil and gas exploration in the Taiwan Strait;28 and opening of a Taiwanese fast-food chain on the mainland.29 This kind of attention, while immediately appealing to the businessminded readership of the Wall Street Journal, also has the added benet of showing how day-to-day cooperation between the two countries is making substantial progress in bridging the political gap. The next area we will examine is newspaper coverage devoted to the domestic affairs of the PRC. Breakdown of law and order As we move the focus of our study towards Chinas internal workings, we nd similar negative images. The economic reforms begun under Deng Xiaoping have
21. John Pomfret, Russia likely to sell radar to China, Washington Post, (19 November 2000), p. A24. 22. Philip P. Pan, Beijing says Taiwan vote wont change Chinas policy, Washington Post, (6 December 2001), p. A36. 23. Times Wire Reports, U.S. must reverse ties with Taiwan, Beijing says, Los Angeles Times, (17 March 2002), p. A1. 24. Henry Chu, China softens tone against Taiwans ruling party, Los Angeles Times, (25 January 2002), p. A1. 25. Anthony Kuhn, New era Taiwan: Chinese await response to regimes island vote, Los Angeles Times, (20 March 2000), p. A9. 26. Tyler Marshall, ChinaTaiwan trade: no dire straits, Los Angeles Times, (21 October 2000), p. C1. 27. Peter Wonacott, China permits two lenders from Taiwan to set up shop, Wall Street Journal, (12 March 2002), p. A18. 28. Jason Dean and Matt Pottinger, China and Taiwan close to nalizing joint energy project, Wall Street Journal, (19 December 2001), p. A13. 29. John Krich, A native of Taiwan hopes to become the fast-food king of mainland China, Wall Street Journal, (27 November 2000), p. A30.

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steadily been reworking the socialist state of Mao Zedong. This process has been gradually intensifying throughout the last 20 years, but recently, especially with accession to the World Trade Organization, the economic dislocation from the breakup of the old system has increased, and along with it, crime and the disintegration of the social order. Scanning the four newspapers of this study, we nd many images of a country suffering from increasing breakdown of the rule of law. The images presented in the New York Times show a country torn apart by increasing crime and a decaying network of social services. Considerable mention is given to Chinas spreading AIDS epidemic and the damage it is doing to the social order.30 Many articles create the bizarre image of a government operating with an Orwellian control over its subjects, combined with a Stalinist disregard for their lives and safety, such as in one from January 2002 concerning poor road safety, stolen manhole covers, and fatal trafc accidents.31 Another article from December 2001 describes the results of a campaign to crack down on crime: hundreds of policeman killed in the line of duty in a few months, a large increase in executed criminals, but no increase in public safety.32 A creeping rise in crime against foreigners was also linked with a rise in Chinese ultra-nationalism in an article from April 2000.33 The Washington Post presents similar images of a society whose ability to keep its own people safe is breaking down. An article from December 2000, describing a large re that killed 307 at a shopping center, depicts modern ofcials as corrupt, inept, and willfully negligent.34 Another story from May 2000 shows Chinas one child family planning policy of having the disastrous side effect of creating an epidemic of kidnapping.35 Another article from March 2001 implies disgruntled, laid-off workers of state-owned enterprises are resorting to terror tactics to get their revenge on the government that robbed them of their job.36 The Los Angeles Times, despite its more balanced coverage of the PRCs international behavior, is harsh in its depiction of the domestic situation. Similar to articles from the New York Times, there is much attention given to Chinas dangerous and backward transportation system and infrastructure.37 Another article from August 2000 details widespread video and movie piracy in China, and the damaging impact it has on US economic interests.38 The rural economy of China is depicted as being held together by hazardous industrial sweatshops that pose not only a danger to their employees but to the surrounding community, as detailed in a March 2002 article on the epidemic of deadly explosions at rework factories.39
30. Elisabeth Rosenthal, With ignorance as the fuel, AIDS speeds across China, New York Times, (30 December 2001), p. A1. 31. Agence France-Presse, Dangers of the communist road, New York Times, (26 January 2002), p. A6. 32. Craig S. Smith, Chinas efforts against crime make no dent, New York Times, (26 December 2001), p. A1. 33. Craig S. Smith, As crimes rise in China, four Germans are killed, New York Times, (4 April 2000), p. A3. 34. John Pomfret, Families of re victims protest in China, Washington Post, (29 December 2000), p. A27. 35. John Pomfret, China cracks down on abductions of women, kids, Washington Post, (11 May 2000), p. A23. 36. Philip P. Pan, Deadly blasts level apartments in China, Washington Post, (16 March 2001), p. A16. 37. Reuters News Service, Accidents rise 13% on China roads, Los Angeles Times, (24 March 2002), p. A16. 38. Anthony Kuhn, Widespread DVD piracy in China a blow to Hollywood, Los Angeles Times, (31 August 2000), Section C, p. 1. 39. Ching-Ching Ni, Fireworks industry propels economy in rural China, Los Angeles Times, (1 March 2002), p. A1.

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And in an article from September 2000, peasants forced to relocate in Chinas dam-building projects are depicted as falling into crime and poverty.40 The Wall Street Journal also reveals imperfect aspects of Chinas social structure, but just as before, it is not quite as focused on the negative as the former papers are. An article from January 2002 reveals the backward and sometimes callous nature of Chinas medical system, yet it also discusses how reforms are slowly changing this system.41 Another article from June 2000 offers a similar theme: the US offering to provide military assistance to Chinas efforts to stop drug trafcking. The article presents a stark picture of a dramatic increase in crime in the PRC, but also increasing cooperation with the United States.42 This approach to covering such a complex topic as contemporary China sufciently presents both sides of the issue, allowing the reader to make a more informed conclusion, and thus creating a more positive representation. Human rights abuses and a repressive political system As Mao Zedongs famous saying goes, Power comes from the barrel of a gun. Since the Communist Party took control of China in 1949, challenges to the regimes authority have been met with severe response. However, since the economic modernization program of Deng Xiaoping, subtle yet irresistible forces have been forcing Chinese society to open. Seasoned China watchers no doubt can perceive the many changes that have occurred in the last decade or two. Unfortunately, the major daily papers that we will examine do not take such a seasoned perspective. By and large, the focus remains on those glaring examples of government repression which, when taken out of context and not examined in balance, paint a picture of a brutal and repressive regime. Articles with this theme were the most numerous group of the study sample. In the New York Times, the governments recent crackdown on the Falun Gong religious group, of course, often makes it way into the headlines. Articles which detail the arrest, torture, or expulsion of the members of this sect do not give the average, uninformed reader a pleasant image of life in the PRCand such articles are many.43 Other stories show a government that imprisons its citizens in mental institutions for political dissent44 or holds mock elections only to provide a rubber-stamp legitimization process to its own unshakeable rule.45 The Washington Post and Los Angeles Times follow suit in their outspoken criticism of the PRCs human rights record. The Post found a similar record in the persecution of the Falun Gong cult and crackdown on political dissenters, but also
40. Ching-Ching Ni, Chinas uprooted peasants nd life in city is awash in difculty, Los Angeles Times, (23 September 2000), p. A8. 41. Leslie Chang, Legal remedies: in China, courts nd new muscle as they take on medical cases, Wall Street Journal, (7 January 2002), p. A1. 42. Matt Forney, U.S. offers to aid China in ghting war against drugs, Wall Street Journal, (6 June 2000), p. A21. 43. Eric Eckholm, China expels 53 foreign Falun Gong followers, New York Times, (16 February 2002), p. A6. 44. Elisabeth Rosenthal, In rural China, mental hospitals await some who rock the boat, New York Times, (16 February 2002), p. A1. 45. Eric Eckholm, Chinas villagers vote, but its party rules, New York Times, (4 November 2001), p. A1.

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gives coverage to the lengths the CCP will go to present foreign observers with a perfect and happy China, crushing over citizens property and livelihood in the process.46 The crime-prevention tactics of Chinas police are also portrayed in a brutal manner: immensely corrupt and inefcient, their incompetence is matched only by the large numbers of executions handed out for minor offenses.47 Government ofcials face a similarly damning treatment in descriptions of their tax collection techniques, as in a story from April 2001.48 From the Los Angeles Times, meanwhile, there is continuing negative coverage. A story on President Bushs trip to China in February 2002 describes heavy government censorship of his speeches made while on the trip.49 In a story from December 2001, the Communist Partys motivation in introducing the hukou registration permit system is not examinedonly the stiff consequences citizens who defy this system will face.50 Homosexuals also are shown as facing penalties and persecution under the Communist regime.51 Finally, when it comes to the Wall Street Journals coverage of this issue, we nd very few articles on the subject. One exception is the treatment of Chinas worsening AIDS epidemic, where the government is shown to deny the severity of the disease as well as withholding treatment for the aficted.52 For the most part, there are simply not as many articles of the Wall Street Journals China coverage devoted to exploring the human rights abuses of the ruling government. This is a positive thing, since the reader of the Journal is unlikely to be conditioned to associate Chinas government with political repression, as would seem to be the case with the other three newspapers examined here. Social unrest In the past few years, Chinas transition towards a market economy has begun to seriously erode the stability created during the years of the Iron Rice Bowl. New opportunities have been created for some, but for many Chinese, the transition has not been smooth, nor has the end product been benecial. As the social and economic system of the country continues to change, there will be many Chinese who face unwanted consequences of the transition. Looking just at some of the newspapers in this study, however, one gets the image of a country bursting at the seams with disgruntled, striking workers ready to grind the workings of the entire nation to a halt at a moments notice. The New York Times creates a dark picture of the matter. The ordinary citizens of China are increasingly ready to agitate against the government over a variety of issues. Massive layoffs of workers at state-owned enterprises are a major source of
46. Clay Chandler, For APEC, only the best China, Washington Post, (20 October 2001), p. A22. 47. Post Wire Service, More executions likely in China corruption case, Washington Post, (20 September 2000), p. A23. 48. John Pomfret, Crackdown in village conrmed by China, Washington Post, (26 April 2001), p. A20. 49. Henry Chu, China censors Bush speech in print, Los Angeles Times, (23 February 2002), p. A11. 50. Henry Chu, Chinas major cities withhold the welcome mat for villagers, Los Angeles Times, (5 December 2001), p. A17. 51. Times Wire Reports, 37 gays held in anti-vice sweep, Los Angeles Times, (8 July 2000), p. A8. 52. Leslie Chang, New breed of activist braves Chinas AIDS crisis, Wall Street Journal, (2 April 2002), p. B1.

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discontent, as detailed in an article from March 2002.53 In some cases, as told in an article from August 2000, foreign managers of such companies are even being kidnapped by the angry masses of former employees.54 Other sources of widespread turmoil include widespread health problems caused by severe industrial pollution55 and public indignation at the supposed use of executed prisoners corpses for organ transplants.56 The Washington Post also has many stories of a similar nature. Public protests have been increasing, one article from July 2000 claims, not because of layoffs at factories but because the provision of basic services like drinking water and health care is breaking down.57 Separatist violence in Xinjiang province has been blamed on the inuence of religious extremists like Osama bin Laden,58 and in coverage of the Tibet issue the government is presented as pursuing a systemic policy of brutality and repression, with little change for the last 50 years.59 Another area where Chinas citizenry is shown to be seething with discontent is in the cruel way China is separating and deporting citizens of the mainland who wish to live with relatives in the former colonies of Macao and Hong Kong.60 Another source of unrest comes from workers. This time, not those whose rms that are being scaled back or restructured, but rather, those who work in hazardous areassuch as coal miningwhere terrible safety standards make their job a dangerous occupation.61 Chinas crackdown on religious groups such as Falun Gong has also sparked a wave of protests in response.62 The Wall Street Journal also shows the social structure of the country under strain and its citizenry agitated. An article from December 2001 describes a string of bombings at McDonalds in China, yet the bombers motivesanti-Americanism, or autonomy for Muslims in Xinjiangwas unknown.63 Other articles deal with labor unrest in economically depressed areas64 and public opinion turning against the lack of transparency in Chinas political system.65 While some stories focus on the promise held by Chinas ongoing transformation, there is extensive
53. Eric Eckholm, Leaner factories, fewer workers bring more labor unrest to China, New York Times, (19 March 2002), p. A1. 54. Elisabeth Rosenthal, Factory closings in China arouse workers to fury, New York Times, (31 August 2000), p. A1. 55. Associated Press Wire Service, Ailing villagers to be moved, New York Times, (12 December 2001), p. A12. 56. Craig S. Smith, On death row, Chinas source of transplants, New York Times, (18 October 2001), p. A1. 57. Ted Plafker, Incidence of unrest rising in China, Washington Post, (18 July 2000), p. A20. 58. Philip P. Pan, China links Bin Laden to separatists; report details attacks in mostly Muslim region, Washington Post, (22 January 2002), p. A8. 59. John Pomfret, China seen softening crackdown in Tibet, Washington Post, (29 January 2001), p. A13. 60. Tyler Marshall, Children and others born on the mainland must leave Hong Kong under a deportation order, Los Angeles Times, (3 April 2002), p. A3. 61. Ching-Ching Ni, The coal miners dark fate, Los Angeles Times, (23 January 2002), p. A1. 62. K. Connie Kang, Local Falun Gong members stage quiet protest, Los Angeles Times, (29 August 2001), p. B2. 63. Charles Hutzler, A series of bombings prompts Chinese fear of Muslim unrest, Wall Street Journal, (17 December 2001), p. A13. 64. Craig S. Smith, Chinas workers challenge status quooverhaul of state industry, layoffs by foreign rms provoke labor activism, Wall Street Journal, (9 June 1999), p. A20. 65. Charles Hutzler, From Chinas Zhu, a bit of ne-tuningPremier offers assembly only modest revisions in his economic policy, Wall Street Journal, (6 March 2002), p. A11.

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coverage within the Wall Street Journal of rising chaos and unrest in many sectors of Chinese society. Corruption The concept of guanxi, or connections, is given much attention by the American media as a key concept to understanding personal relations in China. When examined in terms of government, though, the idea is exaggerated to a degree where personal favoritism and corruption are rampant in the Chinese government. Sweeping attention is focused on portraying a government that, despite its egalitarian communist rhetoric, has been dominated for years by self-interested elites with no care for helping the masses. These images, despite their negativity, hold a grain of truth. Even those seasoned China watchers will acknowledge that the party cadres who run daily government operations have been susceptible to corruption and favoritism since even the ideologically fervent days of the 1950s. The guanxi system is depicted as producing corrupt, non-transparent practices in nearly every sector of Chinas government, business and industry. A New York Times article from February 2002 details widespread, endemic corruption within Chinas large state-owned banks.66 Lying ofcials in the government who boost statistics on the performance of their own department or program in order to increase personal favor from their superiors are also a topic of frequent coverage.67 This has been a well-document problem, and not just in the New York Times, but in a variety of sources going all the way back to the days of the Great Leap Forward. Doctors within Chinas state health care system, meanwhile, provide the most expedient medical care to those who will reward the doctors most handsomely for their services.68 While there is no lack of attention given to the problems of corruption in the New York Times, the Washington Post focuses on the issue with a zeal that far exceeded any of the other papers in this study: in terms of quantity, the Posts coverage of the corruption issue was unsurpassed. The sectors described above (banking, government, and health care), also receive attention in the Post, but a wide array of new problem areas are also presented. The judicial systems penetration by criminal organizations and ofcials of questionable character is given a fair amount of treatment, as in an article from March 2001.69 Rising problems with insider trading and powerful businessmen with connections playing havoc with Chinas developing stock and nancial markets also make it into the headlines quite often, as in a story from September 2001.70 Other stories often describe the rot at the top of the party ladder, where ofcials with more power than judgment fall into nepotism and general moral turpitude.71
66. Elisabeth Rosenthal, Bank of Chinas mounting problems, New York Times, (1 February 2002), p. W1. 67. Eric Eckholm, Study says bad data by China inated global shing yields, New York Times, (30 November 2001), p. A5. 68. Elisabeth Rosenthal, As China trims health care, the rural poor suffer, New York Times, (14 March 2001), p. A1. 69. Philip P. Pan, Top judicial ofcials say Chinas corruption is deep, Washington Post, (11 March 2001), p. A18. 70. Clay Chandler, In China, stock scams burn small investors, Washington Post, (3 September 2001), p. A1. 71. John Pomfret, Corruption charges rock Chinas leaders; party answers article with damage control, Washington Post, (10 January 2002), p. A15.

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The Los Angeles Times takes a step back from the Posts energetic attention to the issue, but does not avoid it altogether. A story from May 2000, about the Three Gorges Dam Project, reveals the Japan-style pork barrel politics than have infected Chinas public works industry;72 considerable attention is also devoted to the governments anti-corruption campaign and the large number of high-ranking ofcials removed from ofce as a result.73 A story from December 2001, about the removal of Shanghais mayor Xu Kuangdi, shows the nature of advancement within the political system: not based on merit, but rather, party loyalty and all important connections.74 The Wall Street Journal, meanwhile, as a business newspaper, most often devotes its articles on this subject to how corruption interferes with foreign investment and business ventures. The problems with the state-owned banking industry receive most frequent attention.75 The amorphous nature of regulations in Chinas edgling mutual fund and nancial markets76 and the difculties of foreign rms receiving a level playing eld in their attempts to compete with state-owned enterprises in the development of Chinas oil and gas industries77 are two more examples of the Journals coverage of the matter. Both of these articles, though, in keeping with the Journals optimistic depiction of the China market, describe how efforts are being made to reduce corruption in these areasand secure further foreign investment.

Part two: positive images of China Despite the repetition of negative images of China, some positive ones do arise. Stories of this nature are far fewer in number, and are simply overwhelmed by the mass portrayal of China as an aggressive, brutal, and dangerous place. When such articles do arise, though, they do give the reader a faint but hopeful picture of a country struggling to change. The themes of such articles can be grouped into four categories: the economic promise of the China market, reform of Chinas government and economy, diplomatic cooperation, and cultural changethose areas where China is transforming itself in the image of the United States. These stories help to counteract the largely negative images we saw in the previous section. Unfortunately, there need to be many more of them before the average reader of one of these papers will have a positive image of the Peoples Republic of China.

72. Henry Chu, Corruption charges again rock dam project, Los Angeles Times, (5 May 2000), p. A9. 73. Henry Chu, China graft probe nets high-ranking ofcial, Los Angeles Times, (21 April 2000), p. A5. 74. Ching-Ching Ni, City politics in China leave observers perplexed, Los Angeles Times, (19 December 2001), p. A18. 75. Bank of China (Hong Kong) may not list in New York, Wall Street Journal, (7 March 2002), p. A21. 76. Karby Leggett, Allegations are shaking Chinas fund industry, Wall Street Journal, (19 October 2000), p. A22. 77. Karby Leggett, China turns to foreigners to overhaul oil industry, Wall Street Journal, (13 September 2000), p. A13.

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Economic promise of the China market Of the four positive themes that were found in the study, articles in this group were the most numerous. After the modernization and reform program of Deng Xiaoping ended the postwar freeze, American companies have been increasingly turning to China as a vast source of potential for the past 20 years. Especially with Chinas accession to the WTO, investment and commercial ties will continue to develop in the lucrative manner that they have been for the past several years. There seems to be no limit to the long term potential for Chinas vast market. From the New York Times, many articles show an opportunity for tremendous economic expansion (putting aside all of the aws we found in the previous section). One article from March 2002 details a goldmine of prot available in the already huge but ever-increasing cellular phone market;78 other prot opportunities arise in such diverse areas as the oil and natural gas industry,79 telecommunications and media,80 and, weight loss pills.81 These articles reinforce the long-standing American fascination with China as a potential market for economic [neo-colonialism?] development. These stories, while not exploring the human side of the average Chinese citizen, at least provide a refreshing contrast to the numerous stories on the terrifying danger, draconian repression, and disintegrating social structure of life in the PRC. In the Washington Post, there are also numerous articles devoted to this subject. Stories from 2002 and the latter half of 2001 concentrated heavily on Chinas membership to the WTO and the spectacular gains it would bring American investors.82 Before WTO accession rose to the foreground, other major topics included the chances American companies would have to make money with Beijings 2008 hosting of the Summer Olympics,83 as well as increasing investment opportunities for other countries, such as a joint venture by Toyota and a Chinese automotive rm, detailed in an article from May 2000.84 Such stories do not provide a complete remedy to the demonization of the ruling communist regime we witnessed previously, but they at least display some constructive aspect of Chinas role in the region. The Los Angeles Times also presents many examples of the vast potential of Chinas economy. A story from May 2000 describes the potential for Chinas economic growth to compete with other Asian economies, but on the whole describes the trend as healthy and stabilizing.85 Another story on the APEC summit
78. Reuters News Service, Cellular prot surges, New York Times, (19 March 2002), p. W1. 79. Bloomberg News Service, Shell plans to triple its stake in China, New York Times, (25 March 2002), p. C2. 80. Craig S. Smith, AOL wins some China TV rights, New Yo rk Times, (23 October 2001), p. C5. 81. Leslie Chang, Global craze for diet drugs: bringing science to weight loss in China, New York Times, (24 August 2001), p. B1. 82. Clay Chandler, A factory to the world; Chinas vast labor pool, low wages lure manufacturers, Washington Post, (25 November 2001), p. A1. 83. Amy Shipley, Beijing is awarded Summer Olympics; despite protests, IOC selects China for 2008 games, Washington Post, (14 July 2001), p. A1. 84. Clay Chandler, China approves Toyota joint venture to build small cars, Washington Post, (30 May 2000), p. E1. 85. Mark Magnier, China trade vote: rest of Asia seen gaining, losing, Los Angeles Times, (25 May 2000), p. A21.

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of 2001 describes how the governments previous generations of misrule are being slowly rolled back by economic growth and prosperity.86 Economic engagement is also outlined as a potential tool for improving bilateral ties between the US and China.87 Positive stories such as these are able to reverse some of the harm done by shock value stories about explosions at rework factories and organs harvested from executed prisoners. The Wall Street Journal, of course, contains the most articles on this theme of the sample group. Investment in various sectors of the Chinese industry, and the potential market for American goods in China, is of course given extensive coverage,88 but more than that, China is also praised as an excellent place for overseas production. Not only are labor costs lows, but also, a growing pool of skilled laborers and white-collar executives provide American companies with an incentive to invest.89 On balance, not only is the market to sell goods in China huge, but so is the market to produce them. It is nothing less than the biggest economic opportunity in world history.90 These articles, as with those of the former three papers, are unable to wholly alleviate the mass of negative images presented; yet they are not completely unhelpful in improving the presentation of China in the American print media. Economic and political reform Slightly different than those articles that deal with the potential for investment in China are those that focus on the slow but steady transformation of Chinas economic system. As any good Marxist would know, changes in a nations economic structure will inevitably have consequences on its political and social structure as well. This is easily veried when we look at China in the 20 years since the modernizations began under Deng Xiaoping, yet the communist leadership of the country seems to be in denial over this fact. In the last few years especially, the preparation for WTO membership has caused a series of massive changes within Chinas economy. Although the consequences of this upheaval are given the most attention, as we saw in the last section, some of the benets are dealt with as well. The New York Times, as we saw before, is fond of negative images of China, yet does not present a completely one-sided view. An article from December 2001 described how liberalization of the television industry has allowed an increasing broad range of expression to make its way into Chinese homes on the nightly news.91 Another article from January 2002 describes a new movement within Chinese academia, which favors cooperation with the United States, in a battle with the governments old education and socialization systems, which emphasized virulent nationalism.92 Some articles on the WTO accession, meanwhile, while
86. Ching-Ching Ni, A city of rsts returns to the spotlight, Los Angeles Times, (19 October 2001), p. A12. 87. Henry Chu and Ching-Ching Ni, For China, WTO status promises risks, reward, Los Angeles Times, (11 November 2001), p. A28. 88. Mary Haffenberg, Wheat soars on rumor of big purchase by China, Wall Street Journal, (20 December 2001), p. C13. 89. Peter Wonacott, Talent poolChinas secret weapon, Wall Street Journal, (14 March 2002), p. A1. 90. Peter Wonacott, As WTO membership looms, China crams, Wall Street Journal, (23 July 2000), p. A12. 91. Craig S. Smith, China: TV rights granted, New York Times, (20 December 2001), p. W1. 92. Nicolas D. Kristof, The new China syndrome, New York Times, (22 January 2002), p. A19.

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making sure to enumerate the problems China will face, point to the long term potential for economic liberalization and greater political freedom.93 The Washington Post also discusses the long term potential for China to develop into a more open society as a result of its WTO accession.94 On the subject of Chinas ineptly-managed and debt-burdened state-owned enterprises, some articles do address the governments attempts to reform them,95 in contrast to the vast majority of articles depicting them as a lost cause. The increasing liberalization of the media is also discussed in an article from June 2001. More freedom of expression has given rise to pornography, tabloid journalism, and the familiar dilemma within the American media on the issue of style versus substance. All of this turmoil, rather than meeting with censorship and repression, is actually liberalizing Chinese society and softening up hard-line government policies.96 The Los Angeles Times writes of the promise and potential benets that joining the WTO could bring to China,97 but does not stop there. A story from July 2000 detailed much needed reforms to Chinese medical system,98 where low pay for doctors and equal distribution of services has given way towards an emphasis on earning the patients trust and attempts to maximize efciency. Another story describes how the Communist Party is increasingly looking to ensure its survival by providing material prosperity for its citizens. While this change has greatly diluted the ideological base of the party, it has also had the benet of improving the standard of living in China.99 A picture slowly emerges of a country whose reforms are steadily improving the quality of life for its citizens, though this is overshadowed by the frequent mention of labor strikes, police crackdowns, and the other rocky spots along the path of reform. In the Wall Street Journal, as one would expect, there is a goldmine of optimistic stories on Chinas successful reforms. Just as was mentioned in articles from the New York Times, commercialization of the formerly state-owned media yields important promise in democratizing Chinese society.100 Another article details reform in the National Bureau of Statistics aimed at reporting economic growth data more accurately, moving away from the old days when party growth statistics were based on politics, not economics.101 Considerable attention is also given to the growing potential of Chinas entrepreneurial class, as in an article from December 2001, where an American-trained Chinese doctor has pioneered a new type of open heart surgery that is advanced not just in China, but anywhere in the world.102
93. Joseph Kahn, World Trade Organization admits China, amid doubts, New York Times, (11 November 2001), p. A16. 94. Charlene Barshefsky, Enter China; WTO membership has important potential, Washington Post, (9 November 2001), p. A37. 95. Clay Chandler, Trying to make good on bad-debt reform; China selling bank assets to solve problem, Washington Post, (15 January 2002), p. E1. 96. John Pomfret, Chinas new media marketplace upsets old order, Washington Post, (5 June 2001), p. A14. 97. Chu and Ni, For China, WTO status promises risks, rewards, p. A28. 98. Ching-Ching Ni, 2 hospitals in Shanghai try letting people pick out MDs, Los Angeles Times, (5 July 2000), p. A4. 99. Ching-Ching Ni, Communists at ironic juncture, Los Angeles Times, (3 July 2001), p. A3. 100. Leslie Chang, China forms a state media conglomerate, Wall Street Journal, (7 December 2001), p. A16. 101. Peter Wonacott, Chinas government decides to crunch numbers anew, Wall Street Journal, (21 November 2001), p. A11. 102. Susan V. Lawrence, A beating-heart pioneersurgeon Wan Feng brings advanced type of bypass to hospitals in China, Wall Street Journal, (5 December 2001), p. B1.

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Unlike in other papers, where the consequences of reform seem to outnumber the benets, the Journal aims, it seems, to show the successful aspect of the PRCs attempts to change. Diplomatic cooperation The school of thought that perceives China as a threat to the US holds considerable sway over Americas major newspapers. In balance to this, though, are those who believe that China should be engaged, not contained. This school of thought is receptive to signs of cooperation from the Chinese side. Most recently, of course, the US and China have found much to cooperate on in the war against terrorism, trying to halt the spread of religious extremism in Central Asia. Going back before 11 September, though, we nd a small group of stories whose focus is on the constructive diplomacy of the PRC: attempts to alleviate tensions in its bilateral relationships in the Taiwan Straights, with other Asian countries, and even with the United States. A New York Times article from February 2002, describing the state of USChina relations before President Bushs trip there, summed up Chinas help in the war against terrorism and the importance of both sides to cooperate on the issue.103 Post 11 September coverage has also emphasized Chinas help in easing IndoPakistani tensions,104 although this represents a 180-degree turnaround of the previous focus in the Times on Chinas missile sales to pariah states. Before 11 September, China was also given attention in its efforts of maintain stability on the Korean peninsula and assist in diplomatically engaging the North,105 as well as in its efforts to maintain good relations with Japan despite the numerous issues that divide them.106 The recent coverage on anti-terror cooperation has also represented a major turnaround to the Washington Posts coverage of China. In the past three years, almost all stories dealing with the PRCs diplomacy belonged to the China threat school. China was portrayed as belligerent towards Taiwan,107 in league with Russia against the United States,108 and an exporter of instability with its missile sales to countries like North Korea, Iran and Pakistan.109 Since 11 September, of course, many articles have focused on the countries new ability to cooperate,110 but before this, with the exception of editorials written by independent scholars,111 almost all of the Post articles from this period were from the China threat school. The Los Angeles Times, in keeping with the more objective coverage of PRC
103. Eric Eckholm, U.S.China tensions ease before Bush trip, New York Times, (19 February 2002), p. A8. 104. Craig S. Smith, China asks that Pakistan show caution, New York Times, (4 January 2002), p. A3. 105. Elisabeth Rosenthal, China and U.N. meet on North Korea immigrants, New York Times, (28 June 2001), p. A4. 106. Eric Eckholm, Despite tensions, China and Japan reafrm ties, New York Times, (30 August 2000), p. A5. 107. Chandler, China threatens voters in Taiwan, p. A1. 108. Susan B. Glasser, Presidents of China, Russia sign pact; joint statement aims at U.S. missile shield, Washington Post, (17 July 2001), p. A13. 109. Thomas E. Ricks, China still aiding Pakistans missile program, reports indicate, Washington Post, (2 July 2000), p. A7. 110. John Pomfret, China sees interests tied to U.S.; change made clear in wake of Sept. 11, Washington Post, (2 February 2002), p. A1. 111. Bates Gill, Flare-up with China, Washington Post, (3 April 2001), p. A21.

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foreign policy that we witnessed earlier, was not so much a part of the China threat school before 11 September as either the New York Times or the Washington Post. An article from May 2000 emphasized Chinas potential to stabilize Asia through economic prosperity.112 The Los Angeles Times also gives some attention to Chinas participation in ASEAN and the key effect this has on regional economic and security issues.113 A June 2001 story on the Shanghai Five, while discussing attempts to counter American hegemony, also mentions the alliances role in countering the spread of religious extremism in the region.114 Also, in discussing cross-Strait relations, the growing economic links between the two countries gain a fair amount of attention,115 in contrast to the Posts focus on aggressive rhetoric and threatening military exercises. Meanwhile, in the Wall Street Journal, there is extensive coverage on the economic diplomacyits goal of continued economic expansion and maintenance of regional stability. The growing cross-Strait economic activity, and the accompanying gradual thaw in the situation there, is a subject given much attention, as in an article from January 2002.116 Other focus areas for the PRCs economic diplomacy include Japan, as detailed in a story from September 2000,117 India, where growing trade helps provide fuel for a rapproachment,118 and of course, the United States, where US investment in China has been snowballing for the last 20 years.119 The increase in cooperation between the two countries after 11 September is also well documented.120

Cultural change The United States has long been interested in trying to transform China into a Christian, capitalist society. Missionaries began to operate there centuries ago; even to this day, the quest persists in the many philanthropic organizations that provide the Chinese with assistance in remaking their country along the American model. Thus, journalists who are normally critical of China over a wide variety of issues are quick to focus in on news items that could be construed as evidence of Chinas evolution into a society similar to our own. These articles, though few in number, create the picture of a country whose government is slowly overcoming its aversion
112. Walter Mondale, China: permanent normal trade relations would benet both trade issues and human rights, Los Angeles Times, (21 May 2000), p. M5. 113. David Lamb, Goodand badtimes for ASEAN; summit: the Southeast Asian bloc looks to boost trade and technology, Los Angeles Times, (26 November 2000), p. A13. 114. Ching-Ching Ni, China, Russia bolster Central Asia alliance, Los Angeles Times, (15 June 2001), p. A15. 115. Warren Vieth, China wins entry into the WTO; trade: group is scheduled to invite Taiwan today. Broad impact is expected, Los Angeles Times, (11 November 2001), p. A1. 116. A China opening, Wall Street Journal, (30 January 2002), p. A18. 117. Masayoshi Kanabayashi, Japan ghts domestic price competition by widely expanding trade with China, Wall Street Journal, (11 September 2000), p. B9E. 118. Eric Bellman and Charles Hutzler, As India confronts Pakistan, it also warms up to China, Wall Street Journal, (15 January 2002), p. A12. 119. Jason Dean, Coca-Cola study suggests China reaps huge gains from foreign investment, Wall Street Journal, (10 August 2000), p. A15. 120. Charles Hutzler, China is seeking to strengthen antiterror group, Wall Street Journal, (8 January 2000), p. A13.

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to freedom and a culture whose common links to our own society are growing ever stronger. One New York Times article from February 2002 details how the penetration of American stores and restaurants into China has created a consumer culture that represents a huge blow to the old Communist ideology of socialist revolution.121 Another story from December 2001 describes an American art collector who is working to restore an appreciation for the treasures of Old China and reverse the damage done by the virulent anti-traditional thinking of the Cultural Revolution.122 In guiding Chinas transition towards an open-market economy, it is not just American money that matters, but also involvement of skilled personnel who can guide the transformation with the United States as a model.123 Stories such as these provide a welcome change to the usual depiction to the negative aspects of the PRC, but can also provide a distorted picture of a country that is waiting patiently for Americans to rescue it from itself. The Washington Post also tries to show Chinas Americanization wherever it can. Despite the governments well-documented hostility, the average Chinese is shown as having a deep admiration of American culture, and even the secret dream of living in the United States.124 In one story from March 2001, malpractice cases against doctors in the US are seen as a peculiar example for how China can improve its own medical system.125 An article from October 2000, in describing pre-World War II Shanghai, attacks the colonial practices that created the treaty port system, yet depicts the American presence in China as benecial.126 The American inuence in making Taiwan a democratically governed economic powerhouse is also cited as evidence of the potential American views have to take root on the mainland.127 The Americanization of China is also often written of in the Los Angeles Times. An article from February 2002 describes changes to Beijing between the rst Nixon visit and today: the spartan audience hall where Nixon met Zhou En-Lai in socialist austerity has been replaced by a state-of-the-art Western-style conference center, complete with parking garage and swimming pool.128 The average Chinese is also portrayed as having a fondness for American culture, whether it be in the popularity of the TV show Friends, dubbed into Mandarin and aired on Chinese television,129 or the numerous intellectuals who extol the virtues of an open society while being
121. Elisabeth Rosenthal, Beijing Journal; Buicks, Starbucks and Fried Chicken. Still China? New York Times, (25 February 2002), p. A4. 122. Rita Reif, A rescuer of sinking treasures from Chinas past, New York Times, (9 December 2001), p. B39. 123. Craig S. Smith, American is guiding a market for China, New York Times, (22 March 2001), p. W3. 124. Kimberly Shearer Palmer, Growing up in America hits home in China; speech to students is lesson in family, Washington Post, (18 February 2002), p. A18. 125. John Pomfret, Chinas bumpy path to justice; victim of birth control policy struggles after rare court win, Washington Post, (27 March 2001), p. A1. 126. Ken Ringle, Lasting lessons from long-ago China; students of prewar Shanghai-American school nd ties still bind, Washington Post, (27 October 2000), p. C1. 127. John Pomfret, Culture, valuesnot just politicsdivide Taiwan, China, Washington Post, (24 June 2000), p. A7. 128. Ching-Ching Ni, From historic hall to victim of new economic realities, Los Angeles Times, (22 February 2002), p. A6. 129. Reuters News Service, China gets to meet Friends, Los Angeles Times, (2 March 2002), p. D4.

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repressed and censored by their own government.130 Articles that deal with the perception of America in China tend to show the US as a bright and beautiful land of opportunity in the eyes of many Chinese. The Wall Street Journal, of course, is full of articles that gleefully describe the rise of American-style consumer culture within the formerly austere PRC. The growing American inuence on Chinese entertainment tastes has had several results, from the rise in popularity of reality-based TV shows,131 to the spontaneous appearance of an urban alternative rock scene,132 to the creation of a demand for Universal Studios-style theme parks.133 Some articles even predict the rising aspiration for China to become a free and open society along the lines of the United States as having the inevitable consequence of bringing about an end to the Communist regime.134 While such a prediction may be rash, it underscores the widespread (probably over-zealous) prediction that the Chinese are slowly becoming more American, and wish this process to continue.

Conclusion: implications for SinoUS relations The four papers surveyed in this study were chosen as a representative sample of American daily news. By no means is it a fully comprehensive analysis, yet looking at this sample group, we can nd a rough account of how China is portrayed within the more intellectual news sources of this country. In quantitative terms, there are far more articles that create a negative image of China than there are that create a positive one. Let us assume that the typical reader of these papers does not possess a burning interest in international affairs, and does not go to more complex sources to seek information about China. While we cannot presume with certainty what conclusions they will come to, if we look at the sample of articles from this paper, we can see that they will probably imagine China as a land of political repression, crime, and Soviet-style mistreatment of its citizens. The government of China, meanwhile, where it is not imprisoning its own citizens, is exhorting its populace and training its military for the eventual goal of extending its geopolitical inuence throughout Asia, taking the US on head-to-head in the process. This represents a signicant blow to those policy makers and scholars who believe the best way to deal with China is by engaging it. By depicting China as a country that aims to challenge US power abroad, as well as refuting those principles and values that compose the American way of life, these papers are gradually persuading their readers to view China as a threat. Perceiving a country as ones enemy will affect a governments behavior accordingly: it is a dangerous
130. Tom Plate, China remains its own worst enemy; fear of cultural and technological openness will keep Beijing from fully participating in globalization, Los Angeles Times, (5 July 2000), p. B7. 131. Leslie Chang, Cultural revolt: reality TV gets ercer in China, Wall Street Journal, (28 February 2002), p. B1. 132. Lisa Movius, Eye on China: in Shanghai, a quiet rebellion to the sounds of rock n roll, Wall Street Journal, (25 October 2001), p. A18. 133. Universal mulls building theme parks in China, Wall Street Journal, (11 November 2001), p. B2. 134. Arthur Waldron, What the Tiananmen papers tell us about China today, Wall Street Journal, (10 January 2001), p. A10.

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mistake, which can become a self-fullling prophecy. Should this trend continue it would do serious harm to the bilateral relationship between the two countries. But there is hope for the future. In the immediate aftermath of 11 September, both countries have recognized a common threat in the war against terrorism and have started working together in many different sectors. Chinas accession to the WTO, while still in its early stages and beset with many difcult reforms, will also increase the economic activity between the two countries. Taken together, these two events have provided a new dimension to SinoUS relations that will force them to engage each other in a dimension that has never been seen before. This activity, we can only hope, will have a trickle down effect into the media, which will look at the increasing amount of cooperation between the two countries, rather than at Chinas domestic aws or its desire to threaten the US in the long term.

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