1) What is the CBI case about? Who filed the case and against who?

Under instructions from Sonia Gandhi, Shankar Rao, a Congress MLA and a well-known YSR baiter had written to the High Court alleging that YS Jaganmohan Reddy's wealth was ill-gotten and that the investments had flown into Jaganmohan Reddy's companies on a quid pro quo basis. The letter in question had alleged that the beneficiaries of YSR Government largesse had in turn made investments in Jaganmohan Reddy's firms at high premium. Sensing an opportunity, the Telugu Desam Party wanted to fish in the troubled waters and its leaders Yerran Naidu, Ashok Gajapathi Raju and Byreddy Rajasekhara Reddy had impleaded themselves in the petition. During the run-up to the 2009 polls, the TDP had circulated a book titled "Rajah of Corruption" drawing mainly from the slew of allegations churned out by Telugu dailies Eenadu and Andhra Jyothi with a devious intention to malign Jagan at the national-level. These very allegations formed the basis of the documents that Shankar Rao's letter and the contents of the same document were again submitted by the TDP leaders to the High Court. Significantly, the reports doled out by Eenadu and Andhra Jyothi were the exact photocopies of IT assessment orders issued to Jagan. Sadly, the High Court had taken into consideration these very same jottings of the IT department. Even a cursory look would convince anyone of the forces behind the smear campaign against Jaganmohan Reddy. It is on the basis of the allegations levelled by Shankar Rao and the TDP that the High Court had initially ordered a preliminary probe and then followed it up with a comprehensive probe. 2) Why did the High Court order a CBI inquiry? The petitioners had furnished the write-ups published in pro-TDP dailies as also the returns filed by Jaganmohan Reddy and the documents submitted to the Registrar of Companies (RoC) to substantiate their allegations. The fact, however, remains that neither CAG, nor a House Committee nor a probe commission had upheld these accusations. Normally, any due process of law in any crime requires filing of an FIR. But, in this case, no FIR was filed beforehand. 3) Media has also been reporting about the Emmar case. What is Emmar case about? The Chandrababu Naidu regime had allocated 600 acres of prime land abutting Hyderabad's Hitec City for constructing amenities such as golf courses, star hotels and upmarket villages to the Emmar. Even the most conservative of the estimates had put the worth of the allocated land at a whopping Rs 10,000 crore. The chief contention in this case pertains to the accusation that the Emmar had reneged on the MoUs that it had entered into with the APIIC and resultantly had caused huge losses to the exchequer. Another accusation is that the prime villas had been grossly undervalued to siphon off funds that would otherwise have accrued to the Government coffers. A vigilance report forms the basis of this accusation. 4) Are Jagan case and the Emmar case one and the same? At least, that is what a section of the media is seeking to portray! No. This is nothing but a vilification campaign unleashed by the Yellow Syndicate comprising Eenadu, Andhra Jyothi, TV9 and Studio N. They are resorting to this dirty trick as they are unable to take on Jaganmohan Reddy directly. both are two different cases that are being taken up by the same division bench of the High Court. 5) Who is Shankar Rao? Why did he file a case and what did he complain about? Shankar Rao is a Congress MLA, who has the dubious distinction of not having any worthwhile contribution to his credit. He has been elected to the Legislative Assembly from Secunderabad Contonment constitutency. He is part of the cabal involved in mud-slinging on Jaganmohan Reddy. He has been virulently anti-YS Rajasekhara Reddy and had nursed a grudge against him for having denied him a ministerial berth. He wrote a letter against Jaganmohan Reddy to the High Court in October last year demanding a probe into his assets. This, he did with an eye on a cabinet post. In his letter, Rao had accused that YS Rajasekhara Reddy had misused his chief minister's position to illegally grant several projects to a few industrialists and that they had, return, invested in Jagan's firms at an exorbitant premium. The moment the High Court had taken cognizance of the letter, Shankar Rao was rewarded with a ministerial post. This fact alone goes to prove that the Congress High Command was involved in a vicious campaign against YSR's

family. 6) Why Jagan? Ever since, Jagan defied the diktats of the Congress and its chief Sonia Gandhi and vowed to undertake the Odarpu Yatra (the tour aimed at consoling the kin of those who died of grief and shock in the wake of YSR's untimely demise) in accordance with the promise that he made to the people at Nalla Kaluva (near the site of the ill-fated chopper crash that robbed him of his father), the Congress high command has been consumed by an overawing feeling of vengeance. The Congress was totally unnerved by the unprecedented response to Odarpu Yatra and the phenomenal rise in Jagan's popularity. It was also unnerved by the immense support and popularity that newly-founded YSR Congress has been enjoying as also by the staggering victory margins of both Jaganmohan Reddy and his mother YS Vijayamma in the bypolls to the Kadapa Lok Sabha seat and Pulivendula legislative assembly seat. For the first time in the history of the state, both the ruling and the main opposition parties had to bear the shame of forefeiting their security deposits in these historic elections. Further, a host of surveys, conducted by independent organisations, have projected a rout for the Congress and a staggering win for Jagan and his party. All pointers show that Jagan has far outpaced all his political rivals in popularity. His extensive tours in the rural interiors across the state, have made him the only leader in the country who is currently connecting on such a staggering scale with the grassroots. All these have convinced the Congress and the Telugu Desam Party that they can never match Jagan's popularity in a direct confrontation. It was then that Operation Target Jagan was unveiled by the Congress high command with Shankar Rao as the front. 7) Why were the courts approached when the Government itself could have ordered a CBI probe? Under the provisions of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act (the legislation that regulates the functioning of the CBI), the State Government could have ordered a CBI inquiry. But, that would have exposed the ruling dispensation's anti-YSR and anti-Jagan attitude and it would have had to countenance intense public ire. Hence, Shankar Rao was used as a prop and the court route was chosen to harass Jagan. It may be recalled that the TDP had stalled the house for over two weeks demanding a house committee on the land allocations during the YSR rule, The Government had then offered to constitute to a house committee and the Speaker had averred that the house committee would be set up provided the TDP furnished prima facie evidence of irregularity. Till now, neither the Telugu Desam Party nor the Congress had come up with concrete evidence. The fact is there is no concrete evidence. Hence the court case and the CBI probe through the backdoor. 8) Did Jagan err? No law in the country bars anyone from investing in any company owned by any individual. Yet, the Gang of Four comprising Eenadu, Andhra Jyothi, TV9 and the TDP are trying to trumpet falsehoods. Ramoji and Chandrababu would ideally want investments to flow only into the firms owned by individuals and parties of their liking. The Congress game plan is to wean away investors from YS Jagan and target Jagan's companies and those investing in them. Both Chandrababu and Kiran Kumar Reddy have proved themselves incapable of rejuvenating their respective moribund parties. These two outfits are now plotting to pull down a rising and rejuvenated Jagan. All that an invester needs to furnish are a pan card, a bank account and a document validating the address. No company goes in for a police probe into the antecedents of those investing with them. Further, the investments into Jagan's companies came in the form of capital - in the hope of possible returns. This capital formed the bedrock of the newspaper and the TV channel that both Telugu Desam and the Congress would hate to love. Hence, they are all out to show misdemeanors where none exist. The moot question here is how low can both the Yellow Syndicate and the Congress stoop to achieve their objective. 9) How can one amass such assets without resorting to corruption? YSR family has carved out a niche for itself in both trade and industry. Much before YSR became

an MLA way back in 1978, the YSR family had made a name for itself as a business and industrial house. Even during the times of Jagan's grandfather YS Raja Reddy, the family for known as the highest tax payee. They own several lands, cinema theatres and mining units . Also, Jagan had taken over Sandur Power Project way back in 2001, a good three years before YSR became the chief minister. By 2004, over Rs 140 crore were spent on the project and the hydel project is credited for its highest plant load factor. Further, Sakshi was first paper in the country to be launched with a starting circulation of over 10 lakh copies. Today, it stands nineth across the nation in terms of circulation. According to the IRS statistics, only the Hindu and the Sakshi had managed to hike their circulation considerably during the last six months. Bharati Cements is the only cement company in the country to have achieved a production capacity of 5 lakh tonnes in just three years. All these stand testimony to Jagan's business acumen and visionary approach. Chandrababu, who is ad nauseum accusing Jagan of amassing ill-gotten wealth, is showing its true colours. He doesn't own a single company and all his earnings could well be from the amounts siphoned off from the NTR Trust and the laundered money from abroad. He may have made a fortune by divesting thousands of acres to others. Hence, how Chandrababu, who had never been an industrialist and owned a mere two acres of agricultural land, could amass such wealth is a question that needs to be probed. In contrast, Jagan was an established industrialist by 2001. Till 2009, he was an industrialist alone. Yet, he is being targeted by Eenadu, Andhra Jyothi and others for his financial growth simply because his father happened to be chief minister during that period. All this is propaganda, pure and simple. Jagan had lawfully paid the advance income tax for the income accrued from the disinvestiment of his majority stakes to French cement major Wica. Despite all these, the vilification campaign by the Yellow Syndicate is going ahead full steam. 10) Did Jagan make money using his father's chief ministerial clout? Three companies had come into existance under the stewardship of Jagan. Sandur Power Project on Varahi river in Karnataka is the first one. This was set up in 2001, ie., during the Chandrababu regime. Jagan also owned a hydel project in Karimnagar during the same period. Information regarding the capital investments into this firm, details of the investors and the profits accrued to them are in the public domain. Sakshi was launched from the profits made from the Sandur Power Project to address the media needs of those vexed by the pro-TDP media. Expecting considerable profits, several investors had put their monies in Sakshi TV. Sakshi TV was envisaged as a quality newspaper with international design and state-of-the-art technology so as to compete with Eenadu, which then had a circulation of over 10 lakh copies. Concerted effort was made to bring out Sakshi as a multi-coloured product with 23 district editions. All these needed high investments. Hence Jagan solicited support from those interested in investing in media field. Only those who were genuinely interested in investing in media had come forward. Though thousands of industries were set up during the five-year rule of YSR, not all of them had invested with Sakshi. Further, investments come with liability, kickbacks or payoffs don't. Has anyone legally invested pay offs? Why would anyone strive to give back profits to those giving kickbacks? Isn't it a fact that entrepreneurs like Nimmagadda Prasad, India Cements and Dalmiya Cements, who had put their monies in Bharati Cements, had made huge profits. Why would anyone, who had received payoffs, share ones profits? 11) Is it true that only those benefited by YSR's largesse have invested in Jagan's companies? Those making such wild allegations have the onerous responsibility of proving them. Unable to offer any credible proof that YSR had made undue favours to anyone, these forces have chosen the easy method of maligning. They have been alleging that even securing a government nod for their projects was nothing short of a scam and that those who secured such approvals had invested in Jagan's firm. If so, why is that so few entrepreneurs have invested in Jagan's companies when so many were benefited? Also, countless people were benefited by the welfare schemes put in place by YSR. What about them? Did they invest in Jagan's companies? The State Government had, in accordance with the laws of the land, issued mining leases to hundreds

of persons and allocated projects, contracts and lands as per the duly laid out guidelines. Only a few such companies have invested in Jagan's company. They government's job should be to see if these investments were legal. Instead, a unilateral attempt is being made to brand all those who invested in Jagan's companies as illegal beneficiaries. 12) The Bharati Cements had paid an advance tax of Rs 82 crore. How did it get such huge incomes? The advance tax is paid after computing profits from capital gains as 51 percent of the Bharati Cements shares were disinvested. Jagan should be complemented for honestly paing up the tax. Is he being targeted for not taking a leaf out of Ramoji Rao, who paid no tax even after making capital gains to a tune of hundreds of crores of rupees by disinvesting his shares? How did Ramoji earn such huge income by offloading his shares at a high premium. 13) Didn't Jagan sell his shares at high premium? Anyone with minimal knowledge of stock market dynamics would vouch that share price depends on possible future profits. Share price is dependent on the law of demand and supply and the existing fiscal conditions. It is due to this appreciation that Raasi Cements could muster 60 dollars for per tonne productivity and Myhome Industries could rake up 235 dollars the other day. The Bharati Cements could get Rs 180 dollars per tonne. 14) Jagan has acquired shares in Bharati Cements and Jagati Publication on face value. Didn't he make huge profits from minimal investment? Those aware of the market dynamics know that an entrepreneur gets premium for the risks borne and for investing time and money in setting up an industrial unit. The argument that promoters, strategic investors and general investors should get the same rate is laughable. Promotors getting shares at face value and strategic investors buying same at higher premium is a general trade practice being followed in countless companies. 15) Reputed firms like Dalmiya Cements command a share price of Rs 40 and India Cements commands Rs 110. How is it that the Bharati Cements commands a share price of Rs 1450? This is height of ignorance. It is not true that the shares were sold at Rs 1440. Depending on the stage of project development, the shares variously commanded prices like Rs 94, Rs 110, Rs 175 and Rs 1440. While India Cements has acquired shares at Rs 528 per share, while Dalmiya Cements bought shares at Rs 435 and Nimmagadda Prasad at Rs 342. They managed to rake in Rs 671.20 per share by selling them to international cement giant Wica. This gives an idea about the gains they have made in a short period of time. The fact that they have made profits disproves the fallacious argument that they would buy shares at a high premium on quid pro quo basis and then offload them to Jagan at nominal prices. Comparing the share prices for the easily available shares and those of limited quantity available only for strategic investors is like putting horse and donkey on the same pedestal. 16) If Jagan did not commit any wrong, why then did he approach the Apex Court? The argument that only those who commit inexactitude approach the Apex Court is specious. Challenging the verdict of lower courts in a higher court and seeking redressal is a right provided under the Articles 32 and 226 of the Constitution. Arguing that approaching higher courts is wrong is not just a travesty of justice, but also an affront to the spirit of the constitution. Interestingly, whenever Chandrababu Naidu found himself in a spot over issues like the liquor scam and illgotten wealth, he had always taken recourse to the courts. In fact, Chandrababu, who is claiming to be following Anna Hazare's footsteps in the fight against corruption, was himself accused of beign corrupt by his father-in-law and TDP founder NT Rama Rao and his brother-in-law. His mother in law Laxmiparvathi had even gone to the court. Chandrababu perhaps is the only politician in the state to have the dubious distinction of stalling investigations into his wealth by obtaining stay order from the High Court. 17) Why is Jagan not exercising the option provided by the CBI to prove his innocence?

CBI is neither a forum to prove one's innocence, nor is it an instrument of investigation. Under the Congress dispensation CBI today is a mere instrument to save the people close to the ruling dispensation (a la Quattarochchi), to force political rivals to acquiese (a la Mulayam, Mayavathi and Laloo) or to shed unwanted baggage (a la Kalmadi). It is naive to expect the CBI to do an honest and sincere job. Would those who raise this question, dare to give the same piece of advice to Sonia Gandhi, who is being accused of stashing away more than a lakh crore in foreign banks and whose siblings were accused of getting payoffs by no less a person than Subrahmanyam Swami? 18) It is being claimed that mere ordering of a CBI probe is harassment. But, even YSR had ordered CBI probe into Volkswagen case to look into Botsa's role. In Paritala Ravi murder case, YSR had ordered a probe against Jagan too. Does it then amount to harassing Jagan? This is a devious argument. The probe into Volkswagen was aimed at looking into the governmental failure and not Botsa's role. If Botsa, who now is the PCC chief, does not understand this nuance, it could only be seen as height of ignorance. Let it also be understood fair and square that the CBI had never been under YSR's control and none had questioned the CBI clean chit to Jagan in Paritala case. 19) Is Jagan opposed to the CBI probe? Is he opposed to the PIL? Doesn't have faith in the CBI? Both Jagan and the YSR Congress Party are not opposed to a just investigation. What they are opposed to is the attempt to treat unsubstantiated allegations as proofs. He is challenging the PIL as it is driven by political considerations and personal motives. How can anyone trust the CBI when Shankar Rao himself claims that he had written the letter under the express instructions of Sonia Gandhi and that Union Home Minister P Chidambaram would talk to the CBI on probing Jagan? 20) How can one claim that there is no "public interest" in the Public Interest Litigation? A PIL is the last resort of the helpless and the hapless. Even the Supreme Court, in its wisdom, has cautioned against the PILs that are driven by political considerations and ulterior motives. The Apex Court had clearly ordained that misuse of PIL for political mileage and for delaying administrative processes. It has also laid that every letter should not be treated as a PIL and that only letters from victims, social organisations or those working for public good should be admitted. Can anyone claim that those who had lodged a complaint were either victims or have public good at the core of their action? Can Shankar Rao, an MLA then and a minister now, be treated as a victim. He has the previlege of getting a Cabinet resolution passed seeking CBI probe. Why is he not doing it? 21) Is the Congress high command orchestrating these attacks? There is not an iota of doubt about that. A mere glace at the sequence of events is enough. Shankar Rao goes to New Delhi before writing the letter and meets Sonia Gandhi's political advisor Ahmed Patel. As the CBI probe begins, he again jets off to New Delhi to meet Union Home Minister Chidambaram and is on record claiming that Chidambaram had assured him to take up Jagan's issue with the CBI director. Within a few days after writing the letter, Shankar Rao gets rewarded with a ministerial post. What more proof does one need? Also, why was Lagadapati Sridhar's name, which found place in the PIL, omitted from the FIR? Is it because Sridhar's sibling Lagadapati Rajagopal is a Congress MP and is at his rumbustious best in criticising YS Jagan? Why was this selectivism practiced? 22) How are Chandrababu and Ramoji Rao linked to the conspiracy? During his recent visit to the national capital, Chandrababu had met with Chidambaram in secret and held parleys. This shows that there's some kind of match-fixing between the Congress and the TDP. As for Ramoji, his vituperations are only too well-known to be recounted. All along, he has been spewing venom on Jaganmohan Reddy and his companies. In fact, the write-ups

churned out by Eenadu have formed the core of the petition filed against Jagan. In fact, Eenadu has only been showing the documents furnished by Jagan to the ROC as proof of the allegations. These documents have become the proofs for the petitions filed by Shankar Rao and the troika from Telugu Desam. As for Ramoji, he had been spewing venom against YSR ever since he became the PCC chief. Ramoji is unable to digest the fact that Sakshi has outpaced Eenadu in terms of circulation and that Sakshi had exposed him. It has shown how he made humunguous profits using his proximity to Chandrababu to siphon off funds into his organisations . During the last three years of its eventful existence, the Sakshi has time and again called Ramoji's bluff. Indeed, the biggest scam in the state, if there was ever, is not investments in Sakshi but, the deluge of funds that flowed into the loss-making Eenadu from Ambani and Kampani under Chandrababu's influence. If any scams has got to be probed in the right earnest, it has to be into the investments into Ramoji empire. 23) Why is Andhra Jyothi churning out anti-Jagan stuff? Andhra Jyothi's revival is mainly due to the financial support from TDP biggies. V Radhakrishna, who now owns the newspaper, had began his career as a kerosene smuggler and became close to Chandrababu Naidu by employing highly questionable and unethical means to get Chandrababu faction recognised as the real TDP. All these are common knowledge among media circles. Come to think of it. Radhakrishna, who never drew even Rs 10000 as salary even during the heydays of his journalistic career, managed to buy the very newspaper that employed him. He did this at a time when the newspaper was mired in debts. How could he do it? Those who invested in Andhra Jyothi were the very ones who were benefited by Chandrababu's largesse. The capital investments in Andhra Jyothi are among the biggest scams in the state. The very fact that the leaders from the Opposition have never demanded a probe into the capital investments in Andhra Jyothi goes to prove their collusion. 24) Didn't YSR Government gift away lands to various companies? Take Vanpic, Vizag Pharma SEZ, Polepalli SEZ, Emmar for instance. All these projects were agreed in principle during the Chandrababu regime. Hundreds of mining leases are issued every year. Hundreds of projects get allocations each year. What needs to be looked into is whether the norms have been followed while allocating projects. 25) How can Cabinet be responsible for the CM's decision? CM alone cannot take decisions. It is the cabinet that takes the decision. Those decisions are issued in the form of gubernatorial orders. As per Article 164 the constitution, government decisions are collective responsibility and holding an individual responsible for a collective decision is unconstitutional. The same has been clearly enunciated by the AP High Court in the case against Chandrababu Naidu by Palvai Goverdhan Reddy. 26) How do you claim that both the Congress and the Telugu Desam Party have colluded when they are arch political rivals? For the Congress, Jaganmohan Reddy is a bigger threat than the TDP and for the TDP, too Jagan is enemy no. 1. Both the parties are unnerved by Jaganmohan Reddy growing popularity. Hence, both have colluded in an effort to contain him. This was evident during the recent Kadapa bypolls and the elections to the Legislative Council. The no-confidence motion tabled by the TDP too had exposed this collusion. It is as part of this understanding that Chandrababu had met with Union Home Minister Chidambaram. The TDP trio had impleaded into the case filed by Congress leader Shankar Rao. Also, several paras in both the petitions were exact replicas of the other.