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from the Weilue by Yu Huan A Third Century Chinese Account Composed between 239 and 265 CE Quoted in zhuan 30 of the Sanguozhi Published in 429 CE Draft English translation by John E. Hill September, 2004
I was not born knowledgeable, I am devoted to antiquity and am quick to seek knowledge. Kong Qiu (Confucius). Lunyu, 7, 19.
Contents
Preface Acknowledgements Introduction About this Translation About Fonts and Characters About the Text Translators Notes About the Dating and Background of the Text Background Reading About Measurements and Administrative Divisions
The Text
Section 1. The Di Tribes Section 2. The Zilu Tribes Section 3. The Qiang Tribes Section 4. The three main overland routes to the Western Regions
Section 5. The Southern Route Section 6. The Kingdom of Linni (Lumbini) Section 7. The Kingdom of Juli (the Eastern Division of the Kushan Empire) Section 8. The Kingdom of Panyue (Pandya) Section 9. The Central Route Section 10. Previous Misconceptions Section 11. Da Qin (Roman territory/Rome) Section 12. Products of Da Qin (Roman territory) Product List Section 13. The Sea Route to Da Qin (Roman territory) Section 14. Roman Dependencies Section 15. The Kingdom of Zesan (Azania) Section 16. The Kingdom of Lfen (Leuk Kom or modern Al Wajh) Section 17. The Kingdom of Qielan (Wadi Sirhan) Section 18. The Kingdom of Xiandu (Aynnah = Leukos Limn?) Section 19. The Kingdom of Sifu (Petra) Section 20. The Kingdom of Yuluo (Karak) Section 21. The Kingdom of Siluo Section 22. The Far West Section 23. The New Route of the North Section 24. The Kingdom of Northern Wuyi (Khujand) Section 25. The Kingdoms of Liu, Yan, and Yancai (the Alans) Section 26. The Kingdom of Hude Section 27. The Kingdom of Jiankun (Khirgiz) Section 28. The Kingdom of Dingling Section 29. The Kingdom of Duanren (Pygmies) Section 30. The Authors Comments Abbreviations and Bibliography
Appendices
A. The Main Caravan Routes. B. The territories of Haixi, Haibei and Haidong. C. The Great Seas and the Western Sea. D. Sea Silk. E. Wild Silks. F. Maritime Commerce and Shipping during the Han Period. G. The Water Cisterns on the Route between Petra and Wadi Sirhan. H. The Identification of the City of Angu with Ancient Gerrha and Modern Thaj. I. The Spread of Ideas and Religions along the Trade Routes. J. Climate and other Changes along the Silk Routes. K. The Identification of Jibin as Kapisha-Gandhra. L. The Introduction of Silk Cultivation to Khotan in the 1st Century CE. M. The Canals and Roads from the Red Sea to the Nile. N. Kanishkas Hostage in History and Legend.
Preface
There are several important Chinese texts relating to the early development of the Silk Routes that have not been translated into English previously. They include the Chapter on the Western Regions, several biographies of the Chinese generals who expanded Chinese power to the west, from the Hou Hanshu (covering the period from 25-220 CE); and an important 3rd century geographical and historical text called the Weilue. My aim is to complete up-todate, fully annotated translations of these texts, and make them easily available to all. My first translation, a draft annotated version of The Western Regions According to the Hou Hanshu, appeared on the Silk Road Seattle website in May of 2002. The response from readers was beyond any expectations. I was inundated with a wealth of new material, comments and suggestions from scholars in more than 30 countries. This led to a thorough revision and updating of my original draft which had been available on this site since July 2003. It is presently being revised once more before being published in book form. I am hoping, by the publication of this draft version of my annotated translation of the Weilue on the same site to elicit a similar response. This should lead to a more accurate and useful final document. I intend to add the biographies of several of the Chinese generals who were instrumental in opening the main Silk Routes to the west at a later date. I have included a number of lengthy quotations in the notes because I believe they are of importance, well-stated, and of particular interest. I have also included some notes sent to me privately in emails. I have tried to get permission from all these correspondents but have not heard back from all of them yet. If authors have any objections to my use of their material I hope they will contact me and I will gladly make adjustments. Some of the longer notes, which may be of more general interest, I have included as Appendices at the end of the document so they can be easily found and accessed. Publishing this translation will, I hope, make the Weilue of interest to the general reader, while retaining enough information in the notes to make it useful for specialists. I have tried to keep the text itself as uncluttered as possible so that it may be comfortably read as a whole. I hope the work will help rekindle interest in the extensive early contacts and exchanges between East and West, and how they shaped the development of our cultures and our technologies. May it inspire readers to search for answers to some of the many remaining mysteries in the text. I also hope that you will
share at least some of the great pleasure I have received while studying this fascinating work. Your comments, corrections, criticisms or suggestions are most welcome and will be taken into account in future revisions and, if used, full credit will be given. Please contact me directly not through the Silk Road Seattle website. I will try to answer any questions my contact details are: John E. Hill PO Box 467 Cooktown, Qld., AUSTRALIA 4895 Email: wynhill@bigpond.com
Acknowledgements
Many, many people have helped to encourage me and with the research that went into this new draft version of the Weilue. I would like to acknowledge the constant help and encouragement I have received from Jo Wynter, my beloved partner of almost 30 years. Without her untiring patience and constant help, editing and suggestions, none of my historical work would have ever come to fruition. My special thanks go to Professor Fida Hassnain, who originally fired my enthusiasm in early Indian history, took me to visit many Kushan sites, helped me explore the archaeological collections held in Kashmir, while conveying the knowledge he had gained through his long career; Professor Daniel Waugh for his encouragement and for making it possible to publish my work on the Silk Road Seattle website; and to Professor Victor M. Mair for ongoing advice and assistance. Others who have generously provided valuable help include: Nettie K. Adams, Dr. Farhad Assar, Dr. Thomas Bartlett, Professor Christopher I. Beckwith, Dr. Craig Benjamin, Professor Alison Betts, Professor E. Bruce Brooks, Professor Felix Chami, Dr. T. Matthew Ciolek, Professor Joe Cribb, Chris M. Dorneich, Professor tienne de la Vaissire, Aayko Eyma, Professor Richard N. Frye, Professor M. Gawlikowski, Dan Gibson, Gaston Giulliani, Dr. Irene L. Good, Dr. David T. Graf, Paul Greenhall, Chris Hopkins, Professor Karl Jettmar, Agnes Korn, Henriette Kress, Whalen Lai, Valrie Lefebvre-Aladwi, Renzo Lucherini, Pavel Lurje, Thomas K. Mallon-McCorgray, Dr. Michael Macdonald, Professor Daniel L. McKinley, Raoul Mclaughlin, Felicitas Maeder, Josef Maier, Samir Masri; Professor Irina Merzliakova, John Moffett, Khademi Nadooshan, Professor Giorgio Nebbia, Mark Passehl, Prof. E. G. Pulleyblank, Lic. Paola Raffetta, Fr. Yves Raguin, S.J., Professor Nader Rastegar, Professor Donald Redford, Joachim K. Rennstich, Janet Rizvi, Peter Rowland, Dr. Edmund Ryden, Orit Shamir, Michael Schimmelpfennig, Professor
Steven Sidebotham, Professor Nicholas Sims-Williams, Sren Stark, Dr. Sebastian Stride, Dr. Mehmet Tezcan, Professor E. H. Uphill, Dr. Chunyun WANG, Professor Donald B. Wagner, Antonia Willis, Richard Wong, and the Editorial staff of Shen-Nong of Integrated Chinese Medicine Holdings Ltd., in Hong Kong (www.icm.com.hk). Almost inevitably I will have forgotten some who have helped me along the way and a few have asked not to be named. I extend my heartfelt gratitude to you as well. Thank you all so very much. I will be forever in your debt. This is your work as well as mine there is no way I could have written it without the kind support and assistance I received from you. I hope you will find it worthy and will be pleased with it. I look forward to any suggestions you may have to improve it in the future.
Introduction
About this Translation
This translation has been made from the text of the Weilue as contained in the five volume Sanguozhi published by the New China Bookstore Publishing House, Beijing, 1975, zhuan 30: 858-863. I have also checked critical passages against other, earlier, editions. As in the modern world, the borders of countries were constantly changing. In addition, many of the peoples mentioned in the Weilue were nomadic, and regularly moved from place to place. Peoples of different ethnic backgrounds and even languages were sometimes grouped together under a common name as confederations or tribes, which at times can be quite confusing for the reader. I have divided the text into numbered and headed sections for clarity and ease of use. Modern place-name equivalents are in rounded brackets after the Chinese names. Many are well-established and widely accepted. Tentative identifications are indicated with a question mark, and the evidence is discussed in the notes. The modern place-names adopted here sometimes only refer to the general location of the ancient sites mentioned in the text. Usually I have only given the name of the nearest modern town, or the main town of an oasis. For example, the oasis of Kashgar (Shule) contained several towns, as it still does, and these are sometimes referred to individually. Literal translations of placenames and products have been put within single inverted commas, such as: Eastern Division. Where needed for clarity, I have added comments and notes in square brackets, eg: the three heavenly bodies [the sun, moon, and stars]. Identifications that remain uncertain are indicated by a question mark.
Because the older Wade-Giles system of Romanizing Chinese is still commonly used, you will find it employed in many of the quotes given in my notes. I have, therefore, included the Wade-Giles equivalents after the Pinyin for many names and terms in italics and within square brackets. Chinese characters are omitted from the translation itself to make it easier to read. The characters for all major place-names and terms are included in the appropriate notes. For those wishing to check the reconstructed ancient pronunciations I highly recommend first checking Edwin Pulleyblanks masterful Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin (1991), UBC Press, Vancouver. It is arranged alphabetically according to the Pinyin renderings and also contains references to the entries in Karlgrens earlier, but still useful, Grammata Serica (Recensa). Pulleyblanks listing of the reference numbers to the characters in Karlgrens work probably provides the most convenient way of finding particular characters in that work, which is notoriously difficult to access. Some additional reconstructions have been added from the Grand dictionnaire Ricci de la langue chinoise. 7 volumes. Instituts Ricci (Paris Taipei). Descle de Brouwer. 2001, which is abbreviated as GR in the entries. Note that the EMC reconstructions are only reliable back to the time when the Qieyun dictionary was completed in 601 CE, as Pulleyblank himself notes on p. 20 of his Lexicon. This means there was a gap of over 300 years between the composition of the Weilue and the best phonetic reconstructions for the characters we have at our disposal. Although the reconstructions back to the late 6th century are frequently useful in helping to identify place-names, there were undoubtedly significant phonetic changes between the 3rd century and 6th century CE. Also, there were likely significant differences in pronunciation between the Chinese soldiers and settlers on the northwest frontiers and the inhabitants of the capital. The reconstructions of Archaic Chinese according to Karlgrens Grammata Serica, in which he attempts to reconstruct pronunciations back to the Chou period (up to circa 220 BCE), are also included. These reconstructions of Archaic Chinese are indicated by the use of a preceding asterisk: *. Sometimes Karlgrens attempts to provide these earlier reconstructions are of value, but they should be regarded with caution. They are followed by Karlgrens Ancient Chinese, which are his reconstructions for the period equivalent to Pulleyblanks EMC. As entries are often difficult to find in Karlgrens book, I have included his numbering system preceded by K, so a typical entry from his work will look like this: K. 139s *gn / n. Quotes from French authors have been translated into English and usually adapted (e.g. by changing the French E.F.E.O. romanizations into Pinyin, leaving out unnecessary footnotes and some of the Chinese characters).
Some notes from my earlier translation of the Chapter on the Western Regions According to the Hou Hanshu (abbreviated here as CWR) are duplicated here to save the reader the tedious task of checking the notes from one work to the other.
diacritic you need already in the list of characters, you can combine marks from the Combining Diacritical Marks heading, by typing the character you wish to mark and then going to Symbol and adding the appropriate diacritical mark. This works reasonably well in most cases. In spite of this, some readers may still experience difficulties. However, I believe that most of the notes will be meaningful even if the odd character is missed. If readers continue to have problems, or wish to discuss some point, contact the author directly at: wynhill@bigpond.com . But please do not contact the Webmaster.
contact with China, and the wu-chi chiao-y was appointed. Fang (1965), p. 98. [Note: this latter title is usually transcribed as: wu(or mao-)chi hsiao-wei which translates as the Maoji Commandant see Hucker No. 2456 and TWR notes 1.5 and 22.5. Also, the Tichiang above would be better rendered as the Ti and the Chiang.] There is information in the Weilue about the maritime routes to the Roman Empire and it is quite possible that some, or all, of the new information on the Roman Empire and Parthia came from foreign sailors. One record of information obtained from such sources (which may have been available to Yu Huan) is recorded in the Liangshu: During the 5th year of the Huangwu period of the reign of Sun Quan [= CE 226] a merchant of Da Qin, whose name was Qin Lun came to Jiaozhi [Tongking]; the prefect [taishou] of Jiaozhi, Wu Miao, sent him to Sun Quan [the Wu emperor], who asked him for a report on his native country and its people. Qinlun prepared a statement and replied. At the time Zhuke [nephew to Zhuke Liang, alias Kun Ming] chastised Dan Yang [= Jiang Nan] and they had caught blackish coloured dwarfs. When Qin Lun saw them he said that in Da Qin these men were rarely seen. Sun Quan then sent male and female dwarfs, ten of each, in charge of an officer, Liu Xian of Huiji [a district in Zhejiang], to accompany Qin Lun. Liu Xian died on the road, whereupon Qin Lun returned direct to his native country. Adapted from Hirth (1885), pp. 47-48. Note: In the name of the Roman merchant Qin Lun above, Qin, as is standard Chinese practice with foreign names, stands for from Da Qin or the Roman Empire. The old pronunciation of the personal name Lun is reconstructed as: K. 470b *li w n / li un or *lw n / lu n; EMC lw n or lw nh. This, as Renzo Lucherini has kindly pointed out in a private communication of 23 May, 2004, may well have represented the Greek name of Leon. Yu Huan apparently never left China, but he collected a large amount of information on the countries to the west of China including Parthia, India, and the Roman Empire, and the various routes to them. Some of this information had reached China well before Yu Huans time, and can also be found in the sections dealing with the Western Regions of the Shiji, the Hanshu, and the Hou Hanshu. In spite of this repetition of earlier (and sometimes fanciful) information, the Weilue contains much new, unique, and generally trustworthy material. Most of it dates from the late second and early third centuries CE. It is this new information that makes the Weilue such a valuable source. Most of the new information appears to have come from the Later Han dynasty, before China
was to a large extent cut off from the West by civil wars and unrest along its borders during the late 2nd century CE. The time of the Han dynasty, especially the Later Han, was one of the relatively important scientific periods in Chinese history. There were great advances in astronomy, improvements in the calendar, an outstanding development in the earth sciences, and foundations laid for methods of classifying plants and animals; alchemy flourished, and the first book ever written on the subject appeared (A.D. 142). A sceptical and rationalist way of thinking developed, particularly about A.D. 80 in the hands of Wang Chhung [Wang Chong].., while there were two Han princes who also took part in active intellectual life. One, T of HoChien, was a scholar and bibliophile who preserved the important Artificers Record section of the Chou Li (Records of the Rites of Chou), the other was the almost legendary Liu An of Huai-Nan, who gave his name to the Huai Nan Tzu, a compendium on all the science of the day and one of the most important monuments of ancient Chinese scientific thought. Indeed, bibliography as a whole received great stimulus, for the Han period marked the first systematic development of book lists; compiled by experts in astronomy, medicine, military science, history, magic and divination, these were incorporated into the Han histories and list some 700 works written on wooden or bamboo tablets, and on silk. Buddhism also entered China in Later Han times and the first sutras were translated into Chinese at the capital, Loyang. In technology the Han age was marked by the invention and spread of the use of paper, by numerous developments in ceramics such as the first glazes and the introduction of a material that was the forerunner of porcelain, by advances in architectural techniques such as making decorated bricks and tiles, and by raising the level of textile technology to a stage not approached by Iran or Europe until centuries later. A large number of natural products new to China were also imported: alfalfa and the grape-vine from the west, oranges, lemons, betel nuts and lychees from the south and south-west. From the west also came improved breeds of horses, and from Khotan, possibly from Burma too, jade arrived in large quantities. Perhaps the greatest achievement of the Han people in nautical technology was the cardinal invention of the axial rudder at least as early as the first century A.D. Towards the end of Later Han times, palace revolutions became increasingly frequent, and in 184 a farming crisis led to a peasant revolt guided, in this case, by the Yellow Turban secret society. Although the revolt was suppressed, it left some of the army generals in positions of great power, and by 220 the central government found itself ineffective. The country became divided, and for the next half century remained fragmented into three independent kingdoms in a state of permanent mutual hostility. Needham (1978), pp. 39-40. Along with these great scientific and technological exchanges came new ideas, philosophies and religions. Foreign ideas and religions spread incredibly quickly via the trade routes across the whole of Eurasia and much of Africa.
The acceleration of information exchange was unprecedented. Buddhism became established in Central Asia well before the turn of the millennium and in China during the 1st century CE. There is also some fairly convincing evidence that Christianity and Judaism had reached both China and India by the first century CE, and Christianity was definitely well-established in southern India at least by the second century CE. This rapid spread of religions was to continue in later centuries with Manichaeism, Nestorian Christianity and Islam. See: Appendix I: The Spread of Ideas and Religions Along the Trade Routes.
Translators Notes
The section on Da Qin (Roman territory) from the Weilue was translated into English, with excellent notes, by Friedrich Hirth in his pioneering volume, China and the Roman Orient, first published in 1885. He also included translations of a wide range of other Chinese texts relating to Da Qin (the Roman Empire) and the Chinese text of each is included, making it an essential reference, even today. This was followed in 1905 by a translation of the rest of the text of the Weilue into French by douard Chavannes, under the title of, Les pays doccident daprs le Wei lio. Chavannes translation is accompanied by copious notes in which he clarified numerous obscurities, and convincingly identified many of the countries and towns mentioned in the Weilue, especially along the eastern sections of the overland trade routes. These are, to my knowledge, the only translations of significant portions of the text into European languages to date. In 1980 I was living in India, beginning to study the history of the Kushan Empire, when Professor Edwin Pulleyblank very kindly sent me copies of Chavannes annotated French translations of the Weilue and the chapter on the Western Regions as well as other key texts from the Hou Hanshu. I translated Chavannes accounts into English as an aid to my studies. What a wonderful treasure chest of information I discovered there! It was soon clear to me, however, that the translations and notes were badly in need of expansion and updating, and, as there had never been a complete translation of the whole texts into English, I decided to began teaching myself Chinese so I could study and translate the original Chinese texts. I had not realised when I first started in 1980 what an immense and lengthy, but rewarding, task the translating and annotating the Weilue would be. It was an audacious undertaking, as my knowledge of Chinese was (and still is) very limited. It would have been impossible without the help of many experts and friends and any merits this new translation might have are due largely to their kind and generous suggestions and advice.
An excellent and detailed review of Chavannes translation of the Weilue (which, unfortunately, excludes the section on Da Qin or the Roman Empire) was published by Paul Pelliot in BEFEO 6 (1906), pp. 361-400, in which he corrected some of the major mistakes and weaknesses in Chavannes pioneering translation. I include here some of his more important observations and notes: Mr. Chavannes always makes use of the edition of the twenty-four historians published by the library of Tushujicheng in Shanghai from 1888. This edition has the advantage of being printed clearly in a convenient format and is relatively inexpensive. It accurately reproduces the Imperial edition published in the 18th century by order of Qianlong and which is authoritative in China today. It is just that this edition in moving characters1 , generally correct for the Shiji or the Histories of the Han, and which is at the same time the first and the only true reflection of the dynastic histories, is quite careless from the Sanguozhi onwards. Additionally, Mr. Chavannes has had at his disposal the edition of the Sanguozhi known as the Baorentang (p. 550, n. 2; p. 555, n. 1), but he does not seem to have always checked it for, in at least two cases it is unlikely that the Baorentang edition gives readings which, in the edition of Shanghai are clearly printing errors: Zixiang Di is incorrect for Baixiang Di on p. 522, and the correct reading is found in the example in the xylographic edition published by Jiangnanshuju in 18871 . It is the same for the Weibi of p. 526 where Mr. Chavannes clearly sees that it ought to be written Xianbi and which is, in fact, correctly written Xianbi in the edition of Jiangnanshuju and, very probably, in that of the Baorentang. The edition of 1877 that I quote here is, however, far from being satisfactory itself. In the section on Da Qin that Mr. Chavannes has not translated, it presents a printing fault which has misled Mr. Hirth and which I have already had the occasion to note (B.E.F.E.-O., iv, p. 175, n. 3). As to the rest of this section taken from the Weilue, one will find in the large format edition of 1887 the faulty readings: Lufu in place of the Fulu of Mr. Chavannes (p. 521); Juejing instead of Jingjue (p. 556). On the other hand, this same edition of 1887 gives readings or characters in certain places that one cannot reject a priori: such as the fact that it always writes Yuedi and not 2 Yuezhi , ling in place of (although I do not believe the two characters were used interchangeably); in the name of Yulai (p. 558), one finds yu in place of its equivalent ; Danduo (p. 526) is written with to and not with tuo [note Chavannes (1905), p. 526, n. 5, writes: The character is also pronounced zhi; but the pronunciation tuo appears preferable when it refers to the pronunciation of foreign sounds [there is a typographical error here where Chavannes gives nons instead of sons]. The Pikang of p. 558 is not a priori better than the Pirong given in the edition of 1887. In the enigmatic title that the edition of the library of Tushujicheng gives in
bosuwen (p. 550), the edition of 1887 agrees with the form of other sources that have xian in place of wen. All these examples show that one cannot safely translate using a single contemporary edition of the dynastic histories. The first palace edition alone deserves complete trust for the text adopted under Qianlong, and yet modern criticism can only see there the version which was followed by the scholars of the 18th century, but not a sufficiently reliable text that comparison with the editions of the Sung, Yuan, or the Ming would be without profit3 . All these editions, from whatever period, have this in common, that they have not modified the text even if it was clearly in error. Disregarding the copying or printing faults that they inevitably present in greater or lesser numbers, the differences between the editions to which Chinese or European science are able to refer to always provide various readings furnished by previous printed or manuscript examples, and the various editors have not chosen between them in the same manner. This prudence, this respect for the text, is one of the principal merits of Chinese scholarship and it is, in part, due to this that the dynastic histories have retained such great authority. But, as a result, commentaries are necessary to establish, whether by comparison between the dynastic histories or referring to other works of Chinese literature, if a certain passage is certainly or probably in error, and in which manner it ought to be corrected. It is principally under the present dynasty, which is the great period of Chinese exegesis, that this research has been undertaken.
Page 365, note 1. I have several times, and with others with me, spoken of the lithographic or photolithographic edition of the twenty-four historians. This is the edition used here by Mr. Chavannes ; it was published in 1888 and in the following years in a small format, and, in fact, has been carried out with the use of mobile metallic characters. The same applies to the corresponding edition of the Tushujicheng. Page 366, note 1. This xylographic edition of 1887 does not, however, reproduce the official edition of the 18 century, but that published under the Ming by the Jiguge. It is known that the Jiguge of the Mao family was the best publishing house existing during the Ming. There is the catalogue of what was published there (cf. WYLIE, Notes on Chinese literature p. 60). The edition of the Jiangnanshuju which appeared in 1887 is in the library of the cole des Langues orientales. Page 366, note 2. This form Yuedi has not been neglected, if one refers to the remarks of Mr. FRANKE in his Beitrge aus Chinesischen Quellen zur Kenntnis der Trkvlker und Skythen Zentralasiens (Berlin, 1904), where its existence prior to the Weishu is disputed : yet there was a printing fault. One sees that it is a matter of the edition. In reality, I believe that the ancient manuscripts rarely distinguished between da and dai, di and zhi, zhi and qi. The unity of the ancient forms of these dual characters has survived until now in spirit. As for the form Yuezhi, it should be noted that it has also served for writing the name of a Korean principality (Sanguozhi, ch. 30, folio 13).
th
Page 366, note 3. We have not so much as mentioned ancient Chinese manuscripts. Meanwhile, exception should be made for those that have been rediscovered in Japan over the last few years. Among them is a manuscript Shihuozhi of the Qian Hanshu of Ban from the Tang period giving the Gu with commentary by Yan Shigu, that is to say, a portion of the three canonical histories which have never ceased attracting attention and which, as a consequence, have been transmitted with the greatest care. Now, on this chapter alone, there are about a hundred characters different from the usual text. Cf. on this subject B.E.F.E.-O., ii. 335.
Translated and adapted from Pelliot (1906), pp. 365-367 and nn. Throughout this translation I have relied primarily on the Weilue as quoted in the Sanguozhi, New China Library 1975 Edition, published by the New China Bookstore Publishing House, Beijing. This is generally regarded as an authoritative an accurate rendition, with the added advantage of including punctuations. Occasional small differences with other editions have been dealt with in the Notes. Paper was a new invention, first recorded in China in the year 105 CE (although recent research indicates it was probably invented previous to this usually accepted date). Prior to this books were usually written on bamboo slips or on silk. It is unclear whether Yu Huan had access to paper or not. The reader should be aware that this chapter has only survived because it was included as an extensive note to the Sanguozhi. Often it is possible to tell whether a bamboo slip has been lost because they usually only had a limited number of characters on them; a page of paper could contain a larger text. Unfortunately, here one cannot tell for certain, but it does seem possible that one or more bamboo slips were lost before the chapter was recorded in the Sanguozhi particularly near the end of Section 10. The notes, which I hope will make the translation more meaningful and accessible for readers, have proved to be even more difficult and demanding than the translation itself. In particular, the identification of some of the placenames and products mentioned in the text are still unresolved; and continue to be vigorously debated.
without being officially given the job. The narrative of these events comes to a halt during the reign of Emperor Ming (227-239). . . . The evidence of Liu Zhiji, dating from a time when the Weilue had not yet disappeared, cannot be put in doubt. It fixes the composition of the Weilue in the twenty-six years between CE 239, the end of Emperor Mings reign, and 265, the end of the Wei dynasty. Translated and adapted from Chavannes (1905), pp. 519-520. Pelliot adds the following information about the date and status of the text in his review: The first question to resolve was to establish clearly in which period the Weilue was composed. It is known that the author was called Yu Huan, and various indications support the late testimonies that place him under the Wei (220-265), but Mr. Chavannes is the first to base this date on a text definitely from the 8th century. This text is Shi tong of Liu Zhiji found in the [661-721], published in 710. Mr. Chavannes believes that it is unique and decisive. In fact, it is truly the only text that the Chinese bibliographers quote regarding Yu Huan that is not taken from the canonical histories. However, the fact of not coming from the official compilations, regarding material on Chinese history, does not give more authority to a work. Henceforth we will be able to call upon a text more than a hundred years older, and more reliable. It is said in the chapter on literature of the dynastic history of the Sui (581-617) that Yu Huan occupied a post of langzhong (Palace Gentleman) under the Wei 2 .
2. Sui shu, Huainan shuju edition (1871) ch. 33 folio 4 b.
After the Tang, the only title that survived, before the complete disappearance of the work, is the Weilue in 50 chapters, mentioned still Shilue of Gao Sisun in 1225 in the . Xin Zhu reports another work of Yu Huan, the Zhongwai guan , of which the title has been preserved for us in the Nanqi shu chapter dedicated to the administration. This was, without doubt, a sort of table of the metropolitan and provincial functionaries. Yu Huan is this time guanyi, but there is no doubt that it refers to the qualified as a same individual. Here again it is said that Yu Huan lived under the Wei. As the Nanji shu deals with the years 479-501, and was compiled in the first half of the 6th century, we have in this passage new evidence, 100 years previous to the Shui shu, and 200 years before the Shih tong, which allows us to fix the period in which the Weilue was written in the
second third of the 3rd century. Translated and adapted from Pelliot (1906), pp. 363-364. Although the Weilue was never classed among the official or canonical histories, it has always been held in the highest regard by Chinese scholars as a unique and precious source of historical and geographical information. Pelliot notes: zashi. Mr. Chavannes Tianlue and Weilue are classed among the translates this term by historians of mixed value. I am not sure that this is the meaning. Wylie (Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 25) renders zashi by miscellaneous and perhaps he was right. The term tsa mixed could apply here to the nature of the subjects dealt with, which are various, and not to the greater or lesser knowledge or talent which the author would have to prove. Translated and adapted from Pelliot (1906), p. 362, n. 2. [Note: The ABC p. 1230, defines as an unofficial
history.]
Since the time of Chavannes and Pelliot, there has been almost a century of scholarship devoted to various aspects of the text by scholars from many countries. Recent archaeological finds, and research on other key texts, notably the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, and the chapters on the Western Regions in the Shiji, the Hanshu, and the Hou Hanshu, have helped to throw light on this difficult but important work. In spite of all this attention, many place-names in the text remain unidentified (or the identification is not convincing), and some sections of the routes outlined in the text have remained unclear. This is especially true of the sections relating to the Roman Empire, and the sea routes between China and Egypt, where the data available is very sparse. The Weilue contains many place-names which are no longer known in Chinese and which, if left unidentified, make the trade routes, and much else besides, impossible to decipher. Local place-names frequently change, and the ancient names of places are often long forgotten. Nor are we certain of the local pronunciations in the second and third centuries CE. As in English, the Chinese sometimes used descriptive names, such as Salt Lake, or Red Valley, and, at other times, literal translations of foreign names. The pronunciation of words change over time, as do the pronunciations of the Chinese characters that have been used to transcribe them. The Han transcriptions of the sounds of local place-names often amount to little more than rough approximations. Sometimes syllables were dropped, sometimes the pronunciations were drastically altered, particularly as certain foreign phonemes did not exist in Chinese. These processes are also common in English where we find examples such as Roma transcribed as Rome (single syllable) and Paris with an iss sound at the end instead of the French ee.
It was recognised by both Hirth and Chavannes that, although the Weilue was composed during the Wei dynasty, most of the geographical information it contains, especially that on the regions to the west of the Tarim Basin, must have been collected at an earlier date. The Weilue includes much of the information on the Roman Empire already recorded in zhuan 118 of the Hou Hanshu on the Western Regions. This information seems to have been mainly based on the accounts of the Chinese envoy, Gan Ying, who had been sent by the famous Chinese General Ban Chao, Ban Yongs father, in CE 97, to the west to gather information. It has been either paraphrased from the Hou Hanshu itself, or taken from the same sources. On the other hand, much of the information on Parthia and the Roman Empire is additional to that included in the Hou Hanshu. It was presumably collected after the report of the Chinese General Ban Yong to the Emperor in, or just before, CE 125. Gan Ying got as far as the banks of the Persian Gulf but was persuaded not to go further by the Parthians. He returned to China in 101 CE. Much of this information is duplicated in the Weilue. Fan Ye, the compiler, who died in CE 445, added a few bits of later material to the Hou Hanshu (dating up to about CE 170). These include this fascinating passage: The king of this country [Da Qin] always wanted to send envoys to the Han, but Anxi (Parthia), wishing to control the trade in multi-coloured Chinese silks, blocked the route to prevent [the Romans] getting through [to China]. In the ninth Yanxi year [166 CE], during the reign of Emperor Huan, the king of Da Qin (the Roman Empire), Andun (Marcus Aurelius Antoninus), sent envoys from beyond the frontiers through Rinan (Commandery on the central Vietnamese coast), to offer elephant tusks, rhinoceros horn, and turtle shell. This was the very first time there was [direct] communication [between the two countries]. The tribute brought was neither precious nor rare, raising suspicion that the accounts [of the envoys] might be exaggerated. Hou Hanshu, ch. 118. See TWR Section 12. Much of the new information in the Weilue is very specific and quite detailed, giving distances and directions between cities, and must have been based on actual travel notes. Who supplied this information is not clear, although the routes described strongly suggest that they were mainly gathered from Arab, possibly Nabataean, traders. However, the many references to Anxi (Parthia) indicate that the information in the Weilue on the Roman Empire and Parthia must date from before the collapse of the Parthians and the founding of the Sasanian Empire in 224 CE. Indications in the text strongly suggest that the information on Parthia and the Roman Empire was gathered after the accession of Meredat to the throne of Mesene/Characene (i.e. sometime after CE 116), and before the fall of
Sura on the Euphrates (along with the whole region between Dura-Europos and Edessa), to the Romans in CE 164-165. Wherever possible, the information in the Weilue has been checked with that of the 1st century Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. This work can now be confidently dated to between 40 and 70 CE and, most probably, between CE 40 and 50. See: Fussman (1991); Robin (1991); and Casson (1989): pp. 6-7.
Background Reading
To gain background on the period, and especially of the trade between the Roman Empire and the Orient, the Weilue can be read alongside the following texts: the Shiji [Shih-chi] by Sima Qian [Szu-ma Chien], particularly chapter 123 on Dayuan [Ta-yan] which covers up to the end of the 2nd century BCE. See the very readable translation in: Watson, Burton, 1961, II: 264-289. the chapters on the Western Countries (zhuan 61 and 96) of the Hanshu which covers the period 125 BCE to 23 CE (translated and amply annotated by Hulsew and Loewe in China in Central Asia, 1979) . (Covers 125 BCE to CE 23) the chapter on the Western Regions (zhuan 118), of the Hou Hanshu (23 CE to late 2nd century, with most of the information on distant countries dating prior to 125 CE): See the 2nd edition of the annotated translation of my The Western Regions According to the Hou Hanshu (abbreviated as TWR in this work), which is freely available on the Silk Road Seattle website: http://depts.washington.edu/uwch/silkroad/texts/ hhshu/hou_han_shu.html the chapter on Chinese expansion into the Tarim Basin (zhuan 77) of the Hou Hanshu (French translation by Chavannes in Toung pao 7, 1906, pp. 149-234). (1st and early 2nd century CE). (I hope to make an English translation of these biographies available soon.) the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (c. 40-50 CE). See the excellent translation (from H. Frisk 1927 with up-dates and improvements) with the Greek text and extensive notes by Lionel Casson: The Periplus Maris Erythraei. (1989), Princeton, Princeton University Press. Also still useful is William H. Schoffs 1912 translation: The Periplus of the Erythran Sea. Wilfred H. Schoff. New York, Longmans, Green, and Co. Second Edition. Reprint, New Delhi, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation. 1974. The main text from the earlier translation by Schoff is now fortunately available to all on this website, although one should
still consult both his book and Cassons more recent one for their useful commentaries. the Naturalis historia by Pliny the Elder - completed, except for finishing touches, in 77 CE. For a full translation see: Natural History. Pliny the Elder (77 CE). Translation by W. H. S. Jones, Loeb Classical Library, London/Cambridge, Mass. (1961). For a widely available, readable and useful selection see: Natural History A Selection. Pliny the Elder (77 CE). Translated by John F. Healy, London, Penguin Books. (1991). the Geography by Ptolemy completed c. 150 CE. The only available English translation is by Edward Luther Stevenson in Geography of Claudius Ptolemy. Reprint New York: Dover Publications, Inc. 1991. It is, unfortunately, full of mistakes. Additionally the Greek names have been Romanized, which often makes identifications unnecessarily difficult. I have not included maps with this translation but strongly recommend having a good atlas at hand while reading the book. Some of the maps available on the Silk Road Seattle website will also prove helpful, especially the detailed map showing the main routes across the Tarim Basin and the one accompanying the Schoffs translation of The Periplus of the Erythran Sea. Interactive maps and much additional information may be accessed at the following sites: http:// www.fas.harvard.edu/~chgis/chgis_home.html, and http:// www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~chgis/tools/
especially those in areas controlled at times by the Chinese. Sometimes there are mistakes in the distances given in the text. This may be because it is not clear exactly where the ancient route went between two points (or which of several alternatives was used). Occasionally, especially over longer distances, the figures given are obviously widely inaccurate. All other conversions of Chinese measurements are based on the values calculated by Wan Kuo-ting for the Qin [Chin] and Han periods as described by A. F. P. Hulsew in Toung pao Archives, Vol. XLIX, Livre 3, 1961: 206-207. The main administrative divisions of the Han Empire were the jun wangguo kingdoms. These were commanderies (or provinces) and xian counties, xsiang districts, and li wards. subdivided into Some Chinese words have no exact equivalent in English. One such example is the word cheng, which literally translates as walled town, but it was also used for large towns that were not walled. It is sometimes rendered city, but only a handful of the cheng mentioned in the Weilue would be large enough to be called a city in our age of megalopolises. Most of them were what we would think of as country towns or provincial centres. I have translated the word simply as town and leave it to the reader to add the nuances according to the context. guo is used to refer to entities ranging from tiny fiefdoms Similarly, or even villages to entire empires and can be translated as kingdom, fief, nation, state, country, or empire. I have translated it as kingdom, unless the context specifically indicates otherwise, as most of these territories seem to have had a hereditary system of rulers at this period. xiyu rather than the usual I have used Western Regions for the term translation as Western Countries. I emphasize that xiyu is sometimes used in the specific sense of the kingdoms actually controlled by China on the routes to the west of China Proper (the Inner region the land within the Wall), and sometimes in the far more general sense of all countries to the west of China. The character du is frequently translated as capital in spite of the fact that there are many examples of more than one du existing in a single state. Additionally, Dubs (1938), p. 28, n. 2, says that in ancient times it referred to a large walled city. I have, therefore usually translated this word as major centre or large town. Sometimes the Weilue designates a town as a wangzhi which translates literally as the kings chief town or residence and this is much closer to the concept of capital as we use it today, so I have translated it variously as the (kings) capital, or the kings residence. In one place in Section 11, just after referring to the fact that Rome controlled hundreds of minor kings, the text becomes more specific, using the term wangsuozhi cheng which can be translated as the kings centre of administration city, which I have rendered: the kings administrative capital i.e. Rome itself. See note 11.25.
Territories referred to as Han, Tianzhu (India), Anxi (Parthia), or Da Qin (Rome) were sometimes used very specifically for the home territory, but often far more loosely for territories controlled by, or tributary to, the main seat of power. Thus, in the Hou Hanshu, we find references to the King of Da Qin (that is, the king of Rome) and, at the same time, subject territories such as Egypt, or the Roman Orient, are also referred to simply as Da Qin.
These are now the two tribes of Anyi (Peaceful Yi) and Fuyi (Governed Yi).17 A Military Protector manages the region.18 As to those who behaved wisely, (the Chinese Government) left them their place on the borders of Tianshui19 and Nanan.20 These are the ones who are now dependants of Guangwei Commandery.21 Their customs and language are not like those of the Middle Kingdom, but similar to those of the Qiang22 and several Hu peoples.23 Each person has a family name, like the family names of the Middle Kingdom. They prefer blue and deep red clothes. They are commonly skilled at weaving cloth; they are good farmers; they breed and rear pigs, oxen, horses, donkeys, and mules. When a woman marries, she wears a renlu24 that, in the way that it is trimmed and decorated, sometimes resembles the renlu of the Qiang, and sometimes the tunic of the Middle Kingdom. All braid their hair. Many of them know the language of the Middle Kingdom because they have lived in the Middle Kingdom and mixed among the people. Nevertheless, when they return to their tribes they naturally speak the Di language. Their marriage (customs) resemble those of the Qiang. These are, in fact, the people who were previously called the Western Rong,1 and now live in Jie,25 Ji,26 and Huandao.27 Although, at present, the fiefdoms28 are administered by the (Chinese) commanderies and kingdoms,29 previously they had their own kings and feudal princes living in (now) empty villages. They also had more than ten thousand (people) living in the region of Wudu,30 and in the neighbourhood of Yinping31 and Jie.32
Their tribes have progressively increased until they number several tens of thousands of men. They are not the same as the eastern tribes, who are the Xianbi.8 They are not all of one race. There are Dahu,9 Dingling,10 and also quite a large number of Qiang living among them. This is because they were originally slaves of the Xiongnu. During the period (at the end) of the Han and (the beginning) of the Wei [circa 220 CE], one of their great chiefs was named Tantuo.11 After he died, some great chiefs, descendants of his, were living to the south near the frontier of Lingju (Prefecture) in Guangwei (Commandery).12 There was Tugui13 who came (to invade our territory), and rebelled several times. He was killed by (the Prefect of) Liangzhou. Now there is (the chief named) Shaoti.14 Sometimes these tribes come to submit, sometimes they withdraw in hiding. They often make trouble on the routes to the western provinces.15
At this time the kingdoms numbered thirty-six. Later they split into more than fifty. From the Jianwu period [CE 25-55] to our time, they have torn each other to pieces, and destroyed one another, and now they number twenty.2 There were previously two roads, but now there are three3 , which go to the Western Regions from Dunhuang and the Yumen guan (Jade Gate Frontier Post)4 : [1] Heading west from the Yumen (Jade Gate) Frontier Post, and passing through (the territory of) the Chuo Qiang (Disobedient Qiang) ,5 one turns west to pass over the Congling (the Pamirs),6 and through the Xuandu (the Hanging Passages in northern Hunza),7 to enter (the territory of) the Da Yuezhi (Kushans).8 This is the Southern Route.9 [2] Heading west from the Yumen (Jade Gate) Frontier Post, leaving the Dadu jing (The Protector Generals Well),10 turning around the northern end of the Sanlongsha (Three Sand Ridges),10 one passes by the Julu cang (Depot Dwellings).12 Then, on leaving the Shaxi jing (West-of-the-Sand Well),13 and turning northwest, passing by the Longdui (Dragon Dunes),14 one arrives at ancient Loulan15 and, turning west, goes to Qiuci (Kucha),16 and on to the Congling (Pamir) mountains. This is the Central Route.17 [3] Heading northwest from Yumen (Jade Gate) Frontier Post, passing through Hengkeng (East-West Gully = the Bsh-toghrak Valley),18 one avoids the Sanlongsha (Three Sand Ridges)11 as well as the Longdui (Dragon Dunes),14 and emerges to the north of Wuchuan (Five Boats)19 and arrives in the territory of Jushi at Gaochang (47 km SE of Turfan),20 which is the residence of the Mao (Wu) and Ji Colonel (in charge of the agricultural garrisons).21 Then it turns to the west and rejoins the Central Route to Qiuci (Kucha). This is the New Route.22 [Note that there is also a New Route of the North outlined below in Section
10].
Previous historians have already described the products of the Western Territories in detail; therefore, I will now be brief.
the kingdom of Loulan (north of Lop Nor),5 which are all dependencies of Shanshan (Lop Nor and surrounds).6 the kingdom of Ronglu (4 marches south of Jingjue or Niya),7 the kingdom of Hanmi (Keriya),8 the kingdom of Qule (south of Keriya),9 and the kingdom of Pikang (modern Pishan or Guma),10 which are all dependencies of Yutian (Khotan).11 the kingdom of Jibin (Gandhra- Kapisha),12 the kingdom of Daxia (Bactria),13 the kingdom of Gaofu (Kabul),14 and the kingdom of Tianzhu (Northern India),15 which are all dependencies of the Da Yuezhi (Kushans).16
,15 biqiu (bhiksu an ordained monk),16 chenmen (Guardian of the Gate),17 which are all terms for disciples. The Buddhas [teachings] are related to, but different than, the scriptures of Lao Zi of the Middle Kingdom. Indeed, it is believed (by the Taoists) that Lao Zi left the passes and, heading west, crossed the Western Regions to Tianzhu (Northern India), where he taught the Hu (Westerners).18 There are, altogether, twenty-nine titles for disciples of the Buddha, which I am not able to give in detail, so I have summarised them as above.19
you travel west from Da Qin (Roman territory) to reach the place where the sun sets.3
mouths, bind and then free themselves, and juggle twelve balls with extraordinary skill.17 The ruler of this country is not permanent. When disasters result from unusual phenomena, they unceremoniously replace him, installing a virtuous man as king, and release the old king, who does not dare show resentment.18 The common people are tall and virtuous like the Chinese, but wear hu (Western) clothes. They say they originally came from China, but left it.19 They have always wanted to communicate with China but, Anxi (Parthia), jealous of their profits, would not allow them to pass (through to China).20 The common people can write in hu (Western) script.21 They have multistoreyed public buildings and private; (they fly) flags, beat drums, (and travel in) small carriages with white roofs, and have a postal service with relay sheds and postal stations, like in the Middle Kingdom (China). From Anxi (Parthia) you go around Haibei (North of the Sea the lands between Babylonia and Jordan) to reach this country.22 The people (of these countries) are connected to each other. Every 10 li (4.2 km) there is a ting (relay shed or changing place), and every 30 li (12.5 km) there is a zhi (postal station).23 There are no bandits or thieves, but there are fierce tigers and lions that kill those travelling on the route. If you are not in a group, you cannot get through.24 This country (Rome) has installed dozens of minor kings. The kings administrative capital (Rome) is more than 100 li (42 km) around.25 There is an official Department of Archives. The king has five palaces at 10 li (4.2 km) intervals. He goes out at daybreak to one of the palaces and deals with matters until sunset and then spends the night there. The next day he goes to another palace and, in five days makes a complete tour. They have appointed thirty-six leaders who discuss events frequently.26 If one leader does not show up, there is no discussion. When the king goes out for a walk, he always orders a man to follow him holding a leather bag. Anyone who has something to say throws his or her petition into the bag. When he returns to the palace, he examines them and determines which are reasonable.27 They use glass to make the pillars and table utensils in the palaces.28 They manufacture bows and arrows. They divide the various branch principalities of their territory into small countries such as that of the king of Zesan (Azania?),29 the king of Lfen (Leucos Limen),30 the king of Qielan (Wadi Sirhan),31 the king of Xiandu
(Leuk Kom),32 the king of Sifu (Petra),33 (and that of) the king of Yuluo (Karak).34 There are so many other small kingdoms it is impossible to give details on each one.
Product List12
Note: The translator has added the numbering in brackets for the convenience of the reader in checking the notes on the various items. For information on any of the items mentioned in the list, please click on the blue superscript No. 12 after Product List above, and then scroll down the page of notes until you come to the number you are looking for. For instance, if you want to check the notes on tin, scroll down until you reach note number 12.12 (6).
Da Qin (the Roman Empire) has plenty of: (1) gold (2) silver (3) copper (4) iron (5) lead (6) tin (7) divine tortoises tortoises used for divination (8) white horses with red manes (9) fighting cocks (10) rhinoceroses (11) sea turtle shell (12) black bears (13) red hornless (or immature) dragons (which produced the famous dragons blood resin) (14) poison-avoiding rats = mongooses (15) large cowries (16) mother-of-pearl (17) carnelian (18) southern gold (19) kingfisher feathers (20) ivory (21) coloured veined jade (22) bright moon pearls
(23) luminescent pearls or pearl-like jewels (probably large diamonds) (24) genuine white pearls (25) yellow amber (26) (red) coral (27) ten varieties of glass: red, white, black, green, yellow, blue-green, dark blue, light blue, fiery red, purple (28) a magnificent jade (29) white carnelian? (30) rock crystal or transparent glass (31) various semi-precious gems (32) realgar (33) orpiment (34) nephrite (35) multicoloured jade or gemstone (36) ten sorts of wool rugs: yellow, white, black, green, purple, fiery red, deep red, dark blue, golden yellow, light blue and back to yellow (37) finely patterned multicoloured wool carpets (38) nine colours of multicoloured lower quality wool carpets (kilims rather than knotted carpets?) (39) gold threaded embroidery (40) polychrome (warp twill) fine silk or chiffon (41) woven gold cloth (42) purple chi cloth (43) falu cloth (44) purple chiqu cloth (45) asbestos cloth (46) fine silk gauze cloth
(47) shot silk, clinging cloth or cloth with swirling patterns? (48) dudai cloth (49) cotton-wool cloth? (50) multicoloured tao cloth (51) crimson curtains woven with gold (52) multicoloured spiral curtains? (53) yiwei (54) myrrh (55) storax (56) diti (57) rosemary a (58) probably dh an incense made from the resin of the Indian Sal tree. (59) bai fuzi lit. white aconite but it is not clear what plant this refers to here. See notes. (60) frankincense (61) turmeric, saffron or tulips (62) rue oil (63) Oriental lovage Lysimachia foenum-graecum Hance Altogether (they have) twelve types of aromatic plants.13
In early times only the maritime routes (to Da Qin) were discussed because they didnt know there were overland routes.7
then head west 3,000 li (1,247 km) to go to Qielan (Wadi Sirhan).3 The route leaves south of the river (the Rd-i Kor), only then do you head west.4 From Qielan (Wadi Sirhan) you again travel west 600 li (250 km) to the kingdom of Sifu (Petra).5 The Southern Route joins (this east-west route) at Sifu (Petra). Also, (a route) goes southwest to the kingdom of Xiandu (Aynnah).6 Due south from Qielan (Wadi Sirhan) and Sifu (Petra) is Jishi (Rock Piles).7 To the south of Jishi (Rock Piles) there is a big sea (the Red Sea) which produces coral and pearls.8 North of Qielan (Wadi Sirhan), Sifu (Petra), Sibin (Susa)9 and Aman (Ariana) 10 there is a mountain range (the Taurus mountains)11 running east to west. East of both Da Qin (Roman territories) and Haixi (= Egypt)11 there is a mountain range (the Jibl ash Sharh Range or Mount Seir)12 running north to south.
Northeast of Siluo (Sura)1 you again cross over a river (the Euphrates). The kingdom of Siluo (Sura) is subject to Anxi (Parthia), and it borders on Da Qin (Roman territory).
Section 25 The Kingdom of Liu (Turkestan? Kzyl-Orda?), Yan (north of Yancai), and Yancai (= the Alans between the Black and Caspian Seas).
Then there is the kingdom of Liu (between Kangju and Yancai?),1 the kingdom of Yan (to the north of Yancai),2 and the kingdom of Yancai (between the Black and Caspian Seas),3 which is also called Alan.4 They all have the same way of life as those of Kangju. To the west, they border Da Qin (Roman territory), to the southeast they border Kangju (Tashkent plus the Chu, Talas, and middle Jaxartes basins). These kingdoms have large numbers of their famous sables.5 They raise cattle and move about in search of water and fodder. They are close to a big marsh (to the northeast and north of the Aral Sea).6 Previously they were vassals of Kangju (Tashkent plus the Chu, Talas, and middle Jaxartes basins). Now they are no longer vassals.7
Section 28 The Kingdom of Dingling (Around Lake Baikal and on the Irtish River)
The kingdom of Dingling is north of Kangju (Tashkent plus the Chu, Talas, and middle Jaxartes basins).1 They have 60,000 men able to bear arms. They produce famous sable pelts,2 as well as white and blue Arctic fox pelts.3 Of these three states Jiangun (the Kirghiz in the region of Omsk?), is the central one. It is 7,000 li (2,911 km) from the court of the Chanyu (Shah)4 of the Xiongnu (which was close to modern Ulan Bator) on the Anxi River (Juul Gol?). It is 5,000 li (2,080 km)5 south to the six kingdoms of Jushi;6 3,000 li (1,247 km) southwest to go to the frontier of Kangju (Tashkent plus the Chu, Talas, and middle Jaxartes basins); 8,000 li (3,326 km) west to go to the capital of the king of Kangju. It was thought that perhaps these Dingling were the Dingling to the north of the Xiongnu (around Lake Baikal), but the Northern Dingling are west of Wusun (and north of Kangju), and it seems they are of another race. Furthermore, north of the Xiongnu (near modern Ulan Bator) is the kingdom of Hunyu, the kingdom of Qushi, the kingdom of Dingling, the kingdom of the Gekun, and the kingdom of the Xinli.7 It is known that if you go south from Bei Hai (Northern Sea = Lake Baikal) you find the Dingling again. They are not the same as the Dingling to the west of the Wusun (Issyk-kol and Semirechiye).8 The Wusun elders say that north of the Dingling is the kingdom of Majing (Horses Shanks). These men make sounds like startled wild geese. From above the knee, they have the body and hands of a man, but below the knees, they grow hair, and have horses legs and hooves. They dont ride horses as they can run faster than horses. They are brave, strong, and daring fighters.9