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How Japan Can Lastly Say No In 1990, the controversial right-wing Governor of Tokyo, Ishihara Shintaro, published The

Japan That can Say No: Why Japan Will probably be Initial Among Equals. Almost 20 years later, many Japanese are nonetheless pondering if or when Japan can say no to the United States, the target of Ishiharas book. Since the finish of Globe War II (WWII), Japan has worked closely with the United States on problems of East Asian security. Still, if America is not careful in addressing Japanese concerns, especially in regard to North Korea, this may produce a tipping point in U.S. Japanese relations, where Tokyo significantly breaks with Washington more than foreign policy. Numerous within the Japanese government have long wanted to take a tougher line with North Korea. Some hardliners have even suggested a full remilitarization of Japan, including nuclear capability. Even though the majority of the population is still antinuclear and support keeping the military (SDF) as a defense force, the percentage of those who do is declining yearly. This also reflects the growing number of Japanese who no longer really feel burdened with the legacy of Globe War II Japanese Imperialism or the necessity of an American security umbrella. In Asia, Japans military funding is second only to Chinas. Its also highly regarded internationally, especially for its naval capabilities. Presently, the SDF has about 240,000 uniformed troops. Due to constitutional restrictions, written in by America following WWII, the Japanese military has been restricted to defensive capability only. Force projection technologies, like aircraft carriers, are prohibited. Since the first Gulf War, America has been encouraging the Japanese to push the definition of defense, not to promote an independent Japanese foreign policy, much more so to offset the costs to America in mounting these kinds of operations. Theres more to the contemporary relationship than the multi-billion dollar ballistic missile shield being put in location to prevent a possible strike by North Korea (or China). Lately, the United States and Japans' joint military trainings have focused on coordinated attacks; a skill that would be required for the Japanese to contribute to missions similar to what the U.S. has undertaken in Iraq and Afghanistan. Within the last few years, Japan has sent its navy to the Red Sea to fight pirates as part of a multinational force, to monitor North Korean missile activity, and to aid the refueling of ships within the Indian Ocean. Japan has also sent ground troops to Iraq to offer humanitarian aid. This change is partially a result of Japan having been criticized for checkbook diplomacy due to not committing troops to Desert Storm. This is a point of contention, as the Japanese government feels the war would not have already been possible without their financing. Japan has also given the second largest quantity of wartime assistance to Iraq in between 2004 and 2006 and a similarly big quantity to Afghanistan in between 2002 and 2006. North Korea On April five, 2009, the North

Korean government launched, what it claims to have been, the experimental communications satellite Kwangmyongsong-2 on an Unha-2 rocket. Because 1957, most ICBMs evolved from satellite launchers, and this too, was likely a cover for a Taepodong-2 or 3 ballistic missile test, which has the capability to strike anyplace within the Japanese archipelago. Actually, the missile flew over Japanese airspace. This was North Koreas initial long-range missile test since its two failed attempts in 2006 and 1998. North Koreas 1998 missile test prompted the UN Security Council to express concerns in an informal press statement. The 2006 tests resulted within the Security Council adopting a resolution to prohibit North Korea from conducting testing. North Koreas test was not happenstance; it was a purposeful ploy to escalate tensions. The North desires to solidify its status as a nuclear energy by demonstrating its capability to launch ballistic missiles capable of transporting a nuclear warhead. Kim Jong Il also wants to play China and Russia off against the new Obama Administration, Japan, and South Korea to acquire negotiating leverage at any renewed 6-party talks. The missile website at Tongchangri was outfitted to launch both intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBM) and satellites. It can also test launch missiles with out them flying over Japanese airspace. Instead, North Korea launched from Musudan-ri. Even though the missile test was a failure it appeared to travel further than previous missiles. The cash strapped Kim Regime also has incurred a present account deficit for 50 years. In earlier decades, the Soviet Union mainly funded these deficits, but because its collapse, China and South Korea have become its main sources of subsistence, together with U.S. currency counterfeiting; weapons sales; drug trafficking; and remittances from Japanese born Koreans (Zainichi). Kim needs these money infusions to secure the loyalty of the military and party members. Cash flows have become even worse in current years because of sanctions and also the loss of Libya and Pakistan as weapons buyers after 9-11. A Japanese newspaper, Sankei Shimbun, reported that 15 Iranians arrived in North Korea to observe the newest missile test; its likely they're possible buyers. Japan The Japanese governments response to this has been typically subdued. Japanese Prime Minister Taro Aso has said that a launch by North Korea could be a violation of United Nations resolution 1718. In the most current G20 meeting in London, he also known as for a new UN resolution against North Korea. There will also be an extension of Japanese sanctions against North Korea, which include a ban on North Korean ships entering Japanese ports and importation of all North Korean goods, as well as a crack down on bank transfers from the Zainichi community. Tokyo has also refused to join the other six-party members in supplying fuel oil to North Korea under the denuclearization-for-aid deal, citing a lack of progress on the abduction issue, North Koreans getting kidnapped Japanese citizens during the Cold War. This long-standing dispute has been a major obstacle to normalizing between Japan and North Korea. The SDF responded towards the proposed missile launch by stating that it may shoot down a rocket flying over Japanese airspace. Japans warships are equipped with Aegis

combat systems, which allow them to track and shoot down missiles, but the SDF rapidly backtracked, stating it'll only launch interceptors if debris from a failed Korean missile appears likely to hit Japanese territory. Japan fired no interceptors when the April 5th test missile few more than Southern Honshu. 1 of Tokyos greatest concerns, is that the U.S. will move to a de facto acceptance of North Koreas nuclear status, which will probably be an unacceptable position that will sour U.S. Japanese relations, as well as global nonproliferation efforts. This could be the point at which Japan might not just remilitarize but also go nuclear. The U.S. In 1994, the United States and North Korea signed a framework exactly where the North Koreans agreed to shut down their nuclear facilities and accept weapons inspections by the International Atomic Power Agency in return for normalized relations using the United States and large sums in aid and fuel from Japan, South Korea and the U.S. 15 years later, the U.S. is still trying to get North Korea to adhere to this agreement. The Japanese have created the Obama administration fully aware that Japan disagreed using the Bush Administration removing North Korea from the terrorism list and how this has complicated negotiations. Likewise, the Japanese have been informed that the U.S. will give priority towards the nuclear proliferation problem over the Japanese abduction problem. Despite this, Secretary Clinton visited with abductees families in Tokyo on her last go to. This signaled that the U.S. understood Japanese concerns, but not much else. Its widely believed in Japan that the Bush Administration engaged China at the expense of Japan, particularly when Bush visited China prior to Japan throughout his last trip to the Pacific Rim. The Obama Administration, cognizant of this, sent Secretary of State Clinton to Asia on her initial trip abroad. Stopping initial in Japan was noticed as a reaffirmation of the U.S.Japan alliance. This act was supposedly confirmed by the subsequent go to of Prime Minister Taro Aso to the United States, but many Japanese complained that the go to received small with the usual fan fair, citing this as a show of disrespect to Japan. A Possible Future North Korea has repeatedly violated Japanese airspace; purposefully imports illegal drugs into Japan; admitted to abducting Japanese citizens from Japanese soil; and has created a number of military threats against Japan. Within the newest round of threats, North Korea stated that the Korean Peoples Army will mercilessly deal deadly blows not just at the already deployed intercepting indicates but at main targets [in Japan, and so on.]. If any nation behaved this way toward the United States it would undoubtedly be regarded as a provocation deserving of an immediate and severe military response. Japan ought to not just have to be content to follow Americas lead. Japan can say, No! The very best method to do this is to make it immediately clear that the SDF will shoot down any missile that violates Japanese airspace which comes from North Korea, simply because its a violation of previous UN resolutions. Japan should not ask permission to protect its citizens and the territorial integrity of its nation, America; Russia; and China certainly would not. Throughout the presidential campaign, Barack Obama

stated that he expected North Korea to live up to the terms previously agreed on or harsh actions would be taken in addition to current sanctions. Japan should hold Obama to this promise by pressuring America to do two things. Firstly, the U.S. ought to insist that the UN Security Council adopt a new resolution which makes sanctions mandatory and authorizes military enforcement be taken if North Korea continues its present course. Any sanctions will probably be useless if Russia and China dont approve. It is highly unlikely the U.S. and Japan will probably be able to acquire the cooperation of Russia and China, because both are hesitant to say that the test violates any UN resolutions, due to Pyongyangs claim of a satellite launch. Regardless of this, the U.S. should at least make the effort. Second, any Six-Party Talks agreements must include an agreement by North Korea to set up a joint committee with Japan to reinvestigate the abductions of Japanese citizens in return for Japan lifting its sanctions. The Japanese have the leverage to do so; the only question is if the Japanese leadership has the will. Japans leverage is due to the fact that the United States needs Japan. The U.S. requirements Japan to contribute to its triangulation technique involving the Indian and Australian navies, an try to check Chinas ambitions in the Pacific and Indian Oceans. Japan can hurt the U.S. by giving much more weight to Chinas wish to make use of IMF SDRs as a true international reserve currency to replace the dollar. Japan can also threaten to decrease its American military presence, particularly in Okinawa. Japan can threaten to sell particular military technologies that it produces to China and Russia. Lastly, Japan could threaten to go nuclear if it feels the U.S. isnt adequately promoting its national security interests in regard to North Korea. For Japans component, it ought to do much more to establish an independent international personality, outside the financial realm. The Japanese can accomplish this by modifying their constitution through a campaign targeting Japanese national pride, so that they are able to commit much more troops to UN Peacekeeping operations. They should function much more closely with China and serve as a gobetween for Washington and Beijing. They will have more room to negotiate with China when they've a true military energy status more independent from the U.S. This leverage may be used to gain a concession from China on Japans ascension to the U.N. Security Council, but in return Japan must stop blocking higher Chinese participation in various international financial groups. If Japan desires to be a leader in Asia it must speak for Asia and not just expect Washingtons Asia policy to be synonymous with Washingtons Japanese policy. Lastly, Japan ought to publicly call for the formation of an international historical truth and reconciliation council of East and Southeast Asian (and possibly neutral Western) historians to make an authoritative report on Japans role in WWII. Whatever the final report says, Japan should adopt as their official history, to finally lay this problem to rest and clear the road for Japans remilitarization. If Japan does these issues they will successfully be able to normalize themselves as a nation. Will the Japanese government have the fortitude to exploit this opportunity and lastly say, No?

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