Word Searches in NNS: NS Interaction: Opportunities for Language Learning? Author(s): Catherine E.

Brouwer Source: The Modern Language Journal, Vol. 87, No. 4 (Winter, 2003), pp. 534-545 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the National Federation of Modern Language Teachers Associations Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1192802 Accessed: 12/10/2008 13:50
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Searches in NNS-NS Word Interaction: Opportunities for Language Learning?

CATHERINEE. BROUWER Instituteof Language and Communication Denmark University Southern of 55 Campusvej DK 5230 OdenseM Denmark Email: rineke@language.sdu.dk A substantial portion of second language acquisition research focuses on interactional practices in which nonnative speakers (NNSs) engage. From various theoretical viewpoints, it is assumed that certain types of interactional practices, specifically those in which participants focus on linguistic form, may promote language learning. The question of whether, and under which conditions, such sequences can be seen as providing the NNS with language learning opportunities, is considered in a purely data-driven way, applying conversation analysis (CA) as a method. The article considers one specific type of interactional practice, "word search" sequences, and opportunities for language learning that they may provide for NNSs on the basis of naturally occurring interactions between native speakers of Danish and Dutch speakers of Danish. It is argued that in order to distinguish between "language learning opportunities" and other types of interactional practices, the researcher needs to analyze the data in detail. SEVERAL RESEARCHPARADIGMS SECOND IN language acquisition (SLA) see interaction, in a broad sense, as a prime source of data for the study of language learning. Such paradigms occur in sociocultural theory, studies on input modification, and Focus on Form; they are also found in certain studies based on functional and pragmatic approaches, sociolinguistics, communication strategies, and conversation analysis (CA). These paradigms are methodologically and theoretically diverse, and researchers analyze interactions for various reasons. In paradigms relying on sociolinguistics, sociocultural theory, CA, and ethnography, and, to some degree, in functional approaches, researchers work with data that are as naturally occurring as possible, whereas, for reasons of comparison or other requirements in the research design, other paradigms are forced to work with elicited interactions. However, researchers in all of the above-mentioned paradigms
TheModernLanguageJournal 87, iv, (2003) 0026-7902/02/534-545 $1.50/0 ?2003 TheModernLanguageJournal

seek to describe interaction as a central constituent in the acquisition of a second language (L2). There is, from various theoretical viewpoints, little doubt that interactions involving at least one nonnative speaker (NNS) are worth studying in order to shed light on the issue of L2 learning. Researchers from the different paradigms focus on a variety of interactional practices that somehow seem remarkable because they may advance L2 learning. Roughly, one can distinguish between two ways of regarding interactional practices as beneficial for L2 acquisition. According to one view, participation in extensive and varied types of sociocultural practice is the source of language development. This view sees language essentially as a social process, and L2 acquisition (often referred to as "L2 learning"-see Donato, 2000, for a discussion) is seen as a socioconstructional process. Often, the types of interactional practices that are considered are those in which learners in some way are assisted by peers, teachers, or native speakers (NSs). They are discussed in terms of scaffolding or mediation (e.g. Donato, 1994, 2000; Ohta, 2000a, 2000b; and Swain,

Catherine Brouwer E. 2000). In another view, based on Long's interaction hypothesis (Long, 1981), specific practices stand out as particularly interesting because they seem to "provide important information about L2 form-function relationships" (Long & Robinson, 1998, p. 23) and, therefore, they may advance L2 acquisition. This view sees language as the linguistic system and L2 acquisition as the process of incorporating this system into the individual's mental structure. Practices in interaction, considered from this view, are defined in a broad way, such as Focus on Form (Doughty & Williams, 1998; Long & Robinson; Williams, 2001), negotiation of meaning (Long, 1983), recasts (Lyster, 1998), or negative evidence (Long, Inagaki, & Ortega, 1998). In this article, I consider the contribution of specific types of sequences in interaction to L2 acquisition in a purely data-driven way. One can identify sequences in naturally occurring interaction in which participants focus on some formal linguistic aspect of the language, as for example, phonemes (Brouwer, forthcoming). These sequences correspond to what researchers have described for classroom interaction as Focus on Form-the participants take a time out from the communicative business in which they are engaged to deal with a matter of linguistic form. Although NNSs are evidently instructed in and practice a linguistic form, the central issue in relation to these sequences (and to research on Focus on Form, negotiation of meaning, recasts, and the like) would be whether they actually learn from them. Obtaining empirical evidence for this would not be easy and would require at least large quantities of data. A question that should be considered beforehand, however, is whether, and under which conditions, sequences in which participants focus on particular linguistic forms count as language learning opportunities. In other words, which exactly are the features of such sequences that, in Long and Robinson's terms, "provide important information about L2 form-function relationships" and, as such, have the potential to promote language learning. The relevance of this question lies in the fact that sequences in which participants focus on linguistic form may, at some level, have certain features in common, but because they occur in a wide variety of contexts, they may serve different purposes. As a prerequisite for locating learning at a precise point in interaction, it needs to be shown that these sequences actually have the potential to advance language acquisition. This article concentrates on a specific type of

535 interactional practice, in which the participants focus on lexical items: word searches.As a preliminary definition, word searches can be described as cases where a speaker in interaction displays trouble with the production of an item in an ongoing turn at talk. Often, the display of trouble will be a phrase like: "what'sit called," "whatchamacallit," "what's her name again?" or the like. Word searches (or lexical searches), Hammarberg (1998) notes, are remarkable with regard to L2 learning in interactions because one could assume that they "constitute crucial moments in the learner's acquisition of target language structure" (p. 178). However, this is no more than an assumption. In this article, this is taken up as a research question: Do word search sequences provide opportunities for language learning? I argue that, on the basis of their architecture, one can distinguish between the word search sequences that can and those that cannot be identified as learning opportunities. Moreover, some sequences that on the surface do not even look like word search sequences may turn out to be word search sequences that are language learning opportunities. The article analyzes word searches with regard to language learning, applying CA as a methodology. The data stem from a transcribed, 6.5-hour corpus of audio-taped, naturally occurring conversations between Danes and Dutch speakers of Danish (see Appendix A for transcription conventions). From this corpus, a collection of 122 excerpts that appeared to be relevant for the analysis of word searches was built and analyzed in detail. The excerpts presented are representative of the types of word searches found in the corpus. WORD SEARCHESAND LEXICAL ACQUISITION Most of the research on lexical acquisition focuses on lexical processing, lexical representation, or both and is based on written texts or tests (e.g., Barcroft, 2001; Bogaards, 2001; de Bot, Paribakht, & Wesche, 1997; Haastrup & Henriksen, 2000; Liu & Shaw, 2001). A smaller number of studies, however, addresses what may happen in contexts where a learner needs to express something and has difficulty doing so; the majority of these studies belong to the research body on communication strategies (Kasper & Kellerman, 1997; Kellerman & Bialystok, 1997; Poulisse, 1997a). Now in most of this research, the argu-

536 ment is that communication strategies are a problem-solving activity. Describing lexical strategic competence, Kasper and Kellerman (1997) suggested that researchers should look at these strategies under a specific condition in communication: This conditionis one wherea speakerwishesto label
a concept for which she does not have the lexical resources, or where these resources are available but cannot be recalled, or where available and retrievable resources cannot be used successfully because of contextual constraints. (p. 8)

TheModernLanguageJournal87 (2003) RELEVANTIDENTITIES The treatment of communication by a NNS as a priori extraordinary is a common problem in L2 acquisition research and has been debated in the past several years (Firth & Wagner, 1997; Gass, 1998; Hall, 1997; Kasper, 1997; Long, 1997; Poulisse, 1997b). In short, Firth and Wagner argued that the issue of the NNS as a learner is, in many studies, taken for granted. Despite the fact that NNSs are learners and see themselves as learners, the issue is whether that category, for a specific communicative practice and the analysis of it, is a relevant category. People have a variety of potentially relevant identities simultaneously. However, not all of these identities are relevant at all points in all of their interactions. Taking the relevance of the identities as learner or NNS for granted is problematic in three ways:First, many interactions or parts of interactions with a NNS may take place in a fashion that equals NS-NS interaction, despite the fact that there may be (linguistic) errors in the NNS talk (Rasmussen & Wagner, 2000). Second, more specifically, even those sequences that address trouble in the exchange may be parallel to similar sequences in NS talk-after all, even NSs address trouble in their interactions, at times even linguistic trouble. Third, although some interaction sequences may be identified as sequences where the NNSs and their interlocutors display that the NNSs' identity as NNSs is relevant, this does not mean that such sequences can automatically be considered as acquisition attempts. The issue, then, is, how practices that are related to the identity of NNSs as the participants can be distinguished from those that are not. A CONVERSATIONANALYTICAPPROACH TO WORD SEARCHES The issue of relevant identities is predominant in CA research, which has shown how participants in an interaction position themselves and others in the social-constructional context of their interaction. In CA, this is treated in terms of the observable orientation this context-that is, to "whattheir interaction is about and their relevant biographies and institutional identities in that particular situation" (Wilson, 1991, p. 22). As is argued in CA, relevant identities, rather than being a given, are maderelevant, or "oriented to" in the interaction. Often in subtle ways, but noticeable to other participants, participants show each other which social categories are relevant for the interaction in progress. When such an orienta-

All three categories may apply to word searches. Interestingly, the distinction between the categories is based not on the observable features of the communication strategy, but on the supposed motive for a communication strategy: Lexical items may be unavailable, lexical items may be irretrievable, or the context may call for a communication strategy. Researchers have mainly regarded communication strategies as indicative of gaps in the learner's lexical knowledge. Some researchers (e.g., Hammarberg, 1998) even claim that lexical communication strategies are cases of acquisition attempts; a gap in the lexical knowledge of the learner is being filled. Although other researchers study communication strategies in order to build taxonomies of communication strategies (Yule & Tarone, 1997), a number of researchers accordingly presume that word searches and the like indicate a gap in the learner's knowledge, on the basis of a supposed motivation having to do with the identity of the learner as a L2 learner (Hammarberg, 1998; Kasper & Kellerman, 1997; Kellerman & Bialystok, 1997; Poulisse, 1997a). As pointed out more generally for L2 learning in Firth and Wagner (1997), specific types of interactional practices are not necessarily indicative of gaps in the learner's knowledge of the L2. In this article, I analyze word searches on the basis of their observable features in order to clarify whether they are possibly indicative of the motivations characterized by Kasper and Kellerman (1997). I do not question whether lexical items sometimes are unavailable to L2 learners, nor whether learners may attempt to learn a lexical item in interactions. Nor can I deny that the analysis of instances of such strategies would shed light on L2 acquisition as such. The issue is, however, how we as analysts may distinguish between instances of NNS-related or learner-related lexical communication strategies, and those that are not NNS- or learner-related.

Catherine Brouwer E. tion to relevant social categories is demonstrated by the participants, it is made public and thus becomes available for analysis. As participants in interactions, we seem to be able, by and large, to recognize what other participants are doing and in which types of activities we are participating. This ability, in CA termed "membership knowledge," may give us a gut feeling about some sequences in a corpus of data having to do with NNS-ship, but not about others, because we rely on our own experience. For the analyst, however, a gut feeling will not do. Analysts need to account for such sequences as being the type of sequences we initially take them to be. And, because the analyst is not a participant in the interactions that are being analyzed, it may turn out that such sequences are different from what we initially took them to be, or that we can analyze them into finer categories. What I analyze in this study, then, are the particularities in word search sequences-how those sequences are built interactionally. WORD SEARCHESAS A PRACTICE In CA, unlike other fields such as psycholinguistics (Levelt, 1989), the term "wordsearch" is used to refer to an interactional practice. The object of investigation is not a cognitive or psycholinguistic process, but rather something that people regularly do in interaction; it is recognizable as such. Although each word search has its particularities, word searches as a species of social practices have several traits in common that make them distinct from other types of practices. Furthermore, because word searches seem to have a format, they can be identified by the participants in the interaction, as well as by the analyst. Moreover, participants in an interaction are able to recognize the traits of a word search sequence as it unfolds, and thereby engage in building such sequences. Word searches appear in all types of naturally occurring interaction, even between native speakers, which is one reason for not regarding them a priori as instances of L2 learning. Excerpt 1 comes from an interaction between two NSs of Danish: Excerpt 1 F=Danish female, M=Danish male 1 F un[garsk og Tfinsk l-er] Hun[garian and Finnish are] 2 M [finsk det er helt hab] il1st less [Finnish that is totallyhope] 3 F-e ungarsk og Tfin[sk] er meg Ioh ?hva er det hedder?= Hungarian and Finn[ish] are ver uh what'sit called= 4M [>jai?] [yeah] 5 F =beslaegtet related 6 M oomhoo mh

537

F starts an assertion in line 1, but gets overlapped by M. She restarts her assertion in line 3 and then starts a word search with an explicit word search marker. In this case, it is the Danish version of "whatdo you call it?"The word search marker is followed by a solution for the missing word or expression. In this excerpt, the word search item is provided by the speaker herself (henceforth referred to as "self' [see Schegloff, Jefferson & Sacks, 1977]) almost immediately after the explicit marking of the word search. The explicit marking, syntactically, has the form of a question. Interactionally, however, it does not function as a question posed to the interlocutor (henceforward referred to as "other," for any other participant than the speaker; see Schegloff, Jefferson & Sacks, 1977). The question is immediately answered by self, thus leaving no opportunity for other to provide a candidate solution. Cases like these occur regularly in my data, and I assume that they are recognizable as a routine practice. SolvingProblems In many word search formats with explicit word search markers, the immediate solution seems to be embedded in interactional problem solving. Consider the following example: Excerpt 2 V = Danish; C = Dutch. C just moved to Denmark; she is an exchange student. V is her tutor. HC0 is the acronym for a dorm. men 0hm (1.0) but uhm ha ce X der borjeg talte med en 2 ohvor var han frao HC0 therelives I spoketo someone wherewas hefrom 3 fra Po:rTtul-gal (.) from Portugal 4 det er en dreng fra PorTtuIgal it is a guyfrom Portugal 5 C mh [Serge] mh [Serge] 1V

538 6V 7V [,sa ikke sa gamm-?] (0.2) [didn't lookthat ol-] ved ikke -Ihvad han hed4lder don't knowwhat he is called

TheModernLanguageJournal87 (2003) ducing a second-best type of reference. The word search marker can, thus, be seen, first, as an account (i.e., explanation) for not having produced a name, and, second, as a cue to the recipient about what type of reference to expect as the next item. By producing the word search marker, V shows that she has trouble producing a recognizable reference. The word search marker and the solution to the word search, therefore, have an interactional function. These interactional practices do not necessarily reflect problems in speech planning, or at least not exclusively. They have a communicative function. This analysis shows a word search that is used to deal with and account for trouble of a more general kind. It suggests that word searches may appear in interaction for a variety of reasons. Moreover, even if we consider cognitive motivations for the occurrence of the word search in Excerpt 2, the lexical item 'Portugal is not a gap in V's lexical knowledge. Rather, it is a tip-of-the-tongue (TOT) phenomenon (Levelt, 1989). The issue is whether the occurrence of explicit word search markers reveals anything about L2 learning. The analysis of Excerpts 1 and 2 shows that a word search marker in itself does not necessarily indicate an opportunity for language learning. Inviting Help Explicit word search markers may be taken as requests or invitations to help. We can see how this works in the following example: Excerpt 3 J=Dutch, A=Danish. Prior conversation was about a couple who traveled to Nepal on their honeymoon. 1J in- (0.4) in 0h hvad Thedder det oih det dero bjerg inin uh what is calledthe ih this mountain (1.5) det hojeste bjerg, the highestmountain (0.8) aeh ka ikke huske det ah cannotremember it (2.0) Thvad er en bjerg i Nepal what is a mountain in Nepal (0.3) h0jeste Tbjergotop? highestmountain top

The word search marker (hvor var hanfra) in line 2 is immediately followed by a solution (fra Portugal). In line 1, which follows a 1.4 second silence, V marks the shift to a new topic. In line 2, by left dislocation of HC0, the name of a dorm, she makes a link to an earlier topic-V and C had been talking about HC0 previously. After V has uttered: "ha ce 0 der bor"(HC0 there lives) she abandons the grammatical structure that she started. At this point, it would be appropriate to give the name of a person or some other specific reference that would make the identity of a person recognizable to C. Instead, V starts a new grammatical string. By continuing with "jegtalte meden" (I spoke to someone) V shows that she is not going to produce a name, but rather some other type of reference. However, at this point, V again abandons the grammatical string that she started and produces an explicit word search marker: "hvorvar hanfra" (where was he from). V has not made this person recognizable to C. The marker is spoken in a lower volume than the preceding talk: Instead of producing a silence, which may invite C to take the floor, V shows that she is in the process of thinking (a practice referred to as "doing thinking" [Houtkoop-Steenstra, 1994, pp. 192-193]). V thus informs C that her word search marker is not to be understood as a question or request for help. V produces the projected referential immediately after the explicit marking: "fra Portugal" (from Portugal) and then restates the referential items "deter en drengfra Portuga'l (it's a guy from Portugal). At this point, the person is recognizable enough for C to produce a name, which she does in overlap with yet another reference type from V. Although V says that she does not know the name of the person, V and C have now interactionally established that they are talking about the same person. The word search marker in this excerpt is not an invitation to help, but rather a technique that is used to produce a mutually recognizable reference in otherwise problematic talk. The explicit word search marker and the immediate providing of the word search item are embedded in larger interactional problem solving. V does not use the preferred type of reference, a name (Sacks & Schegloff, 1979), but pursues a specific type of reference, namely, origin. In pursuing this reference, she communicates to C that she is pro-

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

E. Catherine Brouwer 10 A det hedde:r (0.3) det Nepalesiske bjerg. it is called theNepalesemountain 11 (0.8) 12J *nej::* no 13 (0.2) 14J a(h) Mount Everlest. In line 1, J is starting a word search with an explicit word search marker. After a 1.5 second pause, he produces what can be called a hint at or an attempt at1 a solution of the word search. In line 3, he produces an account for not providing an item himself, and in line 4, an additional hint. The trajectory shows that the participants orient to the preference for self-repair, an interactional phenomenon that is described in detail by Schegloff,Jefferson, and Sacks (1977). This study distinguishes, on the one hand, between repair initiation and repair outcome, and on the other, between 'self' and 'other.' The term 'self refers to the speaker of the trouble-source turn (TST), 'other' is anyone other than the speaker of the TST. The possibilities for the distribution of initiation and repair are thus: self-initiated self-repair, self-initiated other-repair, other-initiated self-repair, and other-initiated other-repair. As Schegloff, Jefferson and Sacks demonstrate, participants in a conversation orient to a preference for self-repair in various ways, which means that they observe a norm that both favors self-initiation over other-initiation and self-repair over other-repair. The preference can be observed in Excerpt 3, as well as in Excerpt 1 and 2. Even after the explicit marker is produced, other does not come in and provide help. In order to get help from a hearer, the speaker has to do specific work to make it clear to the hearer that he wants other to participate in the word search. As Goodwin and Goodwin (1986) put it, "This raises the possibility that rather than operating simply on the basis of a fairly general preference, participants might be able to negotiate within the activityitself the type of coparticipation it is to receive" (p. 53). We can see some of this work being done in Excerpt 3. In line 5, by saying that he cannot remember the reference, J indicates that he has given up, providing an accountfor not producing a reference term. Hinting at the solution, as in line 3 and line 9, may inform the hearer about what kind of word is being sought so that she can participate in the search. In line 7, J produces a word search marker yet again. We may suppose that these activities build to invite participation in

539 the word search. For several reasons, explicit word search markers, although they may have the form of a question, do not regularly get an answer from an other speaker. This pattern reveals the preference for self-repair rather than immediate help upon the production of an explicit word search marker. An additional indicator of this preference is the lower volume of the markers, showing that the speaker is "doing thinking" (Houtkoop-Steenstra, 1994, pp. 192-193). EXPERTISEREFERRINGTO KNOWLEDGE In order to hear an explicit word search marker as an invitation to participate in a word search, the other participant must hear enough information about the type of word that is being sought. In Excerpt 3, the information about the kind of word in line 1 is not specific: J communicates that he is searching for the name of a mountain. His hint in line 3, however, makes the search more specific: He is searching for the name of "the highest mountain." Even if it is specific, the information is not relevant for what J is going to say about Mt. Everest2-it is relevant information for the interaction because it revealsJ's supposition about C's knowledge and abilities. This display is one way speakers invite others to participate in searches. In Excerpt 3,J reveals a supposition that A has the same (common) knowledge that he has. In some cases, however, speakers display that their interlocutors are experts on some matter. The following is an example: Excerpt 4 S=Danish, B=Dutch. They are talking about the United States. 1S 2 3B 4S 5B 6B 7 8 det var ligesom mu:lighedernes la:nd (.) it wasjust like the land of opportunity det var de:r folk de emigrrede til it was there to peopletheyemigrated ja: yeah for [a] starte pa en frisk [otikkeo] in order[to] start a new right ja1 [netlop] yeah exactly ja (0.2) yeah land lme::d ode l10h:o(0.6) land with the uh ?rige mulighedeir hva sagde du om 1i0h om Tdeto rich opportunities what did you say aboutuh aboutthat

540 9 at det va:r that it was 10 S det er (nogen) muliglhedernes land (.) it was (some) land of opportunity In line 1, S is making a concluding remark about something B has been saying. In line 8, B recycles this concluding remark, but she indicates with an explicit marker in line 9 that she cannot repeat it with the exactwording. She turns explicitly to S for help, and S then provides the word search item. This word search is different from the previous examples. First, the wording of the marker ("hva sagde du om det"-what did you say about it) does not suggest that the speaker is "doing thinking": It is explicitly directed to the hearer, S. Second, the word search marker can be heard as an account for B's not providing the word search item. S offered the expression earlier in the conversation and, thus, can be seen as the author or expert. Third, the sequential structure of this word search is different from those in the first three excerpts in that there is a candidate solution before the explicit word search marker is produced. When speakers directly invite hearers to help in this way, they are orienting to the hearers' expertise. Thus, we can see that an explicit word search marker in itself is not taken as a request for help. In order to encourage others to help, speakers do specific interactional work (i.e., providing information about the item searched for, specifically addressing other speakers, and producing an account for not providing the item). REFERRINGTO LANGUAGE EXPERTISE In some cases, not only do participants solicit help from other, but they simultaneously orient to their interlocutor's expertise in the language being used. For example, they use explicit word search markers, such as 'Jeg ved ikkehvad det erpa dansk"(I don't know what it is in Danish) or "Er det dansk?" (Is it Danish?), 'Jeg ved ikke hvordan man sigerdet"(I don't know how to say it), "Hvordan siger man det?"(How does one say it?), and "Hvad siger man?" (What does one say?) These explicit markers account for the word search and, simultaneously, point to the hearer's expertise. Excerpt 5 provides an example: Excerpt 5 S=Danish, B=Dutch 1S har du hjem,lve areyou homesick 2 3 4B 5 66 7S 8B 9B

TheModernLanguage Journal 87 (2003) (0.2) nu now mm::: (0.6) afog til mm::: now and again (0.5) er det tdansk h(h)0 is thatDanish h(h)e (0.6) Tja [ ($0h] Tdet Igodt)= yeah uh that'sgood [sa:] so =Tokkey h(h) [0h0(h)]

In line 1, S asks B a question, which is not immediately answered. After a 0.2 second pause, S specifies her question by adding the word now. The short pause in line 2 is already taken by S as an indication of possible trouble. In line 4, B shows that she is going to answer the question, but that she is "doing thinking." At this point, what B does can already be heard as searching for a word. After a longer pause, there is a candidate answer, an idiomatic expression. This candidate answer is "try-marked"(Sacks & Schegloff, 1979) by questioning intonation, which shows that B does not necessarily regard it as a definitely correct answer. After another pause, B indicates why her answer is try-marked:She is not sure that it is the right expression in Danish. At the same time, this is an appeal directed at S for help. Cases like these, at first glance, seem to be clear-cut ways to provide opportunities for L2 learning: In Excerpt 5, B may learn that the expression she used is acceptable in the target language. However, first of all, only a small portion of the markers in the excerpts considered for this study have wordings that showed an orientation to language expertise (10 out of 122 excerpts). Second, these 10 excerpts have the same structure as Excerpt 5; the explicit marker is produced aftera candidate solution. This ordering poses a problem for the interpretation of these excerpts as learning sequences. In Excerpt 5, it is not clear whether "af og tir' for B was a lexical gap or whether B already had acquired this lexical item (in this light it may be important to note that the expression "afog tit' [now and then] can be literally translated from B's native Dutch "afen toe").An alternative analysis of what happens in Excerpt 5 is that B trymarks this item not because she is unsure about the appropriateness of it as a linguistic item, but because she may be unsure about what exactly S's "nu" (now) refers to, and, thus, whether her answer is appropriate. "Nu"(now) could be under-

E. Catherine Brouwer stood as "now that you are in Denmark" or, alternatively, "as we are speaking," and although B's answer would be appropriate in relation to the first meaning of "nu,"it would not be appropriate in relation to the second meaning. The fact that S does not react right away may indicate that B's answer in some way is inappropriate, and this, again, could be the reason that she produces the explicit word search marker in line 5. The wording that points towards expertise may, thus, be based upon the noticeably absent reaction of S in line 6. So, even when participants in interaction seem to orient to other being a language expert, it is not at all clear that we can regard such sequences as opportunities for language learning. WHAT COUNTS AS A WORD SEARCH? Until now, we have considered cases with explicit word search markers-cases that stand out in the data as rather clear-cut word searches. However, these cases cannot decisively be regarded as opportunities for language learning. The explicit word search markers that can be heard as orienting to linguistic expertise, at least in my data, point backwards: They question the (linguistic) suitability of a candidate already produced. The question, then, is at what point these items acquire the status of a lexical search. To answer this question, one should consider the trajectory of a word search. The previous excerpts have disruptions in the conversation that precedes the explicit word search marker: There are pauses and uh's. In CA studies, such breaks in the flow are described as nonlexical speech perturbations and regarded as self initiations of repair: "Self-initiations within the same turn (which contains the trouble source) use a variety of nonlexical speech perturbations, e.g. cut-offs, sound stretches, 'uh's etc., to signal the possibility of repair-initiation immediately following" (Schegloff et al., 1977, p. 367). Moreover, a distinction is made between different types of nonlexical speech perturbations: "The cut-off initiates repair on some already-produced element of the turn: it is postpositioned. 'Uh' or a pause, standing in the place of a next-due element, is more likely to initiate repair on a next-due item; that is, it is generally prepositioned" (Schegloff, 1979, p. 273). Schegloff (1979) also notes that stretches can be common preindicators of a particular type of repair, such as (word) searches. In CA, therefore, "0h"(uh) and pauses are understood as markers for searches, and stretches can be seen as prein-

541 dicators of repair. In Excerpt 5, for instance, the word search can be seen as preindicated when B stretches her "mm" and initiates a word search by virtue of the pause of 0.6 seconds. Now, as has been shown in CA research, when a specific type of activity or conversational practice is started, it can go in different directions. A word search can be resolved during the ongoing turn by self, or it can result in the explicit marking of a word search, and then be resolved immediately. Also, as has been shown, when others are invited to participate in the search, another speaker may produce an acceptable outcome for the search. Finally, as Goodwin and Goodwin (1986) note, searches can also be closed without the word's being found (p. 55). The issue here is that word searches, in most cases, are already well under way when an explicit word search marker is produced. In this regard, Excerpt 6 contains several word searches, although no explicit word search marker is uttered: Excerpt 6 M= Danish, J= Dutch speaker of Danish det fordi (0.2) its because 2 0h og hvad vi skal 0:hm (0.3) uh and what we shall uhm 3 0h Taftale hvad vi uh agree-on what we 4 [0h] (.) (0.5) uh 5M [vi] skal lave madja we will have to make food yes vil (.) lave mad 6J want (.) to make food 7M ja yes 1J In this excerpt, J seems to initiate several searches: in line 1 a 0.2 second pause; in line 2 "uh,"later "uhm,"and a 0.3 second pause; in line 4 "uh";in line 5 a pause of 0.5 second, an "uh," and a micropause. Although J does not hint at a specific word search solution, M, in line 5, provides a completion of the turn that J is in the process of producing. This completion can be seen as offering a solution to J's search. In order to consider word searches as opportunities for lexical acquisition, sequences that on the surface might not seem to fall into this category need to be included. It is clear that to detect such instances in the data, the transcript needs to be quite accurate (a point made in Laursen, 2002, pp. 6-7). The markers for J's initiations of searches are

542 not explicit. Goodwin and Goodwin (1986) and Laursen (2002), among others, have shown that gesture and gaze are operational in the initiation of word searches and that they may do the work of inviting others to participate in the search. Nonetheless, there is no orientation towards others being language experts in the wording of the initiation. The issue is, therefore, whether this type of sequence can be categorized as one in which language learning is made possible. It may be assumed that M is providing J with valuable lexical material that she can exploit for language learning purposes. In order to make this evident, the excerpt should be examined with regard to other indications of orientation to language expertise besides the word search marker. DOING LEARNING In Excerpt 6, M completes the turn thatJ is in the process of producing. How M does this can be contrasted with the sentence completions that Lerner (1991) describes for interactions between NSs. Lerner identifies several turn formats called "compound turn formats" in which sentence completions by another speaker occur regularly. These are characterized as a type of turn that "in the course of its construction projects a [preliminary component + final component] turn format" (p. 444). Examples are quotation marker plus quote formats, "if X-then Y' constructions, and lists. J's turn in Excerpt 6 is not a compound turn format: First, there is no specific type of final component projected. The fact that M, nevertheless, offers a completion of the turn, points at an orientation to language expertise. Second, M's contribution ends with a "ja" (yes), which may indicate that M, even though he produced the last part of the turn, attributes the authorship of this turn to J. The "ja"communicates something like "I know what you are saying," and the completion of the turn can, therefore, be understood as assistance rather than as taking over. Third, we may consider what J does in the next turn, the place where participants primarily display their understanding of others' actions. In line 6, she repeats the lexical items "lavemad"(make food = cook). Such repetition is sometimes done by NNSs, but not always. In many cases, corrections or completions of NNS's turns are merely acknowledged by the NNS with a "yes." In other cases, NNSs may resist the (other-initiated) othercorrections that involve linguistic issues (Brouwer, 2000, pp. 176-177). By repeating, J shows

The ModernLanguageJournal87 (2003) that she recognizes M's completion as a (partly) relevant contribution and that she can exploit his contribution by incorporating some of its parts into her own completion of the turn-under-construction. In so doing, she demonstrates that she exploits linguistic material offered by another speaker in the course of building a turn. This demonstration can be seen, at least locally(i.e., at this particular point in the interaction) as language learning. A final indication that points in the direction of M's turn as linguistic assistance is the acknowledgment token that M produces in reaction toJ's line 6. This token indicates once more that M attributes authorship of the turn to J. Simultaneously, the acknowledgement token can demonstrate that M accepts the form ofJ's turn. Based on these indications, we can suppose that cases like Excerpt 6 offer opportunities for learning in interaction. Word searches (almost by definition) concern lexical issues. Participants in interaction rarely initiate a word search on function words. In my data, all searches are on socalled content words and often on names. Although some researchers address the fact that it may be problematic to make a formal distinction between content words, function words, and other items in spoken discourse (McCarthy & Carter, 1997), at least when it comes to searches, interactants seem to make that distinction. CONCLUSIONS The analysis of several types of word search sequences shows that word searches may take place for a number of reasons. In order to make assertions about language learning, we need to consider the details of the interaction. Sequences that may qualify as language learning opportunities share the following characteristics: (a) the other participant is invited to participate in the search, and (b) the interactants demonstrate an orientation to language expertise, with one participant being a novice and the other being an expert. This orientation may be found in the actual wording of a word search initiation, but it can also be exhibited in other components of the sequence. It should be stressed that such an expert need not be a NS, or even a person who is generally better at the language, although this difference in language competence is the case in my data. Furthermore, cases where an orientation towards language expertise lies in explicit wording should be scrutinized for the possibility that this

Catherine Brouwer E. wording is done for other reasons (as in Excerpt 5). The analyses show that identifying sequences in interaction as opportunities for language learning is not an easy task. It demands a dedication to detail to a degree that many quantitative studies of interactional learning seemingly do not provide. Some aspects of learning cannot be analyzed on the basis of the type of data shown in this article. The NNSs may be demonstrating that they learn to produce a word or a lexical item correctly in a particular context-however, it is not clear how such words may be produced by the same NNS in future interactions, or whether and how they had been producing these lexical items in earlier interactions. Also, it is not clear whether NNSs may learn in an abstract way (e.g., by reasoning from particular cases in order to formulate rules about the target language). Even if this is the case, it does not mean that sequences of interaction that cannot conclusively be analyzed as opportunities for language learning do not contribute to language learning. They probably contribute in a more general way. In a number of studies on L2 lexical acquisition, researchers have discussed the idea of "incidental learning" (e.g., Laufer & Hulstijn, 2001)-which may be described as "learning by doing" or "learning as (part of) social practice," a line of thinking pursued in general theories of learning. However, as Lave (1999) says, such a view of learning may pose a dilemma: On the one hand, if learning is seen as a social practice and needs to be described as such, only those sequences in interactions that can be analyzed as displaying learning would be considered as such-and that would exclude much linguistic conduct that may contribute to (language) learning as well. On the other hand, if all social practice is considered learning, then 'learning' as a concept seems to be lost. A solution to the dilemma, offered by Lave, Lave and Wenger (1991), and Dreier (1999), is to consider learning as diverse and changing practices in a number of social contexts. In this regard, learning is understood as "en proces, der kan finde sted i kraft af, at de larende personer tager del i social praksis, og at de aendrer eller udvikler deres deltagelse heri" (a process that may take place by the learning persons' participation in social practice, and by them changing or developing their participation) (Dreier, 1999, p. 83). In certain contexts, however, such development or change is demonstrated in a single sequence in interaction. This article has suggested how to identify such sequences.
NOTES

543

1 The boundary between hints and attempts may be fuzzy-hints can in the course of the talk become attempts or even solutions (i.e., when the interlocutors settle for a description because none of them can find the exact expression). 2As it turns out, J in Excerpt 3 tells A about the government of Nepal having decided that Mt. Everest is closed for tourism because the mountain climbers litter too much. In this telling, the fact that Mt. Everest is the highest mountain in the world is unnecessary information.

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545 Yule, G., & Tarone, E. (1997). Investigating communication strategies in L2 reference: Pros and cons. In G. Kasper & E. Kellerman (Eds.), Communication and sociolinguistic strategies: Psycholinguistic perspectives (pp. 17-30). New York:Longman.

APPENDIX A Transcription Conventions This is a [word] mark the onset of left-handbrackets [Oh ye]ah? simultaneous talk by the second speaker brackets mark where simultaneous talk stops right-hand (0.5) length of a silence in tenths of seconds a silence less then 0.2 seconds (.) word= equalsign: no perceivable silence =word between turns of two speakers, or between twosubsequent utterance units of the same speaker (i.e. sometimes just used for readability of very long turns) T the syllable following the arrowis relatively high-pitched (several arrows mark very high pitch) the syllable following the arrowis relatively low-pitched (several arrows mark very low pitch) word the words or syllables between degree signs are relatively less loud (several degree signs mark very words low volume) the underlined syllable or sound is stressed wo:rd colonsindicate stretching of sounds (sonorants) wo:rd the combination of underliningfollowed a colonindicates a pitch movement downward in the wo:rd by syllable (syllable becomes gradually lower-pitched) wo:rd an underlinedcolonaftera vocalindicates a pitch movement upward in the syllable (syllable becomes gradually more high-pitched) WORD Capitalsindicate high volume relatively to surrounding talk woa hyphenmarks that the speaker "cuts off' his or her speech hhh a highperiodfollowed 'h'indicates a hearable inbreath (the more 'h's the longer the inbreath) by hhh'h'followed a highperiodindicates a hearable outbreath (the more 'h's the longer the outbreath) by 'h' in parentheses marks the plosive sound made in laughter (sometimes in words) wo(hh)rd (hh)uh *word* asterisks around stretches of speech mark that speech is produced with a creaky voice <<word> marks that speech is produced relatively slow >word? marks that speech is produced relatively fast transcriber is not sure about transcription of speech (word)

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