AFRICOM Related News Clips 6 September 2011

United States Africa Command Public Affairs Office8 6 September 2011 USAFRICOM related news stories
Good morning. Please find attached news clips related to U.S. Africa Command and upcoming events of interest for September 6, 2011. Of interest in today's news clips: BBC reports that a Libyan military convoy has made its way into Niger. Several African publications examine the effects of the fall of the Qadhafi regime on the rest of the continent; the Nation from Lagos claims Nigeria and South Africa are in a cold war over their different reactions to the crisis in Libya; Nairobis Daily Nation says Qadhafis fall has led to a tailspin in the AU; and The Citizen from Tanzania speculates on who will be the next African leader to fall. AllAfrica.com reports on the Obama administrations naming of two experienced diplomats, including former DCMA Ambassador Mary Yates, to respond to developing problems in the Sudans. The Southern Times from Namibia carries a well researched commentary on AFRICOM basing and claims that the command will announce the location of its headquarters base on the continent sometime in 2012. Finally, CNN reports that China denies that it sold arms to Libya and the Wall Street Journal examines Chinas rise in Africa. U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Please send questions or comments to: africompao@africom.mil 4212687 (+497117292687) Top News related to U.S. Africa Command and Africa Libya conflict: Army convoy crosses border into Niger (BBC) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/worldafrica14799075 By Unattributed Author 6 September 2011 A Libyan army convoy has crossed the desert border into Niger, reports say.
U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil
Libya: Nigeria, South Africa in cold war over Gaddafis fate (The Nation, Lagos) http://www.thenationonlineng.net/2011/index.php/news/18342libya:nigeria,southafricain coldwarovergaddafisfate.html By Yusuf Alli 4 September 2011 A cold war is brewing between Nigeria and South Africa over the fate of the embattled Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi. Libyan Rebels Throw the AU Into a Tailspin (Daily Nation, Nairobi)) http://allafrica.com/stories/201109020188.html By Argaw Ashine and Fred Oluoch 1 September 2011 The African Union has been behaving like a headless chicken as the 42year old regime of Libyan strongman Muammar Gaddafi falls. After Gaddafi, who is next in Africa? (The Citizen, Dar es Salaam) http://thecitizen.co.tz/editorialanalysis//14321aftergaddafiwhoisnextinafrica By Mobhare Matinyi 1 September 2011 Another tyrant from the Maghreb States, in the northern end of the African continent, has been ousted. Who is next? Will the winds of revolutionary change blow down to the SubSaharan African countries despite a considerable difference between the two Africas? Libya Turns From Africa to the West (VOA) http://www.voanews.com/english/news/africa/LibyaTurnsFromAfricatotheWest 129119088.html By James Brooke 3 September 2011 Moammar Gadhafis Libya was known for cultivating support in Africa and tangling with Europe, the United States and moderate Arab governments. But now there appears to be a big foreignpolicy shift toward the West in the air. Africa must come to terms with change of guard in Tripoli (Daily Nation) http://www.nation.co.ke/oped/Opinion/Africa+must+come+to+terms+with+change+of+guard+in +Tripoli+//440808/1229770//11rqepjz// By Mukhisa Kituyi 3 September 2011 On Thursday, September 1, 2011, exactly 42 years since 27yearold Colonel Muammar Gaddafi toppled King Idris and took power in Libya, leaders of 60 countries and the UN met in Paris with the Transitional National Council (TNC). Obama Names Two Experienced Diplomats to Team As Problems Mount (allAfrica.com) http://allafrica.com/stories/201109011417.html By Reed Kramer 1 September 2011 President Barack Obama has tapped two experienced U.S. diplomats to represent him in Khartoum and Juba as tensions grow between Sudan and South Sudan. A US military base in Africa (The Southern Times, Windhoek, Namibia) http://www.southerntimesafrica.com/article.php?title=A%20US%20military%20base%20in%20 Africa&id=6209 By Felox Njini
5 September 2011 The United States military is likely to announce in 2012 where on the continent it will headquarter its muchmaligned Africa Command (AFRICOM). Hundreds Protest in Swazi Capital (VOA) http://blogs.voanews.com/breakingnews/2011/09/05/hundredsprotestinswazicapital/ By: Unattributed Author 5 September 2011 Hundreds of demonstrators have marched through the capital of Swaziland against the government of King Mswati III, considered Africa's last absolute monarch. Why protests will not unseat Swaziland's King Mswati (BBC) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/worldafrica14750993 By: Louise Redvers 5 September 2011 Motherofthree Salom Gamedze may be struggling to feed her family and pay school fees for her children's education but she is unlikely to take part in antigovernment demonstrations which Swaziland democracy activists have called, starting on 5 September. China denies report, says it did not sell weapons to Libya (CNN) http://www.cnn.com/2011/WORLD/africa/09/05/libya.war/ By: Unattributed Author 5 September 2011 Documents showing that China offered to sell arms to Moammar Gadhafi in the waning days of his rule are "the real deal," a senior member of Libya's transitional government said Monday. In Africa, U.S. Watches China's Rise (Wall Street Journal) http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424053111903392904576510271838147248.html By Peter Wonacott 5 September 2011 Ethiopia and Zambia Are Among Fans of Continent's New Top Trade Partner; Washington Presses for Accountability. Less Severe Drought Forecast For Horn of Africa (VOA) http://www.voanews.com/english/news/africa/LessSevereDroughtForecastForHornof Africa128891273.html By Lisa Schlein 1 September 2011 The World Meteorological Organization (WMO) says the Horn Of Africa can look forward to weaker drought conditions in the coming months. In its latest El Nino/La Nina update, the WMO says near neutral or weak La Nina conditions, which lessen the severity of drought, are the most likely scenarios for the rest of 2011. Somalia famine: UN warns of 750,000 deaths (BBC) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/worldafrica14785304 By Unattributed Author 5 September 2011 As many as 750,000 people could die as Somalia's drought worsens in the coming months, the UN has warned, declaring a famine in a new area. While some Kenyans starve, others have bumper crop (AP)
http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5gVquaU6cH_t9wtHQcC HzzyNjjsA?docId=bb0029c94ae84f80b2a699a97ce94b6a By Katharine Houreld 3 September 2011 In central and western Kenya, farmers have had a bumper crop of plump ears of corn and earthy potatoes. Yet in the north, skeletal children wait for food aid amid a growing emergency. ### UN News Service Africa Briefs http://www.un.org/apps/news/region.asp?Region=AFRICA (Full Articles on UN Website) Somali regions agree to end dispute at UNbacked consultative meeting 5 September The leaders of two of Somalia's semiautonomous regions today committed to a peaceful settlement of their dispute and adopted a fourpoint plan to ensure that hostilities between the two territories do not recur, the United Nations political office for the country said UN peacekeepers help put out fire at radio station in Cte d'Ivoire 5 September The Moroccan battalion serving in the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Cte d'Ivoire over the weekend helped put out a huge fire in a radio station near the western town of Dukou, the mission said today. Horn of Africa food crisis remains dire as famine spreads in Somalia UN 5 September The United Nations agricultural agency today called for greater efforts bring the food crisis in the Horn of Africa under control, saying that famine conditions had spread to a sixth area in Somalia, putting an estimated 750,000 people in the country at risk of starvation over the next four months. Sudan: Ban urges end to fighting in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile states 2 September SecretaryGeneral Ban Kimoon called today for an immediate end to the fighting in Sudans Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile states and for access for humanitarian agencies to the affected areas. UN official welcomes Sudans pardon of journalists prosecuted for reporting on rape 2 September The United Nations official spearheading efforts to combat sexual violence in times of conflict today welcomed a presidential pardon granted by the Sudanese authorities last week to local journalists prosecuted for reporting on cases of alleged rape. ### UPCOMING EVENTS OF INTEREST: 8 SEPT 2011 WHEN: September 8, 2011, 12:00 1:30 p.m.
WHAT: Ten Years Later Public Diplomacy and the Arab World, Center on Public Diplomacy at the Annenberg School, Conversations in Public Diplomacy WHO: Several Panelists (see website) WHERE: USC; Tutor Campus Center Forum CONTACT: cpdevent@usc.edu <mailto:cpdevent@usc.edu> Media contact: http://uscpublicdiplomacy.org/index.php/events/events_detail/16973/ <http://uscpublicdiplomacy.org/index.php/events/events_detail/16973/> WHEN: September 8, 2011, 2:00 4:00 p.m. WHAT: Woodrow Wilson Center Discussion on "Sudan: From the CPA to Separation." WHO: Tim McKulka, UNMISS; Jok Madut Jok; and Nureldin Satti, UNESCO Representative in Ethiopia, Djibouti, the African Union and IGAD. WHERE: WWC, 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW, 5th floor CONTACT: 2026914000; web site: www.wilsoncenter.org WHEN: September 8, 2011, 6:00 8:00 p.m. WHAT: Center for a New American Security (CNAS) Book Discussion on Counterstrike: The Untold Story of Americas Secret Campaign Against al Qaeda. WHO: Eric Schmitt and Thom Shanker, New York Times national security reporters and Steve Inskeep, host of NPRs Morning Edition. WHERE: Willard InterContinental Hotel, 1401 Pennsylvania Avenue CONTACT: www.cnas.org
20 SEPT 2011 WHEN: September 20, 2011, 12:00 p.m. WHAT: Pakistan, the U.S. and Public Diplomacy with Consul General Riffat Masood CPD Conversations in Public Diplomacy WHO: Riffat Masood, the Consul General of Pakistan WHERE: USC; SOS B40 CONTACT : cpdevent@usc.edu <mailto:cpdevent@usc.edu> Media contact: http://uscpublicdiplomacy.org/index.php/events/events_detail/17070/ <http://uscpublicdiplomacy.org/index.php/events/events_detail/17070/> ### Full Text Libya conflict: Army convoy crosses border into Niger (BBC) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/worldafrica14799075 By Unattributed Author 6 September 2011 A Libyan army convoy has crossed the desert border into Niger, reports say.
The vehicles rolled into the town of Agadez; one report said they were accompanied by well armed Tuareg tribal fighters. Earlier, Col Gaddafi's spokesman said he was in "excellent health" and still in Libya. Col Gaddafi has vowed to fight to the death despite major advances of Libyan rebels, who now control most Libya's key cities, including Tripoli. In a separate development, documents uncovered in Tripoli show a close relationship between Western intelligence agencies and Col Gaddafi's government, which is known to have used torture, the rebels say. The documents mention the names of several people targeted for rendition the extrajudicial arrest and transfer of terrorism suspects. 'In high spirits' The Libyan convoy crossed the Niger border and arrived in Agadez late on Monday, military sources from France and Niger told Reuters.
They said the convoy was made up of between 200 and 250 vehicles and was given an escort by the army of Niger. However, a local resident was quoted by the Associated Press as saying that convoy consisted of more than a dozen trucks carrying wellarmed Libyan troops. He added that the Libyans were also accompanied by wellarmed Tuareg tribal fighters. The claims by both the military sources and the Niger resident have not been independently verified. Meanwhile Col Gaddafi's chief of security, Mansour Daw, is reported to have crossed into Niger. Earlier on Monday, Col Gaddafi's spokesman Moussa Ibrahim said that the Libyan leader was "in very high spirits". "He is in a place that will not be reached by those fractious groups, and he is in Libya," Mr Ibrahim told Syrianbased Arrai TV. Fears of revenge Libyan rebels from the National Transitional Council (NTC) have now moved into position near Bani Walid, 150km (95 miles) southeast of Tripoli.
Bani Walid is one of four towns and cities the others are Jufra, Sabha and Col Gaddafi's birthplace in Sirte still controlled by Gaddafi supporters. Senior members of the antiGaddafi forces surrounding the town say the negotiations have now stopped and were never serious because proGaddafi forces continued to fire while the talks were going on. However, NTC leader Abdul Jalil said the talks would continue until a deadline on Saturday. Mr Jalil said the proGaddafi bastions were being given humanitarian aid and time to surrender "to avoid further bloodshed". Abdullah Kenchil, one of the negotiators, told the BBC the loyalists had wanted antiGaddafi forces to enter the town unarmed. He said he feared civilians could be shot in revenge or used as human shields. As well as being a Gaddafi stronghold, Bani Walid is also the home of the biggest and most powerful Libyan tribe, the Warfalla. Mr Kenchil said his son Saif alIslam Gaddafi had only left the town on Saturday, heading to an unknown destination further south. For now, the NTC is preaching a gospel of reconciliation, says BBC Middle East editor Jeremy Bowen, who is Tripoli. The NTC does not want to start off as a government with a bloody fight in Bani Walid, he adds. ### Libya: Nigeria, South Africa in cold war over Gaddafis fate (The Nation, Lagos) http://www.thenationonlineng.net/2011/index.php/news/18342libya:nigeria,southafricain coldwarovergaddafisfate.html By Yusuf Alli 4 September 2011 A cold war is brewing between Nigeria and South Africa over the fate of the embattled Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi. While Nigeria is backing the rebelcontrolled Transitional National Council (TNC) in Libya, President Jacob Zuma of South Africa is supporting Gaddafi. But the Federal Government has been trying to manage the situation to avoid it degenerating into a major crisis. There was however concern and panic over the likely release of Henry Okah, who is standing trial as a mastermind of the October 1, 2010 bomb blast in Abuja. Investigation by our correspondent revealed that the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan has maintained a parallel position with President Zuma over Gaddafis fate.
But while Nigerias position on the TNC is being supported by 34 African countries, only Uganda and Zimbabwe have teamed up with South Africa to align with Gaddafi. Although South Africa initially headed an Ad hoc Committee on Libyan crisis, the panel could not achieve much. It was learnt that a meeting held last week in Addis Ababa also broke the AU into two camps but with Zuma being humiliated because of a large following Nigeria attracted against Gaddafi. A top government official, who spoke in confidence, said: Nigeria has a sharp disagreement with South Africa on how to address the Libyan crisis but we would not allow it to degenerate as to affect the cordial ties between the two countries. South Africa and two others are claiming that the AUs Constitutive Act does not allow the Union to recognize the TNC because it is an illegal force. They are saying that any government in Africa can only be removed through constitutional process. Nigeria and other African countries are maintaining that Constitutive Principle is the last listed in Section 14 of the Constitutive Act and the Act cannot be implemented in isolation of other principles like democracy, good governance, respect for human rights and social justice among others. Nigeria and others have said that Libya under Gaddafi has never being ruled under any known constitution since he took over in 1969. The last constitution Libya had was under King Idris, who was deposed by Gaddafi. So, we are also arguing that the Constitutive Act cannot apply to Gaddafi who had never run a constitutional government. Apart from that, the Constitutive Act did not take into account popular revolt as being witnessed in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya when it was drafted. It only applied to military regimes. It was also gathered that Nigeria challenged South Africa why it accepted the revolts in Tunisia and Egypt and decided to raise eyebrow on Gaddafi. Another top source added: We are suspecting that Zuma has his own agenda because Gaddafi supported him to replace exPresident Thabo Mbeki. It is payback time. It was the same thing Zuma did in Cote DIvoire when a committee he headed merely recommended a recount of votes instead of outright validation of Alassane Quattaras mandate. I think this rivalry between Nigeria and South Africa also has to do with a jostle for seat in the UN Security Council. Both countries are after the slot.
So, those who are against the TNC within the AU are in two groups. They are those benefitting from Gaddafis largesse directly or who are his friends and countries being governed by autocrats. As at press time, there were fears that the cold war between Nigeria and South Africa may affect the ongoing trial of an exmilitant leader, Henry Okah, who is standing trial over the October 1, 2010 bomb explosion in Abuja. A reliable source said: South Africa may end up mismanaging Okahs case in order to slight Nigeria for not having its way on Gaddafi. Okah may either be released or his case poorly prosecuted to enable him to regain his freedom. The frosty relationship between the two countries is pointing towards this direction. Even from hiding, Gaddafi is instigating South Africa against Nigeria but there is no cause for alarm. If Okah is released through a circumvented process, Zuma will be the loser at the end of the day. Zuma is angry with Nigeria over Gaddafi but the Federal Government is insisting on its recognition for the rebels. With the backing of Nigeria by 34 countries in Africa, its position is vindicated. That is why Nigeria is also monitoring the situation and at the alert on what South Africa is up to. But a security chief said: The Rule of Law in South Africa is very strict; it is not what a President can violate with impunity. Henry Okah is on trial in South Africa for terrorism, Zuma (no matter how powerful) cannot interfere with the process. We do not envisage the release of Okah by South Africa as a retaliatory step. But we are also watching development closely. ### Libyan Rebels Throw the AU Into a Tailspin (Daily Nation, Nairobi)) http://allafrica.com/stories/201109020188.html By Argaw Ashine and Fred Oluoch 1 September 2011 Addis Ababa and Nairobi The African Union has been behaving like a headless chicken as the 42year old regime of Libyan strongman Muammar Gaddafi falls. In the past week or so the 53nation bloc was a Tower of Babel as members squabbled over adopting a common position on Libya, which under Gaddafi had towered over the organisation in a manner unlikely to be replicated by any other country.
Ahead of the August 26 minisummit of the 15 heads of state who sit on the Peace and Security Council which is charged with enforcing bloc decisions, it seemed that the key decision would be how to recognise the rebels "fashionably" while saving face after being relegated to the sidelines by the Nato alliance. A lowerlevel meeting of the Council had failed to take a common position on the country with only resolving to defer the decision to their heads of state. "There was clear confusion, and we agreed to forward the issue to our respective leaders," a South African diplomat present at the August 22 meeting said. Only three heads of state eventually attended the Council meeting, after which South Africa's Jacob Zuma said that the AU would not recognise the rebels National Transitional Council as a legitimate government but that individual members were within their sovereign rights to do so. It was an indicator of the confusion that AU Commission chief Jean Ping, after meeting with Turkish Foreign minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, and holding telephone conversations with UN secretarygeneral Ban kiMoon, tersely told journalists that he would not be fielding any questions related to Libya. The AU's stance on Libya has only fuelled the relentless criticism that the African Union is an organisation that prefers to bury its head in the sand and only reacts to crises when the initiative has already been seized by other quarters. Only this week the bloc came in for more sustained criticism over its late reaction to the humanitarian crisis in the Horn of Africa. In its defence, the African Union blamed the feet dragging on its poor logistical capacity and belatedly organised a poorlyattended pledging conference that raised $351 million. One bloc, different positions Since its establishment as the successor to the Organisation of African Union, the AU has been better known for siding with the status quo rather than with peopledriven revolts. That so many African countries had decadeslong relations with Gaddafi may have contributed to the situation where individual members recognised the rebels but could not take a clear position once in Addis Ababa. The OAU and its successor, the AU, radiated panAfricanism and Arab nationalism priding themselves as defenders of the continent against European imperialism. Gaddafi supported many countries independence struggles, arming and bankrolling rebel and opposition movements. This in part explains why the Nato's offensive rankles them so much.
For South Africa's ruling African National Congress (ANC), throwing Gaddafi under the train is a difficult decision given his support for the antiApartheid struggle. Bearing this in mind, Mr Zuma and former President Thabo Mbeki groused rather loudly over Nato's military support for the rebels, adding that a negotiated solution would have saved many lives. "Those who have the power to bomb other countries have undermined the AU's efforts and initiatives to handle the situation in Libya," Mr Zuma said at a press conference at Tuynhuys after a Tuesday meeting with Ghana's President John Atta Mills. Indeed, South Africa opposed to the last minute a UN decision to hand over $1.5 billion in frozen Libyan assets to the rebels, only relenting when the National Transitional Council lettering was replaced with the "governing authority" in a resolution. Zimbabwe and Uganda also received cash and training from the Gaddafi regime during the independence struggle in the 70s. This largesse has been more evident over the last three decades as many African countries enjoyed Gaddafi's support, including subsidies to their economies and personal gifts to leaders. The Libyan government's continentwide investment in key and sensitive sectors in many countries such as oil and banking was further testament to his influence in the region. While Gaddafi's dogged pursuit for a United States of Africa with him presumably as the head rubbed many leaders the wrong way, his role in raising the profile of the bloc has left many African leaders indebted to him. This relationship, in addition to the "African Solutions to African Problems" mantra has been the main driving force behind efforts to give Gaddafi a dignified exit. Since February 2011 the AU issued four strong statements, urging Nato to suspend its bombing campaign as a negotiated solution that locked out Gaddafi from a further term was sought. Cleaning up their mess Gaddafi acceded to the proposal, but Nato ignored the AU's repeated calls, further emboldening the rebels to give short shrift to the idea. The AU had tasked the Presidents of South Africa, Uganda, Mali, Mauritania and Equatorial Guinea with easing Gaddafi out. "We know our solution is a lasting solution but they (Nato) do not want to listen to us," said Mr Ping. At the end of the day they will call us for the dirty job of cleaning up the mess they created," he bitterly told reporters in May.
But the AU's bumbling over the Ivorian conflict earlier this year may have weakened its hand in the eyes of the west. Challenged to take a position on the disputed election, the bloc's leaders dithered, preferring to dispatch delegation upon delegation to convince the deposed Laurent Gbagbo to cede power. They were eventually forced to eat humble pie and recognise new leader Alassane Ouattara after the UN and France chased Gbagbo out of office. ### After Gaddafi, who is next in Africa? (The Citizen, Dar es Salaam) http://thecitizen.co.tz/editorialanalysis//14321aftergaddafiwhoisnextinafrica By Mobhare Matinyi 1 September 2011 Another tyrant from the Maghreb States, in the northern end of the African continent, has been ousted. Who is next? Will the winds of revolutionary change blow down to the SubSaharan African countries despite a considerable difference between the two Africas? Once a feared man, Colonel Muammar ElGaddafi, is finished as one teenage rebel told the international press after the fall of Tripoli. He called us rats, now he is the real rat; where is he? He must be hiding inside a bunker. No one can stop the people of Libya from celebrating. The Brother Leader of Africa, the egomaniac who succeeded in buying his fame by dishing handouts to African leaders and tribal chiefs and making long rumbling crazy speeches, finally, has no man to defend him. Even the African Union (AU) which tried a bit in the beginning finally has no business with him. The debate in Africa about Gaddafi is hot and will continue to be hot long after he is gone, but the fact remains: Libyan people kicked Gaddafi out. The mere military support from the West should not be construed to discredit their revolutionary achievement. The Libyans fought for six months, died and ultimately won. This is their victory. People may make a lot of noise that the West is trying to get oil from Libya, but the truth is, Gaddafi was already exporting 80 per cent of Libyan oil to Europe, and had contracts with oil companies from six European nations. The likely thing to happen now is for France and Great Britain to squeeze Italy which enjoyed the lions share of Libyan oil; thats it. The West also may exercise some influence over Libyan affairs, especially in the areas of economic, foreign and security policies, but that will be the choice of Libyans themselves. We cannot teach them how to run their own country. In 2004 Gaddafi himself caved in and decided to build relations with the West, starting with Washington when he denounced his dream for nuclear weapons, took responsibility for his past
and paid large sums of money as compensation. He was no exception to other African leaders as some Africans may wish to think; he was just crazy! Sympathisers to Gaddafi may point out several development projects he accomplished in his 42 years rule, but come on, with an income of $150 million a day in a country of about twothree million people, who would have failed to have at least five things to show off for? Of course, sympathisers wont tell you that he personally had more than $100 billion stashed in the West, not Libya or Africa, and was preparing his son, Seif AlIslam, to inherit his chair because other Libyans were rats. Gaddafi will be remembered not only as a man who killed thousands of Libyans, but also as a man who funded the murder of many Africans in Chad, Sudan, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Burkina Faso in the name of fighting against imperialism. Let us not forget that in 1979 he unsuccessfully helped Ugandan savage, Idi Amin, to dodge the wrath of Tanzanians. As we contemplate the demise of Gaddafis regime, the question is: who is next in Africa? Today, Africa suffers from Gaddafism, a chronic pandemic in which a leader stays in power forever, thinking that he owns the people and the country; imprison and kills his opponents, plunders his countrys wealth, and prepares his children or cronies to take over after him. This is what is killing Africa! Consider the following list of leaders and their years in power: Angolan Eduardo dos Santos (32), Equatorial Guinean Teodoro Nguema (32), Zimbabwean Robert Mugabe (31), Cameroonian Paul Biya (29), Ugandan Yoweri Museveni (25), Burkinabe Blaise Compaor (24), Sudanese Omar alBashir (22), Chadian Idris Dby (21), and Congolese Denis Sassou Nguesso whose two terms total 27 years so far. I dont have to mention the leaders of Eritrea, Gambia and Ethiopia who have 18, 17 and 16 respectively. We also have those who in principle, inherited power from their fathers, such as Togolese Faure Gnassingbe and Gabonese Ali Bongo, each pair of the fathers ### Libya Turns From Africa to the West (VOA) http://www.voanews.com/english/news/africa/LibyaTurnsFromAfricatotheWest 129119088.html By James Brooke 3 September 2011 Moammar Gadhafis Libya was known for cultivating support in Africa and tangling with Europe, the United States and moderate Arab governments. But now there appears to be a big foreignpolicy shift toward the West in the air. Two political snapshots capture the new directions for the foreign relations of Libya, holder of the largest oil reserves in Africa. Last week, South African President Jacob Zuma, speaking for the African Union, refused to recognize Libyas rebels as the new
government of Libya. This week, Mustafa Abdel Jalil, chairman of Libyas transitional authority, was feted in Paris at a Libya meeting by the leaders of France and Britain and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. On the streets of Tripoli, the view is that Libya will turn away from African states south of the Sahara and cultivate relations north of the Mediterranean. "We cant flee Africa. We are part of the continent, but we want the U.S. and Europe to help us," said Abdurazeg Akhmeda Jamour, a rebel leader: Moammar Gadhafi, Libyas fugitive leader, spent billions of dollars to cultivate African leaders. A decade ago, he launched the Africa Union. Two years ago, he styled himself Africas King of Kings. He called for the formation of the United States of Africa. Peter Cole, a Libya expert, says Mr. Gadhafis generosity toward subSaharan leaders explains the African Unions reluctance to follow the lead of the 75 nations worldwide that have extended diplomatic recognition to Libyas National Transitional Council. [They are] very, very tiny countries Libyan spending in there could be a significant part of GDP. So there is a lot of genuine fear among AU members that they will lose out, Cole said. Libyans are watching who is slow to extend diplomatic recognition to the rebels. Russia, Algeria and the African Union all friends of Mr. Gadhafi have been the laggards. Rafa Rejeibi, who once taught Arabic in the United States, pauses from celebrating the rebels' seizure of Tripoli to offer an explanation. Libyans now are a little bit sensitive to the way the African countries had reacted to the Libyan revolution. We were counting more on them, and really we saw the opposite, Rejeibi said. Instead, Rejeibi and others say, Libyans now want to open up to the wider world. Libyan people are just very thirsty and hungry to open up to all nations and cultures. It is not just to the U.S. and to France, as people say, because they were pioneers to take action to protect Libya against Gadhafi militias, Rejeibi said. During Mr. Gadhafi's era, Libyas foreign policy included giving weapons to European terrorist groups and blowing up two passenger jets one American and one French. Now Libyans stress that Mr. Gadhafis hostility toward the West is not shared by modern Libyans. Amar, a rebel unit fighter, speaks at a victory celebration. The people of Libya were not an enemy of America [loud bangs] Gadhafi was an enemy, Amar said.
In a neighborhood near a walled compound that once served as the nerve center of Mr. Gadhafi's rule, Ali Azoz is the imam of a local mosque. He also leads his neighborhoods underground resistance organization. "People dont have any problems with America or any other country. The whole world should know that Gadhafis character only represents himself," he said. Inside the compound, Nale, a 20yearold dentistry student, is touring with her father, Khalid, an engineer. Nale says she wants to discover the world. She resents Gadhafis past restrictions on studying English. "We are not allowed to speak English, to study English in schools. And his (Gadhafi's) son goes to London and studies in the best unis [universities.] And we are not allowed to do that. Its so weird," Nale said. Libyans caution that they want future relations with the West to built on the levels of mutual respect. They know their 20thcentury history: an Italian colony for three decades, administered by Britain for a decade, home to a massive American air base until 1970, a close trading partner for the Soviet Union during the Gadhafi era. But Libya has changed, and Libyans have changed. In an upper middle class home, Fatma Ghobtan says Libyans are fast embracing the future. We dont want the back history [such as his ties with] Russia. We want new faces, we want new people, we want new education. We want everything new. Its 2011. Everyone with a computer, with a mobile. Everything has changed, Ghobtan said. Agreement comes from Milad Mohammed Arier, a 30yearold fire extinguisher salesman, who is relaxing with neighbors on a street corner on a hot evening. We are so near to Europe. Even our mentality is so open, because we are reading. Technology. Internet access. Mobile phones, they are coming, and they are changing everything. Even now if you are working in Tripoli, you will see the difference in the knowledge between the old men and the new guys, between 20 years and 40 years, Arier said. With half of Libyas population under 15 years of age, the demographic momentum seems to be on the side of big changes in how Libya relates to the world. ### Africa must come to terms with change of guard in Tripoli (Daily Nation, Nairobi) http://www.nation.co.ke/oped/Opinion/Africa+must+come+to+terms+with+change+of+guard+in +Tripoli+//440808/1229770//11rqepjz// By Mukhisa Kituyi 3 September 2011
On Thursday, September 1, 2011, exactly 42 years since 27yearold Colonel Muammar Gaddafi toppled King Idris and took power in Libya, leaders of 60 countries and the UN met in Paris with the Transitional National Council (TNC). As the leading countries of the world declared unfreezing US$15 billion of Libyan money held in their territories and together with the leading humanitarian agencies plotted how to help the NTC stabilise the country, it was clear that the world had come to terms with the change of guard in Carthage, the homeland of Hannibal the Great. Legitimate leaders Mustafa Abdel Jalil, the chairman of the National Transitional Council (NTC) of Libya, and Mahmoud Jibril, his prime minister, have for all purposes been accepted as the legitimate leaders of Libya by the world. Not so, with Africa. In Addis, the Africa Union is still holding out with the sterile calls for peaceful negotiations between different groups including Gaddafi and his loyalists as what they call a road map to the future. In Oslo, South Africas Zuma was amplifying his musings that Nato had helped rebels without consulting leaders who matter. Ugandas Museveni was still ruminating in similar vein. Zimbabwes Mugabe was busy chasing away the Libyan ambassador who had the temerity to acknowledge the change of guard back home and replace the Gaddafi flag with the new flag of Libya. Kenya was even worse. A week ago, the then acting Foreign minister, Prof George Saitoti, issued a statement urging an early restoration of peace and stability after the impending collapse of the regime of Gaddafi. A week later, as the world sized up the new leaders in Tripoli and the UN won the mandate to coordinate stabilisation efforts with the new government, Kenya issued another statement going back on Saitotis feeble attempts to be relevant. The impression that Kenya has recognised the NTC is inaccurate, said Nairobi. What is needed, they rattled, is political dialogue leading to an allinclusive transitional government. We want to act like Kofi Annan did for us. Never mind that the crisis in Libya is not a result of an electoral dispute. As Gaddafi hops about in a labyrinth of tunnels and other hideouts like a desert rat, Nairobi is dissenting into the group of Gaddafi friends mired in denial. They find themselves in the company of Syria, the only country broadcasting Gaddafis pirated tapes announcing the imminent invasion of Tripoli by 2,000 tribes to burn the ground on which the rebels walk.
If ever the price of this irreverent posturing was to be counted, two events brought it home clearly. Early in the week, the NTC flatly rejected a UN proposal for a Kenyan contingent in the stabilisation force being put together for Libya. For a country with international renown for excellent peace keeping performance, we had invited unnecessary flak. This comes in the wake of an attack on the Kenyan embassy in Tripoli when the rebels overran proGaddafi forces there; an experience repeated at the Algerian mission when that country allowed safe passage to members of Gaddafis family. TNC is sending a message to Nairobi. Kenya must send a new message back to Tripoli. We must be seen to be friends of Libya, not Gaddafi. It is an open secret that many regimes in subSaharan Africa have benefited immensely from the largesse of the Gaddafi regime. The AU had become so dependent on him that some were calling it a Gaddafi project. Some rulers are still sharing proceeds of the Libyan investments in their countries as the situation in Tripoli remains unsettled. But why pretend away the reality that the gravy train is gone? Gaddafis generosity spread to all corners of the world. European beneficiaries of his money have ditched him for the next man in town. The Arab countries supporting the NTC know where the interests of the Libyan people lie more than distant Zimbabwe. The moment the countries of the Arab League, EU, the UN agencies and Russia started doing business with the NTC, a new government had taken over Libya. Rather than pretend that their sense of being orphaned by Gaddafi will detain international attention, African leaders must wake up to the new reality. Their massive absence at the Paris forum has reduced Africas role in the shaping of one of the most important governments on the African continent in the coming days. Having remonstrated irrelevantly during the crisis in Ivory Coast, one would have expected the AU to do better in the Libyan situation. Instead we hear the same mouthings of sterile clichs about inclusive dialogue. The Libyan people who shed blood to free themselves from the yoke of an eccentric dictator are taking note as we totter in our narrow ambivalence. Dr Kituyi is a director of the Kenya Institute of Governance. mkituyi@kigafrica.org ### Obama Names Two Experienced Diplomats to Team As Problems Mount (allAfrica.com) http://allafrica.com/stories/201109011417.html By Reed Kramer 1 September 2011
President Barack Obama has tapped two experienced U.S. diplomats to represent him in Khartoum and Juba as tensions grow between Sudan and South Sudan. Mary Carlin Yates, who has served as U.S. ambassador to Ghana and Burundi and as deputy to the commander for CivilMilitary Activities of the United States Africa Command (Africom), takes up her new position today as interim Charg d'Affaires at the U.S. Embassy in the Sudanese capital. The naming of a fulltime ambassador has been delayed by ongoing U.S. concerns about the Khartoum government's military actions in two troubled regions of Sudan, Darfur and Southern Kordofan. Obama has also nominated Susan D. Page as the first U.S. ambassador to newlyindependent South Sudan. Page, who is currently deputy assistant secretary in the State Department's Africa bureau, is a Harvardtrained attorney who helped draft the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) for Sudan that ended decades of civil war between the north and south. The appointments coincide with calls for stepped up action by the United States and others to prevent further killing and suffering in a region that has experienced war and conflict for four decades. John Prendergast, a prominent peace advocate, warned in a recent report that the challenges facing South Sudan and the menace posed by "an angry, isolated, and besieged" regime in Khartoum, call for a new U.S. policy "rooted in the international responsibility to protect civilian life and democracy promotion." While no immediate shift in policy is anticipated, the administration spoke out again yesterday on the worsening situation in Southern Kordofan, where human rights groups say bombings by the Sudan Air Force have killed dozens of civilians and displaced thousands more. A statement issued jointly by the White House and State Department called on the government of Sudan "to immediately cease aerial bombings, particularly of civilian areas," which the statement said have continued "despite the Government of Sudan's announcement of a unilateral twoweek ceasefire last week." The American statement also expressed concern over reports that South Sudan is supporting the rebel movement fighting against Sudanese control of South Kordofan. Aid organizations say they have been barred from the area. This has placed "many people in a lifethreatening situation without any prospect of relief," Valerie Amos, the United Nations undersecretarygeneral for humanitarian affairs said on Tuesday. A report released this week by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch accuses the Sudan Air Force of "indiscriminately bombing civilian areas" in Southern Kordofan and "preventing aid from reaching desperate displaced people." Yates told AllAfrica the growing crisis in Southern Kordofan will be one of her first priorities. The U.S. government wants "both sides to provide unfettered humanitarian access to affected populations," she said in a telephone interview prior to her departure. She also called for the resumption of negotiations to work out a "permanent cessation of hostilities and a political settlement."
Since January, Yates has been in charge of Africa at the National Security Council, where, she said, "Sudan was a major focus for me as well as for the more senior administration officials," including the president. The 2005 peace agreement promised Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile both administrative regions of Sudan which border on South Sudan popular consultations to determine their future. But those consultations have not happened and tensions have escalated since disputed elections in Southern Kordofan in May in which the incumbent governor appointed by Khartoum was declared the victor. A framework for peace was agreed in June between the Khartoum authorities and the SPLMN, the northern affiliate of the ruling party in the south, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement. But implementation has stalled and Khartoum has sharply criticized the SPLMN for forging an alliance with two factions of the Darfur insurgent group that is opposing Khartoum in that region. The Sudan government has also refused to allow the presence of United Nations peacekeepers in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile. Yates conceded the complexity of problems she will be addressing in her post. "I've got my work cut out for me," she said. She stressed that the administration "remains committed to the development of two viable states in Sudan and South Sudan" and to improving ties with the Sudanese regime. "I certainly hope that my presence in Khartoum signals this intention clearly to the government," she said. While seeking improved relations, the administration remains committed to "international efforts to bring those responsible for genocide and crimes against humanity," she said. The International Criminal Court has issued an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar alBashir on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity arising out of the conflict in Darfur. The United States does not support deferral of the ICC prosecutions against Bashir and other Sudanese officials, she said. After Bashir agreed to accept the outcome of the January referendum in which southerners voted overwhelmingly for independence, the U.S. government offered a 'roadmap' to normalize bilateral relations. That process included a review of Sudan's inclusion on the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism. John Brennan, the president's chief counterterrorism advisor, visited Khartoum in June as part of the review, and, according to a White House statement, "underscored President Obama's deep concern over the continued presence of Sudanese Armed Forces in Abyei and urged a rapid and peaceful resolution to the crisis and to resolving outstanding CPA issues." The 2010 list of state sponsors of terrorism, issued by the State Department two weeks ago, again includes Sudan, while also labeling the government "a cooperative partner in global counterterrorism efforts against alQa'ida." The report said although Sudan has restricted the activities of foreign terrorist groups, "gaps remained in the Sudanese government's knowledge of and ability to identify and capture these individuals as well as prevent them from exploiting the territory for smuggling activities."
Yates said Khartoum also needs to show willingness to resolve the dispute over another border area, Abyei, and to work out its economic relationship with South Sudan, which includes issues related to currencies and debt. She said she would be working closely with the president's special envoy for Sudan, Princeton Lyman, on these issues. During Senate testimony in July, Lyman pointed to continuing problems in Darfur as a factor delaying the lifting of remaining U.S. sanctions, which include trade bans and foreign assistance restrictions adopted by both the executive branch and the Congress. He said the administration is pressing Khartoum to ease access in Darfur for humanitarian assistance and for UN peacekeepers, for serious engagement in peace negotiations, and for "an end to the use of proxy militias and targeting of civilians and an improvement in justice and accountability so the reign of impunity in Darfur does not continue." While Yates' appointment allows her to begin work immediately, Page's nomination as ambassador requires Senate confirmation, which normally takes several months. Prior to her current State Department appointment as one of four deputies to Assistant Secretary Johnnie Carson, Page worked on east and southern Africa at the National Democratic Institute and served in the United Nations Mission in Sudan (UNMIS), assisting with implementation of the 2005 agreement. Previously, she headed the Human Rights and Justice Unit for the United Nations Development Programme in Rwanda and, as a foreign service officer from 1993 to 2001, served in State Department and USAID posts in Rwanda, Botswana and Kenya. Even with the appointments of Yates and Page, officials say Lyman is expected to maintain his current role. His distinguished career, which included ambassadorships in Nigeria and South Africa, along with his calming personality, have earned him wide respect and make him 'first among equals on the Sudan team', in the words of one former official who has watched him perform in varying situations. Lyman became special envoy in March but has been a key interlocutor for the administration since August 2010, when he was brought onto its Sudan team to work alongside Scott Gration, his predecessor as special envoy. Gration, a former Air Force major general whose outspoken style sometimes caused friction, ended his tenure when Obama named him as U.S. Ambassador to Kenya in February. The administration's Sudan lineup also includes Dane Smith, a former ambassador to Guinea and Senegal and special envoy for Liberia, who has served as lead U.S. negotiator for Darfur since December. Yates's replacement at the National Security Council is Grant Harris, who has been a senior aide to Ambassador Susan Rice and the United States Mission to the United Nations. He is the third NSC senior director for Africa under Obama. The first person to hold that job, Michelle Gavin, has been U.S. Ambassador to Botswana since April. ###
A US military base in Africa (The Southern Times, Windhoek, Namibia) http://www.southerntimesafrica.com/article.php?title=A%20US%20military%20base%20in%20 Africa&id=6209 By Felox Njini 5 September 2011 Windhoek The United States military is likely to announce in 2012 where on the continent it will headquarter its muchmaligned Africa Command (AFRICOM). The proposed military base is presently based in Stuttgart, Germany because no African country has as yet expressed willingness to host American troops. The US has military bases dotted around the globe and Africa is the only continent that has so far resisted a formal and permanent American military presence. However, that resistance appears to be on the verge of vanishing. The past decade has seen the US increasingly casting a covetous eye on Africa's mineral resources and huge energy reserves and it is secure these and other strategic interests that the country wants to establish a military base on the continent. Controversy over AFRICOM returned to the fore recently when the Youth League of South Africa's ruling ANC party labelled Botswana's government a 'puppet regime' that is likely to host the American military base. Botswana has denied the charge. However, defence and security experts told The Southern Times that it was just a matter of time before the US realizes its dream of establishing a permanent military presence in Africa. The US military has strong collaborative relationships with several countries in all five regions of the continent. America describes AFRICOM as a combatant command 'plus', meaning it will have all the responsibilities of a traditional geographic combatant command, including facilitation of and leading full military operations. The force includes a broader 'soft power' mandate that the US says is aimed at building a stable security environment through incorporation of a large civilian component from American government agencies. AFRICOM's first commander, General William Ward, has said the force will play a supporting role to the US Department of State which conducts diplomacy and USAID. In a Congressional Research Service paper for members and committees of the US Congress on July 22, 2011, Lauren Ploch, an American expert on African Affairs, said AFRICOM could find an African home next year.
'A decision on AFRICOM's final headquarters location has been postponed to 2012 to allow the command to gain greater understanding of its longterm operational requirements,' Ploch wrote in 'AFRICOM: US Strategic Interests and the Role of the US Military on Africa'. The paper analyzes the US military's current activities in Africa, and reveals that AFRICOM fired the first shots in NATO's illegal invasion of Libya. AFRICOM attacked Libya in March this year before handing over the official military command to NATO on April 1. Citing statistics from US defence officials, Ploch said America already had around 3 500 troops in Africa. More than 2 000 of these are at Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti. The US has a fiveyear lease with the Djibouti government for the Lemonnier base and has the option to extend this to 2020. Lemonnier hosts the Combined Joint Task ForceHorn of Africa (CJTFHOA). 'CJTFHOA has a semipermanent troop presence at enduring forward operating site, Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti with more than 2 000 US military and civilian personnel in residence,' Ploch wrote. The same report outlines Camp Lemonnier's publicly acknowledged expenditure plans. In 2008, the US military base in Djibouti received US$68.6 million, US$31.4m in 2009 and an estimated US$41.8m last year. This year a budgetary requirement of US$51.6m has been requested and some of the money will be used to finance construction of a Horn of Africa Joint Operations Centre. The estimated budget for 2012 is US$89,5m. While it is publicly known that the US also has military ties with Kenya and Uganda in East Africa, CJTFHOA also lists Burundi, Chad, Comoros, the DRC, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mozambique, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda and Yemen as 'areas of interest'. The US uses military facilities in Kenya for its 'antiterrorism campaign' in the Horn of Africa. America also has access to military locations in almost all parts of the continent. In US military jargon, these are referred to as 'lily pads' or Cooperative Security Locations (CSLs).
The report lists countries with 'lily pads' as Algeria, Botswana, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Mali, Namibia, Sao Tome, Sierra Leona, Tunisia, Uganda and Zambia. In addition, AFRICOM has links with the African Union headquarters in Ethiopia through its military liaison officers. AFRICOM has military liaison officers at the Economic Community of West Africa States headquarters in Nigeria, and at the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre in Ghana as well as the International Peace Support Training Centre in Kenya. 'Those may expand, and additional liaison officers may be attached to other regional organizations,' Ploch wrote. Colonel Festus Aboagye, a senior research fellow in conflict management with the Institute for Security Studies in South Africa told this paper that while the US has not yet succeeded in securing a base for AFRICOM, negotiations will likely be with countries 'that have open foreign policies'. 'Botswana for example has some degree of links with the US government 'It pursues an open foreign policy and accepts such engagements with the US,' Aboagye noted. Refusing to offer land for a permanent base does not mean that African countries might not collaborate with US military, he said. In the region, South Africa and Mozambique also offer scope for collaborating with the US military. 'I don't think South Africa would allow the US to have any kind of headquarters or base but that doesn't mean it's not going to collaborate. 'In Mozambique, the threat of maritime piracy and lack of resources to contain the threats might see the country turning to the US for collaboration,' Aboagye said. In an interview, Botswana's Foreign Affairs Minister Phandu Skelemani flatly denied that his government harboured any interest in solidifying military links with the US. 'It's an old allegation. People have been saying that we gave US military land in west of Gaborone. 'It's a figment of imagination of these people. What we advise them is that if they are dreaming, they should not dream during daylight. 'It is diabolical, completely evil lies,' Skelemani said. He, however, admitted that 'like any other country' Botswana conducted military training exercises with the US.
'We are a member of SADC and the AU; how could we bring the US military to our neighbours,' Skelemani emphasized. Africa is the only grey area on US's global military sphere of influence. America has the US North Command (USNORTHCOM), US EU Command, (USEUCOM), US South America Command (USSOUTHCOM), US Central Command (USCENTCOM) and US Pacific Command (USPACOM). These permanent and fully operational commands cover every region of the world except for Africa. When the US under the George W Bush first floated the idea of AFRICOM, it was publicly resisted by several African countries. Ploch, in her report, said the US later 'received offers to host the command from several governments', though only Liberia publicly invited American troops onto its soil in 2007. Pressure from within the AU saw Liberia going quiet on its offer. AFRICOM's lead role in the Libyan offensive is indicative of the consequences of having a permanent US military presence on the continent. 'In March 2011, AFRICOM commenced Operation Odyssey Dawn in Libya. 'AFRICOM's part in the Libyan invasion included Tomahawk cruise missile attacks targeting Libyan command and control and air defenxe facilities,' Ploch's report said. NATO then assumed the lead in military operations in April under 'Operation Unified Protector'. The US has long had Africa in its sights and China's unannounced arrival on the continent has raised the stakes. In 2006 US National Security Strategy identified Africa as a 'high priority' and concluded that 'our security depends upon partnering with Africans to strengthen fragile and failing states and bring ungoverned areas under control of effective democracies'. During his visit to Ghana in 2010, US President Barack Obama claimed: 'Our African Command is focused not on establishing a foothold on the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa, and the world.' The US is keen to move AFRICOM from Stuttgart to an African location in 'close geographic proximity to the AU, African regional organizations' and US diplomatic missions.
'Locating US soldiers permanently in a foreign country would be predicated on the host country's approval of a StatusofForces Agreement (SOFA), a legal document negotiated by the State Department to define the legal status of US personnel and property while in that country, and a bilateral nonsurrender agreement, commonly known as an Article 98 Agreement, to protect American servicemen from prosecution by the International Criminal Court. 'AFRICOM estimates that the US military footprint on the continent (exclusive of Egypt) averaged approximately 3 500 troops in 2010. 'This includes an estimated 2 000 troops at CJTFHOA and the rotational presence of forces participating in various exercises,' the Ploch report says. Africa, it seems, will not resist US pressure to establish AFRICOM on the continent for very much longer. ### Hundreds Protest in Swazi Capital (VOA) http://blogs.voanews.com/breakingnews/2011/09/05/hundredsprotestinswazicapital/ By Unattributed Author 5 September 2011 Hundreds of demonstrators have marched through the capital of Swaziland against the government of King Mswati III, considered Africa's last absolute monarch. Heavy security surrounded the march in Mbabane, which is the first demonstration in what organizers say will be a planned weeklong strike to press demands for better working conditions and increased pay, as well as calls for democracy. The government had sought a court injunction to stop the strike . Protests are planned for Swaziland's largest city, Manzini, on Tuesday, and are expected also to be held in countries where there are Swazi embassies. Swaziland is in a financial crisis because of political mismanagment and corruption. South Africa recently agreed to give Swaziland a $343 million dollar bailout loan, contingent on reform. ### Why protests will not unseat Swaziland's King Mswati (BBC) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/worldafrica14750993 By Louise Redvers 5 September 2011
Motherofthree Salom Gamedze may be struggling to feed her family and pay school fees for her children's education but she is unlikely to take part in antigovernment demonstrations which Swaziland democracy activists have called, starting on 5 September. Ms Gamedze, 42, lives in a halfbrick halfmud hut in the remote Lubombo region of eastern Swaziland. She has no electricity or water and is unemployed. "I want to get a job so I can send my children to school but there are no jobs for me here and now we cannot even afford to work our land so we are not growing much," she sighed. "We had dreams for our children, that they would be better than us, become doctors and nurses and make something of their lives, but now that seems like an impossible dream." Ms Gamedze is like many Swazis: She wants change in a country where twothirds of the population lives in grinding poverty and a quarter is HIVpositive, but she is unsure about the type of change she wants. She is unlikely to take part in prodemocracy demonstrations to demand an end to the rule of King Mswati III, who is subSaharan Africa's last absolute monarch. Educated at a British boarding school, he has ruled Swaziland which has a population of about 1.2m since 1986. The king's critics accuse him and his 13 wives of leading a lavish lifestyle, showing little concern for the plight of his subjects an allegation he denies. During her interview with the BBC, Ms Gamedze stayed clear of mentioning King Mswati. 'Suicidal to criticise' For many Swazis he is almost a cult figure. Few of them wanted to talk about him, however discreetly. One prodemocracy leader said it was "suicidal" to criticise King Mswati, while another pointed out that in Swazi culture he is the final authority so if the opposition went to him to ask for change and he refused, they would have no further avenues to explore.
Salom Gamedze is pessimistic about the future Despite this fear of challenging the monarch, trade unions and civil society movements have staged several public demonstrations demanding the resignation of Prime Minister Barnabas Sibusiso Dlamini and his cabinet. The protests follow a worsening economic crisis in Swaziland, forcing the government to ask neighbouring South Africa for a bailout of $355m (218m) to pay its bills. But most people like Ms Gamedze are reluctant to get involved.
"People do understand that things are not right but they fear a backlash if they speak out. They are worried that if they are seen to be making a stand then they will have to answer to the traditional authority," Sibongile Dlamini, a programmes officer with the Swaziland Council of Churches (SCC), told the BBC. She said the lack of security of land tenure added to the vulnerability of people, as chiefs representing the monarchy controlled land in rural areas. In one recent case, she said, someone who tried to organise a group discussion about the situation in Swaziland had to pay a fine of two cows. "This is a person who does not work and has no income so that was a very big fine. What our system has done is suppress people into a state of ignorance and inaction," Ms Dlamini says. "I think as civil society, we need to go back to the drawing board and work out how to engage people because we need everybody to come together to make the government realise we need change." State of emergency Prodemocracy activists argue that King Mswati's "Tinkundla" system of government which has banned political parties, but allows for a parliament to exist is a major cause of Swaziland problems. They say this system has few checks and balances, allowing corruption to flourish. Former businessman Musa Hlophe, who heads the Swaziland Coalition of Concern Civic Organisations (SCCCO), says the battle to achieve democracy in Swaziland is an uphill one.
Swaziland's 13 queens are accused of profligate spending "You're talking about 38 years of living under a vicious state of emergency that has produced a generation who know no democracy and who grew up in an environment where people can't talk freely," he says. Mr Hlophe was among a number of Swazis who lobbied against South Africa giving Swaziland a bailout without strict conditions, arguing the money would just prop up the existing regime. Although the finer details of the loan agreement are still under discussion, South Africa's government has said the "creation of an open dialogue in Swaziland" was a key condition for the loan. Mr Hlophe said he hoped that dialogue would take place soon while protests to demand democracy would continue.
From 5 September, the opposition has called a "Global Week of Action on Swaziland", urging people to back their campaign to bring democracy to the monarchy. Labour protests in April were met by a heavy police reaction leading to teachers being tear gassed and several foreign journalists arrested. Last year around 50 people were arrested for taking part in demonstrations and South Africans who showed their solidarity by joining the protest were deported. Ms Dlamini hopes that despite the political repression, there will be a big turnout at the main protest in Swaziland's capital, Mbabane. "If it's always the same faces walking through Mbabane the government will continue to say that it's only a minority who are unhappy with the system and nothing will change," she said. ### China denies report, says it did not sell weapons to Libya (CNN) http://www.cnn.com/2011/WORLD/africa/09/05/libya.war/ By Unattributed Author 5 September 2011 Tripoli, Libya Documents showing that China offered to sell arms to Moammar Gadhafi in the waning days of his rule are "the real deal," a senior member of Libya's transitional government said Monday. The comment follows a report by Canada's The Globe and Mail newspaper saying that state controlled Chinese arms manufacturers were prepared to sell at least $200 million worth of weapons to Gadhafi, which would have violated United Nations resolutions banning such transactions. The Globe and Mail said one of its reporters found the documents, in Arabic, in a pile of trash in Tripoli's Bab Akkarah neighborhood, an enclave that was home to some of Gadhafi's most loyal supporters. The documents, which were posted Sunday on the website of the Torontobased newspaper, do not confirm whether any military assistance was delivered to Libya. AntiGadhafi forces surround desert town Fighters push on to Gadhafi stronghold Papers show However, Libya's National Transitional Council said it appears deliveries might have been made. "We found several documents that showed us orders, very large orders, of arms and ammunition specifically from China, and now we do know that some of the things that were on the list are here on the ground, and they came in over the last two to six months," said Abdulrahman Busin, NTC spokesman. He said it is unclear whether the exact list on the document was delivered, "but there were many things on that list that are here, and these are brandnew equipment, brandnew weapons, brand
new boxes of ammunition that haven't been opened yet, that were clearly delivered only in the last few months. "Don't forget that we have many of the generals and high commanders who defected some time ago who know Gadhafi's regime very, very well, know what he has and doesn't have, and we know 100% that there was a lot of weapons and arms that were delivered to Gadhafi over the last few months during the war and during the sanctions," Busin said. China says it followed U.N. Security Council resolutions that banned the export of arms to Gadhafi's government. "The Gadhafi regime sent people to China to engage in contact with certain individuals of relevant Chinese companies in July without the knowledge of the Chinese government departments," Jiang Yu, a spokeswoman for China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told CNN. "Chinese companies have not signed any military trade contracts with Libya let alone provided military exports to Libya." Mohamed Sayeh, a member of the NTC, said Libya's new leaders have seen the documents. "This deal is a real deal and we have seen the official documents," he said. "It was signed by Chinese officials, and it was to send guns and artillery to Libya through Algiers to expedite the deal." The fourpage memo detailed a trip by Gadhafi's security officials to Beijing on July 16 during which they met with four statecontrolled weapons manufacturers, the newspaper reported. "The companies suggest that they make the contracts with either Algeria or South Africa, because those countries previously worked with China," the documents say. According to the newspaper, the documents show the Chinese companies noted that many of the items wanted by Gadhafi were in Algeria and could quickly be moved across the Libyan border. The Chinese said they would replace the Algerian arms sent to Libya, the document said. Busin said Mustafa Abdul Jalil, NTC chairman, has "made it very, very clear that anybody who has helped and supported and stood by Gadhafi over the months would not be greeted well." China abstained from voting on a Security Council resolution in March that authorized the protection of Libyan civilians by any means necessary, with the exception of a ground invasion. China, however, did approve a Security Council resolution that banned military assistance, including the sale of weapons, to Gadhafi's government. China, Algeria and South Africa have opposed the NATO bombing campaign in Libya, and the three countries were slow to recognize the authority of the National Transitional Council as Libya's legitimate authority. Sayeh said the NTC was amazed that the deal was discussed at a time when Gadhafi's forces were killing "thousands and thousands of Libyans, and it was done by two U.N. members" who signed the arms embargo.
"We will not forget but we will forgive, and we will start all over again," Sayeh told CNN. Gadhafi's wife, two sons and other relatives fled to Algeria recently, deepening mistrust between the NTC and Libya's neighbor. Algeria said it acted on humanitarian grounds, but it angered the NTC. The transitional council has accused Algeria of supporting the Gadhafi regime. Algerians also complained to the United Nations about damage done to their embassy soon after NTC fighters entered Tripoli. Algeria will in the future recognize the NTC as the goverment in Libya, Algerian Foreign Minister Mourad Medelci told French radio network Europe 1 last week. "The NTC has said it is going to set up a government representative of all regions, and when it has done that, we'll recognize it," Medelci said. Meanwhile, the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry on Monday said 23 Ukrainian citizens working at Libyan oil industry facilities were arrested. No official charges have been filed, the ministry said in a statement, adding that because of the fighting in the Libyan capital, the NTC is looking at all foreigners in Tripoli with suspicion. The Ukrainian Embassy in Tripoli and the ministry are rendering proper consular assistance to those arrested, the ministry said. As a result, one person was released on Sunday and the others are undergoing security checks, according to the statement. "Embassy officials are regularly visiting our citizens, examining their conditions and pursuing active steps for their liberation and further return home," the ministry said. Ukrainian news agencies on Monday quoted Foreign Ministry spokesman Oleg Voloshin as telling reporters that those detained have food and water and there is no threat to their lives. ### In Africa, U.S. Watches China's Rise (Wall Street Journal) http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424053111903392904576510271838147248.html By Peter Wonacott 5 September 2011 Ethiopia and Zambia Are Among Fans of Continent's New Top Trade Partner; Washington Presses for Accountability. China is expanding its economic and political ties with countries across Africa, resulting in a rapid rise in influence here that has sparked concern from the U.S. government. Beijing's investment and aid to African countries aims to tap both natural resources and a growing middle class. As China burrows into local economies, leaders from South Africa to Ethiopia have been touting its model for developmentone that stresses stateled growth,
validates tightfisted political control and offers a powerful counterpoint to the freemarket democracy mantra promoted by the U.S. The embrace of China in Africa's capitals stands in contrast with complaints also voiced around the continent about Chinese firms' treatment of workers and concerns over some companies' environmental records. In Zimbabwe, even opponents of President Robert Mugabe welcome China's focus on commerce that doesn't link aid to politics. "China's model is telling us you can be successful without following the Western example," said deputy prime minister Arthur Mutambara, a member of an opposition party locked in awkward coalition with Mr. Mugabe, who has deep ties with Beijing. The U.S. is the largest foreign donor to Zimbabwe, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, which doesn't count China as a member. The U.S. funnels much of its assistance through nongovernmental organizations, some of which are critical of Zimbabwe's government. That hasn't gone down well with many officials. "China is my favorite country," said Mr. Mutambara a 45yearold politician who attended U.S. universities. Washington has taken notice. Some U.S. officials say the number of governments in Africa finding favor with China's path of development gives Chinese firms an edge over U.S. competitors and reflects Beijing's strategic ambitions for the continent. "It's quite clear that the model of stateled capitalism is being used as an instrument of China's soft power," said Robert D. Hormats, the U.S. State Department's Under Secretary for Economic Affairs. "It's part of a broad notion that China's economic model is successful and can be used elsewhere." Mr. Hormats said Chinese investments in Africa came up at a recent meeting known as the U.S. China Strategic and Economic Dialogue. U.S. officials have supported Chinese investment and aid to African economies, but they have argued that Beijing should adopt more transparent financing to combat corruption and impose stricter environmental and labor standards to hew to global norms. Such practices could serve China's interests, U.S. officials say, because big projects wouldn't be tied to particular governments or officials. "Our argument is that China can play a constructive role in Africa as investorsbut they need to be responsible investors," said Mr. Hormats. China says it is simply doing business, largely to support an economy back home, and engaging African governments. Beijing isn't promoting a particular development model to counter a Western alternative, said Liu Guijin, China's special representative on African affairs. "What we are doing is sharing our experiences," he said in a May interview. "Believe me, China doesn't want to export our ideology, our governance, our model. We don't regard it as a mature model." Many African leaders feel otherwise.
Ethiopia, which has received more than $4 billion in assistance from the U.S. government since 2007, has praised China's growth and criticized Western "bandaid" approaches to development. Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has lashed out at "extremist neoliberals" for criticizing his tough stance on dissent, such as jailing journalists and lining the capital with surveillance cameras, which were purchased from a Chinese security company. South Africa has been sending top officials to Beijing's Communist Party School to learn how to run stateowned companies more profitably. China is also helping Algeria, Nigeria, Zambia and other African nations build special economic zones to attract foreign investmentsimilar to the laboratories for industrial reform that spurred its own opening to the world. Chinese textile makers, realestate developers and restaurateurs have followed China's state owned firms onto the continent. That combination of statedriven capitalism and entrepreneurial zeal has set an alluring example for many African leaders seeking ways to generate investment in their emerging economies. "The China model is appropriate because Africa needs investment," says Raman Dhawan, managing director for Tata Africa, an Indian conglomerate with projects dotted around the continent. China is now the continent's largest trading partner, edging out the U.S. Last year, its trade with Africa reached $114 billion, up from $10 billion in 2000 and $1 billion in 1980, according to China's State Council, or cabinet. On a continental scale, China's dealmaking pace far exceeds the U.S.'s, according to Mthuli Ncube, Chief Economist at the African Development Bank Group. He estimates Chinese firms accounted for 40% of the corporate contracts signed last year, to 2% for U.S. firms. Unlike the U.S., which often sends aid money to nongovernmental groups, China mostly routes aid through government entities, usually in consultation with leaders about what their priorities are. In September 2010, China and Ghana signed infrastructurerelated loans and other projects valued at about $15 billion, just as the West African nation begins pumping crude from a massive new oil field. In 2009, China signed a $6 billion loan agreement with mineralrich Congo for infrastructure projects. In Angola, a top supplier of crude to China, Chinese banks have extended about $9 billion in loans and other types of financing, according to a 2010 report from the African Development Bank. In Addis Ababa, for example, Ethiopia, hundreds of Chinese and Ethiopians have been building the headquarters to the 53 member states of the African Union. China is footing the tab for the $200 million tower and conference center. While the building is a symbol of tightening ties with Africa, Chinese officials aren't vying with the U.S. for influence, they say here. "It's not China versus America. It's whatever helps the
Ethiopians," says Zeng Huacheng, who has been managing the project as a counselor at the Chinese embassy in Ethiopia. "If we don't help, Africans will suffer." ### Less Severe Drought Forecast For Horn of Africa (VOA) http://www.voanews.com/english/news/africa/LessSevereDroughtForecastForHornof Africa128891273.html By Lisa Schlein 1 September 2011 The World Meteorological Organization (WMO) says the Horn Of Africa can look forward to weaker drought conditions in the coming months. In its latest El Nino/La Nina update, the WMO says near neutral or weak La Nina conditions, which lessen the severity of drought, are the most likely scenarios for the rest of 2011. The El Nino and La Nina phenomena, which occur in the tropical Pacific, have a significant impact upon weather and climate around the globe. The World Meteorological Organization says there is a possibility that La Nina conditions, where sea surface temperatures cool, may re emerge over the coming months. But, if this happens, it says the event is likely to be much weaker than the moderate to strong La Nina, which prevailed in 2010 and ended in May 2011. That La Nina was linked to disastrously wet conditions in parts of Australia, Indonesia, Southeast Asia, and portions of northern South America. At the same time, it caused drought in East Africa. WMO Climate Expert Rupa Kumar Kolli says if La Nina reemerges it would result in rainfall, which is either normal or below normal. This, he tells VOA, could potentially spell bad news for East Africa but he adds that drought conditions are still likely to be less severe than in the past two years. There is reason to be concerned about the situation. But, at the same time, even if La Nina occurs, the current indications are that it is likely to be weak and is not going to be anywhere close to the moderate to strong La Nina that we have seen last year," said Kolli. "In that sense, even if it is slightly below normal, it is really not alarming and it is very unlikely that we will see a very severe drought condition to happen in Eastern Africa. More than 12 million people in Kenya, Ethiopia, Djibouti and Somalia are struggling to cope with the worst drought to hit the Horn of Africa in 60 years. People in Somalia are particularly hard hit as they try to survive the twin disasters of conflict and drought. The United Nations has declared several regions in southern Somalia to be famine zones. Kolli says the drought in the Horn of Africa came as no surprise to meteorologists. He says the impact resulting from the La Nina event was expected and he says regional weather centers warned countries of the severity of the drought that was looming.
Once countries have been warned of a possible weatherrelated disaster, he tells VOA it is up to their governments to take appropriate measures to try to lessen the expected impact. Famines are manmade, whereas droughts are natural parts of the system. So, the drought warnings were given sufficiently in advance to the policy makers,".Kolli added. "But, the famine conditions are a combination of the drought and other factors, which actually create a situation where people have no access to food. WMO Climate Expert Kolli says meteorologists are trying to improve ways of getting policy makers to take their warnings more seriously. He says they are trying to see how they can better communicate weather and climate information. He says it is important to make policy makers understand they must take appropriate decisions based on the regional forecasts they receive. ### Somalia famine: UN warns of 750,000 deaths (BBC) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/worldafrica14785304 By Unattributed Author 5 September 2011 As many as 750,000 people could die as Somalia's drought worsens in the coming months, the UN has warned, declaring a famine in a new area. The UN says tens of thousands of people have died after what is said to be East Africa's worst drought for 60 years. Bay becomes the sixth area to be officially declared a famine zone mostly in parts of southern Somalia controlled by the Islamist alShabab. Some 12 million people across the region need food aid, the UN says. The situation in the Bay region was worse than anything previously recorded, said senior UN's technical adviser Grainne Moloney. "The rate of malnutrition [among children] in Bay region is 58%. This is a record rate of acute malnutrition," she told journalists in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi. This is almost double the rate at which a famine is declared.
"In total, 4 million people are in crisis in Somalia, with 750,000 people at risk of death in the coming four months in the absence of adequate response," the UN's Food Security and Nutrition Analysis Unit (FSNAU) says. Half of those who have already died are children, it says.
Neighbouring Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda have also been affected by the severe lack of rain. But 20 years of fighting and the lack of a national government mean that Somalia is by far the worst affected country. The UNbacked authority controls the capital, Mogadishu but few other areas. Unni Karunakara, head of medical charity Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), says alShabab's restrictions on aid workers mean many people in Somalia cannot be helped and says aid agencies should be more open about this when appealing for more money. "The grim reality of Somalia today is we are not able to get to south and central Somalia, which we consider to be the epicentre of the crisis," he told the BBC World Service. "What is needed is a better representation of the challenges that aid agencies, including MSF, face in delivering assistance in Somalia today. In a sandy clearing surrounded by leafless bushes, people queued up for help. Food aid is reaching Kenya's Wajir district but not enough of it. The demand is overwhelming and so the religious leaders have to pick out the most vulnerable only they are given the soughtafter parcels of rice, sugar, beans, flour and oil. Schools are supposed to be reopening this week but there will be many empty benches as some children are too weak to make the long walk to school. "The children are demoralised and many will not go. Also the UN has reduced the school feeding programme and the children can't learn without food," said father of five Mohammed Abdulahi. In Griftu hospital a mother lay beside her terribly malnourished fouryearold daughter. Listless and stickthin Ahado was being fed through a tube. The nurses are hopeful that within a month she will be out of danger. "On the ward we now have an average of six to 10 severely malnourished children each week. The numbers have gone up. The drought is still getting worse," said Doctor Kosmos Ngis. "Even if we are able to get food and supplies to the main ports of Somalia, I think there is a real challenge in being able to deliver that assistance what I call the 'lastmile' problem. Some officials from alShabab, which has links to alQaeda, have accused Western aid groups of exaggerating the scale of the crisis for political reasons. Tens of thousands of Somalis have fled their country to seek help.
BBC East Africa correspondent Will Ross says that even if there is rainfall in October or November, people will need food aid for several more months until the crops have grown. "This isn't a shortterm crisis," said UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia Mark Bowden. In Kenya's Wajir district, just across the border from Somalia, health workers are reporting an increase in the number of malnourished children. Weakened by the lack of food they are more susceptible to disease. The drought is still taking its toll on the livestock people living in the arid areas of Kenya depend on their animals for their livelihood and with no rain expected for several weeks the crisis is still deepening despite the presence of aid agencies, says our correspondent. ### While some Kenyans starve, others have bumper crop (AP) http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5gVquaU6cH_t9wtHQcC HzzyNjjsA?docId=bb0029c94ae84f80b2a699a97ce94b6a By Katharine Houreld 3 September 2011 NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) In central and western Kenya, farmers have had a bumper crop of plump ears of corn and earthy potatoes. Yet in the north, skeletal children wait for food aid amid a growing emergency. Kenya is supposed to be East Africa's economic powerhouse but a drought has sharply highlighted the historical neglect of northern Kenya, where 3.75 million Kenyans need food aid. Many Kenyan critics are blaming the situation not just on the weather but also on corrupt and negligent politicians. Small farmers in western Kenya which has had steady rains and a good harvest say they don't move their crops to the droughtravaged north because it costs too much to store and transport them and they are not assured of a market. The semiarid northern regions have long been neglected, first by British colonial rulers and then by successive Kenyan governments. Roads are often just bumpy tracks in the sand. "We've had a good harvest this year but it is hard to cover costs," said farmer Morris Yabatsa, who grows corn and beans near the western town of Kitale. He sells a sack of corn for $24, but expects the price to halve in coming weeks as a glut of produce hits the local markets. Meanwhile, markets are mostly bare in the north. Smallholders like Yabatsa have no way to transport the crops there. They don't have their own vehicles, and even if they did the roads are pitted with potholes and plagued by bandits, and many wouldn't be able to afford to buy the produce in the north because the drought has killed their cattle. The pastoralist communities there use their herds like bank accounts, selling off
animals when they need cash. Oxfam says in some areas between 6090 percent of livestock have already perished. "The government has surrendered its responsibility," said James Shikwati, a leading Kenyan economist. Instead of investing in infrastructure, it was losing millions of dollars through corruption, he said. "We need to start looking at individuals and government departments that have failed and start naming them," he said. "People should be in court." Last month, the World Bank announced it did not renew funding for a project to help more than 1 million Kenyans to withstand recurrent droughts after millions of dollars could not be accounted for. The bank has asked the government to trace $4.1 million donated to the Arid Lands Natural Resource Management Program. Government spokesman Alfred Mutua said the government is doing everything it can to help, including providing food aid, buying dying livestock from pastoralists in droughtstricken areas to provide them with cash, and building two new roads to run through the north. Yabatsa said he wants the government to improve the roads and help break transport cartels that pay farmers a pittance and then hoard corn to inflate prices. "Many of those cartels are run by politicians," he asserted. A Price Waterhouse Coopers forensic audit report made public last year showed Kenya wasted $26.1 million through corrupt deals made in a 2009 government program meant to provide subsidized maize for Kenya's poor. However some assistance has been forthcoming. Yabatsa said he took advantage of a governmentbacked program to offer small loans to farmers so they can invest more in their land. Such a loan had helped him buy more fertilizer this year. ### END OF REPORT

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