RESEARCH ON CHILD POVERTY IN SERBIA

Belgrade, April 2004

CONTENTS
NATIONAL ENVIRONMENT............................................................................ 7
SUMMARY .................................................................................................. 8
1 THE POVERTY ISSUE ............................................................................... 11
1.1 The Concept of Poverty ...................................................................... 11
1.2 Child Poverty ..................................................................................... 11
1.3 Poverty in Serbia – Alarming Figures..................................................... 12
2 BASIC FACTS ABOUT THE RESEARCH ...................................................... 13
2.1 Research Objectives ........................................................................... 13
2.2 Participatory Model ............................................................................ 13
2.3 Researcher Training ............................................................................ 14
2.4 Pilot Survey....................................................................................... 14
2.5 Fieldwork .......................................................................................... 14
2.6 Sample ............................................................................................. 15
3 METHODOLOGY...................................................................................... 17
3.1 Data Collection – Processing and Analysis............................................. 17
3.2 Family Questionnaire .......................................................................... 17
3.3 Child and Parent Focus Groups ............................................................ 18
3.4 Research Participants ......................................................................... 19
3.5 Age Profile of Respondents ................................................................. 19
4 RESEARCH RESULTS ............................................................................... 20
4.1 Features of the Population Surveyed..................................................... 20
5 BASIC FINDINGS ..................................................................................... 23
5.1 Educational Deprivation ...................................................................... 24
5.2 Cultural Deprivation............................................................................ 27
5.3 Health Deprivation ............................................................................. 30
5.4 Material Deprivation ........................................................................... 34
5.5 Geographical Deprivation .................................................................... 36
5.6 Social Deprivation .............................................................................. 37
5.7 Where Problems Are Even More Distinct ............................................... 38
5.8 System of Values............................................................................... 38
6 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................. 40
7 APPENDICES .......................................................................................... 45
Appendix 1 – Selection Criteria and Local Partner Organisation Profile ............... 47
Appendix 2 – List of Researchers and Associates ........................................... 48
Appendix 3 – Criteria for the Selection of Families and Children........................ 49
Appendix 4 – Matrix for Situational Analysis Data Collection............................ 51
Appendix 5 – Questionnaire for Parents......................................................... 53
Parents Questionnaire – Data Processed........................................................ 57
How to Interpret SMMRI Tables ................................................................... 69
Appendix 6 – Focus Groups Conducted ......................................................... 70
Appendix 7 – Municipalities Covered by the Research ..................................... 71
We are not problems, we are
the way to solve problems.

We are not a cost, we are

an investment.
NATIONAL ENVIRONMENT
In late 2002, the Government of
the Republic of Serbia initiated the
development of a Poverty Reduction
Strategy Paper for Serbia (hereinafter
the Strategy). A national Survey
on the Living Standards of the
Population was conducted as a basis
for this Strategy and a broad national
consultative process involving all
international organizations and Civil
Society representatives was initiated.
Perhaps the greatest contribution of
these actions has been to deepen
the understanding of poverty as a far
more complex and multidimensional
phenomenon than any solely economic
definition can convey.
On October 16, 2003, the Government
of the Republic of Serbia adopted the
Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper. This
document is part of Serbia’s broader
development strategy and its adoption
demonstrates the state’s commitment
to greater involvement in European
integration and global development
trends. The Poverty Reduction Strategy
Paper also incorporates an activity
plan, aimed at reducing key forms
of poverty.
The Cabinet of the Prime Minister
of the Republic of Serbia will be
responsible for its implementation,
with the expected assistance of civil
society, the international community
and all other interested parties.
It is expected that Civil Society
Organizations will play a major
role in implementing the Strategy,
especially in monitoring the use of
funds, assessing the impact of the
intervention and empowerment of
people at the local level.
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 7
SUMMARY
In order to complement the data collected
through the Living Standards Measurement
Survey (LSMS), UNICEF conducted a programme
of participatory research on child poverty
in cooperation with local non-governmental
organisations.
The importance of participatory research lies in
the fact that it studies poverty through the life-
experiences of the poor, and improves insight
into the phenomenon by including their opinions
and perspectives.
In the course of the research we wished to talk
about children with children. Children have rights
and must not be treated simply as the passive
recipients of aid. This requires that they should
play an active role in defining the agenda of any
programme intended to assist them and that
their recommendations need to be embraced.
The objective of UNICEF’s research was to find
out how children experience poverty, how they
cope with their problems, what they identify as
the causes and how they view the possibilities
of overcoming such circumstances.
Focus group meetings were held within the
most vulnerable sections of society – internally
displaced persons and refugees in collective
centres, the Roma and sections of the native
population. The information gathered in
this manner makes it possible to see child
8 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
poverty in all its complexity and improves
our understanding of how children live in this
country and what problems they face.
A Situation Analysis conducted in eight
Serbian municipalities gives an overview of
the broader socio-economic environment in
these municipalities. A variety of sources
were used in the data collection process,
and the information obtained indicates that,
apart from personal poverty, community
poverty also triggers certain distinct forms of
deprivation. In these environments, there are
practically no institutions and organisations
capable of satisfying the different needs
of children. When speaking about what
they lack most, children often emphasise
their inability to go to the cinema or
theatre, engage in sports activities, receive
appropriate education and healthcare and
have contact with their peers. The lack of
all these things not only increases relative,
absolute or subjective poverty, but also
leaves children with limited development
opportunities.
The survey, covering 677 households, yielded
basic information on family status, household
features, the distance from relevant institutions
to the respondents’ places of residence and
household needs and expenditures. It also
recorded the specific views maintained by the
families.
The research has shown that:
Child poverty in Serbia has many faces.
Children and parents do not define
poverty in purely material, i.e. economic
terms; they also emphasise educational,
health, social, geographical and cultural
deprivation as essential dimensions of
poverty.
Substantial violations of child rights
are caused by poverty. These include
the right to education, the right to
survival and development, the right to
participation and decision-making and
the right to play. We also obtained
information on a striking rise in child
labour and discrimination.
Children perceive and define poverty
in a different manner from adults. It is
particularly important to bear this in mind
when developing projects and strategies
related to issues that are of significance
for children.
Parents are more focused on economic
issues than children. Even though
they express a great desire to offer
their offspring a better life, they are,
on the whole, passive and often shift
responsibility to others, expecting them
to provide aid and solve problems.
Many institutions, organisations and
individuals in the local community, as
well as representatives of the local
authorities, wish to take a more active
part in dealing with child poverty issues.
However, they lack developed tools and
capacities to cope with them.
The research results, as well as the
methodology used in all phases, indicate
the need to continue this type of research
in the future, covering a larger sample or
focusing on other types of phenomena
we wish to examine.
“I am tired of grown-up problems.“
“Only father has a job, and there are five of
us children in the family. I would like to live
in a larger house, because the five of us
live in a single room.“
“I would like to state freely who I am and
what I am, without feeling ashamed of my
ethnic background – I hate situations when
people won’t be friends with me because
of this.“
“I really miss having someone asking me:
‘Are you all right?’“
“When I tell them ‘I’m really unhappy’,
they say, ‘So what can we do about it’!“
“I would like to be a magician and have lots
of money, so I could help poor people and
people that are ill.“
“In the future, I would like to provide my
children with all the things I don’t have
now.“
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 9
The basic problems in formulating child
poverty reduction programmes and
strategies stem from the complexity of the
issue and from the fact that the eradication
of poverty is, generally, a long-term
process.
That is why poverty reduction must begin
with children and with a clearly defined
and coordinated engagement on the part of
10 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
organisations, institutions and individuals
at the national, regional and local level.
The first step has been taken with this
research – by defining the problems from
the perspective of the most vulnerable, by
listening to the voices of children and by
initiating a process that will ensure these
voices are heeded and taken as a basis for
future research and action.
1 THE POVERTY ISSUE
1.1 The Concept of Poverty
Poverty has been identified as one of the most
important global issues of the day and the
eradication of poverty is one of the millennium
development goals that UN member states
have committed themselves to achieving by
the year 2015.
Poverty has many aspects and dimensions. Some
look upon poverty as an inability to maintain
the standard that is predominant in a given
society. Others place greater emphasis on various
intangible assets that poverty-affected people
are in need of – particularly their social capital,
security and skills. Poverty can also be interpreted
as a lack of basic opportunities for a dignified life.
This approach goes beyond the notion of poverty
as an exclusively financial condition and identifies
its broader characteristics, including: frequent
illness, malnutrition, lack of education, social and
political marginalisation and discrimination based
on gender, age or some other factor.
Today, most policy-makers accept the multi-
dimensional definition of poverty that includes
certain traditionally “immeasurable” attributes,
such as discrimination, social isolation or loss
of dignity. Nevertheless, the choice of relevant
indicators and their individual importance remains
1
The poverty line in Serbia, defined in mid 2002 for the living standards survey, is drawn at an income of 4,489 dinars
per capita per month.
debatable and it is usually a narrow definition of
poverty that is adopted for operational reasons.
Living in poverty implies insecurity, helplessness,
subjection to violence and discrimination and
exclusion from the mainstream of society. Being
poor means being excluded from decision-making
and living on the margins of society. That is why it
is clear that poverty reduction means far more than
simply reaching a certain income level.1
1.2 Child Poverty
Poverty reduction must begin with children. The
well-being of children is a key factor in measuring
national development. The way a society relates
to children, particularly those that are poor and
vulnerable, is the prime criterion for determining
its integrity. This also applies to the international
community.
Child and youth poverty reduction is of special
importance, because it represents the only way
to avoid trans-generational poverty reproduction.
Investing in children today is the best guarantee
of just and extended development in the future.
UNICEF approaches poverty from the aspect of
human and child rights, because they offer a
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 11
response to the manifold nature of poverty. The
basic principles of the Convention on the Rights
of the Child stipulate that every child has the
right to survival and development in accordance
with the best interests of the child and taking
into account the child’s wishes. Child poverty
represents a violation of these basic principles.
1.3 Poverty in Serbia
– Alarming Figures
According to official statistics, every tenth citizen
is “officially poor” in Serbia, because he/she lives
on 4,400 dinars a month, which is 2.4 U.S. dollars
a day. According to the LSMS, 10.6 percent of the
population (approximately 800 thousand citizens)
live below the poverty line. Disaggregating the data
by social groups we find that the unemployed,
retired and poorly educated are most affected by
poverty. Had the sum of 5,500 dinars been taken
as the minimum income limit, the number living in
poverty would have doubled, reaching 1.6 million
people. Two-thirds of the population of Serbia earn
less than 10 thousand dinars a month. However, it is
apparent that the LSMS underestimates the incidence
of poverty in Serbia because it does not include the
Roma, refugees and IDPs, who constitute some of
the poorest groups in the country.
According to official statistics, 200 thousand
children are affected by poverty in Serbia, while
another 400 thousand lack sufficient financial
means. With two million children in Serbia, this
means that nearly a third lacks the conditions for
a happy childhood and normal development. Roma
children, refugees and children whose parents are
unemployed are amongst the poorest.
12 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
Moving beyond the purely economic or income
dimensions of poverty, the statistics show that
pre-school education coverage is very low. Only
11.8 percent of the children under 3 and 44.4
percent of those aged 4–6 attend pre-schools.
The average distance a child needs to travel to
reach a kindergarten is 6.4 kilometres in eastern
Serbia, 5.3 kilometres in western Serbia and 4.2
kilometres in the central part of the Republic.
At the level of primary and secondary education,
11.4 percent of the respondents do not attend
school; the highest percentage – 17.5 percent
– being recorded in Vojvodina. The main reason
given by the respondents for not going to school
was financial problems, while 31.2 percent said
that it was due to “other reasons” which they do
not describe.
Children’s participation in cultural, educational,
extra-curricular and sports programmes is
extremely low (8.8 percent of children between
the ages of 4 and 6, 10.6 percent of children
aged 7–14). Cultural deprivation implies a child’s
inability to satisfy their need for self-fulfilment.
Cultural poverty is particularly significant in
analysing child poverty, because it has a strong
negative impact on development.
Apart from the poverty that “stems from the past”
(and which affects the most critical groups already
mentioned above), the phenomenon of “newly-
developed” poverty, caused by the transition
process and the rise in unemployment, has further
diversified poverty in Serbia. Economic transition
is resulting in the death of some towns due to
economic decline and subsequent large-scale
migration and demographic change.
2 BASIC FACTS
ABOUT THE RESEARCH
2.1 Research Objectives
In order to complement the data collected in
the LSMS, UNICEF conducted a participatory
research project on child poverty. The
objective was to learn how children experience
their poverty, how they cope with their
problems, what they identify as the causes
and how they visualise the possibilities of
overcoming such circumstances. Apart from
the basic objective of analysing poverty from
the perspective of poverty-affected people,
the specific objectives of this research
included:
Raising awareness of the different
manifestations of child poverty in Serbia
Building the capacities of the NGO sector
to monitor poverty in Serbia
2.2 Participatory Model
The research used a participatory model in
assessing poverty. The basic characteristic of
this model is that it studies poverty through the
experiences of the poor, with their participation
and that of civil society and local authorities.
The participation of the poor enables the
development of a more relevant and appropriate
poverty reduction strategy. It provides
opportunities for the acquisition of new skills
that could be used in the solution of everyday
problems, offers people the possibility of taking
part in further activities, creates a feeling of
ownership over the project and strengthens the
people’s desire for change.
It is particularly important to include children
in this process, for the following reasons:
We learn what children think and what
their priorities are
Children think differently from adults
It is a way of helping children become
active citizens
It empowers all the participants in research
It enables more efficient action
Participation is one of the rights provided by
the Convention on the Rights of the Child
Participation leads to responsibility
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 13
The research covered children between the
ages of 7 and 18; the parents of children
aged 0–7; and the parents/family members
of children aged 7–18.
2.3 Researcher Training
The training of researchers was planned
and conducted by UNICEF’s national
and international consultants. A one-
week Training of Trainers was held at
Mt. Zlatibor in mid-July 2003, for the 27
NGO representatives who took part in the
research. During the training, the researchers
had an opportunity to get acquainted with
the concept of poverty, Serbia’s Poverty
Reduction Strategy Paper and with the
participatory research approach. They also
had a chance to practice the most frequently
used participatory research techniques. In
addition to offering new skills, the seminar
was used to prepare the first draft of the
research action plan and define criteria
for the selection of the most vulnerable
categories of children and parents.
2.4 Pilot Survey
A pilot survey was conducted in August
2003, covering a sample of 100 children
and 70 parents. Its basic objective was to
identify potential strengths and weaknesses
in the research methodology and project
2
Selection criteria and local partner organisation profile – Appendix 1.
14 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
concept, and to establish initial contacts
with the local community. The results of the
pilot survey were used to develop action
plans for the fieldwork properly.
2.5 Fieldwork
The fieldwork was conducted in September
and October 2003. It included the process
of selecting the most vulnerable families,
performing situation analysis in the eight
chosen municipalities, forming child and parent
focus groups and making parent and family-
member surveys.
The research was carried out in cooperation
with local NGOs.2 This involved local
community representatives and utilised their
support. It also encouraged professional
development and helped establish partnership
relations with the local NGOs implementing the
project. On the basis of the selection criteria,
the following organisations were identified as
most suitable to conduct the research:
The Association for Spiritual & Intellectual
Development (ARDI) – Belgrade
The Minority Rights Centre – Belgrade
Horizonti (Horizons) – Cacak
The Novi Sad Humanitarian Centre
– Novi Sad
 Svetionik (Lighthouse) – Loznica
Sunce (Sun) – Kragujevac
Timocki klub (Timok Club) – Knjazevac
Urban In – Novi Pazar
The NGO, Power of Friendship – Amity
(Belgrade) acted as research coordinator.
2.6 Sample
A list of the most vulnerable districts and
municipalities in Serbia was compiled for
the research, based on a specially designed
socio-economic index. The index was
defined as the mean value of the following
variables: income per capita, number of
doctors per ten thousand inhabitants,
infant mortality rate over the last ten years,
inclusion of children in primary education,
birth rate vs. average rate in Serbia, average
income of full-time employees, employment
level, percentage of children under 14 in the
overall population. Based on these criteria
a shortlist of municipalities and districts
was drawn up. Since we also wanted
the sample to be representative of all the
geographical regions of Serbia, the following
municipalities were selected from this list:
Razanj, Krupanj, Sjenica and Vlasotince3.
Another important consideration that
3
Municipalities in which the research was conducted with criteria – Appendix 7.
4
List of criteria for the selection of the most vulnerable families – Appendix 3.
influenced the selection of municipalities
was the desire to focus on people who
are particularly vulnerable. From this
perspective the following municipalities were
included: Bela Palanka (high percentage of
Roma inhabitants), Sid and Barajevo (high
percentage of refugees) and Bujanovac (high
percentage of IDPs).
After selection of municipalities, the next step
was to identify the most vulnerable groups
of children and parents. This was done on
the basis of criteria specially defined for the
purpose4 and divided into several categories
as follows:
Educational criteria (the child does not
attend school or pre-school)
Health criteria (the child/family members
are not covered by healthcare)
Economic/financial criteria (total household
income is below 5,680 dinars; household
receives family cash benefits; less than
3 sq. metres of living space per family
member; underdeveloped infrastructure
in place of residence)
Social criteria (the household does not
maintain contact with neighbours of
different ethnic background; household
members speak a different language from
their neighbours.)
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 15
The intention was to find “hidden”
poverty-affected families based on these
criteria, i.e. families that have not been
recorded in any official registers, but
are, in most circumstances, the most
vulnerable.
Setting up the groups of children and
parents that were to be surveyed
represented the third step in the sampling
process. It was sufficient for a family to
fulfil one of the above-mentioned criteria
to be included in the sample. Care was
taken to make the groups homogenous
in terms of age and selection criteria.
16 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
Emphasis was placed on ensuring that
not all groups were based on the same
criterion. Care was also taken to ensure
that an equal number of boys and girls
took part in the research.
Over and above the defined criteria, the
researchers assert that one of their major
concerns in the field was,
“A feeling of responsibility for what we
were doing and constant questioning of
whether or not we had truly identified and
included the poorest children.”
3 METHODOLOGY
Three distinct methods of data collection were
utilised in the research, situational analysis of
the municipalities where the research was to
take place, a questionnaire for each individual
family taking part and discussions with parents
and children (so called focus groups).
3.1 Data Collection
– Processing and Analysis
In the chosen municipalities, researchers
collected basic socio-demographic data of
relevance in forming a clear understanding of
the environment in which the families live.
Focus was placed on general demographic
data classified by gender and age, data
on the number of specific underprivileged
groups (displaced, unemployed, etc.), on
the infrastructure (number of schools, health
institutions, cultural institutions, etc.), and on
organisations dealing with children and youth.5
Data was collected by way of mapping
– sketching and analysing all relevant
institutions/organisations and existing
information on local communities, as
well as semi-structured interviews with
representatives of organisations and
institutions within these communities.
5
Matrix for the Collection of Data from the Local Community – Appendix 4.
Various, predominantly official, data sources
were utilised and the municipality with its
relevant services, centres for social work,
schools, health institutions and kindergartens
was a major source of information. It is
interesting to note that, apart from local
branch offices of the Red Cross, very few
local NGOs proved useful as data sources,
which indicates that this sector is still rather
underdeveloped in the given environments.
The quality of the data collected indicates
that the development of a data collection,
processing and analysis culture must be
one of the priorities of local community
development.
The final phase of the research was conducted
in November 2003. It involved data collection
and analysis, reporting, a presentation of the
research results in the local community and
evaluation.
3.2 Family Questionnaire
A questionnaire was used to collect information
on the status and profile of families taking
part in the research. It was drafted to be
compatible with the questionnaire used in the
LSMS, for subsequent comparison. The family
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 17
questionnaire was completed either before or analysis, daily and historical timelines, the
during the discussions (i.e. at the child and/or fishes and boulders technique, interview,
parent focus groups). matrix, the problem tree and others).

The questionnaire solicited basic According to the researchers:

information on family status, household
features, distance between institutions and
places of residence, household needs and
expenditure, and the views of the families
on specific issues.
“Working with participatory techniques is
interesting, dynamic and creative. The children’s
answers are unpredictable, interesting and
humorous. People are cooperative and open.”

“An easy and simple way of gaining insight

3.3 Child and Parent Focus into the causes and solutions of problems.”
Groups
The qualitative information collected
from the children and parents in order to
obtain a better understanding of poverty,
involved answers to four basic questions.
’What are the manifestations of child
poverty?’, ’How do children and parents
deal with their problems?’, ’What are the
main causes of poverty?’, and ‘What,
in their view, are the solutions to the
problem?’. Information was gathered
through focus group discussions.

Focus groups are specially organised

groups of people gathered to discuss
specific topics. Members of the group
share common experiences on the topic
of discussion, as well as similar socio-
demographic features.

Different participatory techniques were

used in the focus group discussions,
depending on the type of data collected
(Venn Diagram, mapping, force-field

18 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY

3.4 Research Participants
Seventy-two focus groups for children
aged 7–18 were initially planned, but 75
were eventually conducted, involving a
total of 692 children. Another 24 focus
groups, with 274 parents, were also held,
as planned. Such a large turnout was
unexpected and reflected the desire of
both children and parents to participate
and have their opinions taken into
account.
“I was surprised by the parents’ cordiality.
None of the people in the field refused
to cooperate. This was an additional
motivation for our work.”
“Both children and parents reacted to our
sincere need to learn how they live and
how they deal with their problems. That
is why they took part, no matter how
hard it was for them to speak about such
issues.”
3.5 Age Profile of Respondents
A total of 677 households, with 3268
members or 4.9 persons per household, were
surveyed. The average household size of the
sample is far above the Serbian average of
less than 3. The sample households had a
significantly higher than average number of
children below 15 years of age. According
to the 2002 census 7.7 percent of the
population (547 thousand in number) are
under 7 years of age, and 9.3 percent (696
thousand) fall into the 8–15 age group. In
the sample households, on the other hand,
children less than 7 years of age constituted
13.4 percent, while those between 8 and 15
constituted 26.1 percent of the household
population (see graph no. 1)
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 19
4 RESEARCH RESULTS
4.1 Features of the Population
Surveyed
Most of the respondents to the survey
belonged to one of three ethnic groups.
Serbs were the dominant ethnic group in
Razanj, Krupanj and Barajevo. In Sjenica,
Muslims (Bosniac) predominated, while
in Vlasotince, Bujanovac, Barajevo and
Bela Palanka the focus was on the Roma.
Ethnic Albanians were also covered in
Bujanovac, and respondents of Croatian
background in Sid. In the entire sample,
57.6 percent of the respondents were
Serbs, 18.6 percent Roma and 15.9
percent Muslim (Bosniac) while 7.8
20 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
percent either belonged to other ethnic
groups or did not state their ethnic
background.
The educational level of household
members covered by the research is far
below the average for Serbia. The data
shows a strong correlation between
poverty and the parents’ educational level
– a majority of the respondents had less
than primary level education, while only
1.3 percent had college or university
degrees. The percentage of children in
the sample households attending primary
school was less than 90% (as compared
to 98% in the total population). Most of
the child respondents who did not attend
school were from Barajevo (22 percent),
Bujanovac and Razanj (17 percent each).
The percentage of household members with
jobs in the sample is exceedingly low. As
many as 44.5 percent of the respondents
fall into the category of primary, secondary
and university students supported by
only 16.1 percent of respondents in
employment. There were nearly 2.5 non-
working persons to every working person
surveyed.
A number of other essential findings were
recorded:
The average size of an apartment/
house is 54 square metres, or an
average per person of 11 sq. metres.
This is precisely half of the average
living space per person of 22 sq.
metres in Serbia as a whole (based on
LSMS data showing that on average
a 3-member family lives in a housing
unit of 66 sq. metres).
The financial status of the households
surveyed is extremely poor. Only basic
needs in food and sanitary supplies
are fulfilled, while other forms of
consumption are practically non-
existent. For example, 32 percent of
the households state that they do not
buy clothes or footwear; 70 percent
do not purchase household appliances,
while as many as 71 percent lack
money to buy toys for their children.
The socio-economically vulnerable
households covered by the survey
mainly receive aid from relatives and
friends, while only 8.5 percent say
that they rely on assistance from local
NGOs.
The parents surveyed are mostly
concerned about the lack of money for
survival, their inability to provide their
children with an education, and lack
of prospects. These fears are far more
widespread than the fear of health
problems or of loss of employment.
A total of 14.3 percent of the
respondents state that they suffer
from a chronic disorder. The largest
number of those affected by air
pollution are located in Barajevo (23
percent). According to the LSMS,
27 percent of the population suffers
from at least one chronic condition,
which is significantly higher than the
percentage registered in the sample
group. The fact that the households
surveyed lived in relatively low
pollution areas and the proportion of
young people was rather high may
have contributed to this result.
Of those reporting chronic ailments,
as many as 56.7 percent received
no treatment. Krupanj, Bela Palanka
and Vlasotince have the largest
concentration – over 70 percent
– of such people. The lowest figure,
only 7 percent, was recorded in
Bujanovac. Shortage of money is
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 21
 the most frequently cited reason for
chronically ill patients failing to seek
treatment (64 percent of patients).
Next in importance is the remoteness
of health institutions from the patients’
homes (13.4 percent).
The households surveyed reported that
access to infrastructure facilities was
in general satisfactory. The exception
being hospitals, which are located at
an average distance of 23 kilometres
from their place of residence. Secondary
schools are located at an average
distance of about 8 kilometres, and
rank second on the residence-to-facility
distance scale. Primary schools are
generally close to habitations – at an
average walking distance of 30 minutes.
As many as 69 percent of the
children under 7 years do not go to
22 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
pre-schools or kindergartens. The
situation in Bujanovac is the worst
(95 percent of preschool-age children
are not enrolled in such institutions),
while Sid has the best results (55
percent of the child respondents under
7 attend a preschool institution or
kindergarten). Parents predominantly
cite lack of money as the main reason
for their failure to send their children
to some sort of preschool education
facility. Other reasons cited include
distance of the kindergarten/preschool
from their home and poor health of
the child.
The results of the survey conducted with
families chosen for this research indicate
the inherent soundness of the criteria for
selection of municipalities and families, so
that the research truly did focus on the
most vulnerable families.
5 BASIC FINDINGS
Note: Due to the fact that the research was of
a qualitative nature and that the sample was
non-representative, the results mentioned below
cannot be generalised, nor can entirely reliable
conclusions, relevant to the entire population of
Serbia, be drawn on the basis of such findings.
Nevertheless, the results are indicative and
draw attention to the position and views of
the different categories of poverty-affected
people surveyed, as well as to actions that may
possibly be taken.
The research indicates that the definitions of
poverty given by the respondents and their
analysis of its different aspects do not vary
greatly, either geographically, or depending on
the social or age group to which they belong.
The results of the focus group discussions
point to the existence of many forms of
deprivation, classified by both children and
parents in the following manner: educational,
cultural, social, material, health and geographical
deprivation. Naturally, it is difficult to speak of
“homogeneous” forms of deprivation, since they
are all interrelated and reflect the complexity of
the poverty issue.
Specific problems are triggered by the
geographical location of certain environments
(as is the case of Krupanj and Sjenica), where
geographical deprivation causes specific
problems. The issue of ethnic discrimination
emerges in multi-ethnic environments
(Bujanovac and Sjenica). Roma children, as
well as the children of IDPs and refugees in
collective centres, emphasise the issue of
discrimination. Children state that they are
discriminated against mostly in school and “at
the doctor’s”. Child labour is more prominent
in villages than in towns.
Differences in views on poverty among
children of different ages are primarily
conditioned by their developmental level.
Younger children mainly focus on the lack
of books, toys and playgrounds, while older
children also mention systemic deficiencies and
problems related to the operation of specific
institutions. Parents place material deprivation
at the forefront more than children, believing it
to be the cause of all other problems.
This research has shown how much poverty,
in all its complexity, affects the fulfilment of
basic children’s rights. Numerous rights are
affected: the right to education, healthcare,
rest and leisure, the right to play and
participate in cultural life, the right to make
decisions and the right to a living standard
corresponding to every child’s right to
physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social
development. It is evident, however, that
both parents and children primarily speak
about poverty in the contexts of needs and
privation, without recognising the rights they
were deprived of.
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 23
Since the Roma and refugees/IDPs were
sampled separately in several municipalities, the
perspectives and problems of these two segments
of the population will be elaborated separately.
5.1 Educational Deprivation
What the CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF
THE CHILD STATES:
Article 28. The right to education implies:
Making primary education compulsory
and available free of charge to all
Encouraging the development of different
forms of secondary education, including
general and vocational education, making
them available and accessible to every
child, and taking appropriate measures
such as the introduction of free education
and the provision of financial assistance
in case of need
Making higher education accessible to
all on the basis of capacity by every
appropriate means
Making educational and vocational
information and guidance available and
accessible to all children
Taking measures to encourage regular
attendance at schools and the reduction
of dropout rates
24 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
Analysing the results of the focus group
discussions, one can identify several factors
triggering educational deprivation:
Inaccessibility of Educational Institutions
SCHOOL IS FAR AWAY…
When considering the inaccessibility of
educational institutions, it should be born
in mind that the discrepancies from region
to region are great. Although this research
did not establish that distance from school
significantly affects non-attendance, the
focus group results indicate that this problem
does exist and that it is triggered by several
factors. One of its main causes is that many
of the villages lack educational provision on
the spot, in the form of remote units of the
central schools within the district. Very often,
not even classes for the first four grades of
primary school are available, so that children
need to travel to school, for distances of up
to 16 kilometres. The remoteness of villages
from municipal centres, poor roads and lack of
adequate transportation impel children to walk
to school, sometimes for several kilometres.
Even when a regular bus route does exist,
parents are unable to meet the transportation
costs. The children walk through rough and
forested terrain, on roads without sidewalks,
often in the dark, which is very hazardous
and poses a threat to their lives. Even when
they are in a position to travel to school
by bus, children state that the vehicles are
usually very crowded, that grown-ups have no
consideration for them and that they prefer to
walk rather than face this.
Child travellers see the introduction of school
buses as a solution, believing that they would
ease the problem considerably and leave more
time for studying. According to the children,
the most difficult thing about travelling to
school is that they have no time to study,
because they are tired. They often arrive at
school all muddy, and feeling upset and they
have to get up early, sometimes while it is
still dark.
“When there’s snow, it’s not a problem,
because I go to school on skis. It is worst
when it’s raining, and when there are floods
and mud along the way.”
“We carry stones with us, and when we go
to school, we drive the wolves away if we
see them.”
Family Poverty
EDUCATION AS AN EXPENSE
Parents speak about their inability to provide
their children with all that is necessary for them
to be more successful in school. They talk about
their own educational deficiency, which makes
it hard for them to help their children study.
They look upon the children’s schooling as one
of the ways of providing a better life, but then
express resignation, because they cannot see
enough ways of enabling the children to acquire
an education.
The inability to travel or live in places that have
schools, particularly those of secondary and
university level, is a limiting factor in the eyes
of most parents.
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 25
Not having all the necessary school The Indigence of Educational Institutions
supplies (in many instances not even
books), is the greatest problem, children CRAMPED CLASSROOMS
believe. They manage to negotiate this
When speaking about the indigence of
hurdle with the assistance of friends,
educational institutions, children and
but believe that this is neither a good
parents point out that they are poorly
way of solving the problem, nor a
equipped, that they lack minimal conditions
lasting solution.
appropriate for child facilities. Schools
often lack sufficient supplies of desks and
They often state that inadequate living
chairs; the classrooms are in a state of
conditions is a problem – in many
ruin; there is no heating or safe drinking
cases, a number of family members
water, so that the danger of infection is
spend their time, and even sleep, in the
great. Modern teaching aids are only a
same room, which interferes with their
dream, state the children – they lack labs,
studying.
TV sets and computers. Some schools have
been supplied with computers, but they
The inability to continue their education
are not in operation, because there are no
and awareness that finding a job without
teachers trained in this field, so that the
completing school is difficult, distresses
children have no access to the equipment.
children. They often mention leaving
Schoolyards are not fenced, so that
their place of residence and going to a
traffic accidents occur frequently, and the
larger town in Serbia or even abroad, as
children’s lives are greatly jeopardised.
a solution.

The children also speak about the teachers’

They are also distressed by their inability
lack of interest in their work. Teachers
to go on excursions, recreational classes
are often moody and dissatisfied, while
and outings, because this sets them apart
schools lack programmes that would engage
from other children, and subsequently
children in different activities. There are
impedes their possibilities of establishing
even extreme cases of violence against
social contacts.
children, a cause for particular concern.

“I can’t afford to send him on an

The principal of one school stated:
excursion, and my heart aches.
I haven’t seen anything and neither
“I told them to send me the most difficult
will he.”
cases only, I cannot go around beating
everyone.”

26 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY

Parents believe that the school should at
least provide the things they themselves
cannot give their children. They claim that
they have no say in the schools, that no
one consults them about anything, that
parent-teacher meetings are held only when
it is necessary to announce that something
needs to be paid for, and that school boards
do not convene at all.
Children of secondary school age state that
they need more respect from grown-ups – they
are ready to get involved in many things, but
lack adult support. The school administration is
not interested in discovering what the students
want or what troubles them.
General conclusions that can be drawn
indicate the following:
Educational deprivation impedes the
fulfilment of the children’s right to
education
Educational deprivation is more
pronounced in rural than in urban
environments
Educational deprivation is manifold and
conditioned by different micro and macro
factors
Parental lack of education is one of the
factors extending the chain of educational
deficiency in children
Inadequate conditions for education lead
to extensive migration
5.2 Cultural Deprivation
What the CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF
THE CHILD STATES:
Article 31: Recognises the right of the child
to rest and leisure, to engage in play and
recreational activities appropriate to the
age of the child and to participate freely in
cultural life and the arts.
Focus group results indicate that children and
parents also identify and emphasise different
forms of cultural deprivation. In the case
of cultural poverty, one can speak of the
following:
Cultural Inaccessibility
NO CINEMA, NO MONEY
Cultural inaccessibility can be viewed from
two angles: through the lack of programmes,
institutions and organisations offering cultural
services, and through the lack of access to
culture caused by a family’s poor financial
status.
Children say that they primarily miss having
(and going to) cinemas and theatres. They say
that libraries are in distant locations and that
many settlements do not even have video clubs
or bookstores. The cultural centres that once
used to exist are now either wrecked and closed
or have taken on completely different functions.
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 27
Secondary school students mostly emphasise
the need for different options of places to go
out. Since they are offered no leisure facilities
and activities, they mostly spend their free
time in cafés. In recent times, many young
people have succumbed to drugs. There are no
organised leisure and extracurricular activities
in schools. In places offering certain cultural
facilities/activities (mostly implying cinemas),
children state that they can rarely or practically
never enjoy them, due to lack of money.
“My balcony is very important to me,
because when I have nowhere to go and
nothing to do, I sit and watch.”
“I would like to go to the cinema, but
I can’t do so whenever I wish.”
The Quality of Cultural Activities
OUTDATED PROGRAMMES
The movies shown in cinemas are old. In places
where theatrical performances are staged
occasionally, the shows are held predominantly
by amateur theatrical troupes from nearby
towns. A large number of children have never
seen a professional theatre performance, or any
other sort of theatrical performance. Libraries
are usually located in schools and offer old
publications – the books are in poor shape,
so that the small number of contemporary
and interesting books are inaccessible to the
children.
“What library, it’s just old books, not much
of a selection.”
28 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
Adapting Activities to Children’s
Nature and Needs
NOTHING FOR MINORITIES
Children of more advanced school age say
that there is little activity in the field of
culture, that an odd extracurricular class is
occasionally organised in school, but that this
is not to their taste. Teachers generally fail to
ask them what they want, so that everyone is
dissatisfied: the teachers – because the children
are disinterested; the students – because
something they do not want is imposed on
them. The activities offered are not adjusted
to specific children’s groups and needs. There
are no activities in the native languages of
ethnic minorities, activities adapted for disabled
children, etc.
When asked what activities they would like
in their environment, the children tend to give
stereotyped answers using general categories:
cinema, theatre, and Internet club. They also
mentioned the revival of old cultural centres,
which are still remembered for some of their
cultural activities.
“The pensioners’ club is very important to us
and we spend a lot of time there, because their
coffee and juice is cheap, and we often gather
to watch TV.”
The fact that children are often (consciously or
unconsciously) stripped of their right to play, is
particularly disturbing. Sometimes they cannot
play because of the obligations placed upon them
by their families, sometimes because their parents
cannot afford appropriate toys. When this links up
with their lack of peer contact (also contributing
to their social deprivation) children stop being
children at an early age – they adopt adult models
of behaviour, problems and responsibilities,
completely neglecting their own needs.
“I am tired of adult problems”, was a statement
used by a 15-year-old girl to describe herself at
this point in time.
Older children have a marked need for
different events, as well as a need to take
part in making decisions on the things they
want and are interested in
The children’s demands and suggestions
for improvements are minimal (cinema,
library, theatre, etc.)

Here are a few comments made by the

researchers on their distressing findings:

“When a child wishes for a tractor instead

of a toy.”

“When we asked the children what they wanted

to be in five years, there was a moment of
dead silence, and then their parents’ needs
started pouring out as their own wishes. It was
practically impossible to get down to the wishes
and needs of the child. The children even have
difficulty dreaming up a wish. That stunned me.
It was an extremely distressing realisation.”

“I was shaken when I realised that the children

had no child wishes. They articulate the opinions
of their parents instead.”

General conclusions on cultural deprivation

indicate that:

Cultural deprivation is more pronounced

in rural than in urban areas

Children are aware how big a handicap

cultural deprivation is for them

Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 29

5.3 Health Deprivation
What the CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF
THE CHILD STATES:
Article 24: Every child has a right to the
enjoyment of the highest attainable standards
of health and to facilities for the treatment of
illness and rehabilitation of health. No child
must be deprived of his or her right of access
to such healthcare services.
The following factors were studied in the situation
analysis of local communities: natural population
growth, infant mortality, number and equipment of
health institutions at the disposal of local people.
Some of the examined indicators were in line
with the Republic’s average rates: in most
municipalities, except in Bujanovac and Sjenica, the
population growth is negative. What is common
to all municipalities is that they have a relatively
underdeveloped network of health institutions,
poorly equipped and underdeveloped social services,
and a small number of village clinics in operation.
Health Service Accessibility
SNOWBOUND CLINICS
Community health centres exist in all the municipalities,
but the roads linking families from remote village
households to these facilities are long and in poor
condition (unpaved and full of potholes). That is why
the most frequently given answer in village households
is not surprising: the remoteness of health institutions
30 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
from their homes represents the greatest problem
for child healthcare. Furthermore, village clinics are
either out of operation or work only occasionally.
When the snow falls, doctors often cannot make their
way to their patients, so that the children living in
these villages are left unattended. These clinics have
been suffering from a lack of medical staff for years,
because very few doctors decide to stay and work in
such conditions. So when it comes to medical services,
people will have to wait for better days.
“There is no doctor over the weekend (in the
village in general), the pharmacy is closed; the
paediatrician comes by once a week.”
As a rule, these are municipalities with rather
underdeveloped medical specialist services.
Further problems arise when one endeavours to
purchase (prescribed) medicines. Since only a
few villages have pharmacies (which are, as a
rule, poorly supplied), parents need to go to town
for most medications. This poses an additional
problem, because of the time wasted and the cost
of both transportation and medication, which
needs to be borne by the parents.
The practice of “shuffling” children around,
referring them to the next level of healthcare, only
impedes access to health services even further, so
that the children subsequently use such services
only when they have a burning need.
“When there is no urgency, one does not go
to the doctor.”
“I cannot afford my children’s medical
treatments, so they have to be ill.”
Equipment and Organisation
of Health Services

DIRTY AND POORLY EQUIPPED

Community health centre equipment is rather

outdated, but can still be regarded as a
“wonder of technology” compared to what
the village clinics have, which is practically
nothing. Nevertheless, even if one can find
objective reasons for the lack of equipment,
how can one justify lack of hygiene?

“Community health centre waiting

rooms are filthy.”

Working hours are not adjusted to the needs

of the parents, i.e. of the children who
cannot come unaccompanied by a parent. The
classification of medical files is sometimes
based on illogical principles, so that the
nearest health institution is not always the
one a child belongs to. Note has also been
taken of comments regarding the small
number of doctors (i.e. overcrowdedness),
which usually come from municipalities with a
Medical Staff
large number of children (Bujanovac, Barajevo,
Sjenica). KINDNESS AS A TOOL

“There are too many people at the
doctor’s.”
“When I go to the doctor, they don’t look
after me, they couldn’t care less; they
spend more time on breaks than at work;
when I hand in my medical-care card, I have
to wait quite a while for my name to be
called.”
Children state that the attitude of medical
staff towards them, as patients, is one of their
biggest problems. These attitudes range from
discriminatory views, to utter disrespect of the
child as a person.
“I have to wait for the doctor to finish with
everyone else – then comes the turn of us
Gypsies”

Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 31

“The doctors’ contempt has a bad effect
on children’s health, this is because small
children create problems…”
“Raging doctors, who vent their anger on
children, have a bad effect on children’s health.”
“Doctors play cards (during work hours).”
House rules are often broken in the institutions,
as in the case of smoking:
“Smoking is prohibited there, but they still
smoke.”
“It stinks a lot inside, it’s stuffy and some
(doctors) smoke.”
Examples of corruption were also given:
“Medication is not available to everyone, but
can be acquired through connections.”
Medical Service Accessibility
NO MEDICAL CARDS
Material, or income, poverty, which affects a
large part of the population, triggers other forms
of health deprivation – a vast number of parents
lack financial means to provide their ailing children
with adequate and quality care. Lack of money
for medication, medical devices and other aids,
as well as for regular medical checkups, is quite
common.
“My child was born ill, but I have no money for
medicine, neither do I have a place to live in.”
32 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
In one part of the surveyed population – particularly
among IDPs and the Roma – it is not uncommon
to come across a large number of children without
medical cards, which subsequently means that
they cannot satisfy their basic right to healthcare:
“When I get ill, my grandmother treats me,
and says: ‘Where will you go when you have
no medical card’.”
In the municipalities surveyed, no one works
with children suffering from psychophysical
disorders, which sometimes causes great
problems within the family.
“My husband left me because my child is ill.”
Living Conditions
DAILY RISKS
For many reasons, the living conditions of these
children can be said to involve risk. Lack of money
leads to lack of variety in children’s nutrition:
“The children are anaemic, I have nothing
to feed them.”
“You should see where I prepare meals,
I have nothing to give them to eat.”
Water is of poor quality and often unsound
bacteriologically.
“There are a lot of sick people, perhaps
because the water is polluted, yellow or
with grass in it, and must not be used for
drinking.”
Children live in confined spaces, they do not
have their own rooms and often not even
their own beds, the walls are damp, the roofs
leak, there is no sewerage and water supply.
All this leads to frequent infections, which
are usually not treated (unless the parents
judge that the child’s life is in danger, when
it may already be too late).
“My floor is made of concrete, so I feel
cold.”
In addition to poor living conditions, both
children and parents identify other factors
within their environment that have a negative
effect on their health:
“Lots of dust and lots of garbage in
the street affect the children’s health,
and that is because there aren’t many
garbage bins and because people pollute
the environment.”
As mentioned earlier, 14.3 percent of the
parents covered by the survey suffer from
some form of chronic disease. Although this
is much lower than the average for Serbia,
as shown by the LSMS, it is striking that,
in this research, only a small proportion of
the chronically ill (56.7%) receive regular
treatment. The reasons usually given for this
situation are that the health institutions are
inaccessible and far away and they have no
money to pay for the necessary services and
transportation. Ailing parents need to work in
order to feed their families. However, they do
fear for their health:
“What will we do if we get ill, how will
we provide our children with the basic
necessities.”
The Impact of Poverty on Family Life
QUARRELS AND TEARS
Parents seek refugee from the slings and
arrows of everyday life – sometimes in
alcohol and very often in a state of apathy
and total passivity. Unfortunately, like a
whirlpool, this eventually sucks in all the
other family members, drawing them into
a vicious circle of misery:
“There are a lot of bad marriages,
where the husband beats the wife,
and even the children.”
“When my parents quarrel, I go to
another room and I shut my mind off.”
How does this affect the children?
“We all quarrel, and then the children
cry.”
“Grown-ups beat children, and I say to
my parents: ‘Why do you beat us?’”
No wonder some of these children wish for
things that should go without saying:
“I wish mother and father loved each
other.”
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 33
5.4 Material Deprivation
What the CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF
THE CHILD STATES:
Article 27. Every child has a right to a
standard of living adequate for the child’s
physical, mental, spiritual, moral and
social development.
Article 32. It is the right of the child
to be protected from economic
exploitation and from performing any
work that is likely to be hazardous or
to interfere with the child’s education,
or to be harmful to the child’s health or
physical, mental, spiritual, moral and
social development.
Parental Unemployment
CHILDREN AS SEASONAL WORKERS
Parental unemployment is definitely the most
frequent cause of material poverty in children.
Parents either do not work at all or work for
very low wages, and subsequently have to
take on additional jobs in order to sustain their
family. It has become quite commonplace to
see all family members, including under-age
children, working over the summer to earn
money to sustain and feed themselves over
the winter. When all the bills are paid, the
household is left with practically no money for
other needs, which is why it is necessary to
work and collect extra pay.
34 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
Children take on different jobs – they work in the
market, selling raspberries, greens and milk; or
they work in the fields, raking hay. Apart from
jobs of this type, when children more or less help
their parents, it often happens that children work
at stands during fairs or in shops, entirely on
their own. A large number of children beg or sell
things like foreign cigarettes on the black-market.
Although a majority of the children look upon
employment as the only way out of a difficult
situation, their perception of a future occupation
is limited to unqualified or semi-qualified work,
such as that of drivers or hairdressers.
The researchers drew attention to the following:
“Children often have to work a lot and help their
parents, sometimes doing household chores
– tending the cattle or working in the fields;
and sometimes outside the household – on
plantations were parents engage in seasonal work
or selling goods, working in markets, etc.”
Their work often prevents them from going
to school, so they either skip classes often or
frequently leave school altogether.
“The children often don’t go to school, because
they have to work.”
The children have a strong desire to go abroad
because they believe that things are better there
and it is far easier to earn money. That is why
many of them think the way out of this situation
is to leave their small towns or villages and go to
Italy or Germany or to Belgrade or even to a town
in their vicinity. A large number of girls believe
that a wealthy marriage is the way out.
The fact that existential problems and constant
concern for survival leads to crises, family rows,
and even family breakdowns, is significant.
Both children and parents mentioned this
during the research. The feelings of fear for the
future, dissatisfaction, depression and perpetual
neuroses, are also quite marked.
UNFULFILLED DREAMS
Further Education
Chronic money shortages deprive children of new
books and impel them to use old, tattered copies
instead. They do not have money for notebooks
and school supplies, they cannot attend
recreational classes and excursions with their
classmates and finally, they cannot continue their
education outside their native towns/villages.
Travel
The children do not travel (although they wish
they could). They spend their summer and winter
holidays most often in their hometowns or, if they
are lucky, with relatives in other parts of Serbia.
Hence, they are not only deprived of excursions,
entertainment and socialising, but also of the
chance to get to know new places and learn about
other cultures and peoples. Children have a need
to go to neighbouring towns to visit friends, to the
cinema or theatre, but financial hardship is their
insurmountable obstacle.
“I have never been to the coast, and
I want to go to Turkey.”
“I wanted to go to town, but I couldn’t.”
Clothes, Footwear, Toys
As an example of their poverty, children
state that they lack money for clothes and
footwear, or for a ball, a bathing suit, etc.
“I don’t have a basketball or a soccer ball,
but then, I have nowhere to play either.”
“I won’t go to the pool, because I don’t
have a proper bathing suit, only one that is
all torn.”
One basic childhood need is for things that
make life more beautiful and more interesting.
The possession of such things makes a child
socially better accepted among their peers.
A large number of the respondents stated that
they were poor because they had no toys,
computers, roller-skates, etc.
“I don’t have books, or coloured pencils
or toys.”
“I don’t have a computer, a bicycle or
a mobile phone.”
“I would like to have pocket money,
then I would buy sneakers.”
A Child’s Very Own Corner
Lack of money also has an impact on
children’s poor living conditions. As a rule,
children live with their parents in small, often
rented apartments, where usually they have
neither a room of their own, nor a corner they
could play in. The apartments often have
no bathrooms, so that the children have no
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 35
opportunity to develop proper hygiene habits.
Such poor living conditions are a hazard to the
children’s health and have a negative effect on
their socialisation.
“We are all in the same room, and if we
don’t stay there, I get cold.”
“I have nowhere to study or play, I have
nowhere to invite my friends…”
ISOLATED AND LONELY
5.5 Geographical Deprivation
Geographical deprivation is a type of deprivation that
causes and leads to all other forms of deprivation.
36 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
When students have to walk to school for an
hour, in winter – what they are dealing with is
geographical deprivation.
“When I go on foot, there is no sidewalk,
so I’m afraid of the cars.”
“I’m cold in the morning, but I have to get
up while it’s still dark.”
“The community health centre is far away.”
“The hospital is way over in Vranje.”
Taking into account that Serbia covers a
vast mountainous area and that it has a large
number of villages scattered in the mountains,
it is no wonder that a major part of Serbia is
geographically isolated.
Children living in villages, isolated from the
nearby towns, also experience some sort of social
exclusion, because when they finish classes they
have to return to their villages and are unable to
play and socialise with their classmates.
“I don’t have a single friend nearby.”
“I don’t spend time with my friend from
Krupanj.”
The geographical isolation of a location prompts
a major part of its population to work in the
nearby towns, leaving their children alone (on their
own, practically the entire day), which leads to
neglect in terms of upbringing, inspires a feeling
of loneliness and creates the impression that the
parents are uninterested.
“A hill is a problem when it snows, because
nothing can pass through then.”
“Parents are absent, they travel to town to
work.”
This problem is not characteristic of isolated and
inaccessible villages only. It seems to be emerging with
growing intensity and assuming new forms, such as
the isolation of smaller towns and environments from
centres of power and relevant institutions.
Representatives of the Barajevo local community,
for instance, talked about feeling excluded and
forgotten, despite the fact that this is a Belgrade
municipality.
Such tendencies lead to the “aging” of certain
municipalities and to the increasing migration,
primarily of young people, the abandonment of
farmland and the overpopulation of the larger
Serbian towns.
5.6 Social Deprivation
Social exclusion can be objective and subjective
(a personal perception of isolation and exclusion).
Forms of social exclusion differ among children
of different age groups. This type of deprivation
has the most diverse range of manifestations in
different and specific groups of children.
Social exclusion also exists among children living
in remote villages and suburbs, which stops them
developing contact with their peers. Children
meet with their friends in school, but are unable
to maintain contact after class. They say some
of their friends used to invite them in the past, at
least to birthday parties, but since they did not go,
even this came to a stop.
“I can’t keep going to my friend’s place, if she
can’t come to visit me. There’s no space.”
Social exclusion is also present in towns, where
children say they observe that they are different
from their friends by the way they dress, by their
living conditions and by their behaviour, so they
mainly withdraw into a shell and show no initiative.
They believe that the reasons for the dissimilarity
lie in the fact that they live differently, that their
families are large, that they all live packed in a single
room, that they do not have money to buy clothes
and footwear, and that they do not have time to
socialise because they work and help at home.
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 37
“When everyone goes off on an excursion,
I stay at home. So how could someone be
friends with me?”
Very distinct discrimination and social exclusion
is also apparent in the case of Roma children,
refugees (particularly in families living in collective
centres) and disabled children. These children
say that their peers reject them because they are
different; that they are often subjected to insulting
remarks and that, instead of helping them out,
others do quite the opposite and make their lives
even more difficult. Children observe that adults
(parents, teachers) are responsible for this, because
they do nothing to prevent such behaviour – in fact,
they often even encourage it themselves.
5.7 Where Problems Are Even
More Distinct
Although we have already stated that the Roma
were not the only group surveyed and that we did
not specifically focus on studying poverty affecting
Roma children, it is impossible to overlook the
vicious circle of poverty surrounding Roma children
– they are born into this circle, they live in it and
eventually start their own families in it. All the
types of poverty we have identified are present in
the Roma community to an even greater extent.
Roma children are not concerned by the fact that
they do not have nice clothes, but by the fact that
they have nothing to eat. Roma children contract
diseases caused by unhealthy living conditions in
cardboard houses and collective centres. Due to
lack of money for medical treatment, mortality
due to curable diseases has increased in this
38 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
segment of the population. Within the student
categorisation process, these children are often
referred to special classes, simply because they do
not know the language, and if this is not the case,
they are usually poor students and only a small
number of them decide to continue education.
Due to their lack of money, we can seldom see
Roma children in cinemas and theatres, but we can
often see them standing by traffic lights, cleaning
windshields to earn themselves at least one decent
meal. Discrimination is something Roma children
face every day – in time, they even learn to live
with it. Other children will not play with Roma
children, they do not want them as friends.
Discrimination is clearly visible in the context of
issues burdening children displaced from Kosovo
and refugees from Croatia and Bosnia. Much
has already been said about the difficult living
conditions in collective centres, unemployment
and systemic obstacles burdening these children.
However, in this particular research, discrimination
against the minority population by the majority
native population surfaced as the most frequent
problem affecting children. They say that it
bothers them when children call them Shiptars
and do not wish to make friends with them. These
children are inclined to seek answers in politics far
more often than other children, i.e. they perceive
that a large number of their problems stem from
their unresolved legal status in Serbia.
5.8 System of Values
The past period of crisis, war and destitution
prompted a change in the system of values
in society as a whole. A large number of
researchers and theoreticians in the field of
culture and sociology have dealt with the causes,
manifestations and consequences of such change.
A change in opinion, and the values underlying
the opinions, has occurred in all social groups.
This research has shown that changes are
apparent among children as well. Children build
their system of values in different ways –
through their peers, family, parents, and in more
recent times under the influence of television
and other electronic media, as well.
Answers given in this survey have brought out
some of the basic value-related opinions adopted
by children, as follows:
Children adopt the systems of value and
behavioural models maintained by adults.
Hence, the wish list that they completed
even included items such as tractors, for
instance, instead of picture books. Actually,
this is not surprising, bearing in mind that
the parents, preoccupied as they are with
pressing existential problems, have, in the
recent past, neglected the needs and rights
specific to childhood. In the brutal struggle
of everyday life, they fail to notice that their
children watch socio-political programmes
and the news instead of cartoons; that they
work instead of play, and so on.
When asked what they lacked most,
children cited things such as TVs, discmen,
computers, sega mega drive games, etc. The
desire for dolls, books and similar articles is
clearly a thing of the past. So is the notion
that the level of imagination measures the
wealth of a child. Children compete among
themselves about the number of modern
gadgets they have and the branded clothes
and shoes they wear. Children often told
us they were frequently rejected by their
“crowd” because they did not have nice
clothes and shoes, as well as money to go
to the places their peers hang out – these
are the things that nowadays identify a
successful modern child, accepted by peers!
We have also observed the children’s
notion that to be successful is synonymous
with earning money, and that this is the
reason why everyone strives to start
working towards the achievement of this
goal as soon as possible – to ensure that
he is able to provide himself and his future
family with everything his own parents
failed to offer. The message emitted by
educated parents – who have failed to find
employment despite their diplomas or have
lost their jobs despite diligent work – is
also quite clear. Based on all this, children
draw conclusions and form the opinion that
one should seek a job that does not require
too much schooling, but nonetheless
brings in money. Hence, when asked
what they wish to be when they grow up,
children often state they would like to sell
expensive cigarettes, smuggle, etc.
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 39
6 CONCLUSION AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
A SINCERE AND CLEAR VOICE
The research provided an opportunity for children
to portray their lives the way they saw them, in
their own words – the irreplaceable words of the
child. No one but children can reveal so clearly
how they miss their toys; how they have no time
to play because they must work; how they miss
their moms and dads because they are not by
their side; how they haven’t got many friends;
how other children will not make friends with
them because they lack nice and fashionable
clothes and shoes; how they miss having
computers, sound systems, discmen…
The numerous comments made by children
reveal how few opportunities they have to
state their opinions and how aware they are
that their voice is not respected:
“Finally, someone is asking us what we
feel.”
“No one asked us what we wanted, and
now what?”
The researchers themselves were surprised:
“I remember the children’s joy and excitement
when we gave them a chance to speak about
40 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
themselves, when we showed them respect
in a manner they can associate with.”
“The children show pleasure and disbelief with
the fact that someone is interested in their
opinion.”
Poverty, in itself, is a major problem.
Speaking about it with the poor is even more
difficult. One of the issues lies in the inability
to provide specific aid. This is something
the parents expected in certain cases and it
occasionally posed a great problem to the
researchers.
“It is necessary to provide these families with
specific aid as soon as possible.”
The children wished to continue these activities,
to speak about themselves through play.
“There is a need to continue work, with entire
families.”
The research indicates that the definitions of
poverty given by the respondents and their
analysis of its different aspects do not vary
greatly, either geographically, or depending
on the social or age group to which they
belong. Both children and parents identify
educational, cultural, social, material, health
and geographical deprivation. Naturally, it is
difficult to speak of “homogeneous” forms
of deprivation, since they are all interrelated
and reflect the complexity of the poverty
issue.
Specific problems are triggered by
the geographical location of certain
environments (as in the case of Krupanj
and Sjenica), where geographical
deprivation causes distinct problems.
The issue of ethnic discrimination emerges
in multi-ethnic environments (Bujanovac
and Sjenica). Roma children, as well
as the children of IDPs and refugees in
collective centres, emphasise the issue
of discrimination. Children state that they
are discriminated against mostly in school
and “at the doctor’s”. Child labour is more
prominent in villages than in towns.
Their developmental features primarily
condition differences in views on poverty
among children of different ages. Hence,
younger children mainly focus on their lack
of books, toys and playgrounds, while older
children also mention systemic deficiencies
and problems related to the operation of
specific institutions. Parents place material
deprivation in the forefront more than
children, believing it to be the cause of all
other problems.
This research has shown how much the
complexity of poverty affects the fulfilment of
basic child rights. Numerous rights are affected:
the right to education, healthcare, rest and
leisure, the right to play and participate in
cultural life, the right to make decisions and the
right to a living standard corresponding to every
child’s right to physical, mental, spiritual, moral
and social development. It is evident, however,
that both parents and children primarily speak
about poverty in the contexts of their needs and
privation, without recognising the rights they
have been deprived of.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Participatory methodology and participatory
data collection techniques are not new terms
in the researcher’s vocabulary, but to date they
have not been used sufficiently in the study of
social issues and changes. As one of the first
undertakings of this kind in this environment, this
participatory research has made an advance in
two areas, both in the study of poverty in Serbia
and the methodology of this research, which
has yielded new insights. Our recommendations,
therefore, relate to these areas.
Child Poverty Reduction in Serbia
Poverty must be regarded as a complex
issue that implies not only material or
economic deprivation, but educational,
health, social, geographical and cultural
deprivation as well.
Poverty results in a substantial violation
of child rights, including the right to
survival, the right to development and
education, the right to participation
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 41
 and decision-making, the right to play,
the right to the prohibition of child
labour and the right to protection from
discrimination. Programmes dealing with
poverty reduction must handle this issue
from the aspect of child rights.
Children should be asked to explore
and define an issue, they should give
suggestions about possible solutions, state
who should help them and how. Children
should ask and be asked! It is up to us to
create the conditions for this.
The children’s voice must be incorporated
in all phases of the process. Planning
should be conducted together with
children and not for them. Children
perceive and define poverty differently
from adults, which is particularly important
to bear in mind when developing projects
and strategies on issues that are of
significance to children.
In order to create complex poverty
reduction programmes, it is important
to include all relevant factors – primarily
parents, but also representatives of
different institutions and organisations in
the local community – in all programme
phases and procedures.
It is necessary to develop mechanisms
and train children and parents, as well as
representatives of the local authorities,
institutions, organisation and individuals in
the local community, to deal with the issues
of child poverty reduction more actively.
42 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
Research Methodology
It is necessary to:
Continue with participatory research
programmes, because they represent a
step towards the empowerment of people
participating in the process, and offer the
possibility of gaining new insights into the
issue surveyed.
Continue with participatory researches
on a larger scale, focused on specific
target groups, and investigating other
phenomena.
Develop capacities for a participatory
approach network: research, planning,
implementation, monitoring and
evaluation.
Employ the participatory approach in
the formulation of laws, strategies and
programmes, in order to ensure that the
voice of the people, for whose benefit
they are intended, is taken into account.
Participatory research enables people’s
empowerment, greater motivation, greater
engagement, action, and new ideas. With this
approach, change is effected with greater ease
and partnership relations are developed.
Nevertheless, the entire approach also entails
certain problems: it tends to be sceptical of
expertise and of specialised knowledge; the
process often lasts longer; it takes longer to
see the results, because this type of research
demands simultaneous work on several
fronts.
However, the value of the participatory research
approach is diverse and recognisable at all
levels:
Those who apply the participatory model
gain an opportunity to promote their own
personal growth and development, through
a perpetual learning process; creativity and
possibilities for continual change; contacts
and the development of partner relations
with other people.
Those who are involved in the research
through the participatory approach gain
respect, an opportunity to promote their
own development and empowerment,
inclusion in the decision-making process
and the development of responsibility in
taking action.
Institutions or organisations applying
this approach gain allies, not users;
the possibility to adapt their activities
to people’s needs, the development of
partnership relations and the opportunity
to take joint action; development of
both institutions and individuals and the
possibility to exert influence over the
development of society.
With the application of the participatory
approach, the state gains responsible
and empowered citizens, experts and
institutions, satisfied citizens and
institutions, a division of responsibility and
rights in decision-making, and possibilities
for more rapid and stable social
development.
TOGETHER LASTING ACTIVITY
The basic problems in formulating child poverty
reduction programmes and strategies stem from
the complexity of the issue and from the fact
that the eradication of poverty is, in general,
a long-term process.
This is why poverty reduction must begin
with children, with the clear and coordinated
engagement of all relevant organisations,
institutions and individuals on the national,
regional and local level.
The first step has been taken with this research
– by defining problems from the perspective of
those who are most vulnerable, by listening to
the voices of children, as well as by laying the
foundations that will ensure this voice is heeded
and used as a basis for future research and
activities.
The causes of poverty – as well as
solutions for the reduction and eradication
of want, social exclusion, apathy, a feeling
of helplessness in individuals, families or
groups burdened by the struggle for survival
and well-being – are different for women,
children, youth, elderly persons, etc.
There is one common denominator
linking together all good and successful
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 43
 poverty reduction programmes – the active
participation of the poor, i.e. the provision
of clear and appropriate means of ensuring
that poverty affected citizens are informed,
consulted and asked about the best
solutions.6
Poverty reduction is not possible without the
empowerment of the poorest citizens. The
approach advocating respect for human rights in
poverty reduction strategies is of key importance
6
“Poverty From the Aspect of Civil Society”, – Serbia Without Poverty, CRS, 2003, Belgrade.
44 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
for such empowerment. Offering poverty-
affected people the opportunity to define their
problems and come up with potential solutions
represents the first step towards respect for
human rights. When legal frameworks recognise
poverty reduction as intrinsic to protection of
human rights, the essence of poverty reduction
will no longer be restricted to only meeting the
minimum needs of the poor. Poverty reduction
will then cease to be merely a moral obligation,
but become a legal imperative as well.
APPENDIX 1
SELECTION CRITERIA AND LOCAL PARTNER
ORGANISATION PROFILE
Criteria for the selection of the project coordinator:
Capacity to coordinate other NGOs
Experience with UNICEF procedures
Organisation’s capacity to assume a leading role
At least three organisation members trained in
the application of participatory techniques
Experience in working with children and young
people (particularly with the most vulnerable
categories)
Knowledge of the child right’s concept
Basic knowledge on the poverty eradication
strategy concept and development process
Contacts and links with local institutions and
relevant individuals on the local level
The organisation’s capacities to work in the field
The organisation’s ability to include associates in
the research process who are appropriate to the
specific target groups surveyed
Criteria for the selection of the organisations that
implemented the project:
At least three members of the organisation
trained in the application of participatory
techniques
Experience in working with children and young
people (particularly with the most vulnerable
categories)
Knowledge of the child right’s concept
Basic knowledge on the poverty eradication
strategy concept and development process
Contacts and links with local institutions and
relevant individuals on the local level
The organisation’s capacities to work in the
field
The organisation’s ability to include associates in
the research process who are appropriate to the
specific target groups surveyed
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 47
APPENDIX 2
LIST OF RESEARCHERS AND ASSOCIATES

48 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY

APPENDIX 3
CRITERIA FOR THE SELECTION OF FAMILIES AND CHILDREN

Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 49

Note for researchers
Eleven selection criteria for the choice of children/
families that are to take part in the focus groups
have been listed above in bold letters. Check
all aspects that relate to the particular family.
However, it is sufficient to have only one of these
criteria fulfilled to select a family or child for the
focus group.
50 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
While forming the groups, bear the homogeneity of the
groups in mind, so that a group is, for instance, formed
in line with the educational or health deprivation criteria.
It is important to ensure that not all groups are based
on the same criterion, but that a number of criteria are
employed. For example, group 1 – children who do not
go to school, group 2 – language barriers, etc.
APPENDIX 4
MATRIX FOR SITUATIONAL ANALYSIS DATA COLLECTION

Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 51

52 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
APPENDIX 5
QUESTIONNAIRE FOR PARENTS

Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 53

54 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 55
56 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
PARENT QUESTIONNAIRE – DATA PROCESSED
1 SURVEYED HOUSEHOLDS AND HOUSEHOLD MEMBERS BY MUNICIPALITY

2 DATA ON HOUSEHOLD MEMBERS

Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 57

58 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
3 HOUSEHOLD FEATURES

Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 59

60 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
4 HOUSEHOLD NUTRITION

Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 61

62 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
5 SCHOOL AND KINDERGARTEN ATTENDANCE

6 HEALTH STATUS

Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 63

7 HOUSEHOLD STANDARD

64 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY

Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 65
66 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
8 OPINIONS

Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 67

68 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY
HOW TO INTERPRET SMMRI TABLES

Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 69

APPENDIX 6
FOCUS GROUPS CONDUCTED

70 THE MANY FACES OF POVERTY

APPENDIX 7
MUNICIPALITIES COVERED BY THE RESEARCH

Research on Child Poverty in Serbia 71