5/3/10 During the winter of 1999, the city of Seattle played host to the meetings of the World Trade

Organization, a global trading group focused on free trade, globalization, and economic neoliberalism. In response to these meetings thousands of activists from many different movements converged in Seattle with the goal of disrupting and ending the meetings. The activists came from a multitude of groups, from labor organizers to environmental activists, teamsters to turtles. Of all the activist groups there was one present that managed to capture the nation's attention: the Black Bloc. Although it wasn't the first time a black bloc had taken part in a protest within the United States, and the participants in the bloc only constituted a small portion of the activists the destruction it caused has led to the image of the black clad anarchist and the smashed up Starbucks to be synonymous with the WTO protests. The prominence of the anarchists in Seattle was further magnified by media depictions and together they helped unleash a new form of political protest in the United States. In response to this, the different institutions of the state, from the military to local law enforcement agencies, have been forced to restructure their handling of protests in order to effectively find a balance between allowing people to assemble and preventing widespread vandalism and destabilization.

Clarification of Terms and Tactics

It's important to note that the terms Black Bloc and Anarchist are not fixed together. The black bloc is simply a defensive protest tactic that can be used by any political group regardless of ideology. The same goes for anarchists, they are not limited to just participating in the black bloc, and can be found taking part in different aspects including street medics, indymedia journalists, or legal observers, and parts of a massive protest or mobilization. As a protest or direct action tactic the black bloc is geared towards qualitative action, as opposed to quantitative action; it is a tactic for the activist who is tired of walking in predetermined marches holding signs and looking to do something more. Practically, the black bloc serves as a way activists willing to engage in forms of protest or direct action

5/3/10 often not smiled upon by the law in a safe and secure manner and as a way to empower everyday people. However, for many the act of masking up to protest has A message found on the inside of masks handed out at a black bloc in London in 1999 reads as follows: Those in authority fear the mask for their power partly resides in identifying, stamping and cataloguing: in knowing who you are...our masks are not to conceal our identity but to reveal it...Today we shall give this resistance a face; for by putting on our masks we reveal our unity; and by raising our voices in the street together, we speak our anger at the facelessness of power...1 This quote illustrates the use of masks to help empower the wearer. The members of a black bloc don't just wear masks to hide their identities, but also to allow them to reveal themselves, by letting them act without fear of reprisal.

Anatomy of a Black Bloc

Large black blocs are very hard to miss in protests, they can number anywhere between 20 or in the thousands, depending on how large the protest is and how successful mobilization was in advance. The signifying characteristic of the black bloc is the uniformity of each member. All participants are encouraged to dress in black attire, usually black hoodies with black masks or balaclavas. This uniformity allows participants to protect their identities in order to prevent arrest and protect them from harassment from the police. At its heart the black bloc is comprised of each individual member. Despite the attempts at uniformity with dress code, the individuality and autonomy of each member is emphasized and no attempt at creating an all encompassing list of demands is made. In order to be safer most participants usually stick with a close group of friends, also known as an Affinity Group. An affinity group is a small collective with specific short term goals, which can range from disrupting a trade summit to 1 Young, Daniel Dylan. Autonomia and the Origin of the Black Bloc. A-Infos.
<http://www.ainfos.ca/01/jun/ainfos00170.html>

5/3/10 setting up a community center. In a black bloc, affinity groups provide the individual participants with a sense of security knowing that if they get injured or arrested there are people who are looking out for them. It's important to note that while this basic hierarchy helps illustrate the organization within a black bloc, it is in no way enshrined in stone, no one person or affinity group leads the bloc, and at any point the bloc can split up and regroup at a different time if the situation calls for it.

The Anarchists
When attempting to understand anarchist protesters it's very important to make certain clarifications. While anarchist black blocs and its participants can and often march with or amongst different activist groups, it's important to note certain characteristics that set them apart from mainstream activist movements. First, despite the ability of anarchists to assemble in large numbers and present a sense of cohesion, there is often only a limited amount of ideological cohesion amongst them. Anarchism as a cultural movement is split into different sects that can overlap or contradict eah other. Despite this most anarchists are more than capable of setting aside petter differences for a common cause. Second, anarchist protests are often much harder to understand or control, due to the fact that they often have much more general or ambiguous goals or purposes in a demonstration. While a mainstream activist group may have a specific list of demands going into a protest, anarchist groups usually have no clear or easily grantable demands. Anarchists in a black bloc at an anti war rally don't just want the United States to pull out of Iraq or Afghanistan, but want an end to the military and other violent arms of the state. Anarchists in a black bloc at a trade summit protest don't want environmental regulations or reform, but instead want an end to the existing capitalist structure. This refusal to make demands, makes it virtually impossible for politicians or the police to understand, appease, or assimilate the anarchists.

5/3/10 This idea of refusing to make demands in a protest is described by anarchist theorist Johann Kaspar writes about the political meaning behind rioting in his manifesto We Demand Nothing. For many anarchists, especially Insurrectionary Anarchists, the point of taking part in a black bloc is often not to march around and hold signs asking politicians or financial ministers to make x or y decision, but instead to attempt to spark an insurrection or riot. The reason for this is not simply because the black bloc is a bunch of bored teenagers looking to smash storefront windows, but rather the riot or insurrection is seen as an opening of possibilities, or a negation of the existing system. This is a very unique perspective for protests, instead of having the ends justify the means, the ends are the means for many anarchists.

Early History of the Black Bloc in Protests.

It's very difficult to track the history of the black bloc. There is almost no scholarly work done on it, especially when trying to understand it from a cultural perspective. It seems that the first instance of the black bloc being used as a protest occurred in the early 1980s in West Germany as a part of antinuclear protests and squatters as well as the European social movement the Autonomen . At this time there was a budding squatting movement throughout West Germany in light of an economic recession and from this sprang a grassroots anti-nuclear energy campaign. Faced with resistance to their nuclear energy plans the West German government began to crack down on squats and protests. In response to this one of the largest social movements a group called the Autonomen began stepping up protests, using more militant tactics, and adopting the uniform black outfits2. From here the black bloc became a staple of West German protests, with one 3000 person black bloc assembling in Berlin in June of 1987 in response to a visit from Ronald Reagan3. Despite it's

2Young, Daniel Dylan. Autonomia and the Origin of the Black Bloc. A-Infos.
<http://www.ainfos.ca/01/jun/ainfos00170.html> 3Young, Daniel Dylan. Autonomia and the Origin of the Black Bloc. A-Infos. <http://www.ainfos.ca/01/jun/ainfos00170.html>

5/3/10 popularity in Germany it took around a decade for the tactic to spread to the United States due to lack of media coverage and a lack of English writings on it. The first recorded instance of an organized black bloc in the United States occurred in 1988 in Washington D.C. as part of a much larger protest against the Pentagons support of right wing death squads in El Salvador4. Over the next decade black blocs appeared sporadically across the country usually small in number, occasionally destructive, but never gaining national attention.

Battle in Seattle
On the morning of November 30th 1999 activists from over 500 different groups5 swarmed the streets of Seattle in response to the meetings of the World Trade Organization, one of the world's largest international trade groups. During the protest the Seattle Police department found itself unprepared for the large numbers of protesters and their tactics. The two largest activist groups present were the AFLCIO, which was planning on putting together a large march and anarchist/anti-authoritarian group Direct Action Network, which was planning on locking down specific streets downtown. In preparation for the protests the police department mistakenly believed that the strong presence of the AFL-CIO would herd all the other protesters into its permitted march and drastically underestimated the number of protesters6. This wishful thinking backfired dramatically on the SPD as nonunion and even union protesters joined Direct Action Network in the streets successfully blocking off streets. Another mistake made by the SPD was underestimating the amount of chemical weapons to stockpile. Before the protest the SPD had only $20,000 worth of tear gas which was estimated as only 1/5 the amount needed by federal officials7.
4 Van Deusen, David and Xavier Massot, eds. The Black Bloc Papers. (Shawnee Mission: Breaking Glass Press, 2010). 34-35. 5 World Trade Group Inspires Protesters. New York Times. November 29 1999. <http://www.nytimes.com/1999/11/29/world/world-trade-group-inspires-protesters.html?scp=14&sq=seattle world trade protest&st=cse> 6 Arquilla, John and David Ronfeld. Network and The future of Terror, Crime, an Militancy. (Pittsburgh: RAND Corporation, 2002.) 212 7 Arquilla, John and David Ronfeld. Network and The future of Terror, Crime, an Militancy. (Pittsburgh: RAND

5/3/10 At 5 am in the morning Direct Action Network affinity groups quickly took to the streets and blocked off strategic intersections and hotels, their numbers surprising and overwhelming the police. By 9:10 DAN along with other protesters were successfully occupying and blockading several city blocks in downtown Seattle and seemed to have the upper hand over the SPD8. After 10 am the SPD began to deploy tear gas and pepper spray in an attempt to disperse the protesters, however they were largely unsuccessful due to the overwhelming number of protesters and the effectiveness of the blockade9. After 11 am, the AFL-CIO rally left memorial stadium and began its permitted march downtown. Before this the SPD had been faced with a decision of whether or not to declare a state of emergency and cancel the march due to the chaos downtown or allow them to proceed. Still believing that the permitted march would siphon off street protesters and make the protest more manageable SPD opted not to declare a state of emergency and allow the march to go as planned10. This was a strategic mistake as the chaos downtown caused parts of the AFL-CIO march to split off and join the street protesters further contributing to the SPD's headache. As the police scrambled to take back control of downtown and replenish their supply of crowd control agents (one captain went as far as Wyoming to pick up tear gas and other fun things in a panic on the day of the protest11), the black bloc, which numbered anywhere from 100 to 20012, took advantage of the lack of police control to commit acts of vandalism against several chain stores including Nike, Gap, and Starbucks. With the riot in full swing local teenagers numbering around 100
Corporation, 2002.) 219 8 Arquilla, John and David Ronfeld. Network and The future of Terror, Crime, an Militancy. (Pittsburgh: RAND Corporation, 2002.) 214. 9 Arquilla, John and David Ronfeld. Network and The future of Terror, Crime, an Militancy. (Pittsburgh: RAND Corporation, 2002.) 216. 10 Arquilla, John and David Ronfeld. Network and The future of Terror, Crime, an Militancy. (Pittsburgh: RAND Corporation, 2002.) 217-218 11 Arquilla, John and David Ronfeld. Network and The future of Terror, Crime, an Militancy. (Pittsburgh: RAND Corporation, 2002.) 219 12 Arquilla, John and David Ronfeld. Network and The future of Terror, Crime, an Militancy. (Pittsburgh: RAND Corporation, 2002.) 209

5/3/10 joined in on the vandalism and looting. This sudden escalation of tactics took many of the peaceful street protesters by surprise and attempted to stop the vandalism believing it would dilute the message13. Ironically human rights activists suddenly found themselves defending the Gap, Nike, and other chains that sold sweatshop produced clothing. At the end of the protest the black bloc was blamed for around $10,000,000 worth of property damage14, however it's likely that this number is a gross overstatement and a good portion of the damage can be attributed to the police and other rioters outside of the black bloc.

N30 Aftermath
Although the black bloc only represented a small minority of the protesters on the streets of Seattle, their ability to use force in the anarchist tradition known as propaganda of the deed and the prevalence of media outlets, including indymedia journalists allowed them to take center stage. Although the success of the N30 mobilization was due to the large numbers of nonconfrontational activists using peaceful direct action tactics. As a result of the black blocs prominence in the media following Seattle, the tactic exploded in the American protest movements, and its presence could be counted on in numerous movements from the anti-globalization movement, anti-war movement of the bush era, and in anti-fascist actions across the country. From the first recorded case of a black bloc in North America in 1988 to 11 years later at Seattle, The Black Bloc Papers, the closest to a definitive history of the black bloc in North America, counts around 6 black bloc protests, although it is possible there were more. From 2000 to 2004, the book counts at least 29 cases of the black bloc tactic being used at different protests across North America, even while overlooking occurrences of the black bloc in places like the WTO conference in Cancun 2003. 13Egan, Timothy. Talks and Turnmoil: The Violence; Black Masks Lead to Pointed Fingers in Seattle. December 2
1999. <http://www.nytimes.com/1999/12/02/world/talks-and-turmoil-the-violence-black-masks-lead-to-pointed-fingers-inseattle.html?scp=20&sq=seattle%20world%20trade%20protest&st=cse&pagewanted=1> 14 Van Deusen, David and Xavier Massot, eds. The Black Bloc Papers. (Shawnee Mission: Breaking Glass Press, 2010). 37

5/3/10 This rapid surge in militant tactics and the failures of the Seattle police to control the protest forced the United States government to reexamine its strategies for dealing with protests at the federal and local level. It was not just the tactics and strategies of anarchists that were dramatically altered by the WTO protests of Seattle, but also those of the state in response. The next time a coherent and effective new form of strategy on the side of the state emerged would be in 2003 at the Free Trade Area of the Americas summit meeting in Miami.

The Miami Model

In November of 2003, the city of Miami was host to a summit meeting for the Free Trade Area of the Americas, a trade agreement similar to NAFTA. Like NAFTA and the WTO, the FTAA was criticized by human rights groups, environmental activists, and unions for being bad for the Latin American poor, the environment, and working people in America. In light of this a large scale protest was called for to attempt to disrupt the FTAA. The Miami police department was under the leadership new chief of police John Timoney, who had previously been a commissioner for the Philadelphia police and had lead that department in its handling of the protests at the 2000 Republican National Convention. With, Timoney put together a new and heavy handed strategy for dealing with the protest later dubbed the Miami Model. This model is based upon 3 precepts15. First, preemptive arrests ranged from detaining protesters to using plainclothes extraction teams and vans full of unmarked officers in ski masks grabbing protesters off of the street16. Second, the massive and costly security presences included 9000 riot cops at his disposal and 8.5 million dollars in federal funding earmarked for the Iraq War17. This heavily militarized police 15 Getzan, Christopher. Infamous 'Miami Model' of Protest Clampdown Coming to a Town Near You.
The New Standard. June 8 2004. <http://web.archive.org/web/20071023200835/http://newstandardnews.net/content/? action=show_item&itemid=488> 16 Getzan, Christopher. Infamous 'Miami Model' of Protest Clampdown Coming to a Town Near You. The New Standard. June 8 2004. <http://web.archive.org/web/20071023200835/http://newstandardnews.net/content/? action=show_item&itemid=488> 17 Van Deusen, David and Xavier Massot, eds. The Black Bloc Papers. (Shawnee Mission: Breaking Glass Press, 2010). 277.

5/3/10 force was armed with rubber bullets, tasers, electrical shields, and other state of the art riot police gear18. Finally, there was an emphasis on intelligence gathering, in preparation the MPD worked alongside the FBI in monitoring activist groups under the belief that protests provide a cloak for terrorists19. Thanks to large phalanxes of riot cops numbering from 50 to 100 patrolling the streets, the FTAA meetings were able to proceed without being disrupted and there was virtually no property damage from the protesters20. This was all accomplished due to the fact that the management of the protests were treated as another front to the War on Terror of the Bush administration. Since the 2003 Miami protests tactics and strategies used by the MPD have been replicated for protests in the states. In preparation for the 2008 Republican National Convention in St Paul, 5 activists were preemptively arrested 2 days in advance and charged with 3 other activists (dubbed together as the RNC 8) for conspiracy to riot for the furtherance of terrorism under incredibly flimsy physical evidence21. It was also reported a few months in advance that the FBI had actively been attempting to infiltrate vegan potlucks looking for possible terrorists22.

Final Notes
As the tactics used in protests in America became increasingly militant, the management of protests became integrated with the war on terror, often at the cost of civil rights. The question remains Where do we go from here? Will we one day move from black blocs and riot police to guerrilla forces
18 Van Bergen, Jennifer. Police Violence at Miami FTAA Protest. World Socialist Website. November 26 2003. <http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/nov2003/miam-n26.shtml> 19 Getzan, Christopher. Infamous 'Miami Model' of Protest Clampdown Coming to a Town Near You. The New Standard. June 8 2004. <http://web.archive.org/web/20071023200835/http://newstandardnews.net/content/? action=show_item&itemid=488> 20 Getzan, Christopher. Infamous 'Miami Model' of Protest Clampdown Coming to a Town Near You. The New Standard. June 8 2004. <http://web.archive.org/web/20071023200835/http://newstandardnews.net/content/? action=show_item&itemid=488> 21 RNC 8 Charged as Terrorists Under State Patriot Act. Infoshop. September 3 2008. <http://news.infoshop.org/article.php?story=2008bullshit-rnc-charges> 22 Frauenfelder, Mark. FBI Looking For Vegan Potluck Terrorists. boingboing. May 21 2008. <http://boingboing.net/2008/05/21/fbi-looking-for-vega.html>

5/3/10 and the military? One thing is certain, the black bloc still has a role to play in United States politics and will continue to change and adapt while police tactics can only wait to react.