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Boletín mensual: MARZO 2008

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TURKMEN PRESIDENT PLANS TO ATTEND NATO SUMMIT IN ROMANIA IN APRIL

Turkmenistan's president is set to attend NATO's summit next month, according to the defense
minister of the Central Asian nation.

Fuente: http://www.iht.com
Continúa en p.3

TURKMENISTAN, INCENTIVI ALLE DONNE CHE FANNO PIÙ DI OTTO FIGLI

Incentivi economici a tutte le donne che faranno almeno otto figli. A vararli è stato il presidente
del Turkmenistan Kurbanguly Berdymukhamedov, nel tentativo di favorire un baby boom.

Fuente: http://www.repubblica.it
Continúa en p.9

SYMPATHY FOR THE DEVIL

Josef Stalin, as historian Simon Montefiore wrote in a recent book, was a poet in his youth. Yury
Andropov -- besides heading the KGB in the 1970s, briefly leading the Soviet Union in the
1980s and acting as Vladimir Putin's ultimate boss -- also wrote poetry. Putin may lack talent for
versifying, but in Dutch his last name is spelled Poetin.
Fuente: http://www.moscowtimes.ru
Continúa en p.18

INDICE

Política...........................p.3
Economía::::::...:.p.14
Medios de comunicación............................p.16
Sociedad...........................p.18

Boletín mensual: Marzo 2008 1


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El Observatorio Eurasia es un proyecto que se encuadra dentro de la línea de “Historia
de la propaganda y análisis de la comunicación política” del Grupo Interdisciplinario de
Estudios en Comunicación, Política y Cambio Social (COMPOLITICAS), y tiene como
principal objetivo el estudio, investigación y difusión de los principales fenómenos
políticos, culturales y comunicacionales que tienen lugar en el antiguo espacio soviético.

Coordinador
Miguel Vázquez Liñán

Responsable del número


Francescomaria Evangelisti

Maquetación
Fernando Márquez Herrero

Boletín mensual: Marzo 2008 2


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POLÍTICA - Titulares

TURKMEN PRESIDENT PLANS TO ATTEND NATO SUMMIT IN ROMANIA IN APRIL


www.iht.com (20/03/2008)

THE RETURN OF SOVIET DISSIDENTS


www.moscowtimes.ru (19/03/2008)

KYRGYZ OPPOSITION QUERIES ELECTION FIGURES


www.iwpr.net, (12/03/2008)

KAZAKHSTAN: OPPOSITION PARTY TRIES TO MAKE A FRESH START


www.eurasianet.org (04/03/2008)

STEALTH MOVE: AMERICAN TROOPS TO RETURN TO UZBEKISTAN AMID THAW


www.eurasianet.org (05/03/2008)

TURKMENISTAN, INCENTIVI ALLE DONNE CHE FANNO PIÙ DI OTTO FIGLI


www.repubblica.it (07/03/2008)

PUTIN, MEDVEDEV HOST US SENIOR OFFICIALS AMID DISPUTES


www.chinadaily.com.cn (18/03/2008)

RED CROSS GIVEN ACCESS TO PRISONERS IN EX-SOVIET UZBEKISTAN


www.iht.com (13/08/2008)

KAZAKSTAN KEEPS LID ON PUBLIC MEETINGS


www.iwpr.net (26/03/2008)

TURKMEN PRESIDENT PLANS TO ATTEND NATO SUMMIT IN ROMANIA IN APRIL

The Associated Press, 20/03/2008, International Herald Tribune (www.iht.com)

Turkmenistan's president is set to attend NATO's summit next month, according to the defense minister of
the Central Asian nation.

The gas-rich former Soviet state became isolated under the leadership of the late Saparmurat Niyazov, but
President Gurbanguli Berdymukhamedov has made concerted efforts to reach out to the international
community.

During a visit to Brussels in November, Berdymukhamedov held talks with NATO Secretary General Jaap
de Hoop Scheffer.

Defense Minister Agageldy Mammetgeldiyev said at a meeting of military officials that Berdymukhamedov
was set to attend NATO summit in Bucharest on April 2-4.

Turkmenistan has been a member of NATO's Partnership for Peace program since 1995, but only attends
military training exercises as an observer, in line with its policy of neutrality. It also has taken tentative
steps to modernize its armed forces.

At a meeting of security officials earlier this month, Berdymukhamedov announced plans to draw up a new
military doctrine, although he pledged to retain Turkmenistan's neutral status.

FUENTE: http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2008/03/20/asia/AS-GEN-Turkmenistan-NATO-Summit.php

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THE RETURN OF SOVIET DISSIDENTS

Earlier this month, the American Enterprise Institute hosted a panel discussion with leading
members of the opposition in Russia -- Boris Nemtsov; Vladimir Ryzhkov; Oleg Buklemishev, the
deputy manager of Mikhail Kasyanov's presidential campaign; and Vladimir Kara-Murza, the
manager of Vladimir Bukovsky's presidential bid.

Leon Aron, 19/03/2008, The Moscow Times (www.moscowtimes.ru)

This event was unusual for the AEI, and we decided to hold it because it is becoming increasingly difficult
to hear their voices. They are banished from state-controlled television and have been pushed out of
national and local politics. In addition, their rallies and demonstrations are routinely prohibited, and when
they do protest on the street, they are attacked by riot police and Nashi thugs, who are paid from
government funds.

Their colleagues are harassed in their homes and on the streets. They are detained on bogus criminal
charges, sometimes beaten unconscious and in a few cases thrown into psychiatric wards. Owners of
halls and conference centers are afraid of giving them space for meetings and debates, and many
advertising agencies refuse to produce their campaign materials. The police break into their headquarters
and take away their computers, leaflets and posters, and the Kremlin-friendly courts never rule in their
favor.

In short, Nemtsov, Ryzhkov, Kasyanov and Bukovsky are becoming more like dissidents in the Soviet
sense than a normal opposition force that you would find in Western democracies.
This transformation is bound to have profound implications for Russia and the world. Governments without
opposition are doomed to falter. The blunders of a nuclear superpower drunk on oil and gas revenue are
bound to be enormous.

Competitors are "partners" in the political process, even when they actively criticize the government.
Without an opposition, the center of political gravity is raised all the way to the top, making the vehicle of
national politics unstable -- one without shock absorbers or brakes. Free of the need to explain
themselves, the ruling elite begin to believe in their own infallibility.

We have already seen the first signs of the country's institutional debility when the government monetized
social benefits to pensioners a few years ago. The law, which affected tens of millions of people and cost
trillions of rubles, was adopted by the rubber-stamping State Duma after only a few hours of debate.
Monetization of benefits is just the tip of the iceberg, however.

Without a genuine debate and participation from the opposition, the government is unable to develop
solutions to the huge problems in education, healthcare, pensions and corruption.
Moreover, without opposition as a check and balance, the government is given a virtual carte blanche.
Take, for example, the borrowing spree of state or state-sponsored companies -- in particular, Gazprom
and Rosneft, which together owe $85 billion and clearly hope for the state to bail them out. This also
applies to Moscow's huge exports of modern weaponry to China, a serious geopolitical rival that will be
armed to the teeth with Russian weapons and know-how, and to Moscow's support of uranium-enriching
Iran. Could these policies have been adopted so easily if the opposition had an opportunity to engage the
government in a true debate -- in the parliament, on television or in the newspapers -- exposing millions of
Russians to the perils of these flawed policies?

Of course, the Putin's crackdown on the opposition is still a far cry from the repression under the Soviet
Union. The four members of the opposition who spoke at the AEI on March 10 and thousands of their
colleagues are still far better off now than Andrei Sakharov, Alexander Ginzburg or even Bukovsky were in
the 1970s. The Union of Right Forces and Yabloko parties, although marginalized, are still legal.
Moreover, the Internet is far more efficient than samizdat, although it now essentially plays the same role
in the country's political discourse. And a handful of small-circulation newspapers and magazines that are
not afraid to publish articles critical of the Kremlin can still find publishers and distributors. But we don't
know how long this will last.

In the meantime, the West should continue to help sustain Russia's new dissidents by giving them a
platform and an opportunity to engage in a free debate. Far from "undermining" Russia, this solidarity can
best ensure that Russia's democratic evolution will be nonviolent -- similar to the period from 1989 to 1991.
Let's hope it is not too late for this.

Boletín mensual: Marzo 2008 4


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FUENTE: http://www.iwpr.net/?p=buz&s=b&o=336983&apc_state=henb

KYRGYZ OPPOSITION QUERIES ELECTION FIGURES

Opposition groups say the failure to release detailed information on the December election
suggests the results are questionable.

Gulnara Mambetalieva 12/03/2008, IWPR (www.iwpr.net)

Three months after a watershed -election, Kyrgyz opposition groups are questioning the legitimacy of the
outcome on the grounds that a detailed breakdown showing who voted for which party has never been
published.

The pro-presidential Ak Jol party won a landslide victory in the December 16 polls, giving it 70 of the 90
seats in parliament – and under a new constitution approved in October, the right to name a prime
minister. The Social Democrats got 11 seats and the Communists nine, but a controversial regulation left
some major opposition parties completely excluded.

As the weeks go by with no detailed results in the public domain, the outcome is being increasingly
queried.

On March 11, the Bishkek-based Coalition for Democracy and Civil Society brought a court case against
the Central Election Commission, CEC, in hope of forcing it to disclose how the vote broke down in each
polling district.

Dinara Oshurakhunova, leader of the coalition, told IWPR that it asked the CEC to publicise information
about the district-level voting in January but had not received a reply.

The CEC has released information on how many people voted nationally and on the number of votes each
party received in each of the nine large administrative regions.

However, as Oshurakhunova points out, it is the details that count.

“The CEC has not provided full information about how many ballot papers were prepared: and how many
of these were spoiled,” she said.

In addition, she said, there is no information on the crucial question of how the vote broke down district by
district at constituency level.

The election was the first to be held proportional representation rules, awarding seats according to the
share of the vote won by each party.

This seemed a reasonably fair system, until a controversial ruling from the CEC only a month before the
election changed the system for allocating seats.

Now each party not only had to win the support of five per cent of the voters listed on the national electoral
roll, estimated at 2.7 million people, it had also to get 0.5 per cent of the same national total in each of the
nine electoral regions. That worked out as 13,500 votes in each of seven provinces plus the cities of
Bishkek and Osh.

In sparsely populated regions like Naryn and Batken, this figure represented a huge percentage of the
voting-age population. Add to this the large-scale seasonal migration of Kyrgyz workers to Russia and
Kazakstan, significant levels of voter apathy, and the participation of several parties, and it was apparent
that even some strong contenders were never going to win the required number of votes in all nine
regions.

This appears to be what happened to at least two major parties, Ata Meken and Ar-Namys, which ended
up with no seats in the legislature and have now joined those calling for greater clarity on the election
results.

Last week, Ar-Namys issued a statement saying that in the absence of detailed figures, the public must
“doubt the election result and thus also the legitimacy of the powers of parliament”.

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According to Emil Aliev, one of the party’s leaders, “The CEC has deliberately not released information on
the election results: in order to conceal the real results of the vote.”

Aliev said Ar-Namys wanted to compare the official voting figures with the tally its own observers had
compiled, covering most of the country.

Ata Meken’s leader, Temir Sariev, told IWPR that the CEC’s actions constituted a gross violation of
Kyrgyzstan’s election legislation, and suggested that the voting results had been falsified.

“The CEC must publish the results of elections within the period of time dictated by law, but it has not done
so,” he said. “It is likely that the CEC is afraid to do so, because many people know who voted and how
they voted in these elections.”

Political scientist Syrgak Abdyldaev agreed that the failure to announce comprehensive results raised
suspicions.

“The CEC has something to conceal,” he said. “Its position suggests these elections were unfair.”

Abdyldaev predicted that if the CEC were to reveal the results, the consequences could be “explosive”, as
people compared them with voting figures obtained from other sources.

However, Myrzabek Arginbaev, a senior official in the CEC, insisted there was no political conspiracy
behind the decision to withhold the full results. Opposition members and rights groups were demanding
the impossible, he said.

“There are about 3,000 electoral districts in Kyrgyzstan in all,” he pointed out. “How can we provide all that
information in detail?” he asked. “No newspaper would even provide enough space.”

Arginbaev then admitted that the CEC did not even have the district-level electoral returns – it merely
compiled its data from the aggregated documents sent in by regional-level election officers.

He nevertheless insisted that the CEC had not broken the electoral code, as the regulations did not in fact
oblige it to publish election results compiled at the lowest tier.

Roza Otunbaeva, a former foreign minister who represents the Social Democrats in parliament, believes
that Ak Jol as the governing party should be at the forefront of demands for transparency.

“If questions arise, it casts a shadow over them [Ak Jol], so it would make complete sense for them to
tackle this issue,” she said.

Elmira Ibraimova, an Ak Jol member of parliament, said the CEC “probably has its reasons” for not
publishing the full election results – but she still said the opposition had a fair point in asking for them.

FUENTE: http://iwpr.net/?p=rca&s=f&o=343331&apc_state=henprca

KAZAKHSTAN: OPPOSITION PARTY TRIES TO MAKE A FRESH START

One of Kazakhstan’s leading opposition parties has re-branded itself, with a new name and a
leadership shake-up. Party leaders hope that the makeover will inject new momentum into attempts
to open up Kazakhstan’s political system. But, in this case at least, any expansion in Kazakhstan’s
domestic political landscape may not bring welcome news to foreign investors.

Joanna Lillis , 04/03/2008, EURASIANET (www.eurasianet.org)

Over the past year, President Nursultan Nazarbayev’s administration has tightened its hold over the
country’s political life. Parliamentary elections in August 2007 gave the pro-presidential Nur Otan Party a
virtual monopoly of the legislative process.

Earlier in 2007, Nazarbayev engineered constitutional changes that enable him to become president-for-
life.
Though down, the president’s political rivals are not counting themselves out. The former Nagyz Ak Zhol
voted at a party congress on February 29 to rename itself Azat, which means freedom in Kazakh. The
name selection was the result of a contest, in which party leaders selected two names to put to a vote out

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of some 300 suggestions received: Azat and Azamat, meaning citizen. Azat won overwhelmingly with 88
votes to Azamat’s 58. Other popular suggestions included Akikat (truth), Adal (honesty), and even the
names of some political movements, which already exist, such as Adilet (justice) and Atameken
(fatherland).

The new name will embody the party’s values of "independence, democracy, freedom and justice," said
Bolat Abilov, who was unanimously elected the party chairman as the movement abandoned its policy of
having three co-chairs. Another former co-leader, Tolegen Zhukeyev, was elected secretary-general, with
responsibility for strategy. The third former co-leader, Oraz Zhandosov, remained without an official post
but was tipped to become a deputy leader and will continue as the party’s chief economic strategist.

"Let’s be one big family as we have been all these years. : Let’s be worthy of this great name," said a
jubilant Abilov after the vote. The name was especially suitable, he added, since read backwards it is the
Kazakh word for clean or pure, taza. "Let’s be for the purity of the [political] process!" he told delegates.

The well-known Ak Zhol political brand has posed public relations problems since 2005, when the party
experienced an acrimonious split on the issue of whether to engage the administration in a dialogue or not.
Abilov, Zhandosov, Zhukeyev and Altynbek Sarsenbayev - who was brutally murdered in February 2006 -
broke away to form Nagyz Ak Zhol (Real Bright Path), which remained in opposition. [For background see
the Eurasia Insight archive]. The Ak Zhol faction that adopted a softer line toward Nazarbayev was headed
by Alikhan Baymenov

The existence of two similarly named parties had been a source of confusion to voters, and Azat’s leaders
are hoping they can finally put the split behind them and create a new brand that will have public
recognition by the next parliamentary election, due in 2012. The new name has positive connotations for
many Kazakhstanis: a movement called Azat was formed in 1990 and lobbied for independence from the
Soviet Union.

Leaders of that movement, which still exists but is not active, condemned the decision to adopt the name.
"We are surprised and perturbed that they have taken the name Azat, as if there weren’t any other words
in Kazakh," the movement’s former chairman, Toleubek Seytkaly-uly, said during a March 4 news
conference, as reported by the Interfax-Kazakhstan news agency. The party has no "moral right" to the
name, he added. The movement’s leader, Khasen Kozha-Akhmet, said it would be lobbying the Justice
Ministry to deny the party registration under the new name.

Party leaders were in buoyant mood and rejected suggestions that they cannot influence the political
process after being left outside parliament following the last parliamentary election.
"Authorities will always resist us and there is no guarantee that they will let us in [to parliament], but we
don’t want to discuss it in terms of letting us in or not," Zhukeyev told EurasiaNet during a break in
congress proceedings. "We will take part; we will fight."

He claimed that the parliamentary vote was marred by widespread fraud, an allegation backed up by
election monitoring from the OSCE, which has never judged an election in Kazakhstan free and fair. Votes
are regularly stolen from the opposition, Zhukeyev said. "We reliably get 30 percent to 40 percent [of the
vote] in elections - reliably," he said.

The lack of any alternative voices in parliament stands to backfiring on the administration, Abilov told the
congress, since Nazarbayev’s party now must take full responsibility for all policies and all problems. "Nur
Otan has shown that it is not capable of reacting to the situation," Abilov said. "This parliament is terribly
distant from the people, as if they live in a different world from the one we live in."

As Kazakhstan continues to be hurt by the effects of the global credit crunch, and as public dissatisfaction
rises along with the country’s inflation rate, Abilov’s point that the party of power must take responsibility is
not lost on many Kazakhstanis. Therein lies political opportunity, Abilov believes.

Azat’s leaders insist they don’t need seats in parliament to influence the legislative and policy process.
Many initiatives that have become government policy, especially those tinged with a nationalist/populist
element, were originally developed by the opposition, Azat leaders maintain. Among the co-opted policies
is the government’s tough line on reviewing contracts governing foreign investors.

"We consider the most important thing is that we are putting pressure on [Nazarbayev]," Zhukeyev told
EurasiaNet.

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Some analysts agree. "Although opposition parties are not in parliament, they have some grassroots
backing," Maria Disenova, an analyst at the Institute for Economic Strategies-Central Asia, told
EurasiaNet. "Therefore, it has probably always been the case that authorities did listen to the ideas
presented by opposition parties and take them for their own.

Given the tougher economic times, more Kazakhstanis may turn in the coming months and years to the
opposition for economic answers. "Now more than ever the authorities may be inclined to listen to
opposition parties even though the latter have no formal levers of influence," Disenova said. "So, in fact,
opposition parties do shape public opinion and influence the decision-making process in Kazakhstan."

Azat - which will now have to seek re-registration under its new name - plans to draw up a three-year
political strategy and a longer-term program, Azat-2012, to prepare for the next election. It will be pushing
for laws to improve the lives of ordinary people, Abilov said, singling out several priorities: making the
terms of contracts with foreign investors developing Kazakhstan’s energy resources public; exporting gas
at market prices; restricting the use of foreign labor; setting up a public-service TV channel; bringing laws
on elections, the media and public assembly into line with OSCE commitments; introducing elections for all
mayors and governors; and lobbying to join the Council of Europe.

The program is ambitious, but party leaders are in a self-confident mood. "We have a dream: a free
Kazakhstan, a democratic Kazakhstan, an independent Kazakhstan and a just Kazakhstan," Abilov told
applauding delegates.

FUENTE: http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav030408a.shtml

STEALTH MOVE: AMERICAN TROOPS TO RETURN TO UZBEKISTAN AMID THAW

After a concerted campaign by Washington to reopen the channels of communication with


Uzbekistan, American troops may be returning to the Central Asian nation almost three years after
being unceremoniously booted out amid the fallout over the 2005 Andijan events. Uzbekistan’s
apparent readiness to make a sudden geopolitical turn could prompt consternation in the Kremlin,
and have important implications for the Caspian Basin energy contest.

Eurasianet, 05/03/2008, (www.eurasianet.org)

The announcement came in a roundabout manner, with Robert Simmons, the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization’s special envoy for the Caucasus and Central Asia, telling Russian journalists during a
Moscow news conference March 5 that troops from NATO countries would soon have access to a military
airbase at Termez, on the Uzbek-Afghan border. Up until now, the base has been used exclusively by
German soldiers..
"We welcome the fact Uzbekistan has shown readiness to allow other countries to use this airbase," the
Interfax news agency quoted Simmons as saying. "As far as I understand, the United States is beginning
to use this facility [at Termez]."

Uzbek government officials did not make any official statements either confirming or denying Simmons’
comments. If accurate, the return of US forces to Uzbekistan would mark a quantum leap forward in the
effort to restore a strategic relationship that went into the deep freeze following the Andijan events. In July
2005, the Uzbek government ordered US forces to leave an airbase in Karshi-Khanabad (K2).

The Termez facility, like the K2 base in the past, is used to provide logistical support for ongoing allied
military operations in Afghanistan.

Over roughly the past year, US officials had been carrying out a quiet, but persistent campaign to re-
engage Uzbek authorities.

The pivotal visit apparently involved Adm. William Fallon, head of the US Central Command, who
reportedly laid the groundwork for the return of American forces, this time to the Termez facility.

During his late January visit, Uzbek media largely ignored Fallon. The admiral was quoted as saying --
accurately, though somewhat misleadingly -- that the United States had no interest in a return to the K2
base. There was no mention of the Termez facility.

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According to the official news agency UzA, however, Fallon discussed substantive issues with President
Islam Karimov and other top Uzbek leaders. "The sides exchanged opinions about areas of mutual
interest, including regional security, stability in Afghanistan, efforts against international terrorism, drug
trade, and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, as well as other threats," the news agency said.

While the announcement seemed to come out of nowhere, Uzbek observers described the return of
American forces as a logical next step in the US-Uzbek rapprochement process. "It’s not surprising given
the Uzbek authorities general unwillingness to release information," one Tashkent-based expert said,
referring to the government’s lack of comment. "But the thaw in relations is obvious."

The timing of the announcement is also noteworthy, as it occurred at a point when Russia is preoccupied
with a political transition, as Dmitri Medvedev is set to assume the presidency from Vladimir Putin following
a carefully stage-managed election on March 2. Given the inward focus of Russian officialdom at present,
there was no immediate comment from the Russian Foreign Ministry on the announcement.

Some experts believe the news was certain to upset Russian policy makers. In the aftermath of Andijan,
Uzbekistan greatly enhanced security cooperation with Russia and China. Currently, Moscow is intent on
cementing its control over energy export routes in the region.

The return of US troops to Uzbekistan would likely embolden Tashkent to resist Russian pressure to go
along with the Kremlin’s geopolitical and economic plans for the region.

At least one Uzbek analyst, however, believes that Russia is not overly concerned by the revival of a US
military presence in Uzbekistan.

"I think the reason behind this [granting NATO troops expanded access to the Termez base] is the same
as in 2001 -- Afghanistan," said a Tashkent-based analyst, speaking on condition of anonymity.
"Uzbekistan does not want an unstable Afghanistan. Everyone likes throwing Americans out of their bases
and gloating about their failures, but they realize that if Americans leave Afghanistan, it will be a serious
blow to all Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan in the first place."

"Both then [in 2001] and now, Russia has been aware [of Uzbek-American negotiations]," the analyst
continued. "It was probably the reason behind Karimov’s rushed visit to Moscow right after he met with the
American central command chief [Fallon]. Russia -- Uzbekistan’s key ally -- is also not interested in getting
involved in Afghanistan. ‘Let the Americans waste their money and troops.’ But, as soon as they are
finished, they can be got rid of -- they have been thrown out once, they can be thrown out again."

FUENTE: http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav030508aa.shtml

TURKMENISTAN, INCENTIVI ALLE DONNE CHE FANNO PIÙ DI OTTO FIGLI

Avranno anche cure odontoiatriche e trasporti gratis Oltre la metà della popolazione sotto la soglia
di povertà

Marco Stefanini, 07/03/2008, La Repubblica (www.repubblica.it)

Incentivi economici a tutte le donne che faranno almeno otto figli. A vararli è stato il presidente del
Turkmenistan Kurbanguly Berdymukhamedov, nel tentativo di favorire un baby boom. Secondo i media di
Stato, che hanno diffuso la notizia, alle donne che avranno i requisiti per accedere a questo bonus, sarà
erogata una cifra una tantum pari a 250 dollari, oltre a numerose altre agevolazioni. Potranno, infatti,
contare, tutta la loro vita, sull'assistenza odontoiatrica, trasporti pubblici, luce, acqua e gas gratuiti. In
occasione dell'8 Marzo, il governo ha già approvato uno stanziamento di 10 dollari per ogni donna. L'idea
di favorire un boom di nascite non è nuova nella stessa area geografica: dopo la seconda guerra
mondiale, l'Unione Sovietica iniziò a premiare con una medaglia le mamme che avevano messo al mondo
cinque o più figli.

Sotto il predecessore di Berdymukhamedov, il presidente Saparmurat Niyazov, il sistema sanitario


nazionale ha iniziato un lento declino, la mortalità infantile ha fatto registrare tassi negativi da record (ogni
mille nati vivi ne muoiono più di 53 nel giro di pochi anni di vita). L'autoritario Niyazov, tra l'altro, ha deciso
di abolire le cure mediche gratuite e di chiudere tutti gli ospedali che non si trovassero nella capitale

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Ashgabat. In un lasso di tempo brevissimo, sono stati licenziati oltre 15mila dipendenti del settore
sanitario.

E' quindi probabile che la decisione di Berdymukhamedov, possa tentare molte donne, in un Paese che ha
il tasso di disoccupazione più alto del mondo (60%), dove oltre la metà della popolazione vive sotto la
soglia di povertà. Berdymukhamedov ha preso in mano le redini del potere dopo l'improvvisa morte, per un
attacco di cuore, nel dicembre del 2006, di Niyazov: l'investitura ufficiale è arrivata il 14 febbraio dello
scorso anno. Ex dentista, 51 anni, è stato ministro dell'Istruzione, poi della Sanità e insieme Primo ministro
con lo stesso Niyazov.

FUENTE:http://www.repubblica.it/2008/03/sezioni/esteri/turkmenistan/turkmenistan/turkmenistan.html?ref=
search

PUTIN, MEDVEDEV HOST US SENIOR OFFICIALS AMID DISPUTES

Russia's outgoing President Vladimir Putin and his successor, President-elect Dmitry Medvedev
met on Monday with US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of Defense Robert
Gates in the Kremlin, expecting for development in bilateral ties amid disputes on proposed
missile shield.

Xinhua, 18/03/2008, (www.chinadaily.com.cn)

"There is every opportunity for (development in bilateral ties)," Medvedev said, noting he believed it is
necessary "to create a foundation for the continuity of Russian-US relations in the near future."

"There are issues on which positions vary, in particular the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) and
missile defense" and there is still a will to move ahead, said the next Russian head of state who swept to
power by a landslide victory in the March 2 election and has pledged to continue Putin's policy.
Rice, for her part, said interaction was the best way to resolve problems and Washington hopes for the
development of working contacts with Moscow after Medvedev's investiture in May.

The United States and Russia should develop their relations on the solid foundation they have laid down,
Interfax news agency quoted her as saying.

Gates, who showed his broken arm and joked that the injury will make himself an easy negotiator, said the
two states could build up the consent they already had and seek consent in issues where differences
remain.

The top US diplomat and defense official arrived in Moscow Monday and are expected to talk with their
Russian counterparts under a two-plus-two framework in a meeting slated for Tuesday.

The talks are expected to focus on an array of issues such as US plans to deploy a third anti-missile
system in Central Europe, Russia's postponing of its obligations in an arms control treaty, as well as
Kosovo and other regional and international issues, Kremlin sources said.

Putin, who is to move out of the Kremlin office and is to take the post of Prime Minister in Medvedev's
cabinet in May, said he has received a message from his US counterpart George W. Bush which contains
suggestions on Russian-US relations.

"If we can agree on the main points, our dialogue will be productive," Itar-Tass quoted him as saying.

Noting there are still many problems left for discussion, Putin said he believes that some of the problems in
bilateral ties "have been resolved definitively."

Russian-US relations were soured by arrays of disputes in recent years, typically arguments on
Washington's plan to deploy missile interceptors in Poland and radar units in the Czech Republic as part of
its efforts to extend the missile defense system to Europe.

Russia has strongly opposed the plan, saying it poses a threat to its security, while Washington said the
system is targeting forces in the Middle East that are seeking weapons of mass destruction.

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The outgoing Russian president said in February that the world is facing a new arms race and his country
is to respond to these challenges by developing more high-tech weapons.

The first two-plus-two meeting was held in Moscow last October, but failed to reach any agreement on
missile defense.

FUENTE: http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-03/18/content_6545599.htm

RED CROSS GIVEN ACCESS TO PRISONERS IN EX-SOVIET UZBEKISTAN

The ex-Soviet republic of Uzbekistan has allowed the Red Cross access to prisoners — the latest
sign of increasing flexibility in the face of Western pressure over human rights, the agency said
Thursday.

The Associated Press, 13/08/2008, (www.iht.com)

The International Committee of the Red Cross had been denied access to Uzbek prisons since a revolt in
the eastern city of Andijan in 2005, when government troops opened fire on a crowd of largely peaceful
protesters.

The European Union imposed a visa ban and weapons embargo on Uzbekistan over its unwillingness to
cooperate with investigations into the massacre. Rights groups said at least 700 people were killed.
Official Uzbek accounts put the death toll at 187, and at least 250 alleged organizers of the revolt have
been imprisoned in connection with the protest.
Now, "we will be able to talk with detainees in private and will have access to all detainees and to all
premises in the places of detention," Yves Giovannoni, regional head of the International Committee of the
Red Cross, said in a statement.
Uzbekistan has made some concessions in recent weeks in an apparent bid to improve relations with the
West.

Five opposition activists were released from jails in early February, days before a meeting in the capital,
Tashkent, between EU and Uzbek officials.

Also, a NATO official indicated last week that Uzbekistan has begun allowing U.S. personnel, along with
those of other NATO nations, to use an air base on its territory for transit to neighboring Afghanistan.
Uzbekistan had evicted the U.S. military from an air base near the Afghan border after Washington
criticized the crackdown in Andijan.

However, the state of human rights in Uzbekistan remain dismal, reports say.
In its annual global human rights survey for 2007, published this week, the State Department noted that
prison officials reportedly use "methods of abuse, including suffocation, electric shock, deprivation of food
and water, and sexual abuse in addition to beatings."
Thousands of Muslims who worship outside government-sanctioned institutions are believed to have been
convicted and jailed by authorities fearful of the growing threat of Islamic fundamentalism in Central Asia.

Critics accuse President Islam Karimov, a former Communist Party boss who has ruled the Central Asian
nation of 27 million people since before the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, of silencing the
opposition to stay in power.

FUENTE: http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2008/03/13/news/Uzbekistan-Prisons.php

KAZAKSTAN KEEPS LID ON PUBLIC MEETINGS

Astana’s chairmanship of the OSCE unlikely to relax restrictions on freedom of assembly.

Anton Dosybiev, 26/03/2008, (www.iwpr.net)

Rights activists in Kazakstan say Astana’s success in winning the chairmanship of the OSCE in 2010 has
had little effect on the tight restrictions surrounding freedom of assembly.

In particular, they complain that the government places numerous obstacles in the way of public meetings

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and protests, and say this violates people’s constitutional right to assemble.

Article 32 of the Kazak constitution says citizens have the right to gather peacefully for rallies,
demonstrations, marches and pickets. Moreover, this right may be limited only “in the interests of state
security, public order, protection of health, and the protection of the rights and freedoms of other people”.

This latter phrase is borrowed from the United Nations’ International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,
ICCPR, to which Kazakstan has signed up.

In practice, Kazak police quickly step in and disperse unauthorised public meetings, even when only a
handful of people are involved.

When rights activist Olga Urazbekova recently staged a one-woman picket near the independence
monument in Almaty, for example, police soon swooped.

Last year, activists condemned a ban slapped on plans to hold a demonstration commemorating the first
anniversary of the death of Altynbek Sarsenbaev, an opposition activist murdered in February 2006.

In a statement, the activists said that as a signatory to the ICCPR, Kazakstan was obliged to observe its
standards on freedom of assembly.

Activists believe the current national law on freedom of assembly is vague and restrictive, and the
penalties too severe.

As matters stand, requests to hold public meetings must be submitted to local authorities at least ten days
before the scheduled meeting. The authorities are obliged to respond no less than five days before the
date of the event indicated.

Breaking the law by staging an unauthorised rally carries penalties ranging from fines to a year in jail.

There are also rules about where demonstrations can take place. In Almaty, for example, meetings and
pickets have to be held in Sary-Arka square, on the outskirts of the city. The crowded centre is off-limits.
According to one city official, large gatherings are unsuitable because they create a disturbance.

Ninel Fokina, chair of the Almaty-based Helsinki Committee and a member of the presidential Human
Rights Commission, agrees that the right to freedom of assembly in Kazakstan does not meet the
standards set by the ICCPR.

“It doesn’t even satisfy our own constitution,” Fokina said. “Our freedom to hold peaceful meetings is
limited by the law: [which] establishes very complex procedures for obtaining authorisation for a
meeting.”

“Political actions such as rallies or protests against the construction of the entertainment centre near
Republic Square [in Almaty] are simply impossible because no one will give permission. If people go to a
rally, they are breaking the law.”

Activists say the problem is not confined to police harassment of open-air meetings. They say the
authorities find many ways to restrict indoor meetings such as conventions and congresses, although in
theory, the law does not apply to such events.

Petr Svoik, a leader of the opposition Azat party (renamed from Nagyz Ak Jol), says political parties,
especially those which oppose the government, face a challenge when they try to gather.

“Even when an [opposition] organisation is ready to pay [rent a hall], it’s not allowed to, on various
pretexts,” he said. “Our experience is that such meetings have to be held in expensive hotels owned by
foreigners.”

These de facto restrictions on the right to assemble indoors hit Kazak opposition groups and parties hard,
as public meetings are one of the few ways they have to communicate their message to the public.

None holds any seats in the current lower house of parliament. All 107 seats in the legislator belong to Nur
Otan, the party loyal to President Nursultan Nazarbayev.

Svoik says the restricted freedom of assembly means opposition parties cannot speak to the electorate,
and argues that this is incongruous for a country that intends to chair OSCE, which has democratic values
and human rights as founding principles

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Activists say they doubt Astana’s diplomatic victory in securing the OSCE chair will lead to any
liberalisation when it comes to allowing opponents to gather freely.

“I don’t think Kazakstan’s chairmanship of the OSCE will radically change matters, not only on this issue
[right of assembly] but also other civil rights and freedoms,” said Fokina. “I doubt anything will be done to
develop freedoms which the authorities believe might threaten the current regime.”

Nor is there much popular pressure on the authorities to relax the restrictions. Fear of retribution has made
young people and even civil society groups less than enthusiastic about standing up and being counted.

A straw poll that IWPR conducted among students in Almaty showed many saw little point in taking part in
protests.

Ilyas, a student at the Kazak National University, said such actions had little effect and could rebound on
the participants.

“If I go to a rally, it’s unlikely to change anything,” explained Ilyas. “Moreover, it could be dangerous – I
might face problems at university, including expulsion.”

He added, “I want to defend my civil rights but I also want to finish my higher education without having
problems. That’s more important for me.”

Human rights activist Rozlana Taukina complained that restrictions on rallies had left people unused to
taking part in public gatherings.

“The pressure on people has been so great that they have stopped showing any initiative,” she said.

FUENTE: http://iwpr.net/?p=rca&s=f&o=343633&apc_state=henprca

Boletín mensual: Marzo 2008 13


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ECONOMÍA - Titulares

HEAD OF NABUCCO: ROUTE CAN COEXIST WITH RUSSIAN RIVAL


arama.hurriyet.com.tr (18/03/2008)

GENERAL MOTORS FORMS JOINT VENTURE TO BUILD CARS, SUVS IN UZBEKISTAN


http://www.iht.com (20/03/2008)

HEAD OF NABUCCO: ROUTE CAN COEXIST WITH RUSSIAN RIVAL

The head of a planned U.S-backed pipeline across Europe from Turkey said Tuesday there was
enough demand for gas for the project to coexist successfully with a rival Russian-backed scheme

Hürriyet, 18/03/2008, The Associated Press, (arama.hurriyet.com.tr)

Large gas reserves in the Caspian and Middle East regions and the expected increase in European
demand is enough to justify both projects, Reinhard Mitschek, the head of the Nabucco project said

The Nabucco pipeline, slated for construction in 2010 and to start operations three years later, will bypass
Russia and help ease western Europe’s dependence on Russian supplies. "To a certain extent they are
competitors, to a certain extent they are complementary for Europe," said Mitschek. Within the next
decade, Europe would need to import an additional 150 billion cubic meters (5,300 billion cubic feet) of gas
per year, he said.

He added the Nabucco and Russian-backed South Stream pipelines would each only be able to deliver
about 30 billion cubic meters (1,060 billion cubic feet) when operating at full capacity. "I don’t have to
convince politicians. But I have to convince the market players on the sense of Nabucco and the added
value to the market," Mitschek said.

Mitschek said Nabucco could transport gas from potential suppliers including Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan
and Iran if there is enough demand.
Europe imports more than half of its natural gas needs and relies on Russia for most of its imports. It faces
being even more dependent on Russian gas as domestic needs increase with local production expected to
fall.

The Nabucco pipeline, which is backed by both the United States and the European Union, would stretch
from Turkey to Austria through Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary but bypassing Russia.

FUENTE: http://arama.hurriyet.com.tr/arsivnews.aspx?id=8488622

GENERAL MOTORS FORMS JOINT VENTURE TO BUILD CARS, SUVS IN UZBEKISTAN

General Motors Corp. says it has set up a joint venture to build Chevrolet cars and sport utility
vehicles in Uzbekistan.

The Associated Press, 20/03/2008, (www.iht.com)

The company announced the agreement with manufacturer UzAvtoSanoat on Thursday in the capital of
Tashkent.

GM says UzAvtoSanoat already does final assembly of a small number of Chevrolets from kits that come
from South Korea.

UzAvtoSanoat will become a full manufacturer of Chevrolets, with plans to build 250,000 vehicles in the
next few years.

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GM says UzAvtoSanoat will hold a majority stake in the new venture called General Motors Uzbekistan.
GM will hold 25 percent plus one share, with an option to buy more.

FUENTE:http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2008/03/20/business/NA-FIN-US-GM-Uzbekistan.php

Boletín mensual: Marzo 2008 15


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MEDIOS DE COMUNICACIÓN- Titulares

COMPUTER COURSES LEAVE KAZAKS COLD


http://www.iwpr.net(10/03/2008)

COMPUTER COURSES LEAVE KAZAKS COLD

A government drive to familiarise ordinary people with basic IT skills has flopped, with fewer
course participants than expected.

Zinaida Savina , 10/03/2008, (www.iwpr.net)

Far fewer people than expected have taken advantage of a drive by Kazakstan’s government to get people
to enroll on state-funded computer literacy courses.

The programme, which has a budget of 15 billion tenge or 125 million US dollars and is designed to train
2.4 million people in computer skills between 2007 and 2009, only attracted 200,000 last year, according
to Information Initiative, a watchdog group that is monitoring the progress of the government’s IT
campaign.

The courses form a key part of a strategy aimed ultimately at giving internet access and skills to a fifth of
the country’s 15 million population.

At the heart of the programme is a set of courses ranging in length from one week to a year. These are
aimed at civil servants and other public-sector workers, university students, schoolchildren and even the
unemployed.

At a February 25 press conference, Mikhail Tyunin, executive director of Information Initiative, said the
initial expectations of high demand for computer courses skills had been disappointed.

Surveys that his group conducted in three of Kazakstan’s provinces showed that 80 per cent of the
population had not even heard of the programme, while the rest knew nothing about its goals and
objectives.

While some observers blame the local government officials entrusted with finding people to attend
courses, others say the offer of free training was not advertised widely enough.

Anatoly Tulyaev, deputy director of the Centre for the Introduction of New Technologies, which participated
in arranging courses in Shymkent, the main city in the South Kazakstan region, said insufficient thinking
went into recruiting participants ahead of time.

“The state programme was not advertised enough; there was no information drive behind the process,” he
told IWPR.

“The summer-school trainers ended up having to run around and recruit people for their classes. I don’t
know whether ‘dead souls’ [non-existent people] were enrolled, but some of those were clearly there only
for form’s sake.

“We should think more seriously about who is going to attend these classes.”

Lyazzat Myrzalieva, a summer course teacher in a school in Shymkent, complained that few local people
knew anything about the courses.

“We were only informed about the courses shortly before they started,” she said. “Even teachers at our
school did not get on them because they were on holiday at the time, and they were annoyed about that.”

Those taking part in the shorter one-week courses, meanwhile, were often left unsatisfied.

“A week isn’t enough for people with no computer skills,” complained Marina Poty, a senior schoolteacher
who attended one of these courses. “It takes at least a month and then you need to use a computer on a
regular basis after that. I don’t have one, and I’ve already started forgetting the sketchy knowledge I
acquired.”

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Other participants and trainers agreed that the shortest courses needed expanding to at least ten or 12
days.

As Poty pointed out, only a minority of the population has access to a computer to practice on at home.
Only 17 per cent of households in Kazakstan have a personal computer, two-thirds of them living in urban
areas.

Aleksei Pankratov, a computer programmer, sees no need to hold IT courses in the first place. “Young
people already have the skills, civil servants are forced to acquire them anyway, and for everyone else
there are computer services at every step,” he said.

Pankratov said the best way to increase internet usage would be to provide free computer access at
special centres set up in residential areas.

“What’s happened here is that an idea has been suggested and it’s been taken up without anyone
developing or studying it thoroughly,” he said.

Irina Kazorina, a journalist who has been following the way the government’s IT programme has been
going, agreed that its goals were unrealistic.

She said there was no point in expecting a high level of computer literacy and internet use when “in the
villages especially, people are still dreaming of getting a telephone”.

According to official data, while 76 to 87 per cent of the population in various cities has a telephone, the
figure is still only 38 to 44 per cent in smaller towns and villages.

“It would have been better spending the 15 billion tenge on installing more telephones,” said Kazorina.
“Secondly, we should create internet cafes for people in rural areas, and thirdly, we should train experts
who would really be able to reach out to people. Finally, we need to arouse interest in the programme,
which requires a massive PR campaign.”

Aleksandr Kulyashov, of the Centre for the Introduction of New Technologies, said the goal of countering
the prevailing ignorance about computers, remained worthwhile. “But it’s difficult to implement when
people do not have the ability or incentive to buy their own computers,” he said.

“Computers must be popularised:. and to do that we need social programmes, for instance loans [to buy
computers] at subsidised interest rates. If the state cares about IT skills, why can’t it help with acquiring
computer equipment?”

FUENTE: http://iwpr.net/?p=rca&s=f&o=343289&apc_state=henprca

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SOCIEDAD- Titulares

SYMPATHY FOR THE DEVIL


http://www.moscowtimes.ru (24/03/2008)

TAJIKS DISPUTE BENEFITS OF HUNTING


http://www.iwpr.net (19/03/2008)

SYMPATHY FOR THE DEVIL

Alexei Bayer (The Moscow Times), 24/03/2008, (www.moscowtimes.ru)

Josef Stalin, as historian Simon Montefiore wrote in a recent book, was a poet in his youth. Yury Andropov
-- besides heading the KGB in the 1970s, briefly leading the Soviet Union in the 1980s and acting as
Vladimir Putin's ultimate boss -- also wrote poetry. Putin may lack talent for versifying, but in Dutch his last
name is spelled Poetin.

Maybe this is why artists in Russia so yearn for a special bond with autocratic rulers. Last October, director
Nikita Mikhalkov produced a television program for Putin's 55th birthday. (It remains available on YouTube
and should be watched for a good laugh.) Soon thereafter, Mikhalkov joined sculptor Zurab Tsereteli to
sign an open letter to Putin pleading with him to stay in office for a third term.

Putin has been immortalized in some lovely paintings and sculpture. Some such art was on display last
year in a show sponsored by United Russia and titled "Faith and Love." And then there was that film about
a young Putin, "Kiss Me Off the Record." After a few decades of hiatus, the film taps into the rich tradition
of hagiographical works about Stalin that used to come out regularly until the early 1950s.

Not all was hack writing. Mikhail Bulgakov wrote the play "Batum" about Stalin's early days in the
Caucasus. An aside in Montefiore's biography of young Stalin mentions that Bulgakov even set out to do
first-hand research, only to be called back on Stalin's orders.

In fact, Bulgakov's masterpiece, "Master and Margarita," one of the most beloved novels in Russia, is a
work of unabashed Stalinist flattery worthy even of the sycophantic Mikhalkov dynasty -- only worse
because it is brilliantly written and highly original. It also speaks volumes about the relationship between
artists and power in Soviet culture.

This interpretation of the novel has been proposed by some critics. They see its two central characters,
Master, the true writer, and Woland, the devil who rules the world, as a thinly veiled reference to Bulgakov
and Stalin.

Official writers are portrayed as ignorant, illiterate and preoccupied with backbiting and the sharing of
perks. They write awful tripe and serve the devil by committing various evil acts -- including hounding
Master and his great novel. But they get no reward for their service. On the contrary, Woland's first act
upon arriving in Moscow is to decapitate the chairman of the writers' organization.

The only true artist is Master, and the function of literature is to write the truth about the universal good.
Master's great masterpiece is a work about Jesus. This is why Master is wary of the devil when they meet.
Nevertheless, Woland accords a grudging respect to Master.

The story comes uncomfortably close to real life. Stalin, though promoting mediocrity in Soviet art, seemed
to single out Bulgakov, one of the great writers of his time. Stalin loved the stage adaptation of Bulgakov's
novel "The White Guard" and attended its performance several times. He even made personal calls to
Bulgakov, and the writer reportedly hoped to be freed from widespread hounding by Soviet officials by
Stalin's intervention, much as described in "Master and Margarita."

A few great writers miraculously survived Stalin's terror. Bulgakov's work was banned, but he was never
arrested. The same was true of Boris Pasternak, Anna Akhmatova and a handful of others. Stalin's
admirers in modern Russia see this as a huge merit. The murder of hundreds of others and the
stultification of Russian culture somehow go unmentioned.

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The tyrant's defense of artistic genius was an enduring Soviet myth. Andropov, in addition to writing
verses, was a great fan of nonconformist theater director Yury Lyubimov, saving him from persecution. It
seems that, as other Soviet aspects are revived in Russia, artists have returned to yearning for a
sympathetic despot.

FUENTE: http://www.moscowtimes.ru/stories/2008/03/24/007.html

TAJIKS DISPUTE BENEFITS OF HUNTING

Scientists warn that many species are under threat, as local communities have no stake in face
extinction as a result of poorly regulated hunts and poachers.

Nafisa Pisarejeva, 19/03/2008, (www.iwpr.net)

Ecologists in Tajikistan are warning that some wild animal species are under threat because local
communities do not benefit from legal hunting and are forced by poverty to engage in poaching.

Scientists presented a set of grim findings to a meeting on biodiversity and the effects of hunting, held in
the Tajik capital Dushanbe in early March The meeting was organised jointly by Volunteers for Nature
Preservation, a local non-government group, the Ministry of Agriculture and the Snow Leopard Trust,
which lobbies on behalf of this highly endangered big cat.

Tajikistan is an important country in terms of wildlife diversity, with over 90 per cent of its territory covered
by great mountain ranges where some peaks tower over 7,000 metres. The diversity of the natural
environment has allowed many rare species to survive here.

Tajik scientists warn that many species have declined both in range and numbers in recent decades. At
least 160 animal species are now under threat, in a country where tigers and local species of marmot and
sturgeon have disappeared within the last 50 years.

This year brought another blow - an abnormally cold and long winter that froze rivers and open stretches of
water, killing rare cormorants, ducks, otters and jungle cats in national parks.

Given the deteriorating habitat, scientists are voicing concern about the devastating effects of poaching,
and complain that local communities have been given no stake in wildlife survival as they see none of the
income the country earns from authorised hunting.

Some fear the scale of commercial hunting is far larger than the authorities admit.

Although the hunting industry is in theory subject to tight government controls, one Tajik environmentalist
complained that no one even knew its true scale, because wealthy foreigners simply bribed officials in
charge of nature conservation, and as a result, accurate records of the number of animals killed were not
kept.

“Often it’s the institutions that are supposed to be responsible for preservation that are breaking the law or
turning a blind eye by taking bribes from local and foreign hunters,” the ecologist told IWPR.

Tajikistan began allowing foreigners to go on big game hunts in the late Eighties, and the sport became
more popular following independence from the Soviet Union in 1991.

Hunting is regulated by law and licensed by the State Committee for Preservation of Environment and
Agriculture.

The revenue from the sale of hunting licenses is supposed to go to the government, which should then set
aside ten per cent for the national nature fund and another 40 per cent for community development. The
remaining 50 per cent of is supposed to pay for the upkeep of reserves and national parks, on wages,
vehicles and equipment for the wardens, and on warding off both poachers and wolves, which are
regarded as their four-legged equivalent.

The license income represents the sole funding source for nature conservation in the main hunting areas,
such as the Murghab district of Badakhshan region.

Badakhshan, a remote, high-altitude region in the southeast bordering on China and Afghanistan, now has
several large hunting firms in operation.

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The area is home to the Pamir argali, also known as the Marco Polo sheep, which have been on the
endangered list since the late 1980s. Hunters have long considered these sheep, with their superb curling
horns, one of the top trophy animals.

Rustam Muratov, from the nature management department of the Ministry of Agriculture, says managed
hunting helped preserve the Marco Polo sheep during the Nineties, when the country was ravaged by civil
war. In recent years, the population has risen to 14,000, from 10,000 in the late Eighties.

The authorities allow a limited shoot that varies from year to year; last season it was 45.

Alikhon Latifi, the Tajikistan coordinator for the Bonn Convention on the Conservation of Migratory Species
of Wild Animals, agrees that managed hunting helps wildlife stocks.

Commercial companies work to preserve animals, because they have a interest in their survival, whereas
the government’s conservation bodies are not effective because they are starved of funds, personnel,
vehicles and fuel, he said.

According to Latifi, if areas inhabited by other endangered animals like the markhor wild goat, the Bukhara
deer, the urial – another sheep species – were made available for private hunting tours, their future would
look a lot brighter than it does now.

Not everyone takes such a benign view of private game hunting.

One independent expert from Dushanbe told IWPR that hunting – at least in the form in which it currently
exists in Tajikistan - benefited only hunting firms. He said local communities in the areas where hunting
was allowed gained little or no income from the sport.

“The revenues from the international hunts are transferred to special accounts but no one knows how
these funds are spent,” he maintained.

While wardens, hunters and scientists argue over the merits of managed hunting, there is no doubt that
poaching is continuing to wreak havoc with such endangered species as the snow leopard, now down to
about 4,500 animals worldwide, of which perhaps 200 live in Tajikistan.

According to official statistics, poachers destroy around ten snow leopards, between 100 and 180 Siberian
ibexes, 200 to 240 Tian Shan brown bears and 30 to 40 markhors.

Latifi said the official poaching figures were a gross underestimate. He cited surveys compiled by local
residents and the staff of hunting firms in the Murghab region, which indicated that poachers killed up to
1,000 argali a year.

He also pointed the finger at the Tajik border guards who patrol the wildlife-rich mountain frontier with
China and Afghanistan. “Everybody knows ordinary people are not allowed across the [buffer-zone] line,
which is why we blame the border guards,” he said.

Ibrahim Bobokalonov, from the government inspectorate for flora and fauna, said poachers faced
disciplinary actions and fines.

But most ecologists say that even when fines are imposed, they are insignificant when compared with the
damage done and the money that poachers can earn.

Whether much can do be done to stop the poachers remains to be seen, however.

Bobokalonov is pessimistic, predicting that illegal hunting will remain widespread in mountain regions for
the foreseeable future. Local communities are so poor that few people would pass up an opportunity to sell
a high-value trophy or even just to get some free meat.

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Boletín mensual: Marzo 2008 20


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