Electronic Publications from the University of Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania

INSTITUTE OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF DAR ES SALAAM

RESEARCH REPORT ON RESEARCH PROJECT TITLED "PEACE, CONFLICTS, AND DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS IN THE GRE AT LAKES REGION: THE EXPERIENCE OF TANZANIA

BY

PROFESSOR GAUDENS P. MPANGALA. INSTITUTE OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF DAR ES SALAAM

1999
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RESEARCH REPORT ON "PEACE, CONFLICTS AND DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS IN THE GREAT LAKES REGION: THE EXPERIENCE OF TANZANIA"

1.

Background to the Research Project This is a joint research project between Flemish Universities in Belgium and the

University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania. It is one of various research, projects based in different faculties and institutes of the University. Within the Institute of Development Studies this project is a sister project to another project on structural adjustment and poverty inTanzania. While the latter project is coordinated by Prof Ibrahim Shao who is also the Director of the Institute, the project on peace, conflicts and democratization is coordinated by Prof. Gaudens P. Mpangala, the writer of this report.

Management of the project is such that the project is divided into two parts. One part constitutes research in Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda. It is this part which is coordinated and managed by Prof. Mpangala. The second part constitutes research in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Rwanda and Burundi. This part is coordinated and managed by Prof. Filip Reynjens of the University of Antwerp, Belgium.

The project has been planned in such away that it is to be carried out in three phases: 1998/99, 1999/2000, and 2000/2001. Within the context of the first part, the three phases are to entail research processes in Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda respectively Thus the research process in Tanzania during the 1998/99 phase has already been completed, hence the production of this report. At the end of the three phases a joint report for the

whole Great Lakes Region will be produced and discussed in a workshop. Eventually it is expected that a book will be published.

This project is a continuation and even consolidation of previous projects on the Region. Prof. Filip Reyntjens has been carrying out research in the DRC, Rwanda and Burundi for many years, and he has published books and articles in journals. Prof. Mpangala has been carrying out research on the history of ethnic relations in Tanzania, a project that was part of CODESRIA research network on ethnic conflicts in Africa. After that he carried out a study on ethnic conflicts in the Great Lakes Region, a study which has culminated into the writing of a book manuscript which is in the process of being published.

The current project is very timely because in addition to updating previous studies, this study is being undertaken at a time when political conflicts, wars, processes of democratization and regional as well as international efforts to bring peace to the region are taking place concurrently. Processes of peace-making are expected to put to an end the state of conflicts and wars, while processes of democratization are expected to make peace and socio-economic development more sustainable. It is therefore expected that the results of this research project will make some contribution towards the realization of those objectives.

2.

Research Methodology The research process was guided by a comprehensive research proposal. The

proposal had defined the research project topic, it had stated the background to the

project, it outlined major research issues, and it defined objectives of the study. The proposal had also indicated data collection techniques, phases of the research programme and success indicators.

Three main types of methodology were used in carrying out the research process: use of secondary sources, work in archives, interviews and use of structured questionnaire. Use of secondary sources involved going through published materials such as books, journals and periodicals. In going through the published materials different areas/ had to be identified. One area concerned Tanzania's background history which included pre-colonial, colonial and post-independence history. The second area constituted literature on Tanzania's ideological aspects. That mainly included Mwalimu Julius Nyerere's publications on African democracy, African socialism, freedom and unity and freedom and development. The third area constituted literature on democratization which included the Nyalali Report and other books arising out of research on and monitoring of elections and on the democratization process in general.

Work in archives was mainly done in the National Archives of Tanzania (NAT). Here various files and documents were examined. Those included documents on colonial policies which contributed to the emergence, growth and consolidation of ethnicity, racialism and religionism; records on struggles for national independence; and records on the post-independence period.

Interviews and structured questionnaires were carried out to different categories of people and sections of the society. These included peasants, wage workers, civil servants,

student's, teachers, politicians religious leaders, members of the civil society organizations and traders Interviews comprised of informal and formal discussions. In order to ensure the harnessing of a wide range of information the structured questionnaire was divided into a number of sections. The first section was concerned with personal particulars of respondents. The second section was concerned with getting information and views from respondents on why Tanzania had enjoyed a relative state of peace since independence. Various aspects which were expected to have made contribution to the relative state of peace were asked.

The third and fourth sections carried out questionnaires on sources of potential conflicts and democratization respectively. The main aspects of potential conflicts on which questions were based included growth of ethnicity, racialism, religionism and regionalism; the structural adjustment programmes; and the process of democratization There were also questions on conflicts which have taken place since independence. The section on democratization carried out questions on the origins of democratization, multi-partism and multi-party elections, expansion of the civil society and empowerment of the people, freedoms of speech, of the press and observance of human rights, and relationship between democratization and socio-economic development. In short a variety issues related to the development of democracy were asked.

The processing of data and information had to be carried out by a data analysis expert through the use of a computer. It is that data and information processed through a computer which has partly been used in the writing of this research report.

3. 3.1

Why Tanzania Has Enjoyed a relative State of Peace Since Independence Introductory Remarks In the Great Lakes Region and in Africa as a whole it has become an accepted

fact that Tanzania is among a few countries in Africa which have enjoyed a state of relative peace since independence in 1961. This does not mean that Tanzania has completely avoided conflicts, but compared to countries with conflicts the rate of conflicts in Tanzania has been small and the scale has not been high.

Some conflicts which have taken place in Tanzania include the army mutiny and the Zanzibar Revolution of 1964, a number of unsuccessful coup d'etat attempts, the Mwembechai conflict of February 1998, and the non-violent conflict between CUF and CCM political parties from the general election of 1995 to June 1999. If one leaves out the army mutiny and the Zanzibar Revolution scale conflicts. The conflict between CCM and CUF in Zanzibar took more than three and a half years, but it had not evolved into a violent conflict. Despite these few exceptional cases, Tanzania has certainly enjoyed relative state of peace since independence. Tanzania has also experienced conflicts with neighbouring countries such as the war with Uganda, and border clashes with Rwanda, Burundi, Malawi and colonial Mozambique.

Most studies on conflicts in the Great Lakes and Africa have mainly been concerned with situations where violent conflicts have occurred. Thus there has been little interest in carrying out studies and research on situations of peace and absence of
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conflicts. However, with the growth theories and the debate on peace, conflict management and conflict prevention, need has arisen to carry out studies on why some countries and situations have been characterized by absence of conflicts and state of peace. This arises out of the principle that where peace prevails there is need to make it sustainable.

This research project has therefore attempted to implement that principle. As the report on this subsection indicates, efforts have been made to answer the question as to why Tanzania has managed to enjoy a state of relative peace since independence by examining the nature and character of the Tanzanian society from the pre-colonial period, the colonial period and the post-independence period.

3.2

The Pre-Colonial Period One of the most difficult undertakings is to determine the extent to which

pre-colonial social formations have contributed to the state of peace during the post-independence period. However, our research findings seem to indicate that to a certain extent the nature and character of pre-colonial societies at the eve of colonization during the 19thC have some influence on the post-independence state of peace.

It has been observed that the growth of ethnicity and racialism which became among the most common forms of conflicts in the Great Lakes Region (GLR) after independence has its origins in the nature of social formations and political systems by the

19PC before colonialism, Tanzania mainland was characterised by social formations based on communal and high community social relations (Mpangala, 1992: 1-30).

Among communal societies, political organizations were based on non-centralized institutions, mainly in the form of clan and kinship political organizations among crop cultivators (Wemba-Rashid, 1975: 10), and in the form of age set organizations among pastoralists such as the Maasai communities (Mpangala, op.cit). Societies with high community social formations had also developed centralized state systems with strong rulers ruling over larger communities such as the Chagga, the Hehe, the Ngoni, the Gweno, the Nyamwezi, the Sangu and Shambaa state systems (Sheriff, 1980).

With the exception of the small kingdoms of Buhaya Tanzanian societies had not developed very highly centralized societies like those of the Interlacustrine Region such as Buganda, Bunyoro, Toro, Ankole, Busoga, Rwanda and Burundi. Those were also characterised by feudal social formations (Mafeje, 1991).

Studies in the GLR have indicated that societies with feudal formations and highly centralized kingdoms by the 19thC have showed greater tendencies of ethnicity and ethnic conflicts during the post-independence period, while those with less centralized states have lesser tendencies of ethnicity and ethnic conflicts. Societies that were communal with clan and kingship political organizations have even far less tendencies of ethnicity and ethnic conflicts; despite processes of creation and consolidation of ethnicity under colonialism.

The majority of societies in Tanzania Mainland were communal at the eve of colonization during the 19thC, and only few had centralized states though not very highly centralized. And, unlike in the Interlacustrine Region where the growth of centralized kingdoms began sometime during the 15thC in Tanzania Mainland most of the centralized states were established during the 19thC as a result of long-distance coastal based trade system and the invasion of the Wangoni from South Africa (Shorter, A., 1969), with the exception of the Pare Kingdom of Ugweno whose establishment began during the 17thC(Kimambo, I., 1968, 1969). This means that the level of centralization of states in Tanzania Mainland was far lower than that in the states of the Interlacustrine Region.

It has also been observed that among most pre-colonial societies in Tanzania mainland, ethnicity had not developed as the ethnic groups were not rigid and that they were amorphous Koponen has thus argued:

"Basic social units in pre-colonial Tanzania were not those based on ethnicity, called 'tribes' or ethnic groups. What the basic units were is less widely agreed on; it will be argued in chapter 5 below that they were units determined by political and economic criteria which I propose to call 'societies"' (Koponen, J. 199?:180).

However, although Koponen tends to knock out the existence of ethnic groups, the most important fact is that even if there were ethnic groups, they had not developed ethnicity with forms of ethnic ideology and consciousness among most societies in Mainland Tanzania.

Pre-colonial conditions in Zanzibar were rather different from those of the Mainland. During the 19thC before British colonization the Oman Sultanate had established a highly
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centralized state. Due to the development of clove production from the early decades of the 19thC and the growth of Zanzibar as the commercial centre of the East African trade system, the sultan shifted his headquarters from Muscat in Arabia to Zanzibar (Alpers, E.A., 1969).

The highly centralized state under the Sulternate was based on the slavery mode of production. Production of cloves and coconuts was carried out through the use of slaves who were brought from the Mainland under the system of the East African slave trade (Alpers, ibid.,). The slavery mode created a class structure based on racial groups. The Oman Arabs were not only the ruling class, but also the land owning aristocracy. Africans, mainly from the Mainland constituted the class of slaves. Indians were traders and financiers of the interior long distance trade. The indigenous Africans or the Shirazi people were small holder peasants. Thus by the time of British colonization towards the end of the 19thC, racial ethnicity had already been developed in Zanzibar, which had considerable contrition to the state of racial conflicts during the struggle for independence and the post-independence periods.

3.3

The Colonial Period The colonial period provides a very interesting scenario in terms of its contribution to

the state of relative peace in the post-independence period in Tanzania. It has been an almost accepted fact that historically colonialism was responsible for creating and consolidating ethnicity and racialism nearly in all colonies in Africa. What might have differed was the levels of creation, consolidation and consciousness.

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Among exponents of the view of creation and consolidation of ethnicity are Ranger T.0.(1983, 1985, 1989 and 1994); Vail, L., 1989); Iliffe, J. (1979) and Kimambo (1980). Ranger for instance has strongly argued that ethnicity in Zimbabwe in particular, and Southern Africa in general was a creation or invention of colonialism, that before colonialism there was no ethnicity. Iliffe and Kimambo have argued of the invention of ethnicity in Tanganyika Kimambo has pointed out on how ethnicity was invented among the Pare, while Iliffe on how ethnicity was created in different parts of the territory.

It would be interesting to examine, albeit briefly, how the process of creation and consolidation had taken place under German and British colonialism in German East Africa, and Tanganyika and Zanzibar. The Germans were the first colonial power of what they called German East Africa (DOAG) which comprised of Tanganyika, Rwanda and Burundi; while the British were the colonial power for Zanzibar throughout the colonial period. After the First World War Tanganyika came under British colonialism, while Rwanda and Burundi came under Belgian colonialism under mandatory arrangements of the League of Nations.

Although the view of Iliffe is that the creation of ethnicity in Tanganyika began during the period of British colonialism through the indirect rule system, we are of the view that such process began during the era of German colonialism (Mpangala, op.cit., 1992). The process of creation under German colonialism was carried out under ideological, administrative and economic systems.

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The German colonial ideology was based on "race and civilizing mission"(Buttner, K., 1981). That ideology had two main functions: one was to divide the colonial people according to their races so that they could accept their positions of superiority and inferiority. The whites had occupied the position of superiority, the Asians in the middle, while the blacks had to occupy the position of inferiority. The second function was to divide the colonial Africans according their ethnic groups with ethnic consciousness of superiority and inferiority. Some ethnic groups were made to feel more superior than other ethnic groups.

The German colonial ideology facilitated the establishment of the German administrative and economic systems. In German East Africa three different forms of local administration were established (National Archives of Tanzania (NAT, 1920/21 Ref No. 1733 f.7). The first was the indirect rule system which was applied to Rwanda and Burundi. The second and third were the semi-indirect and direct rule systems which were applied to different parts of Tanganyika.

Under the indirect rule system the traditional kings in Rwanda and Burundi (the Mwami) were left with a good deal of powers and authority. Under the semi-indirect rule the Germans did also make use of traditional rulers or chiefs, but stripped off much of their traditional powers and authority. They even changed their traditional names, such that all came to be regarded as sultans. Thus the Watemi of Wanyamwezi, the Mtwa of Uhehe, the Nkonsi of the Wangoni, the Mangi of the Wachagga, for instance, became sultans.

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The direct rule system, was applied in situations where there were not strong traditional rulers. In such areas Arabs and Swahili people from the coast were sent to become local chiefs commonly known as akidas. In urban areas it was liwalis. The akidas and liwalis had to directly observe the German principles and regulations in administering their areas.

The colonial economy contributed to the creation of ethnicity and racialism because it was based on racial and ethnic division of labour. The German colonialists made Africans as porters and those who provided labour including migrant labour to plantations, settler farms and infrastructure construction. Asians occupied the position of middlemen and retail traders. The whites constituted the settler farmers, plantation owners and wholesale and import export traders (Mpangala, op.cit.:28 - 34). Among Africans different ethnic groups were also assigned different pre-occupations, some as migrant labourers others as peasant producers of export crops, while others as peasant producers of food crops. All these different types of division of labour resulted into the emergence and growth of racism and ethnicity (NAT. 1905/06 f.23, and NAT, GEAAR 1901/02 f.9).

During the period of British colonialism in Tanganyika, ideology, the administrative system and racial and ethnic divisions of labour got more consolidated. The ideology of "race and civilizing mission" came to be modified and regarded as the ideology of "modemization" which in terms of its essence and functions was not very much different from the former. In terms of the system of local administration the British continued with the German system from 1918 to 1925. From 1925 they introduced the indirect rule system under governor Cameron (Iliffe, op. cit: 3 18 and Kimambo: 172).

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The indirect rule created and consolidated ethnicity. Under situations where you had direct rule under German colonialism, ethnicity was created such that the British invented traditional chiefs and gave them indirect rule powers and authority. Under situations where you had semi-indirect rule during German colonialism the British transformed that systern into an indirect rule one, by giving the traditional chiefs more powers and restoring their traditional! names of chiefly authority. The name of sultans was abolished, and with few exceptions akidaship was also abolished.

The racial and ethnic division of labour was also expanded and consolidated under British colonialism. The ideology of modernization facilitated the drawing of more ethnic groups into the system of export crop production, while at the same time expanding and consolidating labour migration. The process of dividing people racially also got expanded and consolidated, and it became more conspicuous in urban centres.

However, despite the processes of creating and consolidating ethnicity and racialism, by the end of colonialism the level of ethnicity in Tanganyika was relatively lower than other colonies of the Great Lakes Region. By the end of colonialism one could identify three categories in the levels of ethnicity (Mpangala, 1999:79-80).

One category constitutes low level of ethnic consciousness and ethnicity. The second category constituted a medium level of ethnic consciousness and ethnicity. The third category constituted a very high level of ethnicity and ethnic consciousness.

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Tanganyika fell under the first and second categories. Despite the process of creation during the British period, ethnic groups which were under direct rule during German colonialism had low level development of ethnicity. Those with semi-indirect rule were normally at the medium level. High levels of ethnicity were mainly to be found in Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi, while high level of racialism was to be found in Zanzibar within the context of the sulternate system. The Barundi, Banyarwanda, Baganda, Banyoro, Banyankole etc. were all examples of ethnic groups with very high levels of ethnicity and ethnic consciousness.

We have already observed before how racialism had began growing under the slavery social formation in Zanzibar long before British colonialism. Although the British abolished slavery, under British colonialism racialism was highly consolidated. This was done through a number of processes. Racialism continued as an ideology of the colonial state which facilitated both a racial-based system of administration and division of labour in the economy. With the abolition of slavery slave labour was replaced by wage migrant labour. It was mainly Africans from the Mainland who provided such labour.

Ownership of plantations continued to be monopolized by an Arab landowning class, while trade continued to be a pre-occupation of Indians and some Arabs. The whites carried out export - import trade through trading companies.

The indirect rule system was established from the very beginning of British colonialism in 1890. The Sultan who had been the Oman Arab colonial power before British colonialism was left with a lot of powers under protectorate arrangements. Actually

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the British ruled Zanzibar through the Sultan and his ruling aristocracy. That greatly consolidated the political position of the Arabs in the Islands.

Unlike Tanganyika where the levels of ethnicity and racialism were low and medium, in Zanzibar it was very high, just like the levels of ethnicity in Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi. That had a great deal of implications in terms of the situation of state of peace and conflicts in Zanzibar after independence.

In Tanganyika, among the factors for low and medium levels of ethnicity by the end of colonialism was the fact that the indirect rule system came late from 1925, whereas in all other colonies of the GLR the system was established right at the beginning of colonialism. After the Second World War British colonialism introduced a policy of consolidating the indirect rule system through the system of paramount chiefs. In ethnic groups where you had a number of small chieftains, the smaller chieftains were amalgamated into one paramount and strong chieftain. In Kilimanjaro the Chagga ethnic group provides us with a good example of the establishment of the paramountcy system. The Chagga constituted of a number of smaller chiefdoms around the Kilimanjaro Mountain. After the Second World War, with the introduction of the paramount chiefs system, all the smaller Chagga chiefdoms were placed under one Chief or Mangi, who was Mangi Mareale.

However, the paramount chiefs system had not succeeded to consolidate ethnicity, and thus produce very high level ethnic consciousness with strong and powerful ethnic groups. That was because the policy came rather late, and that it coincided with

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the nationalist movement for independence. As we shall see in the next sub-section the nationalist movement greatly contributed in weakening the aspect of ethnicity in Tanganyika.

3.4

The Post-Independence Period In the GLR and in Africa in general the post-independence period in most countries

has been characterised by both latent and violent conflicts and thus the absence of the state of peace. In most of such cases studies have indicated that the factors for conflicts are to be traced from the historical past, that is from the pre-colonial to the colonial periods. Some more important factors are a product of developments during the post-independence period. What can be said in connection with conflicts can also be said in connection with the state of peace.

Our discussion in the preceding sub-sections has revealed that political and socioeconomic developments during the pre-colonial and colonial periods led to the growth of the situation of low and medium levels of ethnicity and racialism in Tanganyika. We can therefore argue that that situation contributed considerably to the post-independence relative state of peace, particularly in Tanzania Mainland. But some post-independence developments have made even greater contribution towards peace. Such developments include the nature and character of the political system and socio-economic and political state policies.

Our research findings have revealed that both secondary and primary sources have pointed out that such political system and policies have contributed to the state of

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relative peace though with differing levels of contribution. Some factors are said to have made very high contribution, others average contribution, while others rank very low.

In order to be able to clearly understand the post-independence political system in Tanzania it is necessary to examine the nature and character of nationalist struggles for independence both in Tanganyika and Zanzibar. Nationalist struggles for independence began soon after the Second World War, and came to their high stages of development during the 1950s.

The most important contribution of nationalist struggles for independence in Tanganyika was the emergence and growth of non-ethnised politics soon after independence (Oyugi, W., 1992). This was due to the fact that the proto-nationalist movements which were based on ethnic groups did not transform into ethnic political parties as was the case in other countries of the GLR and Africa in general.

Proto-nationalist movements began during the 1940s and 1950s as struggles of a number of ethnic groups against the colonial system. The ethnic groups, mainly from among ethnic groups which were being exploited through the production of export crops, formed protonationalist organizations. Some few examples include the Sukuma Union formed in 1945, the Pare Union in 1946, the Kilimanjaro Union (of the Chagga) in the late 1940s, and the Meru Union in 1951 (Iliffe, op.cit.:495-496, Rogers, S.G., 1972:790-799, and Puritt, P., 1970:113-114). These proto-nationalist organizations could easily develop into ethnic political parties, thus resulting into ethnised politics in Tanganyika.

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Transformation into ethnic political parties was avoided because of the following developments. First that during the late 1940s and early 1950s when the Tanganyika African Association(TAA) was opening branches in the rural areas, most of the proto-nationalist ethnic organizations became branches of TAA. (Mpangala, op.cit.:62). TAA had been an association of urban elites since its formation in 1929. Due to the growing wave of nationalism from 1947 it began to develop nationalist ideas of not only fighting for the rights and welfare of urban elites, but also struggling for national independence. Thus the spread of its tentacles in the rural areas was a strategy of mobilizing the peasants towards that objective.

The second development was that the TAA transformed into a nationalist political party in 1954, and its name became the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). That meant that the branches of TAA in the rural and urban areas automatically became branches of TANU. TANU grew as the most powerful and popular mass-based political party as it incorporated elites, peasants, workers and traders in its broad membership.

Although other nationalist political parties had racial and religious tendencies such as UTP, ANC and AMNUT, ethnic-based political parties were not established in Tanganyika. The UTP (United Tanganyika Party) was racial in the sense that it was mainly a party of the whites. The ANC (African National Congress) had racial tendencies because it segregated whites and people of Asian origin, The AAMT was a Muslim political party, thus it was religious-based. But TANU incorporated not only people of all ethnic groups, but also of all races and religions. Being the most popular and powerful political party, and given the fat that it was the party that took over power at independence in

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December 1961, it greatly facilitated the emergence and growth of non-ethnised, non-racialized and non-religionalized politics in Tanganyika after independence.

Developments in Zanzibar were different from Tanganyika given the fact that nationalist struggles for independence led into the growth of racialized politics. As we saw earlier Zanzibar has three main racial groups: Africans, Arabs and Indians. Africans are subdivided between Africans of Mainland origin and the Shirazi, some of who also tend to regard themselves as Arabs by tracing their origin from Arabia.

Formation of political parties in Zanzibar arose out of civil society associations which were formed during the colonial period as part of struggles against colonial domination, oppression and exploitation. About 23 civil society organizations were formed, most of which were racial-based. Typical examples of racial-based associations were the Indian Association formed in 1910, the Arab Association, the African Association formed in 1934 and the Shirazi Association formed in 1940 (The Presidential commission for One party or Multi-Party System in Tanzania, 1991 Report Book One:22-23). Each of these associations fought for the interests of its racial group.

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In 1955 the Arab Association gave rise into the formation of the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP), and in 1957 the African Association merged with the Shirazi Association to form the Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP). Thus the ZNP was an Arab dominated nationalist party, while the ASP was an African dominated party (Mosare, L, 1969). In 1959 the ASP split into ASP and ZPPP, with the latter being a Shirazi dominated party. Thus the ASP remained as a party dominated by the Africans of the Mainland Origin. In 1963 the UMMA Party was formed, also as a splinter of the ZNP. This means that all the nationalist political parties fighting for national independence in Zanzibar were racial-based. The racial character of the parties has been very well summarised by Ayang (op.cit.:88) as follows:

"Second, there was thefact thatpoliticalparties were based on racial divisions. The basic division was between Africans andArahs. Members of aparty naturally regarded their membership in, and affiliation to it, as a convenient vehiclefor disseminating age-long ethnic hatred between their group and others in the plural society, in Zanzibar. An attack on the ZNP or its leaders by the ASP would be taken as an essentially an attack on Arabs and vice versa. The differences grew deeper and uglier especially during an election campaign."

As hinted at the end of the quotation above the racial character and divisions of the political parties were more evidenced during the election processes. Before independence in December 1963 three elections were held 1957, 1961 and July 1963. In the 1957 election the ASP won by an overwhelming majority. During the elections of 1961 and 1963 the ZNP and the ZPP won because they made some coalition against ASP. However, what is significant for us is the fact that the elections were not only characterised by stiff competitions, but also ethnic violence. Thus politics in Zanzibar during the struggle for independence were highly racialized, an aspect which led into the nature of politics soon after independence.

This means that soon after independence which was December 1961 in Tanganyika, and December 1963 in Zanzibar, there were great differences in terms of the nature and character of politics. While in Tanganyika politics were non-ethnised, in Zanzibar they were

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highly ethnised in terms of racial ethnicity. That difference had considerable implications in terms of contribution to peace during the post-independence period. Soon after independence Zanzibar had to experience a high level of the state of racial conflicts. After the attainment of independence on the 10th December 1963, power was handed over to the Arab minority through the ZNP/ZPPP coalition. Besides power getting into the hands of the Arab minority the constitution stipulated that the Sultan was the monarch head of state.

These developments were not accepted by the African minority. They interpreted the situation as a return of old Arab political domination and oppression over Africans. Thus the ASP began to prepare for a revolution. The revolution took place on the 12th January, 1964 (Mpangala, 1999:102). Through the Zanzibar revolution power was taken by Africans through the use of force.

After the revolution there was a state of relative peace in Zanzibar up to 1995. The state of peace was due to a number of factors. First, soon after the revolution multi-partism was abolished and ASP was the only party under a one-party system. That meant suppression of racialized politics. Second, on 26th April 1964 a union between Zanzibar and Tanganyika was established. Under the union arrangement Zanzibar had its own government but under the Union government.

It has been strongly viewed by most research respondents that the union has played a vital role in ensuring the state of peace for more than thirty years. This is because the union could not allow the emergence of violent racialized politics (Mpangala, 1999:103). The third factor was that the one party system came to be more consolidated, when the ASP merged with the TANU of Tanzania Mainland to form "Chama cha Mapinduzi"(CCM) in 1977. Thus CCM became one party on the Mainland and Zanzibar thus ensuring greater control of politics in Zanzibar through the Union.

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However, the reintroduction of multi-partism in 1992 began to resurface racialized politics in Zanzibar. Some of the political parties began to develop tendencies of the old racialized parties. Whereas CCM continued to be an African of the Mainland origin dominated party, the Civic United Front (CUF) party developed tendencies of the old ZNP/ZPPP coalition, thus dominated by Arabs and the Shirazi people.

These developments resulted into greater tendencies of racialized politics during the multi-party elections of 1995. After the elections latent conflicts grew between the CCM and CUF parties, with the latter party accusing CCM of having manipulated the victory of the CUF Presidential candidate. Even if the state of conflict did not erupt into violent conflict, the state of latent conflicts grew between the CCM and CUF parties, with the latter party accusing CCM of having manipulated the victory of the CUF Presidential candidate.

Even if the state of conflict did not erupt into violent conflict, the state of latent conflict was tense for nearly three and half years, until when a reconciliation agreement was signed in June 1999 through the mediation of Chief Emeka Anyacku, the Commonwealth Secretary General (The East African, June 14 - 20 1999). It is our hope that the reconciliation agreement will lead into sustainable peace. But such sustainable peace can only be possible if multi-party politics in Zanzibar move out of tendencies of racialized politics.

Factors for the relative state of peace in Zanzibar were therefore mainly a result of developments during the post-independence period. In Tanzania Mainland the situation has been rather different. Some of the factors during the post-independence period were new, while others were a continuation and further development of historical developments from the pre-colonial to the colonial period including the nationalist struggles for independence.

According to the views of respondents who filled questionnaires we can group the factors into three categories: those which had made very high contribution, those that had

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made medium contribution and those that had made very low contribution towards the state of relative peace.

For those that had made very high contribution the respondents who said that that aspect had made a contribution constituted 80 percent and above. It is interesting to note the fact that having Kiswahili as a national language had the highest percentage of 92%. The role of the policy of making Kiswahili as a national language in the promotion of peace and unity in Tanzania has also been emphasized by many other people such as Musoke, I.K. S., (19...). Musoke has strongly argued that the policy of developing Kiswahili as a national language has considerably boosted its position to the extent that it is often referred to as one of the main factors for national unity and state of peaceful relations in the country.

The next from Kiswahili as a national language is the one-party system, an aspect which has scored 89% of respondents. The respondents have indicated that the one-party system was able to unite people under a single ideology. The respondents have however, indicated that the one party system had created a situation of authoritarianism, thus making the state of peace being a product of force and fear.

The one-party in power was TANU which, as noted earlier, had developed as a mass and non-ethnised national party during the struggle for independence. Even when it merged with ASP in 1977 to form CCM, it continued with that characteristic. Unlike national parties in some other countries of the GLR, TANU and later on CCM did not degenerate into an ethnised or racialized party throughout the post-independence period (Presidential Commission Report, op.cit.,:30).

The next factor has been the ideology and policy of socialism and self-reliance which has earned 88.5% of the respondents who said yes, while only 5.7% said no. The respondents who said yes were of the opinion that the ideology and policy of socialism promoted unity and abolished social and economic differences among the people. It created a situation of

25

equality. However, there are also views that that policy has contributed to the growth of poverty in Tanzania.

Through the Arusha Declaration of 1967, the policy of Socialism and self-reliance was able to develop a single national ideology which fastened a common national consciousness. Processes of nationalization and rural development on the basis of villagization programme all these were able to prevent and even eradicate ethnicity and minimise racialism (Mpangala, 1992, op.cit.:71). The next factor among those regarded as having made high contribution to the state of peace is the question of leadership which has scored 85.1% of the respondents who said yes. The respondents were of the view that leadership has been able to unite the people, and it brought the ideology of socialism and self-reliance which made people work together. The implication here is that much reference is made to the unique role of Mwalimu Julius Nyerere who brought the ideology of socialism and self-reliance, and who has been able to facilitate the growth of national unity as the first President of Tanzania.

Despite the positive attributes on political leadership, criticisms have also beef] raised that leadership in Tanzanian during the post-independence period was characterised by authoritarian and dictatorial tendencies. It also tampered with individual rights and it developed practices of corruption.

The factor that has held the last position among factors that had made high contribution to peace is national education, In this factor 80.5% of respondents said yes. It has been argued that national education has greatly contributed to the eradication of the three enernies of development, that is poverty, disease and ignorance. Furthermore, the fact that education was free it created equal opportunities for all the people, regardless of their economic abilities.

However, despite the positive attributes, criticism has also been made that such national education was used by the ruling class as a means of ideological indoctrination in
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order to legitimise the existing system. Some have argued that the policy of national free education had a tendency of undermining individual initiative, and created a sense of dependence on the state.

We have referred to factors that made medium contribution as those constituting between 65 and 79 percent of respondents who have responded with yes. Such factors include abolition of chieftainships, affiliation of mass organizations to the party, foreign policy, development of national culture and the aspect of having many ethnic group's.

The abolition of chieftainships had the leading score of 79.3%. While independence was achieved in December 1961, by 1962 the new national government of Tanganyika abolished traditional chieftains which had been used by British colonialism in the system of indirect rule. The new government feared that chieftains would give rise into ethnicity and hence lead into the growth of ethnised politics. Although 79.3% respondents were of the view that that step contributed took the state of peace, the same respondents wee critical of the step, arguing that that step was undemocratic, and that it abolished one of the most important aspects of the civil society.

Second to the abolition of chieftains was the question of having more than 120 ethnic groups in Tanzania. It has often been one of the arguments that having many ethnic groups, most of which are small and weak has contributed to the absence of ethnicity and hence absence of ethnic conflicts. So 75.9% of respondents were of the view that that aspect did make some contribution to the state of peace in Tanzania. They have argued that having many small ethnic groups has made Tanzania avoid an emergence of strong and powerful ethnic culture with strong and powerful rulers of the ethnic groups. Some have however argued on the opposite that there is no relationship between having many ethnic groups and the state of peace.

Next comes development of foreign policy. Here 74.7% of respondents were of the view that Tanzania's foreign policy after independence has contributed to the state of
27

peace. However, the 74.7% who said yes could not support their position with reasons. Those who said no constituted only 2.3%, and were of the view that there was no relationship between peace and foreign policy.

Although the 74.7% who said yes could not give reasons, it has been one of the general arguments that the policies of supporting armed liberation struggles in Southern Africa during the 1960s, 70s, and 80s, and that of hosting thousands and millions of refugees from neighbouring countries have played a significant role in avoiding violent conflicts in Tanzania. Through the influx of refugees and their serious problems has provided sufficient experience to Tanzanians to view conflicts as something that should be avoided. Development of national culture and the question of mass organizations affiliated to the party are the next factors with 71.3% and 67.8% to respectively. On national culture it has been pointed out by respondents that national culture has contributed to national unity because it has played a unifying role. National culture has created a common culture which has facilitated the eradication of foreign culture. Some respondents had a different view that the government has failed to develop national culture, and therefore cannot have some contribution to national unity and peace.

On the question of mass organizations such as cooperatives, trade unions, women and youth organizations, and parents organization being affiliated to the party, TANU and later CCM, and hence subordinated to the government, those who said yes were of the view that that situation created good relationship and cooperation between the party, the government and the mass organizations. They also pointed out that relationship facilitated the growth of collective leadership.

Some respondents, including those who said yes were of the view that the system of affiliation was through, force and not through voluntarism on the part of the mass organizations. It was also pointed out that the system created state of fear on the part of the people and leadership of the organizations. These views seem to indicate that the system

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was undemocratic, arising out of the authoritarianism which made mass organizations as civil society institutions less autonomous, although it contributed to the state of peace.

The third category is that of factors which have been regarded as having made low contribution to the state of peace. Such factors include the system of local government which has been tipped yes by 63.2%, and the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar which has been tipped yes by 57% of the respondents.

On the system of local government reference was mainly made to the policy of decentralization of 1972 which abolished local government institutions. Those who said yes were of the view that the system was positive as it created good relationship between the government and the people, but without elaborating how. Both some of those who said yes and those who said no were critical of the decentralization system, pointing out that the system weakened the political position of the people at local level and that it only benefited the leaders and strengthened their positions at the expense of the people. That means that under that system the people at local level could not be empowered.

It is interesting to note that the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar got the lowest score of all the factors, that is only 57% of respondents said yes. For those who responded with yes, there was no reason given to show that there was some contribution to the state of peace on the Tanzania Mainland. But they indicated that it had considerable contribution to Zanzibar in terms of facilitating the state of discipline in the Islands.

For those who responded with a no pointed out that the union had a number of problems which included Zanzibar exploiting the Mainland, Zanzibar being dominated by the Mainland, the state of friction between the Union and Zanzibar governments, and that under the union the people of Pemba were being marginalized. The general impression is that. the union has hardly contributed to the state of peace on Tanzania Mainland.

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TABLE 1: CONTRIBUTION OF VARIOUS FACTORS TO THE STATE OF RE PEACE IN TANZANIA MAINLAND

Level of Contribution Factors Percentage of Respondents YES % 92 87.4 88.5 85.1 80.5 79.3 75.9 74.7 71.3 67.8 63.2 57.0 57.0 NO % 4.6 10.3 5.7 11.5 12.6 11.5 13.8 2.3 14.9 23 27.0 24.1 39.1 No Valid Response 3.4 2.3 5.7 3.4 6.9 9.2 10.3 23.0 13.8 9.2 14.0 12.6 3.4

VERY HIGH

HIGH

MEDIM

1. Kiswahili as a national language 2. Ideology and policy of Socialism & Self reliance 3. One prty system 4. Political Leadership 5. National Education 6. Abolition of Chieftainships 7. Having more than 120 ethnic groups 8. Nature and character of Foreign Policy 9. Development of National Culture 10. Mass organizations Affiliated to the Party 11. The System of Local Government 12. The Union Between Tanganyika and Zanzibar 13. System of Colonialism.

Source: Data Analysis Document

However, in addition to factors recorded with percentages, the respondents also pointed to other factors which they felt also made some contributions to the state of peace in Tanzania. Such factors included first and foremost the Uhuru torch. The Uhuru torch is raced every year national-wide, and thus providing a sense of national unity. Other factors include the nationals` service institution, security based on the traditional sungusungu system, and freedoms of expression and observance of human rights.

TABLE II: LEVELS OF CONTRIBUTION TO THE STATE OF PEACE IN TANZANIA BY VARIOUS FACTORS
FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO PEACE PERCENTAGE OF LEVEL OF CONTRIBUTION ACCORDING TO RESPONDENTS HIGVERY HIGH % HIGH % AVERAGE % 72.5 23.8 3.8 68.1 23.2 8.7 59.2 31.6 9.2 48.2 44.3 35.3 31.6 30.4 27.5 27.5 27.0 25.8 38.7 44.3 47.1 57.8 50.9 51.8 43.1 49.2 53.0 14.3 11.4 16.2 7.8 17.5 10.7 25.5 23.8 19.7 LOW % 1.6 1.6 7.1 3.9 1.5

1. Kiswahili as a Common National Language 2. National Eduaction 3. Policy and Ideology of Socialism and Selfreliance 4. One PartySystem 5. Political Leadership 6. Abolition of Chieftainships 7. Having more than 120 Ethnic Groups 8. Affiliation of Mass Organization to the Party 9. System of Local Governement 10.The Union Between Tanganyika and Zanzibar 11. Establishmnet of National Culture 12. Tanzanias Foreign Policy

Source: Data Analysis Document

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The various factors contributing to the state of peace discussed above, particularly those with high rate of contributions, are characterised by contradictions. Some of the contradictions have been clearly indicated by most of the respondents. On the one Party system and leadership, for instance, although these have had high contribution to the state of peace, they also developed tendencies of authoritarianism and dictatorship. This means that contribution to peace was not made within the context of democracy. Absence of democracy was even much more reflected by one-party electoral system which gave greater powers to the party rather than to the people in determining who should be the candidate.

The policy of socialism and self-reliance has had also some serious contradictions at the level of the economy. Much of the economic policies associated with the policy of socialism and self-reliance resulted into retardation of the economy due to too much state control, intervention and monopoly of economic activities.

This means that given the contradictions associated with the various factors, both political, economic and even social, the state of peace could not be sustained for a long time. The absence or narrowness of democracy, and economic retardation and poverty could lead into eventual eruption of conflicts, thus putting to an end the state of peace. This means that factors that contribute to peace in Tanzania must be characterised by the process of democratization and equitable socio-economic development.

4. Sources of Potential Conflicts 4.1 Introductory Remarks In the last section we have devoted much time and space discussing why Tanzania, compared to other African countries, has experienced relative state of peace since independence. Attempts have been made to explore both historical factors constituting pre-colonial and colonial conditions, and factors arising out of political and socio-economic

31

developments during the postindependence period. Research respondents have played a significant role in terms of contributing various views.

Experience in Africa has showed that relative peace is not likely to be sustainable if proper mechanisms and strategies of conflict prevention are not developed. For example Kenya had also enjoyed relative peace for nearly three decades since independence, but in 199192, and again in 1998, violent conflicts erupted in the Rift Valley and coastal areas. Sierra Leone had also enjoyed a state of peace since independence, but in recent years civil war has erupted whereby organised rebels have been fighting the government.

This means that even if a country is characterised by a state of peace, there are always factors that can bring a state of conflicts, thus disrupting that peace. So we are of the argument that even in Tanzania a state of potential conflicts does exist, and it is a matter of vital importance that we try to identify factors for the potential conflicts.

In order to ensure sustainable peace in any country there is need to prevent the eruption of conflicts. This entails developing processes of conflict prevention. In order to be able to undertake processes of conflict prevention it is necessary to examine factors for potential conflicts so that realistic mechanisms, strategies and even policies can be developed.

4.2 Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP) In section 3 the ideology and policy of socialism and self-reliance was among factors that had made considerably high contribution to the state of peace in Tanzania Mainland. One of the main effects of the SAPs in Tanzania has been to eradicate the ideology and policy of socialism through liberalisation of trade, privatization, and establishment of an economy based on market forces. In other words the SAPs have created conditions for the development of capitalism in Tanzania.

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There have been fears that these changes are likely to negatively affect the state of peace and thus cause conflicts. These fears have been due to the fact that liberalization of the economy and creation of a free market can lead into rapid class polarization, and thus growth of big gaps between the rich and the poor. These changes can also accelerate the rate of growth of unemployment. All that can lead into struggles of the poor and the unemployed, struggles which can take the form of ethnic, racial, religious and even regional conflicts (The Family Mirror, No. 79, the first Issue of June 1992:5).

Our research respondents have also expressed similar views that the SAPs have increased poverty, caused retrenchment of thousands of workers, accelerated the process of class formation, brought the system of cost-sharing in social services, and increased the gap between the rich and the poor. There are also opposite views that SAPs have facilitated the reduction of inflation and wider participation of people in the economy, the level of fears seems to be quite considerable.

On whether SAPs are likely to facilitate the growth of ethnicity, racialism, religionism and regionalism, most of the respondents seem to indicate that SAPs have very insignificant effects on those aspects. However, developments and events seem to show that regionalism in the form of establishing regional and district associations, and religionism in the sense of retain religious institutions complaining and even rioting that they are being marginalized have been growing during the last decade of SAPs in Tanzania.

4.3 Democratization and Issues of Ethnicity, Racialism, and Religionism It is an almost accepted view that in Africa democratization is one of the major solutions to conflicts. It is an important means of conflict resolution (Mpangala, 1999, op.cit:). However, the process of democratization in Africa has also in many instances been a cause of conflicts. Thus the objective of this sub-section is to examine the extent to which democratization has, and/or is likely to cause conflicts.

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It has been argued that for democracy to solve the problem of conflicts or even to prevent the eruption of conflicts, such democracy has to be real democracy, which should not remain merely at the level of multi-partism (Shivji, I., 1992). It has been clearly pointed out that adoption of multi-parties is not enough, there is need to develop real democracy. It was on the basis of this argument that Shivji provided a critique on the Presidential Commission on oneparty of multi-party political system report when he said: "To be fair, the Nyalali commission does discover in the course of its report that Multi-Party is not the same thing as democracy In the light of its analysis, one would have expected the commission to come up with some radical recommendations."

The fear that in the absence of real democracy multi-partism is likely to cause chaos is genuine given some practical instances within the GLR and Africa as a whole. Within the GLR we have examples of Zanzibar and Kenya. We have already discussed earlier how in Zanzibar multi-partism developed tendencies of old racialized politics, and how that resulted into a non-violent political conflict after the 1995 multi-party elections. In Kenya many of the opposition parties assumed the character of ethnic parties, a situation which gave rise into the conflicts of 1991/92 and 1998. In Uganda President Museveni is resisting to introduce multi-partism on similar arguments that such a system is likely to lead into ethnic conflicts in Uganda.

Our respondents have also confirmed these fears. They have also indicated that what is likely to cause conflicts is the type of democracy which does not develop people's democratic awareness and which is not real democracy. If democracy and democratic practice is real, the process of democratization cannot be a danger to peace.

Within the context of democracy which is not real the problem of leadership within the political parties has been greatly emphasized. Absence of democracy and state of conflicts within the different political parties appears to be a common phenomenon. A good example has been cited of the NCCR-Mageuzi Party which has been charactrerised

34

by a state of conflicts between its Chairman and Secretary General to the extent of dividing the party into two camps.

On whether democratization can facilitate the growth of ethnicity, racialism and religionism, there have been some mixed views. Most respondents have been of the view that democratization has not been a cause for ethnicity and racialism with exception of Zanzibar wnere racialisn, has emerged. But they are of the opinion that it has somehow contributed to religionism.

On religionism the respondents have argued that religious fundamentalism has greatly grown during the period of democratization. During the last parliamentary by-elections in Ubungo and Temeke constituencies in Dar es Salaam in July 1999 there were some speculations that some of the political parties used religious organizations in their campaigning processes. This was also true during the multi-party elections of 1995, both Christian and Islamic institutions were used as means of political campaigns, though not openly.

Although on whether democratization could cause the growth of racialism only 20.7% responded with a yes, their arguments point out to the fact that freedoms of speech and of the process which has growth with the democratization process has exposed feelings of indigenization ("Uzawa" in Kiswahili Language). It has been further pointed out that since class polarization in Tanzania has mainly taken the form of racial differences between Asians and whites on one hand and Africans on the other, frictions between the two sides has grown much more openly during the democratization period. If not checked the situation can lead into much more serious racial conflicts.

4.4 Poverty and Unemployment

Although questions of poverty and unemployment have been touched upon while discussing SAPs above, it would also be a good idea to also discuss them separately. This is
35

because there are aspects which have been given very high response by research respondents.

On the question of unemployment 89.7% have indicated that this aspect has a high potential of being a cause for conflicts in Tanzania. They have argued that the rate of unemployment is growing very fast, particularly in urban areas due to very rapid rural to urban migrations, The unemployed can be easily mobilized in the process of political competition by politicians who believe in the use of violence as a means of getting into power.

On the question of poverty 87.4% responded with a yes, close to the question of unemployment. Here it has been argued that poor people have nothing to loose, like the unemployed, and in most cases these are the same people, they can be easily mobilized into situations of causing chaos and social unrest. Even if they are not mobilized by anybody they are a big source of criminality, banditry and all forms of violence, aspects which are also a threat to the state of peace in the country.

4.5

Causes and Management of Conflicts Which Have Takn Place in Tanzania

Conflict prevention requires only an understanding of factors for potential conflicts, but also an experience of how conflicts were managed and resolved, and what were the factors. In the introductory section of this report we pointed out some of the conflicts which have taken place in Tanzania, notwithstanding the state of relative peace.

The army mutiny of 1964 was the first conflict in Tanzania Mainland. Our research findings indicate that the mutiny took place due to a number of factors. We shall cite here those which appear to be the most important. These were the army still being dominated and controlled by European officers, dissatisfaction of the soldiers due to low pay and other services and colonial mentality of the soldiers. Soldiers realized that the policy of Africanization benefited the Government bureaucracy more than the army.
36

TABLE III: RESPONSE OF RESPONDENTS ON SOURCES OF POTENTIAL CONFLICTS LEVEL OF SOURCES OF POTENTIAL CONTRIBUTION CONFLICTS IN TERMS OF VERY HIGH (80-100%) MEDIUM (50 -64%) 1. Unemployment 2, Poverty 3. Changes Brought by Democratization 4. Freedoms of speech and the Press 5. Religionism 6. Structural Adjustment Programme 7. Democratization and Ethnicity, Racialism & Religonism 8. SAP and Regionalism 9. Ethnicity 10. SAP and ethnicity, Racialism and Religionism 11. Growth of civil Society 12. Racialism PERCENTAGES OF REPONSES YES % 89.7 87.4 58.6 54.0 54,0 52.9 44.8 36.8 35.6 28.7 21.8 20.7 NO % 5.7 5.7 29.9 33.3 28.7 23.0 41.4 37.9 47.1 44.8 63.2 54.0 NO VALID RESPONSE 4.6 6.9 11.5 12.6 17.2 24.1 13.8 25.3 17.2 26.4 14.9 25.3

LOW (30 - 49%)

VERY LOW (1 - 29%)

Source: Data Analysis Document

As a short term solution the mutiny was crushed through the assistance of foreign forces from Britain. As a long term measure the army was dismantled and a new army which was supposed to be a national army with soldiers committed to the building of the young nation was established. During that period of building a new national army, an army from Nigeria became a temporary caretaker army. The new army became highly politicized.

The Zanzibar Revolution was another major conflict. We have already discussed in the previous section how the revolution was a product of the growth of ethnised or racialized politics in Zanzibar. Struggles for power during the nationalist fight for independence took racial lines, but we need also to add the factor of external forces. In Eastern Africa Zanzibar is economically d even militarily strategically positioned, and that was the case even before colonization of the Islands in the 19th C. the big powers therefore wanted to plant a puppet regime that could serve their interests.
37

After the revolution, the revolution itself was part of a temporary solution to the state of racial conflicts as it dismantled the power of the Sultan and Arabs in general, and placed it in the hands of Africans. The new regime did also take measures to place the economy in the hands, the peasants and workers by nationalizing the plantations and land owned by the Arab feudal aristocracy and distributing it to the peasants and workers. As we pointed out earlier the most important solution to the state of conflicts was the union between Tan anyika and Zanzibar.

Respondents have also expressed their views on the Mwembechai crisis of February 1998. The crisis involved violent clashes between the police and some Moslem groups, such that two Moslems were shot dead by the field force police. The immediate cause was that the police were intervening against Moslems who used to make public preachings while abusing other religions, particularly Christianity. The government perceived that that could lead into violent religious conflicts, so this had to be contained. Long term factors included education and hence economic imbalance between Moslems and Christians. Education imbalance is a historical situation, although since independence the state has made efforts to change the situation through nationalization and state control of schools and the education system. However, liberalization and privatization of the economy and social services has reversed the situation. While the imbalance was getting narrower and narrower under the state control system, now the gap was widening again, thus the complaints that Moslems were being marginalized. In addition there has also been growth of tendencies of Islamic fundamentalism through which various religious discontents are expressed.

The Mwembechai incidence was a result of the police using force to prevent the continuation of preachings of some Moslems (commonly known as "mihadhara") against other religions. The objective was to prevent possibilities of the growth of religious conflicts in the country.

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However, the use of force, resulting into the killing of two Moslems appears to have hastened the aspect of religious tension rather than reducing it. The incidence since February 1998 has increased the feelings that Moslems are being not only marginalized but also oppressed by the government, which is alleged to be favouring Christians. The movement for fighting for the rights of Moslems is getting stronger and stronger.

The Mwembechai conflict and its aftermath provides an interesting experience which should make the government develop more appropriate mechanisms and strategies of handling religious conflictual situations. Critics of the government on the Mwembechai issue have argued that the problem of preachings could be solved by using means other than excessive force which was used bv the field force police.

In addition to internal conflicts, Tanzania has also experienced conflicts with neighbouring countries. During the period of liberation war in Mozambique between 1965 and 1975, Tanzania experienced frequent clashes with the Portuguese colonial regime along the Ruvuma river border. That was because, like other colonies in southern Africa, Tanzania actively supported armed liberation in Mozambique, including the training of the FRELIMO guerilla fighters. The independence of Mozambique in 1975 put to an end those conflicts.

The biggest conflict with neighbouring countries took place during the war between Tanzania and the Iddi Amin Regime in Uganda between 1978 and 1979. Since 1971 when Iddi Amin took over power through a coup d'etat overthrowing the Obote government, relations between the Tanzanian government and the Amin Government were conflictual. The Tanzanian government did not recognise the Amin government viewing it as dictatorial, oppressive and brutal. Worse still the Tanzania Government hosted the former Ugandan President, Milton Obote something which angered Amin.

The war was sparked by the invasion of the Kagera area of north-western part of Tanzania by the Amin's forces, killing and wounding hundreds of civilian people and causing
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a lot of destruction to their property. However, the defeat of Iddi Amin and the establishment of new successive regimes put the conflict to an end.

There have been many other border clashes. One was in 1968 between Tanzanian and Malawian soldiers over the border between Malawi and Tanzania along Lake Nyasa. President Kamuzu Banda of Malawi claimed part of Tanzania on the eastern side of the Lake to belong to Malawi. Other frequent clashes have occurred along the border between Tanzania and Burundi, with Burundi accusing Tanzania of harbouring Burundi rebels.

Tanzania's solution to conflicts with neighbouring countries has been short term and long term. Short term measures have been through military action, and long term ones include two type of strategies. One type is that Tanzania always makes sure that as much as possible the neighbouring countries should have democratic and moderate regimes which are friendly to Tanzania. The second type of strategy has been to ensure that a state of peace is restored in countries characterised by violent conflicts internally such as Rwanda and Burundi. The role which Tanzania has been playing on peace negotiations on Rwanda in 1993, and now on Burundi from June 1998 to the present is part of that strategy.

5. Democratization 5.1 Democratization and the Second Wind of Change

The democratization process which has been taking place in Tanzania during the past ten years is part and parcel of the democratization process in Africa. The democratization process in Africa has mainly been characterised by the adoption of multi-partism, the conducting of multi-party elections, growth and expansion of the civil society, and greater freedoms of speech and ress, observance of human rights and people's empowerment.

The democratization process in Africa has been referred to as the "second with of change" (Sithole, M., 1993/94:1-2). The first wind of change was the nationalist struggles for ndependence during the colonial period. During the nationalist struggles for independence,
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the then British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan regarded the anti-colonial struggles a "wind of change" blowing all over Africa. Whereas the "first wind of change" constituted struggles against colonialism, the "second wind of change" constitutes struggles against dictatorship and authoritarian regimes. The "second wind of change" has also been regarded as the second phase of liberation and African Revolution. The first phase of liberation and African Revolution took place during the era of nationalist struggles for independence.

5.2 The Process of Democratic Change in Tanzania: As was the case in other African countries struggles for democracy in Tanzania mainly began to appear during the 1980s. As early as 1983 movements for multi-partism began to surface themselves. This was a period of serious economic crisis in the country. People began to associate the economic hardships with the authoritarian one-party state. Some of the advocates of multi-partism during this early period found themselves detained.

Struggles for democracy during the 1980s also appeared in different other forms. A number of civil society organizations and movements began to emerge. These included human ghts groups, women and gender movements, and many others. Democratic struggles gained greater momentum during the second half of the 1980s when the world Bank and IMF based structural adjustment programmes began to have a bigger impact on the Tanzanian society. By 1990 to 1991 the number of political groups and movements demanding for multi-partism increased. Informal debates and discussions on the need to adopt multi-partism were also widely carried out. In 1991 the former President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere also contributed to the growth of the debate on whether Tanzania should adopt multi-partism or not.

Given the rising internal struggles and the external pressure from the donor community, and also given developments in other African countries the Government decided to establish Presidential Commission for One Party of Multi party political system. The Commission, under the chairmanship of Chief Justice Nyalali, spent the whole year 1991 visiting rural areas and urban centres as well as visiting other countries in Africa and outside
41

to collect views, information and data that enabled it to produce a report that recommended that Tanzania should adopt a multi-party political system. Thus the multi-party political system was officially declared in July, 1992.

We can trace the process of democratic change through multi-partism in three phases from July 1992 to the present in 1999. The first phase constitutes the period between July 1992 to April 1995. This was a period of formation, registration, recruitment of party membership and consolidation of the political parties. After legalizing the multi-party system many political parties were formed. Between 1992 and 1993 not less than fifty parties were formed (Mpangala, 1999:26).

The process of forming political parties went together with the process of registering the parties. The government had established an office of the Registrar of political parties. Parties that could fulfil certain conditions including membership from both Tanzania Mainland and Zanzibar could qualify to get registered. The registration process involved provisional and then full registration. Between July 1992 and July 1993 twelve new political parties had been registered, with the incumbent party, CCM, that made up thirteen registered political parties (Mmuya, M 19983). One of the conditionalities for registration was to have sufficient membership, and therefore political parties had been busy recruiting members during this phase. Recruitment of members was one of the means of consolidating the positions of the registered parties. Other means included demanding for equal opportunities with the incumbent party in the playing field, organising mass rallies, and carrying out debates on strategies of democratic change.

The second phase constitutes the period between April and December 1995. This was the phase of the elections processes. Although the elections were held in October the months before that were used for campaigns, both unofficial and official campaigns. The period is also characterised by the growth in strength by the new opposition parties due to the shift of Augustine Lyatonga Mrema from CCM the ruling party to NCCR-Mageuzi, one of
42

the opposition parties. The high popularity of Mrema strengthened the position of not only NCCR-Mageuzi but also other opposition parties (Mmuya, ibid: 4-5).

The third phase constitutes the period from 1996 to the present. This has been viewed as a period of eclipse or decline of the opposition political parties (Mmuya, ibid,:8-1 1). The eclips was due to the fact that after the general elections a series of crises and conflicts began to occur nearly in all parties. Some of the small parties such as TADEA, PONA, UMD NLD and CHADEMA faced some leadership problems in the sense that some of the leaders resigned due old age or illness, and could not be replaced by competent leaders.

The strongest opposition parties NCCR-Mageuzi and CUF developed serious internal conflicts to the extent that all had to split each into two camps. Through leadership struggles the founder leader of CUF James Mapalala, was ousted from the party that greatly weakened the position of the party on the Mainland (Mmuya, ibid:4). In NCCR-Mageuzi there arose serious misunderstanding between the party chairman, Augustine Mrema and its Secretary General, Mabere Marando, such that the party split into two camps, the camp of Mrema and that of Marando. Friction between the two camps lasted for more than two years, and eventually the chairman, Mrema was forced to resign and join another party, the Tanzania Labour Party (TLP).

The decline of opposition parties means consolidating the position of strength of the ruling incumbent party, CCM. This has been indicated by the fact that the ruling party has been winning nearly all the recent by-elections. These developments have serious implications in terms of democratic change and the whole process of democratization as it poses the danger of eading into a de facto one-party system.

Although the multi-party system has been the most important and conspicuous aspect in he democratization process in Tanzania, the process has also been characterised by other aspects such as growth of the civil society, social movements and people's empowerment.

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Growth of civil society has involved two types of developments. One development onstitutes transformation of traditional civil society organizations notably cooperatives, trade nions, students organizations, women organizations and so on. These organizations have truggled to transform into independent and autonomous organizations. For example ransformation of the trade union organization has been from JUWATA into OTTU 1991 and from OTTU into the Tanzania Federation of Free Trade Unions (TFTU) in 1995. Peasant cooperative organizations have also claimed greater autonomy in recent years, "Baraza a Wanawake Tanzania" (BAWATA) has been formed to provide an alternative independent and autonomous women organization, alternative to UWT which continues to be affiliated to the ruling party, CCM.

The second development has been the formation of a new type of civil society organizations commonly known as NG0s. From 1980s NG0s of various types have been formed in Tanzania. For instance, while rapid proliferation of NG0s began during the 1980s, it reached a very high acceleration during the 1990s. Between 1981 and 1990, 41 NG0s were registered as compared to only 25 between 1.961 and 1980. Between 1990 and 19930, 224 NGOs had been registered, while by May 1996 the number had shot up tremendously to 600 registered NGOs. Most of the NGOs are concerned with environment, professionalism, human rights, religious, educational, gender and various interest and occupational groups. Proliferation of many NGOs has necessitated the establishment of umbrella NGOs, the most prominent being the "The Tanzania Association of NGOs "(TANGO). As stated earlier the NGOs are expected to play the role of important agents of empowering and providing special services to the people. In the process the people are expected to develop self-consciousness, awareness, identity, organization and legality. However, studies have revealed that rapid formation of NGOs has resulted into many of them being not viable and characterised by a number of problems and weaknesses. Among the problems and weaknesses include lack of internal democracy, control by external donors, lack of commitment to provide the services they are expected to provide, lack of viable membership and participation, and tendencies of using NGOs merely as means of soliciting donor funds for personal interests. However, despite these weaknesses
44

the rapid proliferation of NGOs is an indication of the process of democratization taking place in the country.

Besides or in addition to civil society organizations empowerment is also facilitated by a variety of social movements, which have also emerged as part of the democratization process. These movements have often taken the form of gender, legal, human rights, socioeconomic and even cultural movements. Activities, movements and networks concerned with gender issues and in particular concerned with the emancipation of women have developed very fast and are progressively playing the role of empowering women. Legal and human rights movements have also become widespread. We all know of legal aid societies in Tanzania and how they play the role of providing legal aid and legal education to the poor and the marginalized. We are also experiencing the "Machinga" movement of the young urban unemployed immigrants who are struggling for economic survival through petty trade and who are fighting for the rights to have access to national resources. District development associations, cultural and religious associations and movements, to mention just a few, are among the emerging and growing social movements.

The significance of empowerment lies in the fact that it provides a serious challenge to the tradition of top-down authoritarian approach to governance, policy-making and development strategies. Through empowerment of the people conditions are created for popular participation and development of a bottom-up approach.

5.3

Respondents' View and Opinions on Democratization The various people who were interviewed and who filled questionnaires during the

research process had expressed interesting views and opinions on a number of issues. Generally speaking the views tended to indicate that the building of democracy in Tanzania could succeed, and the various aspects such as multi-partism, multi-party elections, civil society, legal and constitutional changes etc. have potentiality of contributing to the development of democracy. However, success of democracy and contribution of the

45

various aspects greatly depended on solving a number of problems and removing a great deal of impediments to the democratization process.

5.3.1 Democracy, Multi-partism and Multi-party Elections On whether there were prospects of success in the democratization process 69.9% of respondents were optimistic of success, while 23.0% were pessimistic that democracy could not succeed. Those who were optimistic were of the view that the centre of success lay on the multi party system and a new constitution. They were further of the opinion that democratic changes had increased the awareness of the people and their freedom. The people can participate in decision-making processes, and that the rule of law and observance of human rights were being practised. The Government was more flexible than before and that political leaders grew wiser and wiser.

Those who were pessimistic have pointed out that the government still showed some authoritarian tendencies and that political leadership was not committed to the practice of democracy. They further said that political parties did not have internal democracy and therefore it is not easy to use such parties to build a democratic society. Some even went to the extreme of not observed any signs of democratic transition.

On, a cross-checking question as to whether democracy could fail in Tanzania, only 31.0 per cent said that it would fail, while 54.0 percent were of the view that democracy would not fail. Again the majority who said it would not fail gave similar reasons as on the question of success of democracy. They emphasized the centrality of multi-partism, arguing that no multipartism no democracy. Multi-partism created an opposition to the government and divergence of opinion.

The few who said that democracy would fail had given confusing reasons. Instead of giving reasons that indicated that democracy would fail, they gave reasons which indicated that democracy would succeed. They for instance pointed out that democracy had made people demand for their rights, people w ere enjoying mass democratic participation and
46

that they became democratically mature. Democracy facilities development, and that democracy facilitated the fight against corruption, and that it was due to internal and external pressure.

Whether multi-partism can contribute to the development of democracy, many respondents constituting 69.0 per cent were of the view that it could make a contribution. Only 24.1 percent were of the view that it could not. Those who said it could make a contribution argued that multi-partism was central to democracy. If there was no multipartism there was no democracy. Multi-partism created an opposition to the government, and also created conditions for different views and opinions.

The few who said that multi-partism could not contribute to democracy were of the view that the central problem was the ruling party which was unwilling to allow democratic change and which exercised tendencies of "patrimonialism". They also indicated that party leadership was more for personal gains rather than for democracy. True democracy was not practised.

Views were also expressed as to how multi-partism could be consolidated. At the level of the political parties themselves it has been emphasized that they must exercise democracy within the parties, they must reduce internal conflicts and the number of political parties must be reduced. At the general political level there must be an atmosphere of political tolerance, there must be willingness on the part of the government and the ruling party to allow democratic change, and a new constitution that could protect the interests of the poor should be established. At the level of the economy the economy should be improved, development should be based on the principles of equality, and corruption should be fought against.

On problems experienced by multi-partism in Tanzania respondents were of the view that differences and inequality between CCM and opposition parties, lack of internal democracy, friction and conflicts between leaders and leadership crisis, and lack of political
47

vision were among important problems experienced. It was, however, observed that such problems could be solved through cooperation between leaders, good management of funds, political education, recruiting more members and reducing the number of political parties.

On the contribution of the 1995 multi-party elections to the development of democracy many were of the view that considerable contribution was made as it reduced monopoly of authority concentrated in one political party, and it unified the opposition parties, it increased political awareness of the masses. However, some problems were also experienced through the multi-party elections which included leadership instability, tendencies of discrimination, corruption, lack of political literacy, too many parties participating and tendencies of political apathy by some people.

5.3.2 Civil society, Freedoms of speech and the Press, and Observance of Human Rights On the extent to which the growth and expansion of civil society organizations has contributed to the development of democracy a relatively good number of respondents, 63.2 percent are of the view that it has contributed, while only 21 per cent have said that it has not contributed. Those who say that it has contributed have pointed out that civil society organizations have facilitated the increase of people's political awareness, they have increased freedom of association, they have increased collective participation in processes of decisionmaking, and on the whole they have increased democracy.

The few who think that the growth of the civil society has not make any contrition have argued that the civil society organizations are still weak, some are formed and even affiliated to the government, in other words they are not autonomous, and others are interfered with by political parties. Some are of the view that there is no democracy within the civil society organizations.

Whether the civil society organizations have contributed to the empowerment of the people, the response has been almost the same as that on the contribution of the civil
48

society to democracy. Those who think that civil society organizations have made some contribution to the empowerment constitute 62.1 percent, and those who say they have not constitute 23.0 percent.

Those who viewed civil society organizations as having contributed to the empowerment of the people have pointed out that freedom of association has enabled many people to get organised in associations which empower the people in terms of serving their interests as well as interacting with the government. Civil society organizations have specifically contributed to the empowerment of women who have been able to hold more positions of authority and responsibility. Civil society organizations have also enhanced freedom of speech which is also an element of empowerment. The few who say that civil society organizations have not contributed to people's empowerment have not been able to provide valid reasons.

On whether Tanzania has been able to achieve a relative level of freedom of speech, of the press and observance of human rights, a good percentage of respondents, 69.0 percent were of the view that an achievement has been made while a few, only 17.2 per cent were of the view that no achievement has been made on the levels of achievement. Only 10.5 percent saw that the achievement was high, and only 12.3 percent saw that the achievement was low. The majority, 77.2 percent were of the opinion that the achievement was average.

For those who said that there has been no achievement they have argued that the government has been banning some magazines and newspapers, mainly members of the press are not enjoying freedom of epression, and there has always been friction between some members of the press and the government. Journalists have not been fee to report inhuman events on children and women. Furthermore, the level of government interference on people's freedom of speech and the press is very high, and that people are fearful.

5.3.3 Legal and Constitutional Changes

49

On legal and constitutional issues respondents were made to give their response mainly on the government's implementation of recommendations contained in the Report of the Presidential Commission for One Party or Multi-party system of 1991, commonly known as the Nyalali report. One of the recommendations was that 40 Laws which were regarded as antidemocracy and oppressive had to be repealed or amended. Another recommendation was that the constitution of Tanzania should be re-written so that a new constitution which is in live with multi-partism is worked out.

One question was therefore whether the repeal or abolition of the 40 laws would contribute to the building of democracy in the country. The positive response was relatively lowwith only 54.0 percent of the respondents who thought that that step would contribute to the development of democracy, and 28.7 percent were of the view that it would not contribute.

For those who thought that it would make a contribution pointed out that those laws were against rights of citizens and against democracy, so their repeal would increase citizens rights, human rights and democracy. Furthermore, the repeal would eliminate favouratisrn and discrimination. Those who thought that the step would not make a contribution to the growth of democracy mainly emphasized the fact that even if the laws were repealed the government was not willing to practice democracy.

The general view of respondents was that the pace of implementing the recommendation to repeal 40 laws was low. Persons for such a pace was that the government was unwilling and was not ready to do so. But more important was the fact that the consciousness of the people on the matter was still low and therefore they did not put enough pressure on the government.

On the recommendation to change the constitution most of the respondents, 64.4 per cent were of the view that the government's response was low. Only 3.4 percent and 10.3 percent said it was high and average respectively, These views are realistic in the sense that
50

for the establishment of the policy of multi-partism and even for its implementation the government has only made some amendments of the constitution of 1977. It has virtually been reluctant to make drastic changes of the constitution, despite pressure from the opposition parties, intellectuals and other groups in the society. The pressure has, however, made them introduce a government's White Paper which is debated countrywide.

On whether the government's introduction of the White Paper is an appropriate approach in changing the constitution, the positive response was very low with only 33.3 percent, while the negative response was relatively high with 55.2 percent. Reasons given for the high negative response were that most people in the rural areas were illiterate, so they could not provide objective views. So the involvement of people at grass-root level was unrealistic. Furthermore, the White Paper meant that the government and the Ruling Party just wanted to protect their interests as they did not seek people's ideas first before introducing the White Paper.

Respondents with the negative response further added that right approaches could include educating the people in urban and rural areas on matters of constitutional changes. Another possible approach is just to make use of the educated people, people who have a technical know-how on matters of constitution, and who have a vision.

However, the few people with positive response argued that the White Paper was an appropriate step because it increased people's freedom of expression, it gave chance to many people in different parts of the country to air their views on how to change or amend the constitution, and that the approach was used worldwide. It ensured sufficient participation of the people.

5.3.4 Democracy and Socio-Economic Development and Other Aspects

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One of the most interesting responses has been on the relationship between democracy and development. This relationship has been a matter of long debate by African intellectuals on whether democracy should come first and then facilitate socioeconomic development, or socioeconomic development should come first so that it facilitates the growth democracy. The third alternative is that both should take place at the same time under developmental democratic states (Mkandawire, T., 1995).

The response of the respondents seems to indicate that the process of democratization can greatly contribute to socio-economic development as 75,9 percent were positive. Those who were of the view that it cannot contribute constituted only 9.2 per cent, Reasons given by those who said that it can contribute were that democracy reduced government interference in the economy, it increased public participation, it reduced corruption, it increased equality, and it gave more freedom for development prospects. The few who gave a negative response could not give clear and valid reasons.

As to which type of model of democracy it was very clear that the majority of respondent, preferred people-centred democracy or democracy of the popular masses. Such respondents constituted 79.7 percent. It was only 10.15 percent, and 10.1 percent who preferred liberal democracy and democracy based on African traditions respectively.

Respondents also gave a number of ideas on other important aspects which could facilitate the building of democracy in Tanzania. The ideas constitute aspects such as the nature of government, parliament and election matters, type of leadership and civil society and the people in general.

On the nature of government it has been suggested that the government should be more accountable and that it should be able to abolish corruption. Furthermore, the government should be a coalition government so that it incorporates members from opposition parties. On leadership it has been suggested that there is need to ensure that leadership in the government is committed to the building of democracy and that care
52

should be taken not to include too many new leaders with less experience. The President should have less powers.

On parliament and election matters it has been suggested that private individuals should be allowed to stand for parliamentary elections, and that institutions should also be represented in parliament. Election results should be respected, and that when appointing ministers they should not be appointed from among parliamentarians. They should be appointed from among people with high qualifications, expertise and sufficient experience on governance.

TABLE IV: VARIOUS ASPECTS RELATED TO THE DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS IN TANZANIA LEVEL OF DEMOCRATIZATION PRCESS PERCENTAGES OF RESPONSES CONTRIBUTION IN TERMS OF YES % NO% NO VALID YES RESPONSE % HIGH (65 79%) 1. Whether Democracy can 69.9 23.0 8.0 contribute to socio-economic development 2. Whether Democratization 69.0 17.2 13.8 Process will succeed 3. whether Multi-partism has 69.0 24.1 6.9 Contributed to Success of Democracy 4. whether Achievement of 75.9 9.2 15.9 Freedom of Speech, Press and Human Rights Made MEDIUM (50 5. Contribution of Expansion of 63.2 21.8 14.9 64%) Civil society to Democratization 6. Contribution of Civil Society 62.1 23.0 14.9 to empowerment of People 7. Contribution of the Repeal 54.0 17.2 28.7 of 40 laws to Democratization LOW (30 - 49%) 8. Whether the introduction of 33.3 55.2 11.5 the White Paper is Appropriate 9. whether Democratization 31.0 54.0 14.9 Process will fail Source: Data Analysis Document

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TABLE V: LEVELS OF ASPECTS CONCERNED WITH THE DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS ACCORDING TO RESPONSE OF RESDENTS
ASPECT CONCERNED WITH DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS LEVEL OF RESPONSE OF RESPONDENTS HIGH % AVERAGE LOW % % 1.4 89.2 9.5 6.9 50.6 8.0 3.4 10.3 64.4 NONE % 34.5 21.8

1. Level Of Autonomy Of Civil Society Organizations 2. Level of Achievement of Freedoms of Speech, of the Press and Observance of Human Rights 3. Level of Governments Response to the Presidents Commission (Nyalali Commission) Recommendations on 40 Laws Repealed and Change of Constitutions 4. Level of Governments Pace in Implementing the Presidential Commotion Recommendation on Repealing 40 Laws.

1.6

11.5

67.21

19.7

Source: Data analysis Document

On the civil society and the people in general a number of suggestions have been made in order to ensure the growth of democracy. One of the suggestions is that civil society organizations should be left with increased autonomy. Other suggestions include the necessity to avoid racial ethnic and religious discrimination between the people, there must be respect of human rights, and that the people should be provided with education for democracy.

6.

CONCLUDING REMARKS This report has attempted to present research findings on three main issues of vital

importance for the development of Tanzania and her people. This issues include peace, conflicts and democracy.

On peace an effort has been made to provide an explanation as to why Tanzania has experienced relative state of peace since independence compared to other countries of the Great Lakes Region and Africa in general. It is hoped that a clear understanding of the factors for peace, both historical and current can be a very useful instrument to ensure that such peace is sustained.

On conflicts an attempt has also been made to show that despite the relative state of peace some conflicts have occurred since independence, though not of high magnitude as has been the case in some other countries. As a matter of even greater importance is the fact that an identification of possible factors that could lead into emergence and growth of
55

conflicts in future has been made. Such an identification is necessary in order to ensure processes of conflict management and conflict prevention.

On the democratization process a historical development of the process during the past ten years has been presented, but of even greater importance is the fact that various aspects that can ensure consolidation and sustainability of the process of democratic transition have been discussed. Various views of the people as to how the process should be carried out have been presented.

As a matter of greater significance is the necessity to underscore the interrelationship between peace, conflicts and democratization in a country like Tanzania. Tanzania needs success in her endeavors to build a democratic society that can ensure socio-economic development for the welfare and good standard of living of her people. Building a democratic society can only be achieved under conditions of peace, and peace can only be sustained under conditions of democracy.

On the other hand, in order to ensure that peace is sustained and democracy is developed, it is necessary to resolve and prevent conflicts. Given the current situation prevailing in Tanzania, the question of conflict prevention is more important than conflict resolution. But since the state of conflicts is prevailing in some of Tanzania's neighbouring countries, the country is also involved in processes of conflict resolution. This arises out of the fact that real peace in Tanzania can only be sustained if such peace also exists in the neighbouring countries. The democratization process is by itself an important instrument of conflict resolution and conflict management.

The report has also revealed two important aspects in building democracy in Tanzania, these include the relationship between democracy and socio-economic development and the model of democracy to be constructed. Democracy has been viewed as a necessary tool for socio-economic development. In fact we would like to

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emphasize the fact that democracy and development should go together, and re-enforce each other.

On the model of democracy views have emphasized the need to build or develop a people-centred model or democracy of the popular masses. Tendencies of democratic transitions in Tanzania and in Africa are such that liberal democracy appears to be more dominant. This is due to the ideology of globalization emphasized by capitalist powers whose dominant model of democracy is liberal democracy. This means that development of peoplecentred or democracy of the popular masses model is a matter of struggles. But such struggles should ensure the inclusion of positive elements of liberal democracy within the context of people-centred democracy.

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