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C. Riley Aug, Ph.D. Cultural Heritage Studies and Historical Archaeology Student, U of Montana Montana Archaeological Society Conference, Billings, MT April 18-20, 2008 (A variation of this paper is scheduled to be presented at the Montana Historical Societys Conference Oct 16-18, 2008)

The Archaeology of Folk Belief on the Western Frontier The western frontier, including Montana, comprised a heterogeneous assemblage of peoples from numerous and varied heritages. As they spread across the landscape searching for new life opportunities and places to settle, they brought with them not only material goods to establish their households, but also deeply engrained and complex cultural traditions informed by centuries old traditional belief systems and world views. Every known culture has beliefs concerning ideas of the supernatural and magic. Those settling the vast open spaces of the West during the 19th and early 20th centuries, while appearing hardy and pragmatic to 21st century eyes, were no different. They still maintained and practiced traditional lifeways that would have included some element of supernatural and magical belief. Only recently have historical archaeologists in the United States begun to consider the implications for evidence of magical expressions in the archaeological record. To date this research has been focused primarily on colonial, African-American, and to a lesser degree on overseas Chinese sites. However, this paper will discuss a recent find from a Euroamerican site in Montana that challenges current historical archaeological theory and methodology employed in the excavation and interpretation of ritual magic in household contexts both in the frontier west as well as across the United States. To better comprehend the topic of folk belief and its study, this presentation will briefly discuss obstacles that inhibit research and the ideological threshold framework that underlies

much folk belief. Additionally, it will look at examples from two Western archaeological projects before discussing the current Montana site study. And finally, it will conclude with some archaeological research areas that would be enhanced by an integrated consideration of folk beliefs. Research Obstacles Virtually all historical archaeological work concerning Euroamerican peoples implicitly assumes homogeneity of belief, values, and behaviors. In reality, not only did every national and ethnic group have their own traditional corpus, but local and regional groups within each of these larger entities also held and practiced distinct folk beliefs. Montana, like the rest of the frontier west, was home to a variety of native and emigrant groups that included among others several native peoples, Irish, Scottish, English, Swedish, Finnish, Chinese, Japanese, Korean, French, Russian, Italian, German, and Dutch. In order to correctly interpret the archaeological record it is imperative that the appropriate belief systems be attributed to each group. Related to this homogenous grouping of Euroamericans, is the assumption that superstition and magical beliefs are only practiced by the exotic other. For American historical archaeology this means almost exclusively indigenous peoples, African Americans, and Chinese. Consequently, such practices in Euroamerican contexts are assumed to indicate the presence of one of these other groups or are misinterpreted as merely lost or discarded items. American historical archaeologists are primarily concerned with pragmatic research questions concerned with world systems theories of colonization, economics, and industry. This focus generally precludes or marginalizes consideration of ritualistic and magico-religious behaviors as important components of cultural identity marking and maintenance. Also, it

appears archaeologists generally lack knowledge and understanding of folk beliefs as a significant motivator behind other behaviors. Another obstacle is the often secret and private nature of supernatural beliefs and practices. Some are, of course, visible to the public, like the horseshoe over the door; however, a great many entail the concealment of highly ritualized, symbolic, and complex objects. Part of their power comes from their secret and hidden deposition for the personal empowerment of individuals or households. Often they are concealed in roofs, rafters, walls, and chimneys, which may not survive as archaeological features or, if intact, would not necessarily be removed or excavated. While it is true that many of these artifacts are secreted in unusual places and combinations, this is not always the case. When objects do not appear anomalous either in composition or deposition, they are virtually always interpreted as pragmatic and mundane. However, researchers John Peterson (2005), Amy Gazin-Schwartz (2001), and William Walker (1995) all emphasize that seemingly mundane objects and contexts can be evidence of magical practice. Although it is important to consider the folk beliefs of the particular group under study, it is also necessary to understand that through culture contact or changing conditions, folk beliefs and their material manifestations do change. Without consideration of how innovative or hybridized forms might appear, archaeologists are at a danger of disassociating or misinterpreting those artifacts. Finally, even in the 21st century some people retain a fear of objects associated with superstition and will intentionally destroy suspected artifacts or deny or conceal any knowledge of such discoveries.

Threshold Frameworks To understand supernatural and magic folk belief necessitates understanding the conceptual ideology of threshold spaces. Novelist Gnter Grass (1964:130) captured the universal attribution of supernatural forces with thresholds when he wrote, as everyone should know, a doorway is the favorite dwelling place of evil. Thresholds are conceived as both physical and intangible, as both literal and metaphorical. The physical boundaries of buildings and properties were often perceived as the literal and metaphorical liminal thresholds between the realms of living/dead; material/spirit; public/private; decent/indecent; sacred/profane; single/married; insiders/outsiders; male/female; and danger/security. Because the physical liminal spaces represented the points most vulnerable to permeability, they were most likely to be reinforced through the application of magically empowered objects and rituals. In order for the objects to be efficacious in the realm of the supernatural they, too, needed to cross the threshold from the material, land of the living to the spirit world of the dead. Thus, the objects were usually either beyond their usefulness or were ritually killed by being intentionally damaged in some way to transition across to the otherworld. Such worn out or broken artifacts are often mistakenly interpreted in the archaeological record as rubbish because they appear commonplace. Western Case Studies To briefly illustrate typical examples of folk belief practices in western frontier contexts and the lack of attention accorded such discoveries, we will look at finds from La Purisima Mission, California, 1817 c. and the Boston Saloon, Virginia City, Nevada, 1873 c. James Deetz excavated an Indian neophyte barracks at La Purisima Mission in 1962 and discovered a unique artifact assemblage in the corner of one of the rooms that included four

porcelain vessels and five wine bottleslimited to a space of approximately one cubic foot.They seem to have been buried intentionally, but for what purpose it is difficult to ascertain.The lime plaster coating of the upper floor was unbroken, indicating a deposition either at the time of building up the floor or a later intentional burial of the objects and careful repair of the lime plaster. Although this assemblage was certainly anomalous and intriguing, Deetz did not even accord it enough importance to label it on the site map, even though every other excavated object, no matter how miniscule, was labeled. There has been no further study of this discovery, and it likely represents scores of such artifacts from hundreds of sites that are virtually lost in site reports. The Boston Saloon, a 19th century African American owned and operated saloon in Virginia City, Nevada offered up a small assemblage of three perforated coins (a common item and associated mode of ritual killing) and a small, fully articulated mammal skeleton buried under the floor. Although Dixon (2005) discusses more fully the likelihood that this assemblage indicates belief in ethnic-based magical folk belief, she did not photograph or regard the skeleton as potentially part of the assemblage. She later voiced regret at this lack of documentation (personal communication 2007). Recently, I was contacted in regards to an unusual discovery of two mirrors concealed in a small space between the roof and attic of a late 19th or early 20th century homestead outside Darby, Montana. Rather than being the last explanation sought, I am approaching this discovery first from the perspective of folk belief. As such, my research entails genealogical research into the owners and their cultural heritage to ascertain what traditional beliefs they may have held concerning concealed objects in general, and mirrors in particular. I am also researching environmental, health, economic, and socio-political events of the time associated with the

buildings construction and use to determine if there were conditions that may have prompted the application of supernatural folk remedies. Unfortunately, the building was in the process of demolition when these mirrors were recovered. The present owner described to me how when he was pulling off the roof, he saw a bright glint in the SW corner. He was able to remove the two large mirrors from a specially constructed false wall in the attic through the hole in the roof he had just made. This attic area was otherwise inaccessible having no windows, door, or other egress points. The complete inaccessibility of the mirrors indicates they were intentionally placed there with no objective for later retrieval. The two mirrors are undamaged, so do not bear obvious evidence of ritual killing. The larger of the two had its frame intact and attached. The pivot hardware on the frames back signifies that this mirror was part of a dresser. Preliminary examination suggests these mirrors date to the turn of the 20th century based on their silvered backing, plate glass thickness, and the frame hardware. Further analysis is in progress to more firmly establish their dating. By the late 18th century, mirrors were a ubiquitous decorative element found in the wealthiest homes of America. Even though mirrors were associated with wealth and prestige, the mysterious character of mirrors was acknowledged as something that may appeal to indigenous people, so miniature mirrors (approx. 2 x 3) of very poor quality were manufactured specifically as fur-trade wampum and stocked in frontier trading posts (Roenke 1977). Evidence of these mirrors has been recovered from Native Indian graves in the Pacific Northwest (Roenke 1977:111). The availability of mirrors in the late 19th century helped to establish mirrors as valued symbol of Victorian gentility in the United States (Cabot 1963; Comstock 1968; Elville 1961; Hayes 1970; Schweig 1973). They were available in a wide range of sizes and styles including hand-held personal mirrors, pier and mantle mirrors, and furniture

components and distributed extensively through mail order companies like Sears Roebuck (Israel 1971; Sears Roebuck 1897, 1902, 1911). Even though mirrors were becoming more affordable at the turn of the 20th century, they were still a valued luxury item as even the most common dresser or wall mirror cost on average the equivalent of one to three days wages. At a time when 30 to 50 percent of Americans were considered to be living at poverty levels and attempting to raise families that averaged eight members, expending resources on mirrors would indicate consumers highly valued them (Greyhouse 2008). If mirrors were so valued, why were these two mirrors enigmatically secreted in a homestead attic from which they could not practically be removed? This is a particularly important find for two reasons: first, it adds to the limited number of known examples of potential folk belief on the western frontier and will provide the focus for further study of folk magic in archaeological contexts; and second, it is the first known example of concealed mirrors in the United States or elsewhere. Mirrors and the Supernatural Virtually every known culture relates shiny, reflective surfaces with supernatural forces. (Gonzlez-Wippler 2003; Paine 2004; Thompson [1932] 1995). Walker cautions researchers that: referring to something as supernatural in not to call it unreal or untrueon the contrary.For some the supernatural is a part of life, and supernatural experiences are not only considered normal but, in some instances, are expected to occur, with personal attitudes and behaviors shaped and acted out on the basis of those expectations. (1995:2).

Thus, when considering the widespread association of mirrors with supernatural power, it is necessary to situate those beliefs and practices within the cultural context where the mirrors occur to begin to interpret their role in a broader cultural construct. According to Paine (2004:70), Every material used [as an amulet] has some inherent quality that empowers the amulet itself. Most are of universal application, while others may be specific to certain cultures. For mirrors this inherent quality is that of reflection and confrontation. This is considered the most efficacious counteragent quality against the evil eye and is noted from pre-Christian times to the present throughout the Middle East, Asia Minor, the Mediterranean, Eastern Europe, and the British Isles (Dundes 1992; Elworthy 1989; GonzlezWippler 2003; Paine 2004; Thompson [1932] 1995). Additionally, the idea of reflecting and confronting ones own soul or the soul of another in a mirror reveals the widespread belief throughout Britain and American that mirrors function as a portal between the corporeal and spiritual worlds. For this reason mirrors are covered or removed from rooms of the recently deceased or the ill. Other accounts (Thompson [1932] 1995) discuss how mirrors can reflect the future as scrying devices. Often they are called upon through a variety of administrations (e.g, putting mirror under pillow or peering into mirror by candlelight (Hohman [1819] 2008; Milne 2008; Thompson [1932] 1995)) to reflect the image of a future spouse, a thief, or one marked for death. Probably the most well-known belief ascribed to mirrors is the attendant bad luck that will ensue if a mirror is broken. The usual period of ill fortune will last seven years. This belief is again related to the mirrors position as a liminal threshold between spiritual and material worlds. If the mirror can reflect or contain ones soul, then injury to the mirror constitutes injury to the soul.

A mirrors power to repeal or avert malignant forces (e.g. the evil eye, witches, demons, or fairies) works in two ways. The first belief entails the notion that when evil looks upon itself, its malignance will be reflected back and, thus, it self-destructs. The second idea, espouses the belief that evil becomes so enamored or mesmerized with the mirrors reflective flash and sparkle that its attention is drawn away from its intended victim and its power diminished (Dundes 1992; Elworthy 1989; Gonzlez-Wippler 2003; Paine 2004). Although mirrors are intimately connected with belief in the supernatural, they are predominately used in contexts where their reflective and shiny qualities are visible: they are sewn into clothing, attached to house exteriors, hung from trees in cemeteries, and worn like jewelry. Occasionally they are concealed under pillows or buried in graves (Dundes 1992; Elworthy 1989; Gonzlez-Wippler 2003; Hohman [1819] 2008; Milne 2008; Paine 2004; Roenke 1977; Thompson [1932] 1995). It is highly unusual for mirrors to be concealed in inaccessible spaces within buildings such as those discovered at the Darby homesteadat least no such deposition has ever been recorded in literature on mirrors or apotropaic material. So what benefit is the study of folk beliefs? Among others, recognizing evidence of folk belief in the archaeological record can generate research questions about the gendered use of folk magic as a way to negotiate personal empowerment and identity, an area that has yet to be considered for any historical period or place. It can provide a way to trace diachronic adaptation or change under culture contact or other conditional variants and, thus, provide a better view of what types of conditions influence the utilization or abandonment of traditional beliefs. We can also discern processes of cultural creolization and cultural identity maintenance through the hybridization or retention of ethnically distinct beliefs and practices. Additionally, looking for the ideologies underlying peoples actions will provide archaeologists with a theoretical shift that

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encourages a more comprehensive picture of past lifeways. Finally, this theoretical shift should lead to methodological changes in the recognition, documentation, classification, and historical research of artifacts, thereby increasing the recoverability of folk belief related artifacts. Montana, with its rich ethnic mosaic, offers an especially fertile, but virtually unstudied, area to research the role traditional beliefs played in demarcating and negotiating the liminal thresholds of frontier experience.

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