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Segmentary State Formation and the Ritual Control of Water under the Incas Author(s): Peter Gose Reviewed work(s): Source: Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 35, No. 3 (Jul., 1993), pp. 480-514 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/179143 . Accessed: 26/11/2011 00:46
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Segmentary State Formation and the Ritual Control of Water Under the Incas
PETER GOSE Universityof Lethbridge There is a strangeand unacknowledgedparadoxin the historiography the of Incas. On the one hand, few would deny thattheirswas a typically theocratic archaicstate, a divine kingship in which the Inca was thoughtto.be the son of the Sun. On the other hand, the standarddescriptionsof Inca political structurebarelymentionreligion and seem to assume a formalseparationbetween state and cult.' I believe that these secularizingaccounts are misguided and of will show in this essay thatthe political structure the pre-Columbian Andes took form primarily around a system of sacred ancestral relics and origin points known generically as huacas. Each huaca defined a level of political organizationthat might nest into units of a higher order or subdivide into smallergroupings.Collectively they formeda segmentaryhierarchythattranscended the boundariesof local ethnic polities and provided the basis for empires like that of the Incas. However, these huacas were also the focus of local kinshiprelationsand agrarian that fertilityrituals. The political structure they articulatedthereforehad a built-in concern for the metaphysicalreproduction of human, animal, and plant life. Political power in the preboundup with attemptsto controlthe flow ColumbianAndes was particularly of water across the frontierof life and death, resultingin no clear distinction between ritual and administration. Since Frazer(1925 [1890]) and Hocart(1970 [1936]), anthropologists have that political power and life-giving myths are commonly linked. recognized Althoughtheir concept of divine kingship could and should be appliedto the Inca case, I will not attemptthathere. Rather,I intendto focus more narrowly on the connection between ritual and administration implicit in the notion of divine kingshipbut little developed outside the African literature (see FeeleyHarik 1985). Thereare two main reasonswhy this affinitybetween ritualand administration not been exploredmore thoroughly.First, it is an anathema has
1 Here I refer primarilyto Espinoza (1978), Moore (1958), and Murra(1958, 1980), although to it is important add thatRostworowski(1983) has begun to rethinkIncapolitical life in the light Andes duringthe last two decades. of what we have learnedabout religion in the pre-Columbian

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to the rationalismand evolutionismthat have continuedto characterize political anthropologysince the days of Frazerand Hocart. These authorssaw the origins of the state in a long period of magically inspiredritualassociationfor the common good, out of which the secularadministration the moder state of Howevereven an evolutionarylinkagebetween ritualand ultimatelyemerged. rational administrationhas proved too close for the comfort of subsequent theorists. Only recently have anthropologistsdirectly challenged the applicability of rationalchoice models to politics in westernelectoraldemocracies by arguingthat they are just as dependenton ritual as any archaicstate (see Kertzer 1988). Second, ritual and administrationhave not often been connected because a transcendentalbias, which takes ritual as a subspecies of religion, and religion as world renunciation,pervadesmost academic studies of religion. Thus, for example, when Geertz (1980) depicts the "theater state" of nineteenth-centuryBali as an organizationprimarilydedicated to staging royal rituals, he feels obliged to contrast his semiotic approachto more traditionalconcerns with power and administration,as if the two were necessarily opposed. In contrast, I aim here to show how religious notions and political power helped to create a cultural sense of what administration were. I the Although I will demonstrate ritualbasis of Inca administration, readily admitthatthere are limits to any purelyreligious explanationof Inca imperialism. As Conrad (1981) argues, the fact that each ruler founded a separate corporatedescent group or panaca, and therefore did not inherit an estate fromhis successor, createdpressurefor the constantexpansionof the tributary base on which each succeeding royal estate could be founded. But since these existed primarilyto worship their foundingsovereign, therewas corporations a religious basis for the economic pressuresthey generated(Conrad1981: 17, 22). The religious dimension of Inca imperialismthereforecannot be treated as a mere legitimation of underlyingeconomic motives. Probablythe Incas (and their peculiarinheritancesystem) emerged undera religious regime that had already articulatedan imperialistpolitical project that many polities besides the Inca were eager to fulfill. By focusing on religion, then, I do not intend to deny that the Inca state was an instrumentof class rule and social controlon a scale withoutprecedentin the Andeanregion. The point is simply that the state power of the Inca was not an end in itself but rathera means of realizing a metaphysicalcontrol that was the common aspirationof most of the fragmentedpolitical units that existed before the empire was formed. One central metaphysicalissue motivating the rise of the Inca empire and embodied in its political structurewas how to control a complex cycle that linked death and the regenerationof life in Andean thought. Here human deathwas thoughtto create sources of waterthatlay outside the boundariesof the local political unit, such as Lake Titicaca and the Pacific Ocean. These sources had to be coaxed or coerced into sending waterback to the local level

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for agricultural purposes. If these distant places could be subject to imperial control, then the complex cycle linking humandeathand agricultural fertility might be directly administered.As Zuidema (1978: 134) puts it: withinan ever-expanding The mountains the horizonwereorganized on geographic of of became political a to concept hierarchy morepotentsources water.Thehorizon of to the statewhichwanted controlthe availability water.Snow-capped mountains, lakeswereconsidered the source as of thosealongthecoast,andmountain especially concernand the waterof the formerwas believedto be riversof moreimmediate the and earth.Evenmilitary fromtheoceanthatsurrounded supported known derived wereseen in termsof this ideology. andeconomic expansion In this essay I hope to develop these perceptive observations into a more systematic argumentby reconstructingthe ideological context in which control over water became a matterof such political concern. That this need to control water was not strictly functional becomes clear when we turnto the ecological and administrative facts concerningirrigation in the Andean area. Here a sharp dichotomy exists between coastal and highlandsituations. The coastal situationis close to the classic preconditions of the Wittfogel hypothesis: a climate with virtually no rainfall and large involving extenpopulationsdependenton an intensively irrigatedagriculture sive canal systems sometimes linked major valleys together (Kosok 1965; Ortloff et al. 1982; Eling 1986). It was long assumed that centralizedstates administeredthese systems, and that this task may have included military control of the highland watersheds of the rivers that fed them. However, Netherly's work on the northernPeruviancoast suggests that canal administrationremained a largely local matter (1984: 229; cf. Leach 1961). In the highlandsthemselves, local control of irrigationalso prevailed but against a significantly differentnaturalbackground.Here irrigationhas primarilysupplemented naturalrainfall to extend the growing season of maize. In many areas, maize, like potatoes and othertubers, sometimescan be grown entirely on the basis of the availablerainfall. Thus, highlandagricultureis much less dependenton irrigation.Canalsonly rarelyextend morethanten kilometersor serve more than one community, so it has never been necessary for their administrationto be more than the local matterit is today. Nonetheless, an almost obsessive concern for the ritual control of water emerged in this highland context of attenuatedfunctionalnecessity. Because this need to control water was not a compelling naturalnecessity, we should understandit at least in part as a human invention. Over three millennia, Andean societies appearto have developed in ritual the working assumption that they were incapable of controlling water, and hence their agrarianlivelihood, from within their localized political boundaries. This perceivedaquaticdependencyon an uncontrolledperipherymade the regional polities of the Andes susceptible to, even complicit in, grandiose imperial

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projects like that of the Inca. In this way, agrarianritualhelped generatethe massive military and administrativeproject that was the Inca state.
PRE-COLUMBIAN POLITICAL STRUCTURE IN THE ANDES

The Inca empire fully exemplified our modem notion of the state as a governing and administrative organ that directedand regulatedthe workingsof civil from a position of partial autonomy. As an institution that arose society throughacts and threatsof conquest, the Inca state antagonisticallydifferentiated itself from the rest of Andean society as a rulingentity that could impose its will on a subject population. However, this standardview of the state begins to change when we look into the details of its bureaucratic organization, and discover how the entire edifice was shaped and motivatedby agrarian ritual. Perhaps the most obvious manifestation of the Inca state as a distinct administrative body was the vast communicationsystem of roads, inns, and fortressesit constructedthroughoutthe empire. The restrictionsthatthe Incas placed on civilian travel show thatthey intendedto have this system facilitate affairsof state in the provincesby allowing the rapidtransmissionof information over long distances, and the movementof armies, tributaries,andtribute. These road systems served as a jumping-off point for an even more minute and pervasive gathering of census informationabout the local level by the Inca state by taking censuses, which were the basis on which the empire assessed tributaryobligations. Such censuses and obligations were recorded in the multiple strandsof knotted wool that made up the quipu, the encoding anddecoding of which were an important specialist task and the Inca administration'sprimarymeans of informationstorage. The tributesystem served by this infrastructure represented was throughthe so-called decimal system, by which the populationwas organizedon the basis of tribute-payinghouseholds into nesting units of 50, 100, 500, 1,000, 10,000, and 40,000. A curaca or elder oversaw each of these various units and was responsible for ensuring that they carriedout tributaryduties. The vast majorityof these curacas were apparentlydescendantsof the local lords who had ruled over autonomous ethnic polities prior to the Inca conquest, which have been characterizedas chiefdoms or kingdoms. The fundamental social division within them was between a ruled peasantryand a hierarchyof rulers with such titles as apu (lord), huamani (falcon), and mallku (condor). Moore (1958) convincingly arguesthat these rulerswere a landedaristocracy, whose political functionswere intimatelyboundup with their landholdings, a situation in which propertyand sovereignty were tightly fused. Within this rulinggroup, relationsof overlappingsovereigntyprevailedand affectedsuch mattersas the allocation of labortributeprovidedby the peasantry.After they were conquered by the Inca, these ethnic lords joined the imperial bureau-

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cracy as curacas, where they exercised many of the same administrative functions as they had when their provinces were still autonomouspolities. The hereditarynature of these positions and their continuity from pre-Inca times has led both Murra (1958: 31) and Moore (1958: 63) to dismiss the and decimal system as little more than a wishful attemptto standardize ratiostructuresof the ethnic polities. The very fact nalize preexisting segmentary that subsequentresearch, beginning with Zuidema (1964), has reconstructed non-decimalforms of local organizationfrom the historical record suggests that Moore and Murrawere largely correct in arguingthat the Incas simply used and reinforced the administrativestructuresthat they found in place. Reportsthatthe decimal system was not instituteduntil the reign of TopaInca furtherreinforcethe idea that it was a late and superficialdevelopment(Murua 1987 [1613]: 95). There is, however, limited evidence to suggest that the Incas actually did attemptto reorganizelocal populationsto fit the decimal model (Julien 1988). The fact that the Inca appointedgovernorsto supervise and coordinatethe tributesystem at levels superiorto those administeredby these ethnic lords suggests that this state was not wholly content to pursue a non-interventionist policy of indirectrule in the provinces. The most common non-decimal form of organizationfound in the ethnic into two halves labelledupper(hanan) polities was a division of theirterritory and lower (hurin). These divisions could exist at a level as minimal as the moieties of a hamlet or expand to encompass the relationbetween mountain peoples and coastal peoples within the Andean area as a whole (Zuidema 1962: 161). Because this dualist schema could be appliedat variousorganizational levels, it should be understood as a generative principle, in which political organizationarose from a process of balancedopposition at increasingly higher levels, creating a segmentary hierarchyof units. While symmetric in one sense, these divisions were hierarchicalin another, since the representativesof the upper group outranked their lower counterpartson ceremonial occasions (Matienzo 1967 [1567]: 20; Cobo 1956 [1653]: 112). the Furthermore, curaca of the upper group would often act as the political representativeof both groups considered as a unity (Matienzo 1967 [1567]: 20-1; Netherly 1984: 231), that is, at a higher segmentarylevel. Here the curaca of the lower subdivision would serve as the helper (yanapaque) or replacement(ranti) of the uppersubdivision'scuracawithin the largerpolitical unit. However, within their own respective moieties, each would have theirown helperor replacement,as Rostworowskihas shown (1983: ch. 5). If Andes, diarchywas the prevailingform of governmentin the pre-Columbian .as suggested by Zuidema (1964: 127), Duviols (1979a) and Rostworowski (1983: chs. 5-6), we must nonetheless recognize its lopsided character.Behind the appearanceof dual power lay a more familiar patternof delegated power and hierarchy. orA less-common, but equally hierarchical,patternof politico-territorial

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ganizationwas tripartite.Here the ethnic polity would be composed of three territorialsubdivisions, their names denoting their respective ranks:superior (collana), mid-point(chawpi, taypi or payan) and inferior(callao). Examples of this sort of organizationcould be found in the ethnic polities aroundthe continental divide in what is now southern Peru, such as the Collaguas, Aymaraes,2Lucanas, Andamarcas,and Soras (Zuidema 1964: 81-2, 115-8; Earls 1979: 78). The ruler of the polity as a whole was the highest ranking curaca of the superior division. However, his replacementwas the highest rankingcuraca of the inferior, not the mid-point, division (Zuidema 1964: 82). In this way, tripartitepolities maintainedthe asymmetricduality of high and low described above. Conversely, even dualistic polities organizedtheir armies along tripartitelines (see Rostworowski 1983: 115). Such dual and tripartiteforms of organizationwere probablymore authentic expressions of local Andean administrativeprinciplesthan the Inca decimal system. Yet five- and ten-partterritorial organizationswere also common in the area aroundCuzco and might have derivedfrom these simplerdual and tripartitestructures,as Zuidema suggests (1964: ch. 8). From these political structures,it is only a small leap to the decimal system, so it is probably a mistaketo draw any radicalcontrastbetween decimal and non-decimalforms of organization.Beyond a certain numerologicalformality,what both had in common was a hierarchical,segmentarycharacter,a structural relativitythat allowed for collecting tributeand carryingout administrative tasks at a variety of organizationallevels. Local organizationin the pre-Columbian Andes was hierarchical:The asymmetry between upper and lower groups at any one segmentarylevel already implied the immanenceof the next ascending level of the system. Structuralrelativity was a fundamentaltrait of this sort of organization, and within it no absolute opposition between the central and local was possible. Consequently,neitherof the extremepositions on the Inca empire are tenable: It was more than a superficialoverlay on the preexisting forms of local organization;but it did not attack the working principles of local societies proposed in the evolutionist scenario by Sil"kinship-based" verblatt (1988) and Stern (1982). Some intergradingof local and imperial political organizationis hardlysurprising,but it does challenge the notion that the state as an organ needs to separateitself radically from civil society in orderto govern. What has given so many commentatorsthe impression that there was a clean, formal break between the state and civil society in the pre-Columbian Andes, ratherthan a segmentarygradationof the one into the other?The most likely sources of this misconception are the blueprintsfor colonial govern2 Zuidema mistakenly interpretsAymaraes as a four-partsystem by treating the town of Yanacaas a territorialdivision comparableto Collana, Taypi, and Callao Aymaraes (1964:81, 99). This error could easily have been avoided if Zuidema had used pp. 1073-4 of Guaman Poma's chronicle to interpretthe passage on p. 154.

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ment written by such authoritiesas Matienzo (1967 [1567]: I, ch. 15) and Polo (1916 [1571]), which assume a tripartite division in pre-Columbian times between lands of the Inca, those of the Sun, and those of the local community (ayllu). Without actually stating or arguing the point, these accounts imply that underthe Incas, state, cult, and communityexisted as formally distinct and autonomousinstitutions, each with the lands, rents, and incomes appropriate to its existence as a juridically separate entity. But in fact Spanish common law and land tenure recognized state, church, and community as distinctcorporateentities which therebyembodiedsecularprinciples.No such patternis described by such chroniclers as Betanzos and Cieza, who wrote while the Spanishstill practicedindirectrule throughthe curacasand were not yet contemplating the administrative reform of Andean society. Indeed, Moore (1958) and Rostworowski(1962) have shown that Andeanland tenure had very little relationto this tripartite pattern.Rather,we must suspectthatas the Spaniardspreparedto directly impose their institutionalforms on Andean society, some found it convenient or necessary to project the kind of social organization they wished to createback onto the Inca past.3In any case, state, and community were not separate institutions in the pre-Columbian cult, Andes, nor do they appearto have been conceptuallydistinguishedby Andean people after more than a century of Spanish colonialism. A fascinatingglimpse into seventeenth-century Andean land tenurecan be found in the Cajatambodocuments that Duviols recently published (1986). of Here we find Noboa, an extirpator idolatry,repeatedlyaccusingthe natives of tryingto hide cult lands from him on the pretextthat they are nothingmore than comunidades y sap,is. However, much of the evidence he provided suggests that the natives may not have operated with any clear distinction between cult, community, and curaca land. This becomes particularlyclear with regardto a certainfield called Vintinin the town of Mangas. One witness identifies the field as belonging to the curaca, anotheras mainly for the idols but sown in part by the curacas for their own benefit, and yet anotheras for the curaca but also for the idols when the curaca keeps them. A fourth identifies the field as community land administeredby the curacafor paying tax (Duviols 1986: 373-9). Eitherwe join Noboa in assumingthatthe natives were doing a badjob of lying here, or we must considerthe possibility thathe was forcing them to account for their land tenure system through social categories that did not apply. I suspect the latter. The Cajatambodocuments show that the ayllus of the area were not only secular but also ceremonial communal institutions. Each ayllu performedits own confessions, purifications, sacrifices and libationsfor its ancestralmummiesduringthe two major ritualsof the year, the first before planting (pocoimita) and the second after
3 Note that this observation does not who did not apply to Sarmiento, an historiographer attributeSpanish institutionalmorphology to Andean society despite his intimate involvement with the Toledo reforms.

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the harvest(caruamita).4Nearly all of the religious specialists who organized these events were recruitedon the basis of an ayllu.5 In short, the ayllu was the dominantorganizationalform of the local cults, which is probablywhy Noboa's witnesses could not give a clear account of whether certain fields belonged to the community, its leaders, or to the idols. Noboa's attempt to distinguish between the ayllu's political authorities (curacas, principales, camachicos) and its so-called ministers of idolatry turnedout to be equally illusory. No formal separationof political and religious duties appearsto have existed among them, and most appearto have carriedout both of the functions that Noboa presumedto have been separate. For example, the camachicos were in chargeof collecting sacrificialcontributions from the ayllu, just as they collected labor tribute.6Some accountants (quipu camayocs), who accompanied the camachicos on their rounds and made note of the contributionsthey collected, also turnedout to be the priests who presided over the sacrifices which followed (Duviols 1986: 374, 381). Althoughthe camachicosregularlyexhortedtheirpeople to obey the ministers of idolatryduringimportant rituals,7this does not mean thatthey did not have ritual duties themselves. They ordered the removal of cadavers from the sepulcher of the church to traditionalcave burial sites (Duviols 1986: 62), designatedchildrento serve the ancestraldeities of their ayllu (Duviols 1986: 71, 74), and organized communal work on fields associated with ancestral mummies(Duviols 1986: 80). Finally, Herando Hacas Poma, the most powerful priest in the area, came from the ruling upper division, and had an (segundapersona), as did importantsecularrulers(Duviols 1986: understudy 141-2). AnEven the dual political and territorialstructuresof the pre-Columbian des were fully integrated into local principles of community and religious organization. Throughoutthe Andean highlands, people commonly associated the division between upperand lower groupswith the distinctionbetween rulersand ruled and the division of laborbetween herdersand agriculturalists. In the Cajatambodocuments, tillers were known as huari, after the tutelary ancestorsin agriculture,and herdersas llacuaz, after a preferred techniqueof sacrificing camelids (Duviols 1986: 500). The llacuaces were said to be foreign conquerorswho arrived more recently from Lake Titicaca, but the huariswere representedas conqueredindigenouspeople,8 skilled in the artsof
See Duviols (1986: 53, 55-6, 60, 79, 144-5, 156-7, 169, 179, 280, 344). 5 See Duviols (1986: 55, 146-7, 165, 175, 207, 209, 216, 275-6, 285, 341, 346, 487-8, 489, 490-1, 492, 493-4, 495, 496, 498). 6 See Duviols (1986: 232, 234, 240, 244-5, 466). 7 See Duviols (1986: 125-6, 178, 191, 199, 221, 226-8, 276-7). 8 See Arriaga (1968 [1621]: 24, 117-8) and Duviols (1986: 11, 52, 55, 59, 60, 94, 120). There are cases, however, where huari mummiesare describedas "los primerosconquistadores y fundadores" a certainlocality (see Duviols 1986: 59, 224, 428), which suggests that conquest of is not exclusively associatedwith llacuaz groups. The historicalmutabilityof these distinctionsis
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civilization, who settled their pastoraloverlordsinto a more sedentaryway of life (Duviols 1986: 120). The historicalvalidity of these traditions,as well as the degree to which all members of each group actually engaged in their nominal occupation, may be dubious. Rather, the distinction between huari and llacuaz operatedas a principle of segmentationin local ayllu systems, a more concrete variantof the distinction between upper and lower moieties. Sometimes the two moieties of a minimalayllu segment were distinguishedas both huari and llacuaz,9 whereas others, whole ayllu segments, might be labelled as one or the other.10In every case, the distinction between these and groupsrepresenteda principleof complementarity balance in local social structurethat was a key part of agrarianritual" and could be extended to encompass dual organizationat the maximal level of the ethnic polity. In short, there was no clear institutionaldistinctionamong state, cult, and continuumupon which the communityat the local end of the administrative Inca state rested. Seen from a local perspective, the Inca state had developed as much from the bottom up as it had from the top down. In the following section, I propose to show not only how ancestralshrines called huacas not only lay at the center of local communityand religious organizationbut also how they defined the segmentarypolitical organizationsupon which perched the Inca state. Was this hierarchyof shrines distinct from, parallelto, or just anotherfacet of the administrativestructuresdiscussed above? I will argue that the huacas defined the entire political culturefrom which these administrative forms emerged.
THE HIERARCHY OF HUACAS

Santo Tomasgives the basic meaningof huaca as "templeof idols, or the idol itself" (1951 [1560]: 279). The deities that inhabitedthese shrines and their sacredrelics were indeed localized but not identicalto their primaryembodimentsas the Spanishnotion of idolatrywould suggest. Rather,the deities who lived and spoke throughthese shrines were considered to be ancestors who founded descent groups (ayllus) that in turn sustained the deities through sacrificialofferings. These huacas were describedas runapcdmac(creatorof humanity)(Arriaga1968 [1621]: 213). Young childrenwere taken before the huacas of their ayllu and given ancestralnames in returnfor sacrificialofferwell demonstratedin Noboa's visita to the town of Mangas, where by 1662, the Incas were identifiedwith the lower social groupwho were said to have come from the Pacific. Opposingthe Incas in a mock battle were other men dressed as Spaniards(Duviols 1986: 349-50), who may well have been membersof the upperor llacuaz ruling group. Here the duality of high and low, herderand tiller, ruler and ruled remains constant;but the particularhistorical identity of each group is variable. 9 See Duviols (1986: 202-3, 245, 486-7, 489-90). Note that Hernmndez Principe also describesan ayllu thatwas foundedby a llacuaz ancestorand a wari ancestress(Duviols 1986:495). 10 See Duviols (1986: 52, 59, 89-90, 343, 479-81, 488, 491, 497). 1 See Duviols (1986: 60, 140, 161, 173, 202-3, 278-9, 486).

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ings, a process that establishedor acknowledgedthese relationsof descent.12 Typically these ancestors were dead rulers who in life had conquered new territoriesor expanded the agriculturalfrontierthroughterracingand irrigation (see Duviols 1978a, 1979a). These actions were consideredso exemplary that the ruler who performed them would turn into stone and remain connected to his kingdom as an ancestor-deitywho continued to provide his people with life, agrarianfertility, and oracularadvice about the affairs of state. In short, the huacas were the focus of an ancestor cult that simultaneously defined local community organization and an Andean notion of divine kingship. As exemplary ex-rulers who representedthe areas they had conqueredor colonized, the huacas were nodes of political organizationthat could form largernetworks. Not only did descent connect people to huacas, but it often provided the idiom in which these shrines themselves were ranked in hierarchies.13The result was a segmentary hierarchyof the sort familiar to us from Evans-Pritchard's famous study of the Nuer (1940; cf. Platt 1986: 235in which each mythical ancestordefined a level of socio-political organi6), zationthatmight be furthersubdividedor nested into groupsof greatermagnitude accordingto the genealogical model. As Arriagawrote, "everydivision and ayllu has a principalhuaca" (1968 [1621]: 202). The more we examine these shrines, the clearertheircontribution political segmentationbecomes. to The ayllus thatthese deities defined were not only cultic jurisdictionsbut also units. There was no Andean community separatefrom quasi-administrative religion and political organization. A particularly relevantaspect or sub-categoryof huaca (as a broadgeneric term for shrine or sacred object) was the dawning point (pacarina or pacarisca). This was a mythical site, from which the founding ancestorsof any segmentarylevel of political organizationwere said to have emerged into this world from below ground:"andso they say that some came out of caves, others from mountains, others from springs, others from lakes, and others from the feet of trees."14Exotic and fanciful as these ideas of origin may appear,they did much to define local settlementpatternsand political organization. Most towns of the pre-Columbian Andes were namedafterthe principal huaca of their inhabitants(Avila 1966 [1598]: 264). We know from such of extirpators idolatryas Arriaga(1969 [1621]: 202, 220) and Noboa (Duviols 1986: 423-4) that this multiplicity of origin points at the local level was a major obstacle to Viceroy Toledo's settlement consolidation plan. Further12

210, 396-7, 406, 444, 464, 479-80, 486, 494-9), and Rostworowski (1977: 202-4). 14 See Molina (1916 [1571]: 6), also Albornoz (1967: 20), Betanzos (1987 [1551]: chs. 1-2), Cobo (1956 [1653]: 151), Polo (1916 [1571]: 53-4), SantacruzPachacutiYamqui(1927 [1613]: 145), and Sarmiento(1942 [1572]: 106-7).

13 See Arriaga (1981 [1621]: 231), Avila (1966 [1598]: 141), Duviols (1986: 89, 142, 169,

See Albomoz (1967: 24), and Duviols (1986: 62, 74, 93, 96, 164, 194, 202, 466, 499).

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that more, these origin points collectively formeda hierarchy expressedpolitical organization:"It must be understoodthat no division (parcialidad) of natives was without this guaca paqarisca, no matterhow small or great the division" (Albornoz 1967: 20; cf. Arriaga 1968 [1621]: 219-20). As particular geographicfeaturesrelatedto local settlement, these origin points probably were the most concrete markersof political organizationat the local and regional level. Indeed, they were the only diacritical indicatorsof political divisions of the ethnic organizationat levels lower than the dual and tripartite polity, althoughthese and higher levels of organizationwould also have their origin points. This nesting structureof origin points seems to corresponding have extendeddown to a level as minuteas a householdand its sacredrelics. 5 In short, the system of origin points is probably the most comprehensive in Andes and expressionthatwe have of political structure the pre-Columbian is likely the one most accessible to the average person as well. For these reasons alone the origin points must be taken seriously as a fact of political life in the pre-ColumbianAndes. Because there was potentiallyan origin point or pacarinafor every organizationallevel of the political structure,people could hold multiple and apparently contradictorynotions of where their mythical origins lay (see Duviols 1973: 161-2), a result of their simultaneousmembershipin units of different magnitude.Andeanorigin myths recounthow Viracochacreatedthe founding ancestorsof all highlandpolities from clay or stone at Lake Titicaca, painting in their various ethnic costumes, before sending them on their way via a canals and passageways to the regions and localities networkof underground thatthey were to populate.16 Duringthese subterranean journeysthe ancestors above ground at several significant points, causing each to might emerge become a pacarina(Duviols 1978a: 363). Sometimes these journeysextended to all the way throughthe segmentaryhierarchy,so that it was appropriate a celebratean ancestralvoyage on the sea in an act as localized as rethatching house (Duviols 1986: 336-7, 341-2). Political segmentationcould be understood both in terms of these various ancestraloutcroppingsinto the aboveground world of the living or through the bifurcationof the subterranean passages and waterwaysthatconnectedthem.17Alternatively,some groupsof from Titicaca to were said to have been transported llacuaz ruler-pastoralists the local scene by means of a lightning bolt, not an underground journey. Similarly,the ethnic groupson the westernside of the continentaldivide often described Pachacamac as the creator of humanity and the Pacific as their
'6See Betanzos (1987 [1551]: chs. 1-2), Cobo (1956 [1653]: 151), Duviols (1986: 210, 452), Molina (1916 [1573]: 6), and Sarmiento(1942 [1572]: 106-7). 17 The conceptualimportanceifpallqa, the bifurcationof flowing waterin Andeanculturehas been stressed by Earls and Silverblatt(1978: 311-3). Fock (1981: 318) and Zuidema(1986:183) relate it explicitly to political segmentation.
15 See Arriaga (1968 [1621]: 203), Avila (1966 [1598]: 255), and Duviols (1986: 487-8).

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primalorigin point, from whence the journeysof theirancestorsled themonto the coastal plains and into the highlandsby a series of stopoversthat became politically significant points in the sacred geography.18 These origin myths explain an exotic featureof many ethnic polities in the Andes: territorialdiscontiguity (cf. Rostworowski 1977: 204; pre-Columbian Duviols 1978a: 363). The pioneering work of Murra(1975: ch. 3), showed that many of these polities did not consist of one continuousblock of territory but formed an archipelago of widely scatteredterritories,often at different elevations. Nonetheless, one island in the archipelagowas apparently always the core or true homeland of the polity and the rest, outliers. Murragives a dubiousexplanationof this territorial patternas the outgrowthof an "ideal"of access to productsfrom differentecological zones (1975: 60). 9 If maximizing therewas any ideal involving territorial discontiguity,it had to do with regional expansionism and colonization, as is particularly clear in the Yauyos case (Avila 1966 [1598]: 61-3). A bellicose ethnic groupcould express its regional of supremacyby passing throughthe territory neighboringpeoples and taking land it wanted elsewhere. The myths describe the same kind of appropriation when they recounthow the ancestorsjourneyedunderground colonize new to localities, in which they emerged, imposed themselves, and turnedinto stone. Imperialismthus pervadedthe myths of origin, alliance, and conquest of the Andean polities, even those whose territorieswere contiguous. The unification of political segments, not just their differentiation,could also be rationalizedthroughthese ancestralvoyages. For example, sometimes the pacarinason a mythicaljourney were collapsed, as in the Recuay pacarina of "YaroTiticaca" (Duviols 1986: 494). Here Yaro refers to a lake called Cochacalla in the Upper Huallaga Valley, from which all of the llacuaces in the Cajatambo-Chinchaycocha region tracedtheir origins (Duviols 1974-76: and Titicaca refers to the lake from which their ancestorscame before 288), arrivingat Yaro. Alternately,Titicaca and Yarocacawere invoked as a pair (Duviols 1986: 150, 154), in which the regional pacarinais clearly modeled on its maximalcounterpart. This mergingandjuxtapositionof pacarinascould a when a colonizing group transported piece of its original pacarina happen into a new territoryand enshrined it on their newly traditionalizedpoint of
18 See Albornoz (1967: 34), Avila (1966 [1598]: 113-5), Cobo (1956 [1653]: 150), Duviols (1986: ch. 9), and Murua(1987 [1613]: 67). 19 Ecological maximizationdoes not provide a sufficientexplanationof the archipelagomodel, since tradecould have achieved the same effect. Whatwe have to accountfor is the preference for colonization and direct control, which ecological maximization does not specify. Furthermore, archipelagopolities had outliers ecologically identical to the core territoryand thus must have had other motives for territorialexpansion. An example is ancient Aymaraes, which had colonists on the PampasRiver in what is now Ayacucho (see Isbell 1985 [1978]: 63-5). According to Silverblattand Earls, they were not mitmaqkuna assigned to the area by the Inca state but appearinstead to have been an intrusive ruling group associated with lightning (1977: 100-1). There are many possible explanations of this situation, but a conscious policy of maximizing access to differentecological zones is not among them.

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emergencethere (Alboroz 1967: 21). As a result, pacarinasat differentlevels of the segmentary structurecould become rallying points in the constant tension between political confederationand fission thatcharacterized Anthe and des between Tiwanaku-Wari Inca times. Origin points for the higher segmentary levels of political organization, typically from the confederation of ethnic polities upwards to the empire, repeatedlytook the physical form of large bodies of water (Sherbondy1982: 4-5,17). Choclococha (Corn-CobLake) served as the pacarinafor the multitude of localized polities that formed the Chanca confederacy.20 Sherbondy was cites many othercases (1982: 11-2), but undoubtedlythe most important Lake Titicaca, which the Incas identified as their pacarinain anothercycle of myths concerningtheirorigin. When the Incas claimed emergencefrom Lake Titicaca, they were also assertingtheirpreeminenceamongthe Colla peoples, whose unity had emerged in Tiwanaku times aroundthe focus of this lake (Sherbondy1982: 17, 1992: 56-7). We have alreadyseen that in these myths Viracocha created humanity at Lake Titicaca, and then disappearedtoward the north and into the Pacific. Now the Pacific is also mentioned as the pacarinaof the coastal polities (Avila 1966 [1598]: 27-9); Duviols 1986: 349, 352, 405-6), and as such, seems to connote the Incas' unity against the highlandpolities, whose unity could be expressedthrougha notionof ultimate origin from Lake Titicaca. In other words, Titicaca and the Pacific could be seen as the two maximal pacarinas in the Andean area, encompassing all others as dependent manifestations at lower segmentary levels (Millones 1971: 1/17, 1/36; Torero 1974: 110-1). At the more localized levels of the political hierarchy,that is, from the ethnic polity down into its constituentunits, pacarinastended to be dry cave sites, naturalpoints of communication between this world and that below. One example is the snow-capped mountain of Yaropajain the Cajatambo region, from whose eight caves various huari groups originated (Duviols 1986: 55). Anotheris the cave of Sissim, named for the "head"of a group of ayllus also called Sissim (Duviols 1986: 129-30). Perhapsthe most famous the pacarinaof this type was TamboToco (or Pacarictambo), cave from which the four Ayar brothersemerged in an alternatecycle of Inca origin myths. Not only did the Incas claim this cave as theirparochialorigin point, but they also saw it as the source of the seeds of domesticated plants (Betanzos 1987 [1551]: 20; Cobo 1968 [1653]: 62). The name ayar itself suggests a conneclife tion between the emergence of human and agricultural forms from these caves, as it refers not only to the four brothersof Inca myth but to wild quinua as well (Gonzalez Holguin 1952 [1608]: 39; cf. Avila 1966 [1598]: 137). Just as pacarinasin dry caves were origin points for agriculturallife and
20 See Alboroz (1967: 20), Cieza (1984 [1553]: 115, 187-8), GuamanPoma (1936 [1615]: 85), and Earls (1979: 58, 83).

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localized political divisions, so the more importantpacarinasin large bodies and of waterwere the origin points of llamas and alpacas21 represented higher levels of political organization. No doubt the fact that camelids are mobile, whereas plants are sedentaryand rooted, also helped identify llacuaz herders with the distant and inclusive and huari tillers with the local. This suggests that the political hierarchycorrelatedwith a hierarchyof life forms, in which pastoralismranked higher than agriculture,as is true for the moder Andes (Gose 1986: ch. 7). By tracingtheir origins back to Lake Titicaca and identifying themselves with this more encompassingpacarina,pastoralistsalso laid claim to ascendancyin their local polities. Or conversely, because they ruled, the llacuaz pastoralistswere seen as foreignersin the localities they inhabited and were obliged to trace their origins (and those of their animals) from pacarinasmore distant and aquatic than those of their localized agricultural neighbors(Duviols 1986: 486, 495, 498). After all, we know that pastoralists who also had pacarinasin the snowy peaks of the local mountainsbecause they were deposited at the local level by a lightning bolt (Duviols 1986: 52, 94, 349) still stressed their distant origins nonetheless. The distinction between llacuaz and huari was hierarchicaland not just This hierarchybecomes particularly clear when we returnto complementary. the associationbetween pastoralistsand large sources of water. After all, this waterwas not a purelypastoralresourcebut was neededby the agriculturalists were thoughtto control this waterup to a certain as well. Local agriculturists point under the tutelage of their huari forebearers, who are constantly described as creators of local springs and canal systems (Duviols 1986: 113, 121, 238, passim). But the water for these local springs always came from more distant sources. In one case, a huari was said to have taken water for a canal springfrom a lake some twenty leagues distantthroughan underground (Duviols 1986: 121). In another,two huariscompete to see who can createthe most springs by urinating, and the one who ascended from the coast most recently wins (Duviols 1986: 172). This suggests thatcontact with the Pacific Ocean underwrote their ability to create water locally. Thus the ultimate source of water lay beyond the scope of local political organization and control. In the highlands, the thunderand lightning god, Libiac, was said to distributerainfall unevenly from one locality to the next, depending on the sacrifices he received.22As the offspringof Libiac, the llacuaces had to make offerings for rainfallon behalf of their various localities (Duviols 1986: 245). The foreign origins of the llacuaces in distant bodies of water furtherconfirmedthem in the role of aquaticintermediaries.Thus, the aquaticpacarinas of the pastoralists(especially Lake Titicaca)represented only a distantand not hierarchicallysuperior level of organization to that achieved by the local
21

22

See Arriaga(1968 [1621]: 223), and Duviols (1974-76: 283, 1986: 488, 495, 498). See Cobo (1956 [1653]: 161), Duviols (1986: 195), and Murua (1987 [1653]: 430-1).

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was utterlydependent.Let us polity but a resourceupon which its agriculture further explore this perceived dependence of local agricultureon distant sources of waterby locating it in a more encompassingcycle of death and the regenerationof life that played a key role in the ideological synthesis of the pacarinasystem. Localized pacarinasin caves were not just points from which life forms emerged into this world but were also humanburialsites, points of returnto the underworld.Accordingto Huertas(1981: 61), Yaropaja, besides being the site of eight cave pacarinas,was consideredto be an abode of the dead; and we also know that Sissim was a burial cave, as well as origin point, for its ayllu (Duviols 1986: 130). The extirpatorsof idolatryreportedfinding caves replete with mummies, in exceptional cases up to two thousand (Duviols 1986: 50); and the multiplicityof burialsites in caves thatcan still be found in Andean localities further attest to this connection. Agriculturalfields also seem to have been commonly used as burial sites in pre-Columbiantimes (Cobo 1956 [1653]: 273). ModernAndeancommonersoften unearthevidence of such burials when cultivating pre-Columbianterraceswith foot-ploughs. More formalized, stone-lined burial chambers (chullpas) also occur at the fields in both terracedmaize-growinglands and untersurfaceof agricultural raced fallow potato fields. In pre-Columbiantimes, the denizens of these graves were thought of as huaris, original inhabitantsof the area who had techniquesand watchedover the fields to safeguard pioneeredits agricultural their crops (Duviols 1973: 160). This connection between the dead and agriculture is confirmed in the semantic field of the word mallqui in sixteenthcenturyQuechua, which meant mummy,plantedthing, young plantreadyfor transplanting, sapling, and fruit tree (Santo Tomas 1951 [1560]: 314; Gonzalez Holguin 1952 [1608]: 224). These were not mere homonyms, since the Huarochirimanuscripttells us that the dead were resurrectedfive days after they die, just as seeds sproutfive days after they are sown (Avila 1966 [1598]: 21). There was clearly some sense in which burialwas seen as an act of planting and dried, mummifiedbodies as dormant,desiccated seeds (Valcarcel 1980: 81). Both were treatedas life forms to be carefully retainedand distributedacross the local landscape as an importantcomponentof its agriculturalfertility. But what made the dead dormantlike seeds was the lack of water.The thirstof the dead is frequentlymentioned(Duviols 1986: 198, 217, 230), and all dealings with them called for copious libations of corn beer. of Thusthe preservation the dead at the local level implied a loss of waterand vitality that had to returnfor a renewal of life to take place. Closely related to these localized, dry pacarinasites were stone monoliths known as huancas, which have been particularlywell studied by PierreDuviols (1979b). Huancaswere thoughtto have been the petrifiedbodies of local ancestors(usually huaris) who were responsible for the constructionof agriat culturalinfrastructure the local level, such as irrigationand terracingsys-

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tems. They were also importantsites in local agricultural cults, where sacrifices and libations were made at various points duringthe annualcycle. This retentionof exemplary ancestors in a petrifiedform at the local level was an of extensionand intensificationof the ideas thatconnectedmummification the into dead and agriculture.Transformation stone was a more emphaticway of renderingan exemplary ancestor imperishable.Local fertility cults revolved around these huancas, which confirms the importance of conserving.and the distributing dead across the local landscapein folk theories of agriculture in the pre-ColumbianAndes. But again, the very way in which these ancestors were preservedmade them dependentupon outside sources of water that they themselves did not necessarily control. Despite the impressive amountof energy that went into retainingthe dead at the local level, there seems to have been a constant tendency for them to slip away to higher segmentarylevels. Even local burialcaves might refer to more distant points by bearing names like Yaro cocha (Duviols 1986: 119). Sometimes, this tendency to disperse could be arrested at the maximal pacarinaof the ethnic polity, such as Yaropaja,Pariacaca,or the mountainsof and Suparaura Supayco in Aymaraes,23which were thoughtto be the site of the upaimarca,the ultimateresting place of the dead. But thereseems to have been no exact location for this upaimarca. Like the origin points, we are dealing with a matter of segmentary degree. For example, Guaman Poma describes how each of the four quartersof the Inca empire had a site upon which its dead would converge (1936 [1615]: 278, 294). Other accounts identify Titicaca and the Pacific as the ultimate location of the upaimarca.24 Thus the highest-rankingpacarinas acted not only as points of mythical origin but also as majorcollecting points within their catchmentareasfor the dead, whose returnenacted in reverse the mythical underground journeys of the foundingancestors(Santillan 1927 [1553]: 33). This equationof the abode of the dead (upaimarca)with the point of ancestralemergence from the earth (pacarina)is explicitly stated and reiteratedthroughoutthe Cajatambodocuments.25Cieza describes how the Cavinasof Urcos believed that the souls of their dead returned to their mythical origin point, a lake associated with
23 See (Avila 1966 [1598]: 67, 155-7). Guaman Poma (1936 [1615]: 277) and Albornoz and (1967:28) mention Suparaura Supayco as importanthuacas which received many sacrifices. Today,they are still the highest ranking apus or mountainspirits in the modem PeruvianProvinces of Aymaraes and Antabamba(see Gose 1986: ch. 7). I surmise that both were identified with the upaymarcaon linguistic grounds, since as Taylornotes, supa is cognate with upa (1980: 54-5), and both refer to the condition in which the dead are thoughtto exist in the afterlife, as we will see below. 24 See Arriaga(1968 [1621]: 220), Duviols (1986: 150, 200) and Sherbondy(1982: 8). 25 See Duviols (1986: 150, 171, 200, 227, 268-9), also Arriaga, who equates the notion of zamana with both the point of ancestralemergence, and the place where the dead come to rest (1968 [1621]: 202, 216), The undergroundnatureof the upaimarcais furthersuggested by an alternatetitle for the land of the dead: "interiorworld soul's abode"(ucu pacha supaypa uasin). See GuamanPoma (1936 [1615]: 70).

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Auzancata, the highest mountain in the Cuzco region (1984 [1553]: 122). That the majoraquaticpacarinasshould exert an attraction the dead is not on theirdesiccatedcondition. Yet it is uncertainwhethentirelysurprising,given er this waterwas seen as an exogenous element capableof sustainingor even the reconstituting dead or as a byproductof the dryingprocess associatedwith death itself. In either case, as Sherbondynotes, the distantabode of the dead was always a source of waterin ancientAndeanthought(1982: 5). Thus at the local level, therewas an emphasis on the desiccatedconservationof the dead; whereas at the universal level, the productionof water was stressed. There can be little doubt that these wet and dry poles of the hierarchyof pacarinas reflect each other, such that desiccation at the minimal pole correspondsto aquification at the maximal pole. Processions of desiccated mummies to stimulate rainfall furtherexemplify this functionalrelation between wet and dry (see Polo 1916 [1554]: 10). The agriculturalconnection is particularly obvious here. At the local level, seed-like life forms are conserved in a desiccated state, while water is lost to the maximal level, only to returnand cause these seeds to germinate. As with the mythical journeys of the ancestors, the returnof the dead to their maximal pacarinasposes the initial problemof how they can be in two places at once, that is, both conserved at the local level and lost to the universal level. Several solutions to this problem are consistent with the evidence. First, the process of deathmay itself have involved a polarizationof the person into a dry and localized element on the one hand and a wet, universalelement on the other. Second, certainmore exemplaryand powerful dead may have remainedat the local level (throughmummificationor petrification) to become poles of influence in their own right, while other, less influential, members of their group returnedto more distant origin points. Finally, there may have been a process of recycling at work whereby most of the dead in a given locality would departfor the maximal pacarinas,only to returnin a future reincarnation.26 Quite probably all three of these models were combined to differing degrees in differentlocalities. To pursuethis question further,we must inquireinto what might be loosely glossed as the soul concepts of the pre-ColumbianAndes. Predictably,here we find one element, the camaquen, which was localized, and another,the upani, which was mobile and attractedto universalcenters (Duviols 1978b: 136; Taylor 1980: 58). There is good reason to assume that the upaimarca,as ultimateabode of the dead, took its name from the various upanis thatjourneyed to it. But the natureof these two concepts is far from straightforward. Let us begin with the notion of camaquen. As Taylornotes, camaquenwas a complex concept with threemainaspects, which derived from the root ka, to exist (1974-76: 233-5, 1980: 58, 62n).
26 On reincarnation Avila (1966 [1598]: ch. 27), Cieza (1984 [1553]: 87, 122), Cobo (1956 see [1653]: 154), and Santillan (1927 [1553]: 33).

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First, camaquen designated an objectified spirit double, which was nothing otherthan the huaca that gave a person life. A camaquencould take the form or of an anthropomorphic zoomorphic image, an animal or even a huanca 1973: 164) but most commonly a mummy.27Always, the power (Duviols residing in the camaquen was ancestral in nature, linked to the political of authority the curacaon the one hand and the well-being of the groupon the other (Duviols 1978b: 133-4). Ayllus and its segments were each defined by a camaquen,which animatedmembersof these groupings(Taylor1980: 58). Because the camaquenwas understoodas a self-replicatingsource of life, it was occasionally equated with the concept of pacarina or dawning point discussed earlier (Duviols 1978b: 139). Conversely, pacarinaswere sometimes addressedas camac or creatorof humanbeings (Arriaga 1968 [1621]: 220). The second major aspect of the notion of camaquenwas the influence or force that this double exercised over a person, who was then said to be camasca (animatedor infused). The separatistsermonsattributed the ministo ters of idolatryin the Cajatambo documentsconsistentlydwell on the idea that the life and prosperityof the various ayllus came from their mummies and camaquenes, not the Christian God. In particular,food, clothing, water, to fields, human health and fertility, and oracularadvice were attributed the camaquenes.28This confirms and broadens the idea of the camaquen as a source of animation, linking it to notions of fertility and even property.The influence of the camaquen was therefore binding and localizing, not just vitalizing; and its intensity probablyranged from simple animation,through possession (in the Andean oracle tradition), to outright command by the double. Since the camaquencommonly was a mummifiedpolitical authority or curaca, its influence on people was apparently understoodin termsof rule. Indeed, the very action of the camaqueninvites such an analysis, as it was best renderedthroughthe Quechua kamachiy:"to cause to exist" on strictly analyticalgrounds, but in actual usage, "to command"(cf. Taylor 1974-76: 236), as in camachico, a common synonym of curaca.29Again, we see little distinction made between political authorityand the metaphysicalreproduction of the ayllu.
In some cases the equation of mummy and camaquen is explicit (Duviols 1986: 68, 77, 280), but in many more it is implicit in how a mummy is describedas the progenitorof an ayllu (Duviols 1986: 156, 174, 301, 396, 416, 480, 485). Here I assume that progenitoris understood not just in the genealogical sense of apical ancestorbut as an ongoing force thatmanifestsitself in each new generation. 28 See Duviols (1986: 69, 74, 76, 99, 100, 106, 145, 174, 282, 335, 343). By the same token, the camaqueneswould send sickness to theirayllus, devourthem, or at the very least withholdthe bounty of the fields from them should they neglect their sacrificial obligations to the dead (see Duviols 1986: 76, 189, 196, 212, 221, 237, 275, 407). 29 See Arriaga(1968 [1621]: 243), Duviols (1986: 131, 178, 190-1, 199, 221, 226-7), and GuamanPoma (1936 [1615]: 313, 328). Camachicomay have been synonymouswith camayoqin the sense of lower-level administrator, e.g. quipu camachin (see Duviols 1986: 374). Nonetheless,- other passages make it clear that camachico was associated with the Spanish category of manddn, one who gives orders (see Duviols 1986:190).
27

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Third was the notion of the camaquenas the soul of an individualhuman being (Duviols 1986: 67). The individualized soul was more commonly thoughtto be embodiedin the heart(sonqo), and the camaquenwas primarily understoodas the soul of the idol not of a person,30it inhabited. However, because the soul of the idol animatedand directedparticular human lives, it necessarily received some degree of individuation.The heart was probably understoodas the locus of the double's influence in the animatedperson and may even have been seen as an individualizedor replicated version of the group's camaquen(Duviols 1986: 143-4). The heartof the person was also said to journeyto the afterlife(Cieza 1984 [1553]: 149), where it would arrive at the origin point of its social group and merge with its camaquen.Thus, not only did the Incas claim to returnto the Sun upon death, but when mummifying dead rulers,they actuallyremovedtheirheartsand storedthem in a drawer in the golden image of Punchau(Mid-Day Sun), their tutelarydeity.31 Finally, the concept of upani, which denotes shadow or deaf and dumb being, refers to the existential condition of the dead duringthe afterlife (Duviols 1978b: 143-4; Taylor 1980: 51-5). We have alreadyencounteredthese notions in the designationof the land of the dead as the upaimarca(town of the shadows or town of the deaf and dumb). Although the notion of upani appearsto have been invokedprimarilyto describe souls in the state of death, one accountdescribes how a sorcerersummonedthe upaniof a living victim to pierce it with spines (Duviols 1986: 67-8). This suggests that upani might have referredto a soul somehow dissociated from the body and in a state of enfeeblement.The Incas also used the word opacuna (shadows) to designate ritual baths in a river after confession, which were supposed to wash sins refersto away to the sea (Polo 1916 [1554]: 14). Here the root upa apparently sins sloughed off and swept away by water. Both as spent soul and as sin, an upaniwas shed from a more permanentsource of activity:It lacked the fixity and regenerativecapacities of a camaquen and therefore tended to wander (Duviols 1978b: 135-6). This notion may representa transitionfrom the heart (sonqo) of a living person, as the individualized or replicated aspect of a group'scamaquen,to the upanias a spent remnantor shadowof a life (Taylor 1980: 58). In summary,several dimensionsof contrastdistinguishthe notion of camaquen from thatof upani. A camaquenwas a strong,exemplaryancestorwhose materialremainswere preservedin the locality, whereasan upaniwas a weak and insignificantshadow thatdriftedaway. The camaquenwas a repositoryof group life and a guarantorof its reproduction, whereas the upani was a remnantof an individual life lost to the group and its locality. A camaquen remainedabove ground in a desiccated form, whereas an upani journeyed
30
31

See Cieza (1984 [1553]: 115, 149) and Duviols (1986: 201, 219, 242, 271). See Betanzos (1987 [1551]: 128, 137, 145), Cobo (1956 [1653]: 106), and Levillier (1924:

345).

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into the aquatic interiorof the earth. Finally, a camaquennever underground really died but continued to speak throughoracularmediums. If a camaquen could not speak, it would be pronouncedmute (opa mudo) or done (atisca), signaling the end of its careeras a deity.32By contrast,a defining traitof the upani was its inability to speak, a sign of its mortality. On death, the binding and animatinginfluence of the camaquenwas broken, leaving a decidedly defective entity, the shadowy deaf-mute upani, which would begin its journey to the aquaticapex of the pacarinasystem. At the local level, this representsa loss of control, not only over a replicatedlife form, but also over the fluid that vitalized it (Duviols 1978b: 134). While I doubtthat Duviols is right in extendingthe concept of upanito cover this lost animation,33such vitality would indeed be released as water by the conversion of a living person into an upani on death that it too would gravitate towardthe maximal pacarinas.Some accounts suggest a reconstitution the of upani in such places as Lake Titicaca and a returnto the same or different locality from which it had come (Santillan 1927 [1553]: 33; Cobo 1956 [1653]: 154). But other accounts suggest that despite its abundant'fields,the upaimarcawas filling up with all the natives who died of epidemics in the early colonial period (Duviols 1986: 171). Clearly no cyclical process of reincarnationwas expected here, although the possibility of a pachacuti or violent earthquakeremained, during which the worlds of the living and the dead would be inverted. When the earth shook, people poured libations to preventsuch a cataclysm(Cobo 1956 [1653]: 233). Abnormallyheavy rainfall could also indicatethe onset of a pachacuti(Murua1987 [1613]: 313). Both of these sets of data suggest again that the productionof fluids should be confined primarilyto the land of the dead and not overwhelm the living, whose strengthlay in their exemplary desiccated life forms. Even under stress, the segmentarysystem of pacarinasattemptedto maintaina polaritybetween wet and dry, universaland local, weak (upani)and strong(camaquen),which was the basis of most ritual operationsconnected to it. Normally,the strong, like the Inca mummiesmentionedabove, remainedat the local level andused their drynessto bringwaterback to it. The weak, however, could not resist the pull of large bodies of waterand succumbedto the inverse attraction dry by wet. of
32 See Duviols (1986: 180), Albornoz (1967: 18, 37), and the analysis by Rostworowski (1983: 11-12, 63). 33 This is clearly based on the way Duviols equatesupani with the moder Andeanconcept of dnimo, which along with its counter-conceptof alma, clearly shows the imprintof the Spanish folk version of Aristotelianbiology. Whatis at stakehere is not just whetherDuviols has correctly characterized upani as the source of animationbut whetherthe ancientAndeansystem can be the understoodin termsof an oppositionbetween purevitality and life form in the first place. In order to resolve the conflict of interpretation between Duviols (1978b: 136) on the one hand, andTaylor (1980: 58) and Rostworowski(1983: 10-1, 95) on the other,over whetherit is upanior camaquen thatembodies vital force, we will have to first workout how these concepts might functionwithin the broaderoutlines of Andeanthought, specifically the cycle of deathand the regeneration life of within which they are situated.

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Death thus involved a complex allocation of differentparts of the person and different sorts of people to different hierarchicallevels of the sacred geography,making the presence of the dead at both local and universalpoles quite natural.The cycle of death and renewalbegan with a process of separation, in which animationwas removed from a life form. On the one hand, this was representedas desiccation in a way that prefiguredthe ultimatereturnof of waterin a specifically agricultural regeneration life. On the other,this cycle was representedas a loss of political control, in which a ruling element, the camaquen, was deprived of the animationembodied in its subordinatereplicas, comparableto the state losing control over the labor of its tributaries.It follows that there was a political dimension to the regenerativesynthesis that surmounted separationof death, a dimensionthat specifically concerneda the renewed control over water as a source of vitality. The local levels of the hierarchyof pacarinas seemingly provided seed, while the maximal levels provided water, as part of a single, complete process, in which political segmentationwas seen in terms of the metaphysicsof agriculture. These soul concepts demonstratea close isomorphismand partialidentity with the social division between huari and llacuaz. On the one hand, the camaquen,like a huarisocial group, was thoughtto be tied to a given locality of and was the guarantor its agricultural prosperity.Indeed, the camaquenwas often an ancestralmummy,who might himself have been a huarior founderof the local socio-culturalorder.On the otherhand, the upani, like llacuazruling groups, had a decided affinity for distantwaterylocations like Lake Titicaca, which sat atop the hierarchy of pacarinas. Moreover, some held that the llacuaces "were invisible and walked under the earth"(Duviols 1986: 119, 479), precisely the characteristicsof the upani as a shade returningto its maximalorigin point along the subterranean passages pioneeredby its ancesto tors. Apparentlyit was appropriate depict the uprooted,migratorylifestyle Thus of the Ilacuaceson the model of the upani'spostmortemperegrinations. between these social and there was a correspondenceand interpenetration spiritualdistinctions. However there was also an importantinversionwhen it came to the crucial issue of power. Socially, the llacuaces were dominant;but their spiritual counterpart,the upani, was weak. Although the huaris were representedas subordinateagriculturalists,their ancestors not only had the strengthto establish local orderbut to remainwithin it as camaquenes,exemof plaryforms thatdirectedthe reproduction grouplife. In the realmof death, and the llacuaces went underground ceded their upperposition to the huaris, whose crops and stone monoliths reachedupwardsout of the earth. Because the cycle between life and death largely inverted the hierarchicalrelation between huariand llacuaz groups, we can appreciatemore fully the perceived necessity for socio-political dualism, as only in this way could the entire process be controlled. Initially,the llacuaces apparentlycontrolledwater from the perspectivesof both life and death. As the uppersocial group,they controlledrainfall;and, as

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a weak telluric presence, they returned to large bodies of water through channels. Conversely,huari groups were identifiedwith the hot underground lowlands and the sun (Avila 1966 [1598]: 57; Duviols 1986: 175, 349). Even when the huari groups assumed the upper position on death, they did so as desiccated ancestors. Thus the highland deities typically won their mythical battlesof rain againstfire with the lowland deities (Avila 1966 [1598]: ch. 8). In otheraccounts, lowland groupsfinding themselves withoutwaterafterthey were conqueredby highlandgroups could only regain access by surrendering their most beautiful women (Avila 1966 [1598]: chs. 6, 30-31). The highlanders'control of water was so complete that even Pachacamac,a lowland deity with the power to destroy the universe by merely turninghis body, had to send his people to implore highland deities for rain (Avila 1966 [1598]: 127-9). of Perhapsthe most concrete representation the highland herders'control over water was in their interpretation the constellationof the llama, which of presidedover the December solstice and the rainy season in ancient Andean myth and ritual (Zuidemaand Urton 1976: 67-8; Duviols 1974-76: 283). In the Huarochirimanuscript, this constellation was called Yacana and was identifiedas the double (cama quin) of the llama, which walked the night sky and travelled under the earth's rivers when it dipped below the horizon. At midnight when nobody was looking, the camaquendrankthe sea dry, thus preventing the world from becoming inundated with water (Avila 1966 [1598]: 161, 31).34 This tradition explains why people saw llamas as the guardiansof salt water springs in the highlands (Duviols 1974-76: 285). Camelids also regulatedthe distributionof water in a more general sense. In certainrain-makingrituals, men impersonatinglowlandershuntedwild camelids high in the alpine zone (Avila 1966 [1598]: 79, 247), as though rain could be inducedby puncturingthe bodies of these water-retaining beasts and them to descend toward the coast. forcing The paradoxbehind this apparentlyunproblematic control of water by the is namely,thatthe sea was represented the ultimatesourceof water as highlands in this cosmological system,35even in LakeTiticaca, its highlandcounterpart. Although some highland mediation (such as the llama) was necessary to obtainthe sea's water, sometimes it was bypassed. Forexample, the people of Chamasand Nanis prayeddirectly to the sea goddess, VrpaiVachac, for rain (Duviols 1986: 406). The carving of Pariacacaand his sons for mullu shells (Avila 1966 [1598]: 59, 135, passim) is anotherreminderof how the paramounthighlanddeities dependedon the sea for the waterthey distributed.All highlandpeoples valued these shells as offerings, not just to majordeities but primarilyfor local springs, to make them producewater(Murra1975: ch. 10).
34 Comparabletraditionshad Thunder, tutelarydeity of the pastoralists,drawing water from the Milky Way and distributingit on earth as rain (Cobo 1653: 160). 35 See Muria (1987 [1613]: 422), Cobo (1956 [1653]: 161, 204), Huertas (1981: 83), and Sherbondy(1982: 4, 1992: 61-2).

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Andean people spoke of mullu shells as "daughtersof the sea" (Polo 1916 to [1554]: 39) and clearly attributed them the magicalpower to drawwaterup from the Pacific and into the highlands. En route, this water was thoughtto pass through a series of branching undergroundcanals and a hierarchyof lakes on the surface of the landscape, a featureof Andean cosmology thoroughly documentedby Sherbondy(1982: 11, 1992: 57).36 Thus, the notion of the sea as the ultimate source of water was clearly embodied in a variety of ideas and practices in the pre-ColumbianAndes. How can we reconcile all of this with the notion that pastoralistsfrom Lake Titicaca controlledwater? The sun is an obvious place to begin. Thoughtto rise out of Titicacain the east and set to the west in the Pacific, the sun thus united the two maximal to pacarinasof highlandand coastal peoples. By returning LakeTiticacafrom the Pacific at night, the sun might well have been thoughtto draw water up canals that connected the two, just as the constellathroughthe underground tion of the llama was supposedto descend to the sea for drinkand climb back up into the highlands under the rivers of this world. In this way, highland control of water would be reconstitutedevery night, so that this water could be dispersed during the day, when it flowed downhill into the sea, still its ultimatecollecting point. Alternatively,the moon would performthis nocturnal task, which is why it was so commonly attributed control over water in ancient Andean thought (Carion Cachot 1955: 29). Such a diurnal cycle allowed both for the idea that the highlands controlled the distributionof water and that the Pacific Ocean was its ultimate source. Andean people perceived this duality of aquatic accumulationpoints positively, as it promoted a beneficial circulationof water. Thus, the same patternwas repeated in microcosmin many localities, where a pairof springsor lakes were said to control local rainfall.37
36 This implies that the distribution of water in highlands areas was based on a kind of pumpingaction which drew waterfrom partsbelow (see Earlsand Silverblatt1978: Figures 1-3). A similar image of mountains riddled with vein-like underground canals throughwhich water flows uphill emerges from the ethnographicwork of Arguedas(1956: 242), Bastien (1978: 47, 171), and Fock (1981: 315). As Bastien (1978: 60) perceptivelynotes, just such a notion was presentin an importantmotif of Tiwanakuiconography:the reservoiron the mountainpeak, an archaeologicalfeaturethatcan be found in many areasof the southernPeruvianAndes. A slightly more abstractexpression of the same notion can be found in the Andean concept of ushnu (see Zuidema 1978, 1980): a verticaltube connectingthe base and the apex of a pyramidalshafttomb, throughwhich libations for the dead may be pouredat the top, perhapsto primethe upwardflow of waterfrom below. As important reservoirsand distribution points for waterin Andeanthought (see Sherbondy 1982: 7), mountains may well have been thought to incorporatethe essential featuresof the pyramidalshaft-tomb, especially the ushnu or tube. 37 See Duviols (1986: 193-4, 469). A similardualitywas actively sought in waterdivinations performedat funerals, where an evenly divided flow of water in a bifurcatedcanal was taken as an auspicioussign (GuamanPoma 1936 [1615]: 297). By the same token, water was referredto alternatelyas yaku and unu in hymns to the moon imploringit to end drought(GuamanPoma 1936 [1615]: 285), as if the distribution watercould be facilitatedby attributing dual natureto a of it.

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This scenario is interestingbecause it is able to incorporatethe empirical facts of highlandagriculturewith a minimumof embarrassment yet derive and conclusions from them which were not given on purely technical political grounds.On the one hand, the notion of the huarias a mummifiedor petrified ancestorwho developed and taughtthe arts of agriculture neatly speaks to the fact of local control and construction of irrigation facilities. On the other hand, the idea that the local level did not contain the ultimatesource of water within its own boundariesis equally correct in meteorologicalterms, even if there is a poor fit between the latterand the Andeanetiology of waterin death. This awareness that they were dependenton largerprocesses for rainfalland irrigationwater led the Andean people to efface their de facto technological control at the local level by developing an ideology that stressed the ultimate lack of the local polity: its inability to reproduceitself in an isolated form. Thus there arose a need for an empire that could overcome this lack through direct cosmological control. Appropriately,the most importanticon of this empire was the sun. By rising in the east out of Lake Titicaca and setting into the Pacific in the west, the sun united the dual hierarchyof pacarinasand the endless ethnic particularitiesthatthey entailed. For this reasonthe Incas had ritualspecialists from forty-two different Andean nations in residence on the Island of the Sun in Lake Titicaca, where they collectively formed the dominantupper division supportedby the work of the lower indigenous population (MacCormack 1984: 45). The Incas also experimentedwith an image of the sun rising out of the fountain in the plaza of Cuzco (Betanzos 1987 [1551]: 53; Segovia 1968 [1553]: 75), insteadof Lake Titicaca, or perhapsin additionto it. But the solar synthesis of regional cults of the pre-ColumbianAndes remainedfirmly centeredon the axis of LakeTiticaca and Pachacamacandcould thereforesurvive the decapitationof the Inca state with its imperialsolar cult (Cock and Doyle 1979). The very notion of pacarina as a point of origin comes from the Quechuapaqariy (to dawn) and thereforefrom the diurnalcycle of the sun. The trajectoryof this cycle markedTiticaca as the point of emergence and renewal and the Pacific as the point of death and reentry into the earth (Huertas 1981: 70, 83). Indeed, there is evidence that the movement of the sun was thoughtto transportthe dead to the abode of the afterlife (Cock and Doyle 1979: 70) and that in at least some parts of the Andes, the sun's movement was thought to lead to the dead's resurrectionor reincarnation as well (Taylor1980: 53; Bastien 1978: 47, 171). Inevitablythis cycle defined by the movement of the sun partly relativized and even underminedthe polarity of lower and upper,death and rebirth,since each was constantlytransforming into its opposite in a unified system. But this did not neutralizethe fact water flows downhill, and thereforethat the Pacific lowlands were still the dominantcollecting point for water in this system. Clearly this continuedto pose a political problemfor highlandgroups

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who wanted to predicate their rule on the cosmological control of water. However, they were saved by an importantfact: The mullu or thorny oyster shells so key to this hydrauliccycle were not immediatelyavailableto subjugated lowland peoples and could only be obtainedfrom the island of Puna on the Pacific coast of Ecuadorand points to the north, that is, on the northern marginsof the Andean culturearea (Marcos 1978). This meantthat access to these shells was not simply a matterof lowness but also horizontaldistance, a problematicconcept for sedentaryhuaripopulationsbut not the ruling llacuaz groups, who specialized in overcoming throughconquest. Such a horizontal expansion to bring the furthest reaches of the lowland sea under imperial was of keen interest to the Incas, who wanted to dispel any administration notion that they were dependenton lowland people for water. And once the Incas placed these areas undertheir control, restrictionson road travelwould restore a monopoly on horizontalmovement to the upper group. At the height of Inca power, aroundthe end of the fifteenth century,their empire apparentlybegan to impinge on the thornyoyster groundsof coastal Ecuador.Marcosreportsthe presenceof ImperialCuzco artifactsin burialson the island of La Plata and suggests that they representthe presence of special emissaries who were trying to procure these shells directly from those who dove for them (1978: 114). Rostworowskisuggests that the desire to directly control the flow of shells to the south motivatedthe northerncampaign into Ecuador and Colombia, which the Incas pursued at such cost immediately before the Spanish conquest (1977: 128). Perhapsthe most strikingevidence of this motive can be found in Tomebamba,the Incas' model city of the north, where they constructed an opulent shell-shaped shrine called Mullucancha (Thorny Oyster Enclosure), the walls of which were inlaid with gold and mullu shells (Murua 1987 [1613]: 112). The Incas, notoriousfor their dislike of commerce, were anxious to convert what had previously been relationsof tradeinto those of tribute.Thus they could finally end theirdependenceon the merchantsof the Chinchay confederacy on the central Peruviancoast, who had long used their flotillas of reed and balsa wood rafts to act as intermedicoast and the southernAndean aries in the shell tradebetween the Ecuadorean Direct political control of the shell grounds would undercutthe highlands. Chinchaymerchantsand turna relationbetween autonomouspolities into one within the scope of the empire. As Torero(1974) has brilliantlydemonstrated,the Chinchay wielded immense influence in the Andean area because they controlled the shell trade. Their principalhuacas were considered to be a wife and son of Pachacamac (Rostworowski 1977: 106, 203), the paramountcoastal deity, whose shrine was the hub of a vast commercial and pilgrimage network through which shells were distributedinto the highlands. Some idea of Pachacamac'spower can be gleaned from what he is alleged to have said following a requestby the Inca for military help during the capacocha ritual:

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Inca, Mid-Day Sun! As for me I didn't reply because I am a power who would shake you and the whole world around you. It wouldn't be those enemies alone whom I would destroy,but you as well. And the entire world would end with you. Thatis why I've sat silent. (Avila 1991: 114)

Pachacamac was a noteworthy shrine as far back as A.D. 100, and by Tiwamaku-Wari times (A.D. 600-800), it drew pilgrims from Chile to Ecudador. A constant flow of llama caravans connected it closely with the Tiwanaku center near Lake Titicaca (Browman 1978: 331). This trade between Tiwanaku and Pachacamacprobablycreated the duality between Titicaca and the Pacific as the maximal aquatic pacarinasof the Andean universe. Yet the ideological basis of the shell trade conserved a fundamental asymmetry between these two centers expressed most profoundly in the spread of the Chinchay dialect of Quechua into the highlands as a lingua of franca.Torero'snarrowlycommercialinterpretation the spreadof Chinchay Quechuamight well be supplementedby Rojas' emphasison religion (1980). But his basic point-that long before the Inca's mission of civilization, Chinchay Quechuahad become a general language because of the shell trade, so thatthe Incas had little choice but to adaptit as their imperiallanguage-still stands (Torero 1974: 98). Indeed, only the shell trade makes it possible to understandthe presence of the Chinchay dialect of Quechua in Ecuador, as Torerorightly notes (1974: 127, 1985; see also Hartmann1979). It is worthtaking a closer look at the notions of equivalenceinvolved in the shell trade, given its massive culture-historicalimportance. Although the chroniclersmaintainthat mullu were more valuable to Andean people than gold, by Tiwanaku/Waritimes, they were mainly tradingcopper to coastal peoples in returnfor shells.38 Some valleys on the northerncoast did have copperdeposits (Ramirez 1986: 227), but therewas still greatdemandfor this metal. Not only did coastal people regardcopper as more valuable than gold or silver, they also used it to make miniaturenonfunctionalaxes of several standardized sizes (Holm 1967), which circulatedas far northas the Yucatan in Mesoamerica (Diaz 1956 [1632]: 28) and may well have funcpeninsula tioned as a kind of currency.Thus the movement of shells into the Andean system from the outside signified an influx of fluid vitality, and the outflow of preciousmetals gave rise to a generalequivalentof the more properlymercantile exchange system to the north of the Andean culture area. These two spheres of exchange, one commercial and the other essentially religious, complemented each other perfectly and thrived on the transformationof meaningsthat formed the boundarybetween them. Let us furtherexplore this process by establishing the meaning that precious metals had to Andean

38 See Sarmiento (1942 [1572]: 249-50), Muria (1987 [1613]: 133), Paulsen (1974: 602-3), and Rostworowski (1977: 118-21).

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people and then tracingthe semiotic metamorphosisthat these metals underwent on reaching the northerncoast. Copperwas much more valuableon the coast thanin the Andeanhighlands. Rostworowskisuggests that copper was associated in the highlandswith the inferior status of callao, whereas gold was associated with the preeminent, statusof payan(1983: rulingstatusof collana, and silver with the intermediate 147). Nonetheless, Cobo mentions thatwhen the Inca, MaytaCapac, married the daughterof the curacaof Collaguas, a highlandprovince overlookingthe Pacific, "theIndiansof thatprovince made, in service to those kings, a house all of copperin which to accommodatethemselves when they came to visit the queen's relatives" (1956 [1653]: 70). While this echoes the prestige that copperhad on the coast, the fact thatit was used to make a house sits less well with the uses of copperthatprevailedthereand clearly connects with highland usages, as we will see below. Elsewhere, in a more clearly highlandcontext, Cobo reportsthat the mummy of the Inca Sinchi Roca was discovered "between copper bars and sowed with maguey fibre" (1956 [1653]: 68), which suggests that copper was closely associated with the mallqui complex, in which localized life forms emerge from underground. This accords very well with the much betterdocumenteduses of gold and silver in highlandculture, all of which seem to revolve aroundthe notion of an exemplaryor prototypical life form (i.e., camaquen),of the sort worth preserving. A conceptualaffiliationbetween precious metals and the foundingof local orderin Andean culturearises from the famous myth in which Manco Capac throwsa golden barto determinewhere the Incas should settle, thus founding Cuzco. As Berthelotsuggests, this act of flinging the golden barconnotes the solar and celestial origins of the Incas and their essentially downwardtrajectory onto the local scene (1986: 80). However, when we look closer into Andeanideas aboutthe natureof gold and silver, they were clearly thoughtto take form underground and grow upwardstoward the sky, very much on an model (Berthelot 1986: 82). This upwardunfolding from an unagricultural dergroundsource locates us within the semantic field of mallqui and, more generally, the localized pole of the hierarchyof pacarinas. This is further developed by the notion that the bounty of the Inca's undergroundgallery mines was controlledby particularly large and unusualnuggets or conglomeratesof the metal found there, which were called mamas (mothersor sources) of the mine. Before going to work underground, minersoffered libationsand blood sacrificesto these mamas, suggestingthatthey were probablylocatedat More precisely, the value of the mamain the dry, local end of the spectrum.39 Andean thought was as an exemplary form that, like a camaquen, could replicate, shape, and command its own substance. When we look into what
39 See Albornoz(1967: 18), Cobo (1956 [1653]: 166), Murua(1987 [1613]: 424), and Segovia (1968 [1553]: 76).

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camaquenesor personal doubles were made of, for example those described by Cobo (1956 [1653]), stone and precious metals, particularlygold, are by far the most common substances mentioned. The case of a particularChoqueguanca reported by Berthelot (1986: 84) even suggests a certain interchangeabilityof the two substances, since choquerefersto gold and guanca to the petrified ancestralmonoliths discussed earlier. While we are not inclined to equatestone and precious metals, both seem to have been important expressions of telluric order and power for the Incas. Nonetheless, the Incas do seem to have used gold and silver to mark themselves out from the run-of-the-millethnic polities and their deities and rulers.Helms describesthe use of hammeredsheets of gold as a kind of siding that covered the interiorof importantInca palaces and temples, concluding that the nobility did not merely want to be surrounded gold or associated by with it but felt themselves to be intrinsically and essentially golden (1981: 219-20). Nowhere was this sensibility more clearly manifest than in the Temple of the Sun or Coricancha (Golden Enclosure), the epicenter of the Empire, whose flawlessly constructedstone walls defined an inner chamber that contained a comprehensive array of golden and silver replicas ranging from trees, wild plants, birds and animals, throughagricultural productsand No camelids, to the membersof the imperialpantheon.40 doubtthe efficacy of imperial ritual and its pretences of global control were predicatedupon the possession of these commanding prototypesof gold and silver. Perhapsfor this reasonAtahualpais said to have begged Pizarronot to breakor melt down the gold and silver objects collected from the Templeof the Sun as his ransom (Betanzos 1987 [1551]: 283). Similarly,Cieza writes thatgold and silver were not supposed to leave Cuzco once they entered that city (1984 [1553]: 117, 162). In sum, gold and silver were a particularly elite expressionof the complex and localized exemplary life forms associated with the notions of camaquen, mallqui, and huanca in ancient Andean thought. GuamanPoma assigns the discovery of native gold, native silver and copper to the bygone era of the in purunruna a manner that furtheremphasizes their ancestralnature (1936 [1615]: 60). These precious metals representeda sacred and imperishable ancestralsubstance which was entirely continuous with stone and dry mummified flesh and, like them, was intimatelyconnected with regeneratingand replicatinglife forms at the local level.41 Copper, a weaker and less valued
40 See Betanzos (1987 [1551]: 99), Cieza (1984 [1553]: 177), Muria (1987 [1613]: 154-5, 443), P. Pizarro(1978 [1572: 92, 100-1), and Segovia (1968 [1553]: 75). Note that severalInca queens were supposedto have kept a similarinventoryof living things in privateforests, gardens, and menageries (Murua 1987 [1613]: 65, 73, 155). Betanzos also reportsthat when the yungas were conquered,their seeds, fruit, and distinctive foods were broughtto Cuzco in triumph(1987 [1551]: 123). Clearly the accumulationof diverse life forms was a major Inca preoccupation. 41 Similar ideas persist in moder Andean culture, in which there is a definite notion that all life forms contain gold and silver as an intrinsicpartof their make-up (see Gose 1986: 188-9).

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memberof the same complex, played the same subordinate role in relationto gold and silver as did the upaniin relationto the camaquen:thatof a weak and derivativelife form drawnout of the local level towardthe ultimatesource of water, the Pacific. However, in relation to ordinarymortals, copper was a powerful ancestral substance still able to exert a powerful attractionon the uprootedupanis of the dead. Thus, the copper tradedout of the Andes to the Pacific acted as a low-gradecamaquen,drawingthe souls of dead commoners with it. The thorny oyster shells that circulated against copper had a similarly ambivalentstatus as camaquenes. These "daughters the sea" were clearly of able to attractthe waters of the Pacific into the alien highlandsof the Andes, but their subordinate,replicatedstatus was evident in the very fact that they could be tradedso far away from theirplace of origin at the bottomof the sea. Just as thornyoyster shells representeda vitality foreign and intrusiveinto the dry ancestral landscape of the Andes, so copper was a scarce exogenous money to the north, an exotic standardof value in a region which did not produce its own metallicized ancestors. From a highlandperspective, the waters at the edge of the world could be enticed back in towardthe center only if they were to lose a certainamountof metallic ancestralsubstanceto the peripheryof the system. This was a sacrificial exchange of ancestralorderfor alien vitality, an attemptto overcome and regulate the fact of death itself. To the extent that rainfall and localized sources of water, such as springs, did not fail, this sacrificialintegrationof the dry and wet, the local and the distant, was perceived to actually work. When it did not, resultingin drought,the Inca state would resortto child sacrifices, or capacochas, which were often made directly to the sea, presumablyto stimulate the production of rain (see Betanzos 1987 [1551]: 142). Alterpots or cisterns, along natively, childrenwere interredlocally in subterranean with precious metals.42In these sacrifices, the premature ending of a child's life was supposed to create a localized accumulationof water in the cistern, which would allow for the ritual control of rain (Duviols 1986: 59). By sacrificing a child and interring it with precious metals, the local group created something very much like a miniature upaimarca within its own enclosurewhich retainedthe souls of the weak and the domain, a subterranean waterthatthey gave off. This manoeuvredisplays one of the strategiesengendered by structuralrelativity within the pacarina system: When a distant source of water failed, a new one could always be invented closer to home. The child sacrificedas a capacochaenjoyed the statusof a deity with a cult but was not considered an ancestral source of group life (see Duviols 1986: 59)
42 See Cobo (1956 [1653]: 201) and Duviols (1986: 169-70, 248, 473, 491, 493). Note that the remains of Pachacuti Inca were also stored in a subterranean pottery vat capped with the ruler's golden statue (Betanzos 1987 [1551]: 149). This same emphasis on the containmentof liquids and local order in the capacocha is also developed in the Justicia 413 document (Rostworowski 1988).

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because the drying requiredto become a camaquenwould defeat the entire purposeof the sacrifice. Thus it was only possible to intervenein the hydraulic cycle between the highlands and the Pacific by giving up more precious metals and by further intensifying the sacrificial linkage between life and death.
CONCLUSION

of Underthe Incas, the administration water was probablymore developed as ritual than it was at a purely utilitarian level. Yet the evidence we have encounteredhere does not supportthe idea that Andeanhydraulicritualwas a purely expressive practice. On the contrary,those who developed this elaborate ritual complex undoubtedlythought it was a practicalway to manage a scarce resource. But like all judgments of utility, this one was mediatedby a of specific culturalunderstanding the world. Although these rituals aimed to control the naturalworld, they unwittingly presupposedthe social order in which they were enacted. Thus, the ability to attractwater by ritual means was not separatefrom political power but apparentlyone of its centralmanifestations. Finally, we must conclude that this hydraulicsystem was just as much an administrativeas religious matterand broadensour concept of the political as a result. From the details of the foregoing account, we have seen that the preColumbianpolitical structurein the Andes was segmentaryand that salient units within it were associated with and even defined by various sorts of shrines, particularlypacarinasor mythical origin points. Beyond expressing political structure,those shrineswere involved in a complex agricultural cycle of death and the regenerationof life; and they ultimately fused the political order with agricultural metaphysics. The result of this fusion was a political with control over the ultimate sources of water, which lay preoccupation outside the boundariesof any regional political unit. Out of this preoccupation, imperial projects such as that of the Inca were born. But since the ultimate source of water was thought to be the ocean, in which the Incas thoughttheir world to be a mere island, albeit a centralone (GuamanPoma 1936 [1615]: 933-4; Avila 1966 [1598]: 127), there was in principleno limit to the endless regress of the aquatic periphery to be controlled. Like all imperialist projects, this one was by definition impossible to accomplish definitively. The irony of this situation was, as noted at the outset, that the coastal peoples, whom highlandersimagined to control the distributionof water, in fact lived on a desert and had to rely on water coming down out of the highlands for their own much more developed technology for irrigation. In strictlypragmaticterms, the coast was dependenton the highlandsfor water, a fact that this ritual complex both acknowledges and inverts. But the agricultural dimension of the process examined here was never anything more than a metaphoricalvehicle of pre-Columbian politics. Before rehearsingthe

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received platitudesabout the camera obscura effect of ideology, it would be well to reviewjust what this agricultural vehicle addedto the political process of the pre-Columbian Andes. By providing a powerful functional model for the political segmentation,the agricultural process transcended indifferenceof an accurate structuralmodel and went on to provide something even more fundamental: motive for unification, a political project, and a reason to act. a Above all, the agriculturalmodel had the advantageof representingpreColumbianpolitical process in terms that were familiar and relevant to the agricultural popupeasantry,who composed the vast majorityof the tributary lation. To the extent that the peasantry subscribed to the agriculturalcults mentionedhere, they became inexorablyinvolved in the wider political ramifications. Just as the Inca state, in a more restrictedway, sought to ground labortributein local traditionsof festive work (Murra1980: 98), so in a more inclusive sense that state attemptedto make its own existence appear as a necessaryor at least desirableconcomitantof agriculture.This brings us to a more intractableproblem: To what extent did the ideology examined here precedeand promotethe formationof the Inca state and to what extent did the state shape this ideology? If we arejustified in tracingthe oppositionbetween Titicacaand the Pacific as maximalpacarinasback to Tiwanakutimes, then it is certainlymuch more plausible to treatthe expansioniststate of the Inca as an outgrowth of a pre-existing religious ideology. But since there are also reportsthatrebel groups felt obliged to oppose not only Inca governmentbut also Inca religion (Cobo 1956 [1653]: 110), the culmination of the local cults in the imperialcult of the sun was not necessarilyautomatic. agricultural from their local groundNonetheless, the sun and its cult were reconstructed afterthe Inca state collapsed (Cock and Doyle 1979: 57, 65), even among ing such ethnicgroupsas the Chanca,who had little reasonto regretthe demise of the Inca. This demonstratesthat the local level had become thoroughlyimbued with imperial cosmology and could reproduceit under even the most unfavorableconditions. The best conclusion is thereforethat the Inca state influentialin its shortlifespan only because it drew deeply was so remarkably from the subterranean ideological currentsof an Andeancivilization that was much longer in the making and found in them not only a justificationfor its imperialprojectbut the means and motivationsfor embarkingon it in the first place.

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