Trust Networks in Transnational Migration Author(s): Charles Tilly Source: Sociological Forum, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Mar.

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Vol. 22, No. Forum, Sociological DOI: 10.HH/j.1573-7861.2006.00002.x

1,March

2007

(?

2007)

Trust Networks

in Transnational Migration
Charles Tilly1

The

sheer

volume

of migrant

remittances

to

relatively

poor

countries,

inclu

the genu ding those of Latin America and the Caribbean, nicely dramatizes social ties created by long-distance The migration. inely transnational are serious business, not only for evidence underlines that migration flows the individuals and families involved, but also for whole national economies. also allows us to identify some crucial social about remittances Thinking are and first-hand students of migration processes of which most migrants well aware, but for which we have neither well-established theories, carefully
crafted concepts, nor extensive evidence. I mean the creation, use, and trans

formation
KEY WORDS:

of interpersonal
trust; networks;

trust networks
transnational;

within migration

streams.

migration.

INTRODUCTION
to New York City My friend and former student Alex Juica migrated a long intermediate in Lima. He tells vivid from Huanuco, Peru, after stay tales of his struggles to get an education in Peru, his achievement of an as an economic his appointment Ph.D. in the United economics States, to help family and his efforts affairs officer at the United Nations, of another Peruvian members both in Peru and in New York. Speaking immigrant he met in New York, Alex reports that:
This I have of Connecticut, 2005. revises my Mead Lecture, paper University September a few paragraphs from Charles Uni Tilly, Trust and Rule. Cambridge: Cambridge adapted A. Zelizer from Viviana and Charles versity Press, 2005, and a few other paragraphs Tilly, in Arthur Markman and Brian Ross, "Relations and Categories" eds., Cate pp. 225-255 in Research in Use. The Psychology and Motivation, Advances and Theory, gories of Learning Volume 47, Amsterdam: Elsevier. Columbia University, 514 Fayerweather Hall, New York, New

1 of Sociology, Department York e-mail: 10027-6902;

ctl35@columbia.edu

3
0884-8971/06/0300-0031/0 ? 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

4
Today I will send the remittance in kind to my mother, she will be poor woman, on which it. 'La Cholita' would she sent en say, on one of the occasions needing to her family. Even grandparents, to raise comiendas who often had helped parents the kids, are subject to attention from Peruvian who send them remit immigrants, ' tances when not sponsoring them to come to 'Los Estados Unidos.

Tilly

Alex

continues:
Sometimes remittances flow the other way and parents use their skills to help their workers might help grown children. For example, when parents who are construction to build or improve their children's homes, either in Lima or inNew York City. Maria invited her father to New York City on a tourist visa so that he could visit her and his but also assist in the construction of the sewage system for her new grandchildren 'Here it is different,' her father told me. 'The parts are generally plastic, not like house. in Peru, where they are usually metal. But some of the parts might be interchangeable, so I am taking a few back to Peru to use with my clients' (Juica, 2001:251).

In a recent talk, immigrant become migration analyst, Alex Juica points out that 75% of all remittances to Latin American and Caribbean countries come from the United that the vast majority to of recent migrants States, the United States from the Dominican and Ecuador send Republic, Mexico, remittances send remittances regularly, and that undocumented migrants more regularly than their documented paisanos (Juica, 2005). The United Nations of Economic and Social Affairs for Department which Alex works reports that during the 1990s remittances passed over seas development as a source of external funds for developing assistance counted remittances countries; by the early twenty-first century officially alone were running about US$60 billion per year. Unofficially transmitted and goods surely added billions more. By 2004, remittances had money well surpassed international assistance and started approach development in developing ing foreign direct investment as sources of external financing to countries. Officially counted worldwide remittance flows then amounted some US$182 of which 69% went to developing countries. Infor billion, mal flows surely pushed the grand total of remittances well above foreign direct investment itself in many and Ratha, poorer countries (Maimbo to more have sometimes Remittances amounted than 60% of 2005:3-4). international inflows to El Salvador and Nicaragua monetary (United In 2002, the roughly 27 billion dollars officially sent Nations, 2004:106). to Latin America and the Caribbean accounted for about a fifth of the world total of official gross domestic The point the economics
however, to

and equaled 1.6% of the entire region's 2004:107). product (United Nations, of this article is not to bludgeon readers with statistics on I do mean, and demography of transnational migration.
popular images of immigrants as one-way travelers,

remittances

challenge

desperate soon as possible

for work

or welfare in a richer country, who cut home ties as in order to take advantage of their new country. The

Trust

Networks

in Transnational

Migration

to relatively poor countries, remittances sheer volume of migrant including the genu and the Caribbean, those of Latin America nicely dramatizes It under social ties created by long-distance migration. inely transnational are serious business not only for the individuals flows lines that migration and families involved, but also for whole national economies. also allows us to identify some crucial about remittances Thinking students of migra and first-hand social processes of which most migrants theor are well aware, but for which we have neither well established tion
ies, carefully crafted concepts, nor extensive evidence. I mean the creation,

use,
ance,

and
and

transformation
Trust networks transformation

of interpersonal
play of central long-distance parts

trust networks
in the

within

migration
mainten much

streams.

organization, streams

migration

across

of

among

the world. Within all participants

'Interpersonal trust

them, remittance in the stream.

networks' may

flows
strike

reinforce
as a

commitments
term.

you

mysterious

it helps to single out that connect people, Out of all the various networks trust. People rely especially those that involve unusual amounts of mutual on those networks when they are carrying on long-term, crucial enterprises child rearing, religious or political commitment, such as procreation, long
distance trade, and, of course, migration. In those networks, members bet

outcomes the likelihood other people include some religious Trust networks competently. responsibilities of ethnic webs traders, and kinship munities, conspiracies, political valued
groups. For thousands of years, trust networks have performed an enor

on

that

will

meet

their com

mous

economic, range of political, especially those human beings who services. vide them with sustaining works' place in long-distance migration. This brief essay can do no more
and transnational migration.

and spiritual work for human beings, to pro could not rely on governments on trust net But here we concentrate than open
are the

the door
six main

on

trust net

works

Here

points:

that play some part in the wide range of interpersonal networks in solidarity trust networks figure importantly migration, long-distance streams. of migration between people at the origins and destinations of such networks typically acquire long-term rights and obli 2) Members to each other, which mean that the networks binding themselves gations as sites of social insurance and of social control. simultaneously operate 1) Within to trust networks streams attached 3) For that very reason, migration and in relatively tend to concentrate economic, geographic, specialized social niches as compared with all streams of migration. on creates and depends trust networks of migrants' 4) The operation from outsiders; as a result, membership that separate members boundaries

6 inhibits assimilation of migrants at the destination for the second and later generations. 5) In the longer run, the survival of transnational and poses

Tilly sharp choices

trust networks through the second generation and beyond depends heavily on the social segrega tion or integration of the immigrant stream at the destination, whether or exclusion, self-selection through segregated segregated immigrant com trust networks. munities more frequently maintain transnational That segregation, confines members of trust net however, 6) generally to a relatively narrow range of opportunities works for work, housing, and welfare. If those opportunities connect members with rich sociability, If not, it often suffers. rewards, the network prospers.

The Stakes Experts familiar

criticism,

of Trust Networks on migration will recognize facts with risky speculation.

research, and new reflection

mix
sion,

that these arguments immediately I hope they will stimulate discus

on fundamental social proces

of trust. Many students of political processes, ses, including the generation that well-functioning including me, believe democracy depends on substan trust into public politics. tial integration of interpersonal If so, we are not merely about the lives of migrants, but about the quality of talking democratic life at large. As students of western democracies often fret about the impact of recent immigration on public life, we touch a sensitive and politics.2 junction between migration What is trust? We can think of trust as an attitude or as a relation For the purpose attached. of studying migration, it ship with practices on the relationship, to concentrate what sorts of atti helps leaving open or result from a relationship tudes might motivate, of trust. complement, Labels such as kinsman, compadre, paisano, fellow believer, and comember of a craft provide a first indication of a trust relationship. But we know a trust relationship more If surely by the practices of its participants: trust me, do not just tell me so; let me take charge of your children's lend me your life's savings for investment, I take medicines cation, or help me paint my house on the assumption I will help that you,
2

you edu give you

see Auyero, For networks in political et al, processes, 2000; Bates 1998; Bandelj, 2002; and Smith, et al, 2005; Diani, 2005; Cook, 2004; Bob, 2001; Davis Bandy 1995, 2003; et al., 1998; Farah, Edelman, 1999, 2003; Elster, 1999; Elster 2004; Forment, 2003; Fox, and Sikkink, 1992, 1994, 1996; Gould, 1999, 2003; Keck 1998, 2000; Knoke, 1990; Lang man, 2005; Levi, 1997; Levi and Stoker, 2000; Ngai, 2004; Ostrom, 1990; 1998; Passy, 1998, 2001; Paxton, 1999, 2002; Raggio, 1990; Riles, 2000; Singerman, 1995, 2004; Skocpol, and Fiorina, 2003; Skocpol 1999; Solnick, 1998; Tarrow, 2005; Tilly, 2004, 2005a.

Trust Networks

in Transnational

Migration

paint yours. If you do not trust me, prove it by doing none of these things and nothing like them. at risk to others' malfea Trust consists of placing valued outcomes or failures (Tilly, 2005a). Trust relationships include those sance, mistakes, some trust relation in which people regularly take such risks.3 Although larger ships remain purely dyadic, for the most part they operate within Trust networks, networks of similar relationships. then, consist of ramified consisting mainly of strong ties, within which peo interpersonal connections,
ple set valued, consequential, mistakes, or long-term failures of resources others. and enterprises at risk to the malfeasance,

will we recognize a trust network when we encounter or enter one? First, we will notice a number of people who are connected, directly or indirectly, by similar ties; they form a network. Second, we will see that the sheer existence of such a tie gives one member significant claims on the attention or aid of another; the network consists of strong ties. Third, we will discover that members of the network are collectively carrying on major How
long-term enterprises such as procreation, long-distance trade, workers'

mutual aid, practice of an underground religion, or, of course, stream. Finally, we will learn that of a long-distance migration sets the collective enterprise ation of ties within the network and failures of individual members. malfeasance, mistakes, Networks reach into every corner of social life (Watts,

maintenance the configur at risk to the

2003, 2004). Social networks include any set of similar connections among three or more mutual and social sites. Connections include communication, recognition, in some activity, flows of goods or services, transmis shared participation sion of diseases, and other forms of consequential interaction. Network sites or social be individuals, but they can also be organizations, may localities, among people you do not know and positions. A network of connections who mostly do not know each other brings you your morning newspaper. information. Still others lend invisible structure Another transmits political to flows of money,
3

disease,

and linguistic

innovation.

For surveys of trust-sustaining and institutions, their involve relations, including practices, or not the analysts use the language ment in migration themselves of trust), see (whether and Home, and Lonkila, 1974; Anthony 2003; Bayon, 1999; 2004; Anderson, Alapuro et al, 2002; Burt and and Castanias, 2001; Buchan 1995; Biggart, 2001; Biggart Besley, and Lonkila, 2003; DiMaggio, Knez, 2004; Curtin, 1984; Darr, 2001; 1995; Castren and Louch, 1993; Granovetter, 1998; Feige, 1997; Fontaine, 1993; Gambetta, DiMaggio et al, 2003; Havik, et al, 2004; Haber 1998; Heimer, 1985; 1995; Guinnane, 2005; Guiso 1988; Lonkila, 1999a,b; Marques Landa, 1998, 2004; Light and Bonacich, 1994; Ledeneva, et al, 2001; Morawska, 1985, 1996, 2003; Muldrew, 1993; 1998, 2001; Ostergren, 1988; et al, 2002; Piipponen, and Smith Pastor 2004; Postel-Vinay, 1998; Powell, 1990; Powell 1990, 1998; 1999; Shapiro, 1987; Stark, 1995; Tilly, Doerr, 1994; Raddon, 2003; Rotberg, and Carter, 2003; White, 1999; Weber 2002; Wuthnow, Tsai, 2002; Uslaner, 2002; Warren, and Yamagishi, 1994; Zelizer, 2004, 2005b. 2004; Yamagishi

Tilly

segments of such networks may overlap with or even con Although stitute trust networks, taken as wholes they do not qualify as trust net works. They do not qualify because their participants do not generally at risk to malfeasance, their major valued collective mis place enterprises of the same networks. In that precise takes, or failures by other members or all members do not trust each other. Most of trust net sense, members works, in contrast, place major valued collective such as the enterprises of their faith, placement of their children, provision for their preservation secrets at risk to fellow members' mal old age, and protection of personal or failures. Accordingly, trust networks constitute only feasance, mistakes, a tiny subset of all networks. Over thousands of years, nevertheless, ordinary people have commit ted their major energies and most precious resources to trust networks not streams, to be sure, but also religious solidarities, only migration lineages, trade diasporas, societies of mutual chains, credit networks, patron-client aid, youth groups, and some kinds of local communities. We participants in kinship and other trust networks take them for granted. But usually How do they maintain cohesion, control, they pose important mysteries: and, yes, trust when their members spread out into worlds rich with other and commitments? opportunities Their and religious communities, limiting cases, isolated communes seem easier to explain because their very insulation from the world facili
tates continuous monitoring, mutual aid, reciprocity, trust, and barriers to

trust networks to pro exit. But geographically somehow manage dispersed duce similar effects, if not usually at the emotional intensities of isolated communities. Maintaining the boundary between "us" and "them" clearly an important part in trust networks' continued plays operation (Tilly, 2005b). Trust networks those streams, especially figure in many migration in continuous chains linking limited origins to limited destina organized a privileged tions. In fact, chain-linked long-distance migration provides laboratory migration
4

for study of transformations in trust networks.4 serious risks. Those risks dispose potential poses

Long-distance migrants who

Amuedo-Dorantes and Pozo, and Cohen, 2005; Bodnar, 1985; Borges, 2003; Conway 1998; et al, 2001; Curran et al, 2005; Curran Cordero-Guzm?n and Cope Saguy, 2001; Durand et al, and Massey, and Lindsay 1996; Le Espiritu, 2003; Fussell 2004; de la Garza Lowell, and Pessar, 2002; Georges, 1990; Gordon, 2005; Grasmuck 1992; Green, 2002; Grimson, and Plug, and Rose 1999; de Haas 2006; Hagan 2003; Heer, 1996; Hodagneu Ebaugh, Sotelo and Avila, and Page Moch, 2002; Hoerder 1996; Kamphoefner, 1987; Kamphoefner et al, et al, 1991; Kurien, 2002; Massey 1998; McKeown, 2001; Meisch, 2002; Moch, and Rum 2003; Mooney, 2003; Parre?as, 2005a,b; Poros, 2001; Portes, 1995, 1996; Portes and Morris, baut, 1990, 2001; Roberts 2003; Sanders, 2002; Singh, 2005; Smith, 2000, 2003, and 2005; Tilly, 1990; 2000; VanWey, 2004; Vertovec, 2003; Waldinger, 1996; Waldinger et al, 2001. 1996; Winters Bozorgmehr,

Trust

Networks

in Transnational

Migration

or official sponsors to rely connections do not have extensive professional on members for information and advice. The same of their trust networks of trust networks risks inhibit potential migrants who lack the mediation across destinations at all. Instead of a broad distribution from migrating as a function at those destinations, chain of economic opportunities moves channels into a few origin-destination migration long-distance of people from the same village end up in the streams; large numbers same towns or urban neighborhoods thousands of miles away. in the process, but change structure and geographic Networks persist distribution. As participants rely on strong ties to others with generally are carrying on consequential whom they long-term enterprises and pla or failures of at risk to the malfeasance, those enterprises mistakes, cing as trust networks. in question the networks others, commonly qualify to the "seg Chain migration organized around trust networks contributes see as Portes and Rub?n Rumbaut assimilation" that Alejandro mented to the United characteristic of recent migration States (Portes and Rumbaut, 1990). Without former colleague the term, my Robert Smith has using of trust networks in the connections documented the importance amply form between Mexican migrants villages and New York City. His 15 year stream connecting observation of the migration the Puebla vil participant to mainly Mexican he calls Ticuani concentrations within New York lage, network documents both creation of a far-reaching of trust and deep as a result of interaction of the network transformation among people back and forth between the two locales (Smith, 2005). By now, moving live in the United States, roughly 60% of all living people born in Ticuani in New York (Smith, 2002:147). Many New York-based Ticuanen mostly to returned frequently ses, including those born in New York, actually and spent significant portions of their time in Ticuani. Modest Mexico incomes in New York made it possible to cut fine figures inMexico.

Remittances At the

within Trust Networks same time,

earners to from New York money remittances of vacation houses in Ticuani, participation relatives, building of returning emigrants in public ceremonies, direct intervention of emi returned or not) in Ticuani politics, establishment of New grants (whether in Ticuani, and entrusting of New York-born chil York-style youth gangs Ticuanense dren to their grandmothers connecting New York with in Mexico Puebla. all help transform have social structures These changes triple effects:

10 Deeply of power and wealth altering the organization the lives of Ticuanenses in both locales. Reshaping a new transnational set of trust networks. Creating in Ticuani.

Tilly

a continuous Without flow of earnings from mostly modest occupa tions in New York, the continuously would collapse. But system changing fed by those resources and by new generations of migrants in both direc sustains boundaries between Ticuanenses and others, tions, the process in both Mexico relations across those boundaries and the United shapes of network States, and increases the relative prominence segments closely to the Ticuanense in New York. In the medium connected population has reinforced the viabil run, then, the partial success of chain migration of trust networks at its core. ity to analyses of transnational Smith objects that strongly migration as an assault of globalization on receiving countries. it primarily flows in both direc Instead, he insists on the degree to which continuous as well as connections tions transform communities between ori sending treat He also stresses the importance gin and destination. to the local level. As he declares, the national of descending from

in intimate not as Transnational life if lived, 'transcendence' of experience, of links between one's own or one's national borders but, rather, as a maintenance or com to represent, and what it comes via concrete hometown, parents' practices mon to their chan like all cultural practices, in relation These evolve, imaginings. contexts. and institutional Transnational and institutions ging material practices are thus, in the proximate of other locally lived processes and cus sense, products or toms. In the cases I have studied, transnational life is both quotidian?mailing or phone calls?and remittances also dramatic, feasts and dan receiving attending ces and demanding 2000:205). in the hometown, fighting and political recognition a school in building from hometown power the hometown, and authorities (Smith,

Smith shows, among other things, that a hometown association oper from New York City regularly intervenes in Ticuani's local affairs to ating the extent of financing the water supply and backing candidates for public office. New Yorkers Since the 1970s, in fact, many Ticuanense fulfill their or faenas, means work obligations, of financial contributions village by to Mexico channeled committee of through a powerful New York-based to Smith tells the story of accompanying committee members emigrants. JFK airport in 1993 as they went off to consult with Ticuani authorities and contractors about a new water system for the village. For this, he
reports, the largest Ticuani raised more than two-thirds of the ever, the Committee project the Mexican $ 150,000 cost of the project, state, and local contri federal, exceeding The Committee has also become in Ticuani butions combined. involved politics

Trust

Networks

in Transnational

Migration

11

a set of rules and practices in transnational to fashion for participating helping has become in New York life. Fund by Ticuanenses increasingly raising public electoral politics in Ticuani (Smith, 2005:3). important

York

in New In New York, had assessed each household the Committee or Ticuani it judged able to pay a $300 tax they called a "cooper not houses would that their Ticuani ation," delinquents threatening receive water; almost everyone paid, regardless of how long they had been away from Ticuani (Smith, 2000:212). By competing with local Mexican the old the New York Committee's authorities, activity was undermining a segment of the migra structure of local power. It was also converting institution. trust network into a transnational tion-formed political Members of the second generation born in New York, Smith reports, contact with Ticuani, with the young men also maintain importing New street and
and

York York,
second-

girlfriends

in New respect they cannot command styles, getting manners in the village their sisters and macho adopting on the average in New York. Nevertheless, do not tolerate gang
third-generation Ticuanenses establish far broader connec

the hometown than did their first-generation tions outside community forebears (Smith, 2002). In the longer run, we can speculate that further New York success of within the network, will increase differentiation Mexican emigrants in competing York of New enhance involvement emigrants projects, to enter of emigrants and their offspring reduce the average commitment the system. They will in Ticuani, and thereby undermine prises operating probably multiply migrant population,
over ever, means Ticuanense of

external erode

with different connections reduce the group boundary,

and fragment trust networks internal remain relations.

segments collective
So far,

of

the

control
how

sustenance, transnational

viable.

between El study of migration Similarly, Sarah Mahler's ethnographic the profound Salvador and New York's Long Island suburbs documents of transnational effect of remittances on sending communities, maintenance the frequent care of U.S. born children by ties into the second generation, their relatives in El Salvador, and the investment of people at both ends of stream in maintaining their trust network. More numerous the migration than permanent
Are

return migrants,

Mahler

reports

that Salvadorans:

return for status in the United States and who who enjoy legal immigrant and village such as marriages, events, funerals, baptisms, family and community in their festivals. visible are older returning migrants, generally men Increasingly their spouses the war, forties to sixties who fled El Salvador during leaving behind and skills for advancing limited education and young children. With economically on Long to return home?indeed their families of these men desired Island, many too dependent the families had also grown them to return?but upon begged remittance income to forsake migration altogether. So, before returning, migrants

12
first the migration of at least one child, grooming him or her in the basics sponsor ensure of migrant and job. The children that remittances will con life?housing tinue to flow homeward, cash that even highly self-sufficient farmers need to pur chase fertilizers and pay for clothing, medical 2001a: care, and so on (Mahler, see also Mahler, civil war, 120-121; 2001b; for the terrible toll of the Salvadoran see Brockett, 2005; Wood, 2003).

Tilly

con While in New York, moreover, Salvadoran immigrants maintain tinuous contact with their places of origin by means of letters, dollar and gifts that flow in both directions. remittances, Specialized viajeros who travel frequently between the two countries, Mahler reports, play cru cial parts in moving and information between Long Island goods, money, and El Salvador (Mahler, 2001a: 117). Salvadorans' reliance on those inter mediaries indicates that they connect via a trust network with the capacity to limit malfeasance, and failures. mistakes, instrumental Clearly such trust networks go beyond simple means-end ism. They engage their members in webs of rights and obligations. Unlike the short-term contract with Western for the transmission Union of funds to a Salvadoran from New York village, relations with a viajero typically last from one trip to the next. More important, they articulate with larger, longer-lasting networks of social insurance and social control, especially ties stream. among kin and friends at both ends of the migration Based on interviews with Hispanic migrants to Miami and Los Ange les in 2002, a Pew Hispanic Center the centrality documents of study
remittances to connections between sending and receiving communities.

all respondents to support families Almost reported sending remittances back home. Most gave remittances priority over their bills and expenses in the United States. "Before Mexican anything," emigrant respondent "I send them the money Marisela because remarked, they count on it. Then afterwards I pay the bills, my rent, but the first thing I do is send it" (Suro et al, 2002:7). When it came to basic family expenses back home, most migrants left control budgetary interviewers:
One

to their families.

A Mexican

emigrant,

Eduardo,

told

the other part for the primary necessities like education. It part is for savings, on my wife and the priorities she has. So I go ahead and send the money, depends and it just goes where she uses it (Suro et al, 2002:8).

it came to investments such as buying land, however, remitting over the money; exercised extensive control emigrants they negotiated earmarks with their families in the home community. Each of binding When
these arrangements clearly involves mental accounting. In each, earmark

ing concerns budgeting imate expenditure.

of remitted

funds

into distinct

categories

of

legit

Trust

Networks

in Transnational

Migration

13

use wire to the United States commonly Latin American migrants A simple search of almost any back home. services to transmit money env for stores with American neighborhoods city's Latin American their advertised wares will verify the importance ?os?remittances?among also use couriers (often known as viajeros of wire services. Many migrants or travelers) to carry money and other valuables. Finally, migrants who return home for visits regularly carry not only money but also other gifts who has ever taken an inexpen including household appliances. Anyone or Latin America can tes sive flight from a U.S. airport to the Caribbean remittances. tify to the importance of hand-carried To be sure, all such remittance relations mix good will with extensive at the origin pro between emigrants and households obligation. Relations as well as reinforcing the migrants' vide mutual longer-term support, in the sending community. Earmarked remittances claims on membership buttress the crucial relations as they assert the senders' power over those between faithful remitters and defaulters divides relations. The boundary from dishonorable exiles, but it also separates family members upstanding of their migrant members from households that regularly receive support at the origin. less fortunate households on his extensive in the Caribbean fieldwork island of Reporting as well as in London, Stuart Philpott describes a powerful Montserrat sys in Great Britain. tem of informal controls over remittances from migrants
He remarks, Children fairly are impressed from the migrants from a the behavior with expected are implicitly the taught in the home through early age. These expectations the condemnation of the and through who send remittances praise of migrants 'notice their families.' kin who such as one do not Stories 'worthless-minded' 32 trunk loads of gifts for with from America who about the migrant returned a woman about who to his family and friends and another distribution literally a car from America the only other cars were sent her brother in the days when owners estate have moral become owned precepts virtually by the wealthiest (Philpott, 1968:468).

documents children's trips to the post office in hopes of Philpott children's visions of the future in which letters, retrieving money-bearing they emigrate and send back support for their families, complex alloca received among family members, tions of money reciprocity by sending of to coerce back to Britain, black magic employed products homegrown reluctant remitters, in short, a large array of controls backing up the gen eral understanding family and friends Division to their obligations that honorable emigrants meet means The obvious of remittances. consequence: by and dishonora into the two categories of honorable of emigrants and Morris, 2003).

ble (see also Roberts

14 At the United States

Tilly

with end, such trust networks offer connections and care all crucial forms of insurance for high jobs, housing, sociability, risk migrants. At the Latin American to end, they offer opportunities return home after a U.S. stint, to receive respect that runs very short in New York or Los Angeles, to secure care for young children born in the and to integrate older versions of the same children United into States, the rituals, routines, ties of the home culture language, and interpersonal 2001; Hodagneu-Sotelo (Hodagneu-Sotelo, 2001a,b, 2004; Menjivar, 2000, 2002). All procity over the longer term. and Avila, 2002; Levitt, this depends on rights and reci

Trust Networks At

as Obligation

and Constraint

the same time, membership in trust networks imposes stringent If you fail to help new arrivals in the United States, default in obligations. or neglect fellow members of the your sending of promised remittances, stream in favor of newfound American friends, you are likely to migrant find yourself criticized or shunned. In trust networks, criticism and shun does not reform, she will ning regularly signal that if a wayward member lose access to the social insurance ordinarily provided by the network. Some of the strife and misunderstanding between first and second genera tions stems precisely from the attempt of older members to keep youngsters within the web of mutual But differences obligation. by gender also arise, for example as wives discover that they actually enjoy the marital leverage and city life give them, while that employment their husbands resist the loss of their macho authority (Grasmuck and Pessar, 1992; Hirsch, 2003). trust networks Members of migrant reinforce the rights and obliga tions built into those networks by traveling recurrently in both directions. As a result, ideas, practices, and symbols also flow between the United States and Latin America. Levitt describes the circulation of U.S. Peggy cultural artifacts between Jamaica Plain, Massachusetts, and the Domin a nucleus of Jamaica Plain ican town she calls Miraflores from which Dominicans migrated:

In Miraflores, often dress in T-shirts with emblazoned the names of busi villagers nesses in Massachusetts, or logos these words although they do not know what mean. serve their visitors coffee with Cremora and juice made from They proudly Tang But, (Levitt, so to 2001a:2). speak, these artifacts are merely the cream on the coffee.

They register the regularity of contact within migrant networks. The same Dominican gear also take care of the villagers who display Boston-area

Trust

Networks

in Transnational

Migration

15

local business for them, and arrange lodging children, handle emigrants' for them when they return to the Dominican and entertainment Republic. in trust networks Back in the United facilitates States, membership lives in some regards, but it also tends to confine them to immigrants' niches created and inhabited by other immigrants. Even in the market-dom inated U.S., most people acquire jobs, housing, and major consumer goods and Louch, and 1998; Smith-Doerr (DiMaggio through personal contacts and Tilly, 1998; Chapter 9, Zelizer, 2005). Powell, 2005; Tilly, 1998; Tilly If you live in a constricted network, your contacts confine you to a and Richard limited range of opportunities. Patricia Fern?ndez Kelly the plight of a San Diego Schauffler describe from Michoacan, family the Mendozas. The family had entered the United States in a car Mexico, trunk 14 years earlier but had since become residents in an amnesty legal program. Fern?ndez Kelly and Schauffler report:
For as a busboy the past 10 years, Mr. Mendoza has worked in a fancy restaurant a position a Mexican to tourists, caters he secured friend. He is a through man who wants to study so that he can and modest his son, Carlos, hardworking than me, not for my sake but for his get a good job: '(I want him) to be better sake and that of his own family.' Mrs. Mendoza irons clothes at a Chinese-owned are prejudiced that her employers toward her and laundry and complains bitterly that other Mexicans.

Carlos is doing well in school; he was the only boy at Cabrillo junior to become an high to be elected to the honor society last year. He wants Life in San Diego has been hard on him; engineer and go back to Mexico. the gold chain his parents gave him as a gift was ripped from around his neck by neighborhood toughs; his bicycle remains locked up inside the house, because riding it would mean losing it to the same local bullies. His is not doing as well in school and dresses like a chola younger sister, Amelia, she insists it is only for the style. Her par (female gang member), although ents worry but feel helpless (Fern?ndez Kelly and Schauffler, 1996:38). This account does not tell us, of course, to what extent the Mendozas in the trust network have maintained their membership that brought them to the United States. But the family's limited opportunities and precarious in part on the narrowness survival in San Diego of their clearly depend
current networks. Even today, we affluent Americans are unsurprised

when notice that the busboys in a fancy restaurant are Mexican, but or waitress turns out to come from Mexico. the waiter impressed when in a Niches based on trust networks locate themselves help immigrants new land, all right. But they also channel opportunities a relatively into narrow cation,
low-wage

we

include access to capital, advanced edu range. If the opportunities or stardom, network members often do well. If they concentrate in
labor, network members suffer the consequences.

16

Tilly

Precisely because they are shielding serious long-term enterprises simul trust networks and internal failures, from external pr?dation taneously erect tougher, sharper us them boundaries than the blurred edges of always All such boundaries produce friendship and neighborhood. sharp implicit one side of the boundary lie security, solidarity, mutual aid, and choices. On more On the other side beckon new opportunities, restricted opportunity. extensive connections, and escapes from tyranny. Those who stick faithfully fresh connections, within trust networks generally reach new opportunities, more rarely and slowly. They also suffer more and personal independence occur. acutely from shunning and expulsion when those punishments trust networks retain their vigor into the second and later on the extent to which members of those generations generations depends to gain from membership. If the networks continue adapt, incorporate new connections, at the migrant and facilitate members' opportunities If they do survive and prosper. stream's destination, they more frequently new connections, not adapt, and facilitate members' oppor incorporate Whether at the destination, then transnational ties decline in the long run. or not, nevertheless, trust networks Whether they survive shape the lives of successive immigrant generations. Here is another way of putting my main point: By sniffing out the to and of trust networks, students of Latin American migration operation to illuminate fundamen have a splendid opportunity from North America the world. tal social processes that go on throughout tunities

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am grateful to Alex Juica, Viviana Zelizer, and a delightful Storrs, Latin American of previous Studies audience for vetting

Connecticut
drafts.

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