6.

1 Project Area Ethnographic Profile: Baluchistan Province Baluchistan covers 44% of the total area of Pakistan and has a population of 6.6 million (only 5% of the country's total population). More than 85% of this population live in rural areas. Agriculture and livestock are the main economic activities in the rural areas. Due to traditional and historical practices in the arid climate of Baluchistan the rearing of small ruminants is dominant. Baluchistan contributes 46% sheep, 23% goats and 41% camels to the total animal population in Pakistan. The cultivated area of Baluchistan is 1.7 million hectares, out of which half is irrigated. An area of about 4.4 million hectares is non-cultivable waste, 1.0 million hectares are forests and the other 21 million hectares are covered by rangelands (Nawaz 2000). The average landholding in irrigated areas is between 2 and 5 hectares whereas in rain-fed areas it varies from 2 to 10 hectares. In most parts of scarcely populated and semi desert western province of Baluchistan, groundwater is the only sustainable source of irrigation and drinking water. Indus canal supply water to only two districts in Baluchistan, namely Nisarabad and Dera Murad Jamali. In rest of 24 districts, spate flows (sailaba) and small surface streams and under-ground water channels (Karez) irrigate a small part of cultivable land, as the large tracts remain uncultivated. Although irrigated crop production plays a dominant role in the agricultural economy of Baluchistan, dry land farming of the sailaba (flood water) and khushkhaba (rain-fed) types has been important for the livelihoods of the majority of the people. Both sailaba and khushkhaba systems are fully dependent on natural precipitation and therefore their performance keeps on changing with the rainfall patterns. Agriculture in 23 out of the total 26 districts, is done through control of floodwater, rain, karezes, springs and tube wells. Presently there are 800 karezes and more than 21,000 tube wells in the province. During 1998-2002 the drought greatly affected the density of the private tube wells. The climate ranges from semiarid to hyper arid and temperature regimes vary widely from cool temperate to tropical. Cold winters and mild summers characterize the northern highland region. Most winters receive precipitation ranging from 250 to 350 mm. In the southwestern desert zone, the annual rainfall ranges from 50 to 125 mm and the region experiences the hottest summers, with the temperature rising occasionally above 50 C. Annual evaporation rates are very high ranging from 3,200 mm to over 5,000 mm. Although the province is a net importer of basic food staples such as wheat, traditional cereal production including wheat, rice, barley, sorghum and millet has remained important to its agricultural

economy. The high altitude and the aridity in the atmosphere provide an ideal environment for the production of quality deciduous fruits in Baluchistan. The province's share of many deciduous fruits like apple, plum, pear, apricot, peach and pomegranate and non-deciduous fruits like date ranges from 35 to 85% in Pakistan's total production. The province has an exclusive monopoly in Pakistan for the production of quality grapes, almond and cumin.

Illustration 1: Cumulative Precipitation

6.1.1. District Profile: Mustung The district derives its name from Mustung according to locals word "Mastung" is made up of Mas and Tung.In Barhvi language Mas means Mountain and Tung mean Hole. Mustung, which was a tehsil of district Kalat, was designated as a separate district in 1991. The district Mastung lies between 29' -03' and 30'- 13' north latitudes and between 66'-25' and 67'-29' east longitudess. It is bounded on the north by Quetta district,on the east by Sibi district and Bolan district, on the South by Kalat district and on the west by Chaghi District. It comprises of thirteen Union Councils. The union councils include, Isplanji, Spezand, Kanak, Sheikh Wasil, Kirdgap, Shareen Aab, Kad Koucha, Sorgaze, Karez Noth, Ali Zai, Mustung city-1 and Musting city 2.

Illustration 2: Location of Mustung District on the Map Population: With a muslim dominated population of about 578035 according to 2003 census, the district is predominantly rural with 70 % people living in rural areas1. Since 1972, the population has increased two and a half times more suggesting a birth rate which is higher than the national average, but substantially lower than the provincial average. In terms of population composition, according to the 1981 census the male/female ratio was 103 males for 100 females (1.03). The number of males was 66,835 against 65,209 females. Infants (below 1 year) were 3.06%. The adult population (i.e. 18 years
1

2003 District Census Report Mustung

and above) was 48.95% and the population eligible to vote (i.e. 21 years and above) was 41.36%. The number of women of child bearing age (15 49 years) was 59.62% of the female population. The dependent population was about 50% and adult population was about 49%. In terms of rural-urban dimensions, in 1981, the total population of the district was 132,000, of which 87.51% lived in rural areas. Of the rural population 49.1% was female. Only 12.49% of the total population resided in urban areas; 51.4% of them were females. To avert rural-urban migration, it is essential that rural life is made more attractive and the difference in rural and urban income should be narrowed down through government policies. More than 4/5 of the population lives in rural areas. The population density in 1981 was 22.4 person per sq. km and estimated to have increased to 34 persons per sq. km in 1995. In Mastung there are 280 villages. They are small and lie scattered over the district. They normally range from 10 to 250 households. The district is economically impoverished with a majority of people relying on agriculture and cattle grazing-most unreliable of trades in a largely arid region. A small percentage of population, especially in Mustung city, depends on cross-border smuggling of goods from Iran as a source of income. There are also a large number of people from the district working as labourers in Gulf countries. Remittances sent in by these overseas workers provide lifeline for many poor families. Ethnically, the district is predominantly Baloch with a small Afghan, local Pashto and Urdu speaking population. The main tribes of the district are Bangulzai, Shawani, Lehri, Dewar, Sarparha, Raisani, The geographical area of district Mastung is 589,600 ha. The Reported area is 436,586 ha, which is almost 3/4th of the total geographical area; 38.28% of the total area is not available for cultivation. The potential area available for cultivation is 247,466 ha, of which nearly 45,600 ha are arable land and 165,466 ha is cultivable waste. Thus more than 165 thousand ha area has potential for future agricultural development, but due to scarcity of water, the potential has not yet been exploited. The available data shows that the district is rich in forest resources. This resource could be further developed. The district is mountainous and includes barren lands. There is acute shortage of water in the district and wherever water is available people use it for high value cash crops like fruit and vegetables.

Land Use Total Geographical Area Area not Reported Area Reported Area under Forest Culturable waste - Arable land Potential cultivation area available

Area Ha 589,600 153,014 436,586 143,520 82,000 211,066 for 293,066

% of total district area 100 25.95 74.05 24.34 13.90 35.80 49.70

Source: Irrigation Department, GoB, Quetta. Extra Assistant Director, Agriculture Extension, Mastung.

The district, due to its fertile land, holds bright potential for agriculture/horticulture development. The resources of the district, particularly minerals and land, are under-utilised. Being adjacent to Quetta and the RCD road, Mastung has much potential for development. The use of modern energy has increased, however, in rural areas animal dung and wood bushes are still used for fuel purposes. This has given rise to problems like soil erosion and deforestation. As an aftermath of drought which lingers on since 1998, and consequent rampant, water harvesting through tube well irrigation, the water table in the district has hit the lowest ebb. In various parts of the district, it ranges from 500 feet to 1000 feet from the ground level. While the districts underground water resources are depleting fast, there is relatively little public action in checking its over exploitation. Despite, sporadic interventions by donors and NGOs in the province, there is a big gap in the official drought mitigation policy and the disaster situation on the ground.

Crops 2005-2006 Wheat Barley Cumin Fodder Jowar Melons Fruits Onion Potato

Area (Ha). 19,250 5,000 4,300 4,215 70 394 3,891 4,170 262

Production Tonnes 36,160 7,580 2,600 98,420 70 5,160 34,083 98,000 3,700

Yield Kg/Ha 1,982 1,516 605 38,127 1,000 13,096 8,759 23,501 14,122

Vegetables

692

10,390

15,697

Source: Agriculture Statistics of Balochistan 2005-2006, Quetta. Political Profile The Mustung city, is a little nondescript town with a bare minimum of civic infrastructure. Nonetheless, its a politically vibrant city with a long standing tradition of radical nationalist politics. The city is a stronghold of Balochistan National Party (BNP), while other nationalist parties such as Jamhori Watan Party (JWP) and Pakistan National Party (PNP-Bizinjo) also have a substantial presence. A large number of elected representatives at the local level are affiliated with BNP. However, many councilors are said to be handmaidens of one tribal leader or the other, who had them elected using their personal clout. Like many other districts in Pakistan, the relationship between elected representatives and local bureaucracy is marred by mutual distrust and accusations of undue interference and non-cooperation. Despite a tradition of radical politics and pervasiveness of progressive political rhetoric, patron-client relationships still persist within the political system. The basic assumption behind this relationship is that patron (tribal leader/elected representative/bureaucrat) has access to political and economic resources that the client needs. The means to gain access to these resources under a patron-client relationship is for the latter to adopt a posture of deference towards the former and/or appeal to and manipulate personal and kinship ties and codes of reciprocity (Davis 1977: 132). Such a relationship is strongly linked with the moral system of honor and shame. In return for access to resources, clients are obliged to honor the patron by political support or other offerings. Patrons usually emerge to control resources where the state fails to provide universal access to resources (Gellner 1977:4). Despite a tradition of radical politics and pervasiveness of progressive political rhetoric, patron-client relationships still persist within the political system. The basic assumption behind this relationship is that patron (tribal leader/elected representative/bureaucrat) has access to political and economic resources that the client needs. The means to gain access to these resources under a patron-client relationship is for the latter to adopt a posture of deference towards the former and/or appeal to and manipulate personal and kinship ties and codes of reciprocity (Davis 1977: 132). Such a relationship is strongly linked with the moral system of honor and shame. In return for access to resources, clients are obliged to honor the patron by political support or other offerings. Patrons usually emerge to control

resources where the state fails to provide universal access to resources (Gellner 1977:4). The religious right represented by Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) has some following in rural areas and so does Pakistan Peoples Party. The ruling Muslim League has made some political gains recently with a few leading tribal leaders joining the party. Mustungi does not have a separate National Assembly seat. Significantly, clerics or mosque imams have a ceremonious role confined to religious duties such as leading prayers and delivering sermons. Beyond that, they are said to have very little influence on basic social issues including water management.

Fig. 1: Fruit Tree Harvesting

Illustration 3: Fruit Trees Harvesting by Karez

Illustration 5: Fruit Trees Harvesting by Khuskhaba

Illustration 4: Fruit Trees and Cultivated Fields

Illustration 7: Fruit Tree Harvesting by Sailaba

Illustration 6: Arid, Grassy Landscape with Metaled Road

Access to Driking Water Access to and availability of potable water has always been a major problem in Mastung district, particularly in the rural areas, where people use water from wells and perennial streams. Water is supplied through different sources: tube wells, hand pumps, open surface wells, karezes and springs. Tube wells have by far become the major source of water supply through P.V.C pipes, which have advantages over iron pipes. According to the estimates provided by P.H.E.D authorities, 40% of the total population has been provided with piped drinking water facilities. These facilities have been provided to 10,470 houses. All the schemes run by P.H.E.D are either piped schemes or tank schemes. In the case of piped schemes water is supplied from the source to the houses in pipes. Forty percent of the total population in the district has access to potable water supplied by PHED and 59 percent of the population is getting water from wells, tube wells and perennial water. Local government also provides community hand pumps. These schemes cover one percent of the population. Despite the coverage by PHED, many people still have to fetch water from remote areas. Normally children and women are involved in this water fetching activity. Goat skin and rubber containers are used by women to transport and store the water. In far flung areas, nomads face many problems in getting drinking water. The management of water supply in the district is the responsibility of PHED, except in Mastung town where the water supply is administered by the Municipal Committee. The consumers who wish to join the schemes have to be registered with PHED and have to pay the cost of connection from the main connection to their houses. Local government provides hand pumps to the community on cost sharing basis. There are many illegal connections in the district. One of the common issues raised by community and PHED staff during PRA were the irregular bills, and the unwillingness of the powerful segments to pay their bills. At times the community as a whole refuses to pay. Percentage of Population served

Source Piped water supply Perennial streams Springs Karazes Wells (open surface)

Number 34 10 733

House Connection 10470 -

Total percentage 40 7 1 1 20

Hand pumps Tubewella Total

7 2252 3037

10470

1 30 100

Ground Water Extraction and Public Health Engineering (PHE) Department The Public Health Engineering Department (PHED) was created in 1987. Before, PHED was part of the Irrigation Department. The main objective of the Department is to plan, implement and manage water supply schemes throughout Balochistan, excluding Quetta City. Among other things it is planned to provide piped water in sufficient quantity for domestic use. It was also planned to improve the sewerage system and sanitary conditions. PHED is not yet involved in sanitation works, though it intends to be in the near future. Through PRA exercises, it transpired that water supply schemes need to take into account the social and cultural constraints, i.e. tanks and taps should be installed away from public places, enabling women to fetch the water. The hygienic conditions in the district are very poor, there is no proper drainage system. Even in the urban areas the state of sanitation is miserable. In district Mustung the quality of ground water varies from place to place. In most of the places where PHED supplies water, the water is of very good quality. There have been some studies indicating that there is potential for exploiting water in the district valley, but due to the very low water table it will be very expensive to use that water in future. According to the Irrigation and PHED authorities in Mustung district, however, the ground water has much potential. The resource can be developed by utilizing modern technologies such as drilling for tube wells and supply of electricity for the installation of tube wells or turbines. Moreover, the communities expressed their preference for rehabilitation of Karez, rather than encouraging private pumping through tube wells. Sanitation The prevailing hygienic conditions in the district are not satisfactory. To being with the Mustung town, which like other cities of the province have grown without any planning, therefore it lacks a proper sewerage system. Due to lack of education and social and civic responsibilities, the general hygiene situation is poor. The facilities for toilet and drainage are quite inadequate. There is no data available to show the waste disposal method of the various households. However, it has been observed that a growing number of households in Mastung have linked their flush system with septic tanks. Still most of the houses have dry pits in their houses, while in rural areas most of the people go out into the fields. The sanitation facilities can be improved by the supply of water and through awareness among the

masses. The waste water from the houses is disposed of through open drainage systems. The hygienic conditions are even worse in the rural areas of district Mastung. The streets are unpaved and have no drainage at all. Waste water remains stagnant outside the houses, creating breeding grounds for flies and mosquitoes, thus creating health hazards. PHED is not yet involved in sanitation. Local government, through the municipal committee and town committee is involved in the disposal of waste and in the provision of sanitation facilities. According to the Municipal Committee authorities they have not received any grants from the provincial government since 1994. Their income from octroi is not even sufficient to cope with their non-development expenditure.

Coverage Water Services Sanitation

Local and Govt.Local Govt.

Prov. Govt..

Fed. Govt

NGONGO

Internat. Donor

Private Entr.

Construction X Management X Operation & Maintenance Legend:

no involvement, X

XX XX X

XX

x -

minor involvement, XX substantial involvement, XXX

major involvement

Economic Irfastructure of District Mustung Economic infrastructure and communication play a vital role in accelerating the pace of development; their advancement is essential for expanding the size of the markets. The construction of roads promotes the development of towns. District Mastung is linked to other parts of the province by three national highways, roads and rail. Roads Road maintenance is the responsibility of the C&W Department, headed by an Executive Engineer at district level. There is a network of SDOs, overseers and other staff. The total length of roads is 557 km, divided into 269 km of shingle road and 288 km of metaled road. The total length of the three

national highways running through the district is 215 km. The three national highways are: i) Quetta Kalat Karachi, ii) Quetta Nushki Taftan Iran, and iii) Quetta Sibi Sukkur. The single roads in the district link all villages within the district and their proportion in provincial roads is very high. Most shingle roads are in a bad condition.

Type of Road Metaled (km) Shingle (km) Total (km)

National Highway 215 0 215

Provincial Roads 73 194 267

District Council Other Agencies Total 75 75 288 269 55

Source:XEN, Provincial B&R Division Mastung Transport Mastung has no separate Vehicle Registration Office, but falls under the office in Quetta. Some vehicles are registered in Khuzdar. The Vehicle Registration System is the same as in other Districts of Balochistan. The procedure for imported vehicles is somewhat different from that of the Pakistani manufactured or assembled vehicles. For imported vehicles, the following documents have to be produced before the authorities: bill of entry, import permit, octroi receipt, K.P.T. receipt, a bill of landing for Pakistani manufactured vehicles, an invoice of the firm, and a sale certificate from the distributor. The number of non-registered vehicles and motorcycles is not available. However, there are many vehicles smuggled in from Iran, because of the price difference between smuggled and imported vehicles. The main means of public transport in the district are vans and buses. A bus services links almost all main towns and villages. It is difficult to estimate the exact number of passengers. Buses are normally overloaded. There are 55 vans and 20 buses going daily from Mastung to Quetta, Khuzdar, Nushki, Kalat and Shahdad Kot (Sindh). Railways The total length of the railway line which passes through the district is 104 km. There are two tracks. The first one, from Quetta to Sibi, is about 24 km and has three railway stations in Mastung: Spezand, Mastung Road and Karidoo. The second track, which was completed in 1905, runs from Quetta to

Taftan. This track covers 80 km and has stations in Mastung at Spezand, Wali Khan, Kanak, Sheikh Wasil and Kardigap. Howsoever, in the past few decades, the railway on the tracks have been badly effected by the insurgencies in the province. Radio and Television There is no radio and television station in Mastung district, but almost every household has a radio or tape recorder set. Most of the people listen to programmes from Quetta Station. Radio is very popular in villages and remote areas. It provides the cheapest recreational facilities to the people. Radio is also used to provide educational programs. It is a big source of entertainment and awareness for the public. The programmes produced by various stations are mostly in local languages. There is no data available on the number of television sets. The only proxy for the number of T.V. sets is the number of issued T.V licenses, but most radio or television owners are not registered. In the urban areas television sets are common and every tenth household has a satellite dish. Telecommunications The district headquarters Mastung is linked with the nation-wide dialing system. There is a very good network of telecommunication in the district. There are many more privately owned public call offices (PCOs) than government PCOs. The number of registered private PCOs is 2, but some are doing business without registration. The total number of household and commercial telephone connections is 483. Other towns, i.e. Spezand, Kirdagab and Kanak, have an operator telephone Fax facilities are available only in the Deputy Commissioners office. However, with the spread of private sector telecommunications, the mobile phones have become operational in the district and have cut the reliance of people on public sector communications. Post Offices / Courier Services Post offices not only provide postal services of receiving and distributing letters, but they are also engaged in providing other services like registration and collection of token fees of vehicles and ammunition etc. Two type of post offices are functioning in the district: sub-post offices and branch post offices. A sub-post office is a regular and full fledged post office. It has full-time staff, while branch post offices are run by teachers, shop keepers etc. There are 3 sub-post offices, in Mastung, Spezand and Kardigap, and 5 branch post offices, in Pringabad, Wali Khan, Kanak, Sheikh Wasil and Shamsabad. The General Post Office (G.P.O) is in Mastung. In remote areas, where it is not possible to open a full fledged post office, arrangements are made with the school teachers to act as part time

postmaster. Such arrangements were made at 5 places in the district. The part-time postmasters are paid 600 rupees per month for their services. The postal service network is operational throughout the district, but it may not be speedy in the rural areas. There is no proper courier service available in the district. Banking/Financial Institutions The United Bank and the National Bank have a branch in the district. Their services include the provision of credit for business. The Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan (APBP), which provides loans for landowners and farmers for agricultural activities, also has a branch in Mastung. The Balochistan Rural Support Programme (BRSP) has launched a small loans scheme for the poor so they can develop economic activities to generate additional income. Electricity and Gas Electricity is the most important source of energy and it is used in many ways. It is used in the agricultural sector to run the tube wells. In the industrial sector it is vital for running machines. For households, electricity is not only used for lighting, but also as a source of fuel. Electricity is not produced locally but is generated at Giddu and Terballa and transmitted to Mastung. There are six grid stations in the district. There are 12,383 electricity connections, supplied by WAPDA. The number of domestic consumers in rural areas is increasing more rapidly, as compared to the number of industrial and commercial consumers. The agricultural connections are all tube well connections. According to the Agricultural Statistics of Balochistan 2005/2006 the number of electric tube wells in Mastung was 3,633. Different rates are charged for the above mentioned categories. Domestic users pay according to their consumption. Incentives are given for limited use, by applying lower rates per unit to a certain maximum. Commercial consumers pay a higher price for using electricity. Industries pay according to the type of machine used, while the agricultural consumers are charged a flat rate depending on the capacity (hp) of the motor used. According to WAPDA authorities, 80% of the population has been provided with electricity connections. According to official sources only 15% of the consumers pay their bills. Due to poor administrative ability, WAPDA is unable to deliver and recover its bills in time. Currently, WAPDA tries to recover unpaid bills with the help of the district administration. As the payment of the accumulated bills is very difficult for the consumers, law and order problems have arisen.

Piped gas supply started in early 1996 in Pringabad followed by Mastung. Since 1996, seventeen villages have been provided gas connections. Total number of gas connections up to June, 1997 was 404. It can be concluded that economic infrastructure and communication facilities are very poor in the rural areas of the district. The district has a fairly good network of roads, but rural roads are not properly maintained. Traffic pressure has increased during the last decade and the roads are not technically able to sustain that traffic. Due to urban development, the demand for economic infra-structure services is increasing. This has been observed particularly in the case of transport. Due to limited seating capacity in the buses people have to sit on the roof of the buses. The rural population is getting more and more access to public utilities. However, when the time for payment comes, they are reluctant to pay for these services. The number of domestic consumers of electricity vis-a-vis commercial and industrial consumers has increased very rapidly and there is scope for further expansion. The major issue seems to be the gap between demand and supply of electricity, giving rise to the load shedding problem. Further development of gas supply will reduce the need of traditional sources of cooking like wood and as such also help the efforts aiming at protection of the environment.

Illustration 8: Mustung City Bus Station

Illustration 9: Nationalist Slogans on the Public Transport Vehicle

Illustration 11: BSO Poster

Illustration 10: Flag of BNP on the mud walls of house

Illustration 13: Nationalist Wall Chalking Against Federal Development

Illustration 12: Electricity Poles in the Village

6.1.2. Intervention Mapping in Mustung district. The federal government is involved in almost all the major economic infrastructure services, including water management particularly where huge investment is needed. Provincial government also plays an important role, particularly in road works. The intervention of NGOs in the district can be divided into two categories: relief and rehabilitation. In the wake of earthquake of June 2007, Islamic Relief (IR) started disaster mitigation measures, both to help recover from earthquake as well as cope ensuing drought precipitated by low rainfalls, causing havoc in Balochistan. With the exception of BRSP providing loans, the role of NGOs does not exist in any of the economic infrastructure activities. Local government and international donors are involved in road works. The private sector is also actively involved in the provision of certain economic infrastructure facilities, particularly in transport and in the provision of gas cylinders. Baluchistan Rural Support Program (BRSP) In the non-government sector, Baluchistan Rural Support Program (BRSP) established in 1991 on the Rural Support Program model, pioneered by Agha Khan Rural Support Program in Northern Areas of Pakistan, first comprehensive program for participatory sustainable development in the province. In 2001, BRSP developed a comprehensive Integrated Rural Development Program (IRDP), largely focusing in the district Mustung, with financial and technical support of Poverty Alleviation Fund (PAAF). Under this program, BRSP focused on social mobilization, community physical infrastructure, micro-credit, in addition to special projects on health, education, livestock. Lately, the rehabilitation of traditional water supply scheme, karez has emerged as one of the key areas of intervention. Working through community organizations, for the planning, management and cost sharing of of all schemes under IRDP, BRSP has 85 percent of rate of successful recovery on its project. In 2007, BRSP extended the scope of to its work to Zhob, Pishin, Kalat and Kila Saifullah (BRSP Annual Report 2005-2007).

BRSP at Rehabilitation of Karez in Baluchstan

Karez Dand, was one of the 56 Karez villages identified by BRSP for rehabilitation. Located in UC Karez Noth, at a distance of 2 km from the Mustung city, the village comprised of 135 households, with a total population of 827 individuals. The Karez which had historically supplied ample water for agriculture had now a dwindling supply of water. Through stakeholders dialog, conducted by BRSP, it was decided to improve the water supply by undertaking to clean, extend, and linned channels. A irrigation reservoir was to be constructed to save water wastage to allow cultivation of more than 100 acres of land. Through meetings with water share holders (Shurka) numbered 47, the cost of the rehabilitation project was estimated as 2,104,757. Out of the total, Rs 631,427 was to be contributed by the Shurka and donors PPA contributed Rs, 1,473,330a X % of the total cost. The rehabilitation project was to be managed by a committee of village water mangers, headed by WaterMaster (Mir-a-aab), Master (Malik) and four Mangers (Rais). Six members of Shurka were drafted into the project committee, headed by Water Master, who were responsible for implementation and maintained of the project, after its completion. The community members were to provide labor and skills and the costs of the materials and additional skilled labor was assessed at prevailing market rates. Most of the costs incurred on earthwork excavations, construction of brick masonry wall, supporting walls, plaster floor....BRSP civil engineers provided advice on the layout and excavations, as well as on cleaning and extension of channels

Illustration 14: BRSP Project Plaque

Illustration 15: BRSP Development Advocacy Wall Chalking

Illustration 16: BRSP Water Advocacy

Illustration 17: Karez Dund Rehabilitated by BRSP

Illustration 18: Karez Dund rehabilitated by BRSP

Illustration 20: Community Advocacy for Awareness Around Water Issues

Illustration 19: Water Advocacy by CBOs

7. Drought Mitigation through Ground Water Resource Harvesting in Baluchistan In many parts of scarcely populated semi desert wester Province, groundwaer is the only source of irrigation and drinking. Indus canal supply water only to Nasirabad and Dera Mura Jamali districts only. In the remaining part of the province, spate flows and small surface streams irrigated a small portion of the land, but large tracts remain uncultivated. Historically, the aquifiers the underground water channels were only exploited by animal driven Persian wheels, lifting water from shallow wells and by gravity driven Karez water channels. In the second half of the 1960s, dug wells became a popular alternative. This development was stimulated by a range of government programmes, that provided subsidized dug wells to farmers. Moreover, the thinking in the 1960s and 1970s was that water was wasted from karezes, since they were flowing throughout the year, whereas commercial peak water requirements occurred during a three-month interval in the summer, when high value fruit and vegetable crops needed to be irrigated. In addition to the installation of subsidized dug wells, well development was further promoted through the provision of cheap electricity. For ease of collection of dues, a system of flat rates was used for most electrified tube wells, which further encouraged over pumping, because electricity charges bear no relation to consumption . In the same period, improvements in the transport network facilitated an upsurge in the cultivation of high-value fruits and vegetables. The expansion of groundwater irrigated agriculture was unstoppable. According to official figures, 21.8% of the perennially irrigated land in the Province was supplied by groundwater in 1989 (Agricultural Statistics 1989-1990). In 1993, there were officially 9,639 electrified agricultural wells in Balochistan. To this should be added the substantial number of electric tube wells without a legal connection as well as the diesel-driven wells in the valleys that were not yet connected to the electricity grid. Diesel pump sets also became popular in the commands of the small and scattered surface irrigation systems, where they helped to safeguard adequate supplies in the summer irrigation season. In many valleys of Balochistan, groundwater exploitation soon exceeded sustainable yields of confined aquifers. Groundwater levels declined at a rate of 0.25 to 1.10 l/annum (WAPDA, 1992). Soon after the large-scale introduction of dug wells in the 1960s, the flow of many nearby karezes was affected. This process had a hydrological as well as a social component. At the early proliferation of dug wells many parts of Balochistan were going through a dry climatic cycle, causing lowered

groundwater tables, further accelerated by the increased withdrawal from the new dug wells. Karezes became less viable and often the first to release their share in the communal systems were the larger farmers, who had the resources to develop a private well. The heavy burden for maintaining the drying kareze then fell increasingly upon smaller farmers. The final outcome often was the collapse of the traditional system (Syukurallah et al, 1990) and a polarization in the access to groundwater. On the opposite side of the tally-sheet were land owners who traditionally had no share or only a small share in the karez supplies and who now made use of the new technical opportunities and invested in the development of dugwells. Water from these dug wells was also sold to farmers without a well of their own. In the late 1970s, the provincial Government, however, took a number of initiatives to address the destruction of Baluchistan's groundwater reserves. The response, however, was mixed. While the public subsidies to dug well and tube well development and operation continued, funds were now also made available for artificial groundwater recharge. Throughout the Province, so-called delay action dams were constructed, that collected water after the sporadic rain storms, in order for it to infiltrate and contribute to the groundwater stock. The cost effectiveness and hydrological effectiveness of these dams has been questioned: a recent study established that several of the 110 delays action dams constructed in the Province up to 1997 had a noticeable impact on groundwater availability (Nippon Giken Inc., 1997). The average area served by the delay action dams was small (85 ha). The Balochistan Government was also the first, and so far only, provincial Government to issue legislation to control groundwater mining. In 1978, the Groundwater Rights Administration Ordinance was announced. The objective of the new Groundwater Rights Administration Ordinance was "to regulate the use of groundwater and to administer the rights of the various persons therein". Under the legislation, the groundwater users were considered individuals with a direct relation to the law implementing agencies. The right of the various persons were not quantifiable entitlements as such, but consisted of permissions to develop and operate groundwater abstracting infrastructure. The Ordinance established the procedures and framework within the district civil administration to issue permits for the development of new karezes, dug wells and tube wells. The relevant authorities were the District Water Committees, composed of government officials as well as two appointed local notables. Before giving out a permit, the committees would first hear objections from surrounding landowners. Appeal could next be made to the divisional commissioner (representing the next highest administrative level) and the Provincial Water Board. The permits were indefinite, as a well owner could always replace a

dried well with a new one. On paper, the legislation had the makings of an enabling framework for local resource management by involving the local administration as well as tribal elders and allowing flexibility in determining usage rules for the common groundwater property. In principle the strategy of promoting common property management regimes made sense in the valleys of tribal Balochistan, but unfortunately the announcement of the legislation was not complemented by an effort in establishing such local rules. Since it was not realistic to expect community initiatives to frame local groundwater management rules to evolve spontaneously, the legislation failed. From a social perspective, the development of groundwater exploitation has brought major changes too. The falling groundwater tables in Balochistan led to the decline of karezes throughout the Province and denied many farmers access to the vital resource. On the other hand, earlier have-nots gained access to groundwater by developing a dug well. In areas, where groundwater has fallen beyond the level that can be exploited by a dug well, deep tube wells appeared on the scene. Since the investment costs of these tube wells are high, access to groundwater was monopolized by those who could afford the tube well. 7.1. Indigenous Drought Copying Strategies Karez (Underground Water Channels) For centuries, life in the region has been supported through intricate mechanism of water resource management keeping the delicate balance between discharge and recharge. The center piece of natural water resource management is called Karez (meaning to work underground) or qanat, which is one of the oldest traditional irrigation system being practiced in Baluchistan of Pakistan, Afghanistan and parts of Iran. According to an estimate, there are about 500 karezes in whole of Baluchistan,some of which are over 100 years old (IUCN). Mustung residents report the number of karez in the district as 286. The Karez was devised as a means of tapping ground water supplies using gravity flowing consist of a mother well dug into the water table and connected via tunnel to a string of wells. The water flows by gravity to a daylight point, from where it can be used for irrigation. It usually convey and collect groundwater over a length of 500 to 3,000 m. The slope of the karezes is less than the land gradient and they surface close to the command areas. Since the system relies upon the passive tapping of grounder

water, it has no impact on water table. A Karez can be anything from 1 to 5 km long, but some are as long as 50km especially in the past. A karez is either privately owned by a family and water sold to the members of community or owned or managed communally. For the construction of karez, the first step is to dig a well in the ground to the appearance of groundwater, which becomes the mother well, from which the water flows downward. More wells are dug in the expected direction of sub-soil flow of water, each at a distance of 50-100 meters. A typical karez with all its components is shown figure X. The development and maintainence of Karez is highly labor intensive. The digging of long range underground water channels and deep man holes requires large scale use of rudimentary technology of humans, animals and hand digging implements. As a result, in terms of social organization, it is simply beyond the capacity of single individual either to develop or maintain a Karez as well as the perennial water source is plenty more than individual needs and benefits the social group as a whole. The water distribution of a Karez is most often based on time division, where a share holder is entitled to the full flow flow of the channel for a fixed period of time during a water cycle that revolves over 7-30 days, depending upon the cropping pattern. The magnitude of an individual water share is pro rata to the investment made the by the shareholders (for his forefathers) in the development of the Karez. In the same vein, the distribution of the onus of recurrent obligations for the periodic repair and maintenance of the karez is also proportionate to the initial entitlement of the individual. Although the initial costs of establishing karezes are high and in most cases prohibitive for individuals, the karez dug and managed with the help of community of land users collectively can offer a perennial source of ground water supply for years. A typical karez in Balochistan will yield anything up to 200 l/sec. and will serve a maximum of 200 shareholding families. Not only establishment costs are high: karez maintenance is equally expensive. The cooperative strength of the karez shareholders is thus constantly tested. A committee of village elders is responsible for organizing the labor needed for Karee maintainence, levying penalties on any defaulters, resolving water related disputes and dealing with other aspects of sustainable water management. The head of the village committee is a person known as Rais (headman), hisbagar (Accountant), or Mir-a-Aab (head of water). The position is hereditary or if the candidate is not suitable for the job, could be elected too and was compensated by the allocation of

extra water shares or an exemption from the onus of Karez maintenance. The karez is not only a perennial source of water but an established socio-cultural institution, which involves a shared expectations and patterns of cooperation and conflict. Commonly the karez share holders have landholdings distributed along the head, middle and tail reaches of the main irrigation channel downstream from the daylight point. This ensures that, in addition to every shareholder retaining an equitable share in the water scarcity. This mutual interdependence of community for keeping a shared resource intact knit them into a intertwined fabric of cooperative enterprise where the communal mode of power is the defining character of the social organization. Karez is a permanent source of water both for daily consumption and irrigation purposes, In places, where supply of fresh water is limited karez water is used for drinking, washing of clothes, and utensils and for the construction of mud clay houses. The karez water brings strong agricultural and livestock economic interdependency among community members, A key advantage of the karez is that it delivers water year round, even in years when rainfall is below the average perennial supply of karez water supply allowed horticulture possible, leading to extensive land development and a blossoming agricultural economy supported entirely through karez. The traditional water harvesting and management interventions used by the rural communities are sustainable compared to the introduction of the new technologies during the last three decades in Baluchistan. For example, karez as a traditional water harvesting and irrigation system, which was sustainable for the development and utilizations of scarce water resources of ground Water in the fragile ecosystem of Baluchistan. The Karez water harnessing and irrigation system was designed local knowledge and skills to address the needs of the rural communication irrespective of their financial position. As a result, both resource rich and poor farmers were equally involved in the development of karez and the system was aimed to have social equity, where water was available to all households based on their contribution in the development of Karez system.

Illustration Schematic of a Karez Project:

(1) Infiltration Part of the Tunnel (2) Water Conveyance Part of the Tunnel (3) The Open Channel (4) Vertical Shafts (5) Small Storage Pond (6) The Irrigation Area (7) Sand and Gravel (8) Layers of Soil (9) Groundwater Surface

Fig. 3: A chain of Deep Wells in a Row

Fig. 2: A Chain of New Deep Wells in a Row

Fig. 4: Under Ground Water Channel Access Point

Fig. 5: Underground Water Channel from Inside

Fig. 6: Karez Shallow Well

Fig. 7: Karez Deep Well Covered

Fig. 8: Karez well with Wooden Pulley Fig. 9: The Karez Water Manager pointing to the water level in the underground water channel.

Fig. 10: Karez well

Fig. 13: Karez Water Channel

Fig. 12: Karez Water Channel: Another View

Fig. 14: Karez Water Channel Flows in the Village

Fig. 16: Water Diviner

Fig. 15: Village Water Diviner

Spate Irrigation or Sailaba Spate irrigation is a type of water management that is unique to semi-arid environments of the world. In spate irrigation, floodwater from mountain catchments is diverted and spread over large areas to support agriculture through moisture conservation. This is usually done by free intakes, by diversions, spurs or by bunds, that are build across the river bed. The flood water typically lasting a few hours of a few days is channeled through a network of primary, secondary and some times tertiary flood channels. Command areas of spate irrigation may range from year to year depending on intensity and frequency of floods. According to the Agricultural Census, the area under spate irrigation fluctuates between 30,000 and 150,000 ha. The areas under canal irrigation and minor (including groundwater) irrigation each are comparable and are 140,000 ha. All spate diversion systems in Baluchistan, however, are marked by intrinsic uncertainty in water supplies and related to this, a marginal agricultural production system. The uncertainty in water supplies comes in two shapes. The first is recurrent uncertainty in a way that water availability differs widely between the years: there are either no floods or several floods. The floods may be too violent to control and wipe out diversion structures in one year, and in the next years, the floods may be mild and controllable. The second element of uncertainty is the dynamic character of spate irrigation in Baluchistan. In the medium term the configuration of the spate system changes: the bed believe of the spate rivers, the flood channels, and the intake structures need to be adjusted. As a result of this dynamic nature, some areas go out of command because the flood channel silts up or because it sours so much that the flood can no longer be controlled and other areas become easier to irrigate. In the worst case, entire systems are lost, because the river changes its course. Spate irrigation also supports a low value agriculture. The recurrent uncertainty in water supplies lies at the root of it. There may either too much or too little spate flows. In the first case the spates may be beyond control, breaking the diversion structures or the flood channels, before land is irrigated. In the alternate scenario, the seasons may not bring any flood or only a small flood, that peters out before it irrigates all fields. A variation on these problems is that the downstream water users are deprived, because upstreams users monopolize the flow. A further source of insecurity is the additional misconstrue from rains at later stages of crop growth, particularly of wheat. These rains may not come and the crop may be suitable for fodder only.

The farming system of spate irrigation in Mustung district are dominated by drought resistant, low yielding sorghum, millet, wheat, pulses, cotton and oilseeds. Most of the land is under local cultivators. Even if optimal conditions were to prevail, crop returns would have difficulty competing with alternate source of income. Spate irrigation receivuncertainityly less attention, because of the general low rates of returns and the difficulty of making it work technically. The motivation to invest in spate irrigation ws sometimes secondary to the spate themselves: the public investment was justified on the basis of ground water recharge or flood protection. However, when Mustung was part of state of Kalat, it was directly involved in the management of spate irrigation system in Balochistan. The Khan of Kalat appointed the Tehsildar Ghandajat, who was to supervise the breaking of the different barrages in the Nari River at a specified time. The ruler's vested interest in the spate irrigation was that his land at the tail of the system will not be inundated without the smooth functioning of the system. After Kalat State was dismantled and incorporated in federal system, the former administration of the water rights was dismantled and the upstream landowners refused to break their barrages after the previously specified time. In the ensuing vacuum, water rights were often determined by the relative strength of the communities, along the flood river rather than by formal regulation. In contrast, in the flood irrigated areas of Punjab, the government involvement has been more persistent. In the colonial period, the British administration, in order to safeguard the land revenue from the flood irrigated areas of Punjab, directly managed the use of flood water, and organized the repair of bunds and flood channels by coercive labor and posted watchmen, who were to break the barrages in time. The system has slackened somewhat, but still the District Collector supervises the water distribution and timely breaking of the earthen bunds in the area. (PARC/UNEP/ESCAP, 1994). Kushkaba System The Kushkhaba System comprise of in-situ conservation of incidental rain water and catching run off from large uncultivated blocks and diverting it to cultivated fields. Fields receive moisture directly from rainfall or from localized run-off. The Khushkhaba is merely a chance cropping with a successful crop being raised on an average once in five years. The main feature of the Khushkhaba lands distinguishing from Sailaba lands is that the catchment area is small and sometimes is not bigger than the field enclosed by embankment or bund. Embankments are made facing the hills, so that the natural gradient within the bunded area helps the run-off to collect above the embankment. The area inside the bund is

deliberately left uneven with the areas closer to the bund being the lowest. This is done so that in the case of high rainfall the run-off from areas upslope collects near the embankments and provides enough moisture to at least grow crops int eh lower half of the fields (0.5-1%) to encourage incidental rainfall to run off onto the tilled bunded field below to increase its sil moisture content and consequently the yield of dry land crop....The Kushakaba cultivation was estimated to be 319106 ha in 1980 and 342074 ha in 2000 and 30687 ha in 2007. (GoP, 2007). 9. Modern Macro Management Tube Well Irrigation As mentioned earlier, the over-exploitation of ground water started off as a enterprise in the 1970s when Baluchistan was increasingly brought under national electricity gird. Since then as more rural areas are being electrified, and government has continued its policy of imposing flat fee for tube well electricity use in the province, much the same as in neighboring India, the largest groundwater user in the world. The flat rate at present is Rs. 4,000 (US $66.5), whereas the actual average cost of electricity for operating a tube well round the clock is estimated to be Rs. 52,000 per month (US $867) (Secretary Irrigation, Government of Balochistan (GoB), personal communication). In the 1990s, the trend of tube well installation accelerated as it coincided with a drought in the second half of the 1990s, which adopted only in 2005. Furthermore, the availability of cheap Afghan refugee labor in Balochistan in the 1990s allowed for expansion of fruit orchards, providing further impetus for tube well expansion. In 2005, there are approximately 14 400 tube wells in Balochistan receiving an annual subsidy of Rs. 7 billion (US $117 million) on electricity alone (Secretary Irrigation, GoB, personal communication). Trickle Irrigation In Balochistan, Pakistan, irrigation methods currently followed by common farmers include the controlled flood irrigation technique on either wide border strips or basins. It is a very simple, cheap method, requiring little maintenance, yet it is also very inefficient and wastes almost 50 per cent of the precious water during conveyance from the source and by leaching from the field. Modern irrigation systems have been introduced among the more progressive farmers to control water losses and to improve the efficiency of water usage.

Trickle irrigation is most commonly micro-irrigation and involves dripping water on to the soil at very low rates (4 to 24 litres/h). It is commonly used in orchards and for vine crops, it is adaptable to any slope, and is applicable to a variety of soil textures. A typical drip irrigation system can be described as follows: A supply of water with adequate pressure is essential. Tube wells fitted with centrifugal electric pumps, which can pump water directly with a minimum pressure of 30 Psi at the well outlet, are the most appropriate. The control head consists of valves to regulate discharge and pressure in the entire system. A 200 liter pressurized vessel with an inlet and outlet is used to inject soluble nutrients into irrigation water with a 140 mesh screen filter to clean water from any debris and undissolved nutrients, and it includes gauges to indicate the correct pressure of the system. Usually a locally manufactured PVC pipe connecting different sub-mains is used as a main line. The sub-main supplies water to the laterals on one or both sides. The laterals supply water to the emitters - pipes laid on the ground's surface to receive water from the sub-main. Each lateral has a stopper flushing facility at the end. Water drips from the emitters at a constant low discharge from the lateral to the atmosphere. The trickle irrigation offers marked advantage to the farmers. Due to the slow rate of water application, the extent of penetration increases in problem soils. Water savings are made due to the application of water around the root zone, especially when trees are young. Frequent light water applications can maintain soil water within a narrow range, usually closer to soil field capacity, and this enhances growth and increases yields. Because irrigated areas are limited, weed growth is reduced. This system permits nutrient induction (fertigation) to the plant root zone in automatic and accurately controlled quantities. It allows much easier, more efficient, and economic control of weeds and pests. Could be used successfully on fields with great slopes where traditional surface irrigation cannot be applied. There is a highly efficient water application, i.e., 90 per cent. One of the major disadvantages of the system is that it is a costly system and unfordable for small landholders. Most growers are reluctant to plant orchards on all of their land, and they also practice inter cropping until trees start fruiting. This inter cropping of certain vegetables and melons gives growers a good cash return until their orchards start bearing fruit, but it is a key constraint in the adoption of this system. Drip irrigation results in the accumulation of tons of salt at the outer edges of wet soil, especially in areas of low rainfall. The emitters are susceptible to blockage.

Delay Action Dams (DADs) Tillage operations in Balochistan, Pakistan depend largely on irrigation using groundwater by tube well, karez irrigation, and flood irrigation by spreading the flood water from hill torrents. In recent years, excessive groundwater exploitation by tube wells for irrigation, corresponding with rapid expansion of orchards, has caused considerable lowering of the groundwater table. Simultaneously, a mismanagement of watershed areas followed by a sharp decline in vegetable cover is accelerating runoff with diminished natural groundwater recharge. To avert the risk of completely exhausting underground water resources within a few decades, delay action dams (DADs) were constructed to induce artificial recharge. DADs recharge groundwater using flood water. Components of the system are as follows :A DAD is constructed just within the hills where a river or creek with its flood water enters any gravelly fan. Using modern technology to construct a huge embankment, a large reservoir is created. This reservoir is located on river alluvium in transition to a fan. The stored water is supposed to infiltrate and percolate to the groundwater. Unfortunately, DADs are silting up rapidly so that the stored water tends to become finite, with water evaporating rather than infiltrating. Recharge Dams Irrigation department has the sole responsibilities of establishing small dams and reservoirs to recharge the basin and to mitigate floodwater. Since its inception in 1983 in Mustung, Irrigation department has established 19 small dams and reservoirs. In 1987, Amaj dam was built with the financial support of international donors which has contributed to the rising of water table in the areas adjacent to the dam. PHED water supply schemes comprising of tube wells have been dug in the foot of dam, where 24 hour water supply is possible. Conclusions As part of ecological conditions of arid zones, population in Mustung have adapted to the scarcity of water and learned the difficult art of surviving under drought. Their strength laid in cooperative system of natural resource management which has been tested to its limit as well as the perennial supply of Karez water dwindled. The karez has been threatened from two directions: by the five-year drought and by tube well drilling that has lowered the water table. The drought has wreaked havoc on the economy

of Baluchistan, destroying communities and livelihoods, and reducing livestock herds by 80%.Out of 300 number of Karezes, 200 have dried up and the socioeconomic organization of water management have fallen apart. In that context, the Karez management has been disrupted with the drying up of karez. However, a significant number of studies on indigenous water management in Baluchistan tends to corroborate the findings of the present study based on intensive field research that there is a adequate demand for indigenous water resource management among the communities in district Mustung. In the community dialgues conducted by NRSP among 160 villages in the district, management of water resources through karez technology was identified as the key priority by almost all communities. The overwhelming support for rehabilitation of Karez among the communities, is contrasted with almost total disregard for indigenous techniques, by the water management agencies. On the other hand, the state managers of water resources, such as Irrigation department, lack wellqualified, trained and experienced personnel. The existing staff is mostly busy in the operation and maintenance of the ongoing schemes thus finding little time to conduct technical surveys, and plan and design new projects. The department relies on out-dated equipments. Library facilities and computerized access to data are non-existent. The data generated is scanty and has to be often guessed or extrapolated in the design of water development projects. This is one of the major constraints in estimation, scientific planning and sustainable development of water resources in the province.